THE second Volume OF THE Ecclesiastical History, containing the ACTS AND MONUMENTS of Martyrs, with a General discourse of these latter Persecutions, horrible troubles and tumults stirred up by Romish Prelates in the Church, with divers other things incident, especially to this Realm of England and Scotland, is partly also to all other foreign nations appertaining, from the time of K●ng HENRY the VIII. to Queen ELIZABETH our gracious Lady now reigning  
Newly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by 〈…〉 JOHN FOXE 15●●  
AT LONDON Printed by john Day dwelling over Aldergate.  
Cum 〈…〉    

❧ Here followeth the second Volume AND THE VII. BOOK, BEGINNING WITH THE REIGN OF KING henry THE EIGHT.  

Anno. 1509.  AS touching the civil state and administration of the Common wealth, and likewise of the state of the Church, under the reign of king Henry 7. how he entered first in possession of the crown: how the two houses of York and Lancaster were in him conjoined through marriage with Elizabeth the eldest daughter to King Edward 4. by the prudent counsel of john Morton then Bishop of Ely, 
Notes summarely collected and repeated of things done in the time of K. Henry the seventh.  after Archbishop of Canterbury, and Cardinal: how long the said King reigned, and what persecution was in his time for lack of search and knowledge of God's word, both in the diocese of Lincoln under bishop Smith (who was erector of the house of Brazen nose in Oxford) as also in the diocese of Coventrie, and other places more: and further, what punishment and alteration God commonly sendeth upon cities and realms public for neglecting the safety of his flock, sufficiently in the former book hath been already specified: Wherein many things more amply might have been added, incident in the reign of this Prince, which we have for brevity pretermitted. For he that studieth to comprehend in story all things, which the common course & use of life may offer to the writer, may sooner find matter to occupy himself, then to profit other. Otherwise I might have inferred mention of the seditions tumult of Perkin Werbecke, with his retinue, Anno 1494. also of Blackheath field by the Black smith, An. 1496. 
Perkin Werbeck which feigned himself to be K. Edward's son.  I might also have recited the glorious commendation of Georgius Lilius in his Latin Chronicle testifying of King Henry 7. how he sent three solemn Orators to Pope julius 2. to yield his obedience to the sea of Rome. An. 1506. and likewise how Pope Alexander 9 Pius 3. and julius 2. sent to the said king Henry 7. three sundry famous Ambassadors which tree sword, and three caps of maintenance, 
Black heath field.  electing and admitting him to be the chief defender of the faith. The commendation of which fact, how glorious it is in the eyes of Georgius Lilius, and Fabian, that I leave to them. This I suppose, that when King Henry sent to Pope julius three Orators, with obedience, if he had sent him three thousand harquebuziers to furnish his field against the French king fight at Ravenna, he had pleased pope julius much better. If Georgius Lilius had been disposed to illustrate his story with notes, this had been more worthy the noting, 
Ex Masseo lib. 20.  how Ludovic 12. French king calling his Parliament, moved this question against Pope julius: whether a Pope might invade any Prince by warlike force, without cause, and whether the prince might withdraw his obedience from that Pope, or not? And it was concluded in the same Parliament with the king, against the Pope. Also it was concluded the same time (which was in the reign of this king Henry 7). that the 
* Pragmatica sanctio was a practising, or a determination of a certain parliament in France against the Bishop of Rome, in defence of certain matters of religion concluded in the council of basil.  Pragmatical sanction should be received in full force and effect, through all the realm of France.  
And for so much as we are fallen into the mention of Georgius Lilius, this in him is to be found not unworthy noting, how after the burning of Thomas Norice, above mentioned, pag. 775. at the city of Norwich, that the same year followed such a fire in Norwich, that the whole City, well near, was therewith consumed. Ex Geor Lilio. Like as also after the burning of the foresaid good aged father in Smithfield, 
A note of God's plagues following the burning of his people.  the same year (which was 1500.) we read in the Chronicle of Fabian a great plague to fall upon the City of London, to the great destruction of the inhabitants thereof. Wherein again is to be noted (as is aforesaid) that according to the state of the church, the disposition of the common wealth commonly is guided, either to be with adversity afflicted, or else in prosperity to flourish. But after these notes of King Henry 7. now to the story of king Henry 8.  
This king Henry 7. finishing his course in the year abovesaid, which was 1509. had by Elizabeth his wife above named, 
The children & offspring of king Henry .7.  four men children, and of women children as many. Of whom 3. only survived: to wit, prince Henry, Lady Margarete, and Lady Mary. Of whom King Henry the eight after his father succeeded. Lady Margaret was married to james the fourth king of Scots. 
Lady Margaret married to king james 4. of Scotland. Lady Margaret married to the K. of Castille. Prince Arthur married to Lady Katherine daughter to the Spanish king. The death of Prince Arthur. K. Henry marrieth Lady Katherine his brother's wife.  Lady Mary was affied to Charles king of Castille.  
Not long before the death of king Henry, prince Arthur his elder son had espoused Lady Katherine daughter to Ferdinandus, being of the age of 15. years, and she about the age of 17. and shortly after his marriage, within 5. months, departed at Ludlowe, and was buried at Worcester. After whose decease the succession of the Crown fell next to king Henry the 8. being of the age of 18. years, who entered his reign the year of our Lord 1509. and shortly after married with the foresaid Katherine, his late brother Prince Arthur's wife, to the end, that her dowry being great, should not be transported out of the land. In the which his marriage being more politic, than Scripture like, he was dispensed with by pope julius, at the request of Ferdinandus her father. The reign of this king continued with great nobleness and fame, 
Blind dispensations of the Pope.  the space of 38. years. During whose time and reign was great alteration of things, as well to the civil state of the Realm, as especially to the state Ecclesiastical, and matters of the Church appertaining. For by him was exiled and abolished out of the Realm, the usurped power of the Bishop of Rome, idolatry and superstition somewhat repressed, Images and pilgrimages defared, Abbeys and monasteries pulled down, Sects of religion rooted out, Scriptures reduced to the knowledge of the vulgarr tongue, and the state of the Church and religion redressed. Concerning all which things, in the process of this volume here following, we will endeavour (Christ willing) particularly and in order to discourse: after that first we shall comprehend a few matters, which within the beginning of his reign are to be noted and collected. Where, leaving of to write of Empson and Dudley, who in the time of king Henry 7. being great doers in executing the penal laws over the people at that time, and purchasing thereby more malice than lands, with that which they had gotten, were shortly after the entering of this king beheaded, the one a Knight, the other an Esquire: leaving also to intermeddle with his wars, triumphs, and other temporal affairs, we mean in this volume principally to bestow our travail in declaration of matters concerning most chief the state of the Church and of religion, as well in this Church of England, as also of the whole Church of Rome.  
Wherein first cometh to our hands a turbulent tragedy, and a fierce contention, which long before had troubled the Church, and now this present year 1509. was renewed afresh between two certain orders of begging friars, to wit, the Dominike friars, and the franciscans, about the Conception of the virgin mary, the mother of Christ.  
The franciscans were they, which did hold of S. Frances, 
Franciscane Friars.  & followed the rule of his testament commonly called Grey friars, or Minorites. Their opinion was this: that the virgin Mary prevented by the grace of the holy Ghost was so sanctified, 
Dominicke Friars.  that she was never subject one moment in her conception, to Original sin. The Dominike Friars were they, which holding of dominic, were commonly called Black friars, or preaching friars. Their opinion was, that the virgin Mary was conceived, as all other children of Adam be: so that this privilege only belongeth to Christ, to be conceived without Original sin: notwithstanding the said blessed virgin was sanctified in her mother's womb, and purged from her Original sin, so as was john Baptist, jeremy, or any other privileged person. This frivolous question kindling and gendering between these two sects of friars, braced out in such a flame of parts and sides taking, that it occupied the heads and wits, schools, and universities almost through the whole Church, some holding one part with Scotus, 
A troublous dissension in the Church for the conception of the Virgin Mary.  some the other part with Thom. Aquine. The Minorites holding with Scotus their master, disputed and concluded, that she was conceived without all spot or note of Original sin, and thereupon caused the feast and service of the conception of S. Marry the virgin to be celebrated and solemnised in the Church. Contrary, the Dominike Friars taking side with Aquinas, 
Whether the Virgin Mary was conceived without original sin.  preached that it was heresy to affirm that the blessed virgin was conceived without the guilt of Original sin: and that they which did celebrate the feast of her Conception, or said any Masses thereof, did sin grievously and mortally.  
In the mean time as this fantasy waxed hot in the church, the one side preaching against the other, came pope Sixtus 4. Anno 1476. who joining side with the Minorites or franciscans, first sent forth his decree by authority Apostolic, willing, ordaining, and commanding all men to solemnise this new found feast of the conception in holy Church for evermore: offering to all men and women, 
A new found feast of the conception of the virgin Mary.  which devoutly frequenting the church, would hear mass and service from the first evensong of the said feast, to the Octaves of the same, as many days of pardon, as Pope Urbane the 4. and Pope Mactin the 5. did grant for hearing the service of Corpus Christi day. etc. and this Decree was given and dated at Rome. An. 1476.  
Moreover the same Pope, to the intent that the devotion of the people might be the more encouraged to the celebration of this Conception, he added a clause more to the ave Maria, 
A new ave Maria of the Pope's making.  granting great indulgence and release of sins to all such as would invocate the blessed virgin, with the same addition, saying thus: ave Maria gratia plena, Dominus tecum, benedicta tu in mulieribus, & benedictus fructus ventris tui jesus Christus, & benedicta sit Anna matter tua de qua sine macula, tua processit caro virginea. Amen. That is, Hail Marry full of grace, the Lord is with thee, blessed art thou among women, & blessed is the fruit of thy womb, jesus Christ: 
The Pope addeth to the words of the scripture.  and blessed is Anna thy mother, of whom thy virgins flesh hath proceeded without blot of original sin. Amen.  
Wherein thou mayst note (gentle reader) for thy learning three things: First how the Pope turneth that unproperly into a prayer, which properly was sent of God for a message or tidings. Secondly, how the Pope addeth to the words of the Scripture, 
3. absurdities to be noted in this decree of the pope.  contrary to the express precept of the Lord. Thirdly, how the Pope exempteth mary the blessed virgin, not only from the seed of Abraham and Adam, but also from the condition of a mortal creature. For if there be in her no original sin, than she beareth not the Image of Adam, neither doth she descend of that seed, of whose seed evil proceedeth upon all men and women to condemnation, as S. Paul doth teach. Rom. 5. Wherefore if she descend of that seed, 
Rom. 5.  than the infection of Original evil must necessarily proceed unto her. If she descend not thereof, then cometh she not of the seed of Abraham, nor of the seed of David. etc. Again, seeing that death is the effect and stipend of sin, by the doctrine of S. Paul. Roma. 6. then had her flesh injury by the law (as Christ himself had) to suffer the malediction and punishment of death, 
Rom. 6.  and so should never have died, if original sin had no place in her. etc. But to return unto our story: This constitution of the Pope being set forth for the conception of the blessed virgin, which was the year of our Lord 1476. it was not long after, but the said Pope Sixtus perceiving that the Dominike friars with their complices would not conform themselves hereunto, 
The tenor of the pope's Bull for the conception of the virgin to be without original sin.  directed forth by the authority Apostolical, a Bull, in effect as followeth.  
Sane cum sancta Romana ecclesia de intemeratae semperque virgins. etc. In English. Whereas the holy Church of Rome hath ordained a special and proper service for the public solemnising of the feast of the conception of the blessed virgin Mary: certain orders of the Black friars in their public sermons to the people in divers places, have not ceased hitherto to preach and yet daily do, that all they which hold or affirm the said glorious virgin to have been conceived without original sin, be heretics: and they which celebrate the service of the said her conception, or do hear the sermons of them which do so affirm, do sin grievously: also not contented herewith, do write and set forth books moreover, maintaining their assertions, to the great offence and ruin of godly minds: We therefore to prevent and withstand such presumptuous and perverse assertions, which have risen, and more hereafter may arise by such opinions and preachings aforesaid, in the minds of the faithful: by the authority Apostolical, do condemn, and reprove the same, and by the motion, knowledge and authority aforesaid, decree and ordain, that the preachers of God's word, and all other persons of what state, degree, order, or condition soever they be, which shall presume to dare affirm or preach to the people these foresaid opinions and assertions to be true, or shall read, hold, or maintain any such books for true, having before intelligence hereof, shall incur thereby the sentence of excommunication: from which they shall not be absolved otherwise then by the bishop of Rome, except only in the time of death. This Bull being dated the year of our Lord. 1483. gave no little heart and encouragement to the grey Friars franciscans, which defended the pure conception of the holy virgin, against the black Dominicke friars, with their confederates, holding the contrary side. By the vigour of which Bull, the Grey order had got such a conquest of the Black guard of the Dominikes, that the said Dominikes were compelled at length for a perpetual memorial of the triumph, both to give to the glorious virgin every night an Anthem in praise of her Conception, and also to subscribe unto their doctrine: In which doctrine these, with divers other points be contained.  
1 That blessed Mary the virgin suffered the griefs and adversities of this life, 
Ex lod. Clitoveo de puricate conceptionis. Lib. 2.  not for any necessity inflicted for punishment of Original sin: but only because she would conform herself to the imitation of Christ.  
2 That the said virgin, as she was not obliged to any punishment due for sin, 
Filthy absurdities in the Pope's doctrine.  as neither was Christ her son: so she had no need of remission of sins, but in steed thereof had the divine preservation of God's help, keeping her from all sin: which grace only she needed, and also had it.  
3 Item, that where the body of the virgin Mary was subject to death, and died: this is to be understand to come not for any penalty due for sin, but either for imitation and conformity unto Christ, 
How the virgin Mary was subject to death after the friars opinions  or else for the natural constitution of her body being elemental, as were the bodies of our first parents: who if they had not tasted of the forbidden fruit, should have been preserved from death, not by nature, but by grace & strength of other fruits and meats in Paradise. Which meats, because Mary had not, but did eat our common meats, therefore she died, and not for any necessity of Original sin. Clitovaeus lib. ●. cap. 2.  
4 The universal proposition of S. Paul, which saith that the Scripture hath concluded all men under sin, is to be understand thus, as speaking of all them which be not exempted by the special privilege of God, as is the blessed virgin Mary.  
5 If justification be taken for reconciliation of him that was unrighteous before, and now is made righteous: them the blessed virgin is to be taken, not for justified by Christ, but just from her beginning by preservation.  
6 If a saviour be taken for him, which saveth men fallen into perdition & condemnation, so is not Christ saviour of Mary, but is her savour only in this respect, for sustaining her from not falling into condemnation, etc.  
7 Neither did the virgin Mary give thanks to God, nor ought so to do, for expiation of her sins, but for her conservation from case of sinning.  

Good stuff  8 Neither did she pray to God at any time for remission of her sins, but only for remission of other men's sins she prayed many times, and counted their sins for hers.  
9 If the blessed virgin had deceased before the Passion of her son, God would have reposed her soul not in the place among the patriarchs, or among the just, but in the same most pleasant place of Paradise, where Adam and Eve was, before they transgressed.  
These were the doting dreams and fantasies of the Franciscans & of other papists, commonly then holden in the schools, written in their books, preached in their sermons, taught in churches, 
* 
The grey friars had made a picture of joachim & Anna kissing by the which kiss Anna wa● conceived with Mary.  
Ex Rob. Lycid, Minorita.   and set forth in pictures. So that the people was taught nothing else almost in the pulpits all this while, but how the virgin Mary was conceived immaculate, and holy without Original sin, and how they ought to call to her for help, whom they with special terms do call the way of mercy: the mother of grace: the lover of piety: the comforter of mankind: the continual intercessor for the salvation of the faithful: and an advocate to the king her son, which never ceaseth. etc. Verba Papae Sixti in Decret. And although the greatest number of the scholedoctours were of the contrary faction, as Peter Lombardus, Thom. Aquine, Bernandus, Bonaventura, and other: yet these new papists shifted of their objections with frivolous distinctions and blind evasions, as thus: Petrus Lombardus, 
Idolatry to the blessed virgin.  they said, is not received nor held in the schools, as touching this article, but is rejected: Clitoveus lib. 2. cap. 15.  
Bernardus in Epist add Lugdunens'. although he seemeth to deny the conception of the blessed virgin to be void of Original sin, 
Objections popishly soluted.  saying that she could not be holy when she was not, and lived not: to this they answer, that all be it she was yet in essence, not yet she was holy in her conception, and before her conception in the divine presence of God, which had chosen & preelected her before the worlds, to be the mother of the Lord.  
Again where Bernard doth argue, that she was not without original sin conceived, because she was not conceived by the holy Ghost, to this they answer: That the holy Ghost may work two ways in conception: either without company of man, and so was Christ only conceived: or else with company and help of man, and thus was the blessed virgin conceived. Clit. lib. 2. cap. 14.  
Bonaventura (say they) was an holy father, but he spoke then after the custom and manner of his time, when as the solemnity and purity of this conception was not yet decreed nor received by the public consent and authority of the church, 
Popish belief and doctrine goeth by time.  now seeing the authority of the church of Rome hath established the same, it ought not to be contraried, nor can, without dangerous disobedience. In all men's actions, diligent respect of time must be had. That which bindeth not at one time, afterward the same by law being ratified, may bind at an other. Ibid.  
Finally for the number and multitude on the contrary side, thus they answer for themselves, 
Verity consists not in number of voices. Not victory in multitude of soldiers.  as we now in these our days likewise in defence of the truth may well answer against the Pope and all his popish Friars, turning their own weapons against themselves: Multitude, say they, ought not to move us. victory consisteth not in number and heaps, but in fortitude and hearts of soldiers: yea rather fortitude and stomach cometh from heaven, and not of man. judas Machabeus with a little handful, overthrew the great army of Antiochus. Strong Samson with a poor Ass' bone slew a thousand Philistines. David had no more but a silly sling, & a few stones, and with these stroke down terrible Goliath the Giant. etc. Lib. eod. cap. 13.  
With these and such other like reasons, the grey Franciscans voided their adversaries, defending the conception of the virgin Mary to be unblemished, and pure from all contagion of Original sin. contrariwise the Black guard of the Dominike friars, for their parts were not all mute, but laid lustily from them again, having great authorities, and also the Scripture on their side. But yet the other having the sea Apostolical with them, had the better hand, 
The Pope's side stronger than the scripture.  and in fine gate the victory triumphantly over the other, to the high exaltation of their order. For Pope Sixtus (as I said) by the authority Apostolical, after he had decreed the conception day of the virgin perpetually to be sanctified, and also with his terrible Bull had condemned for heretics all them which withstood the same: the Dominicke Friars with authority oppressed, were driven to two inconveniences, the one was, to keep silence, the other was, to give place to their adversaries the franciscans. All be it where the mouth durst not speak, yet the heart would work: and though the tongue were tied, yet their good will was ready by all means possible to maintain their quarrel, and their estimation.  
Whereupon it happened the same year of our Lord 1509. after this dissension between the Dominike Friars, 
Anno. 1509.  & the franciscans, that certain of the dominics thinking by subtle sleight to work in the people's heads, 
Ex Casparo Peucero Chron. lib. 5. Ex Sebast. Munster. Cosmog. Lib. 3.  that which they durst not achieve with open preaching, devised a certain Image of the virgin, so artificially wrought, that the Friars by privy gins made it to stir, & to make gestures, to lament, to complain, to weep, to groan, & to give answers to them that asked: in somuch that the people therewith were brought in a marvelous persuasion, till at length the fraud being espied, 
4 Friars burned at Berne.  the Friars were taken, condemned, and burned at Berne, the year above mentioned. 1509. Ex Peucer. Sebast. Munstero, Carione, & alijs. In the Centuries of john Bale, I find their names to be joannes Vetter, Franciscus Vliscus, Stephanus Bolizhorst, and Henricus Steinegger.  
In the story of joh. Stumfius, this story aforesaid doth partly appear: but in the Registers and Records of the City of Berne, the order and circumstance thereof is more fully expressed and set forth both in metre and prose, and is thus declared.  

Ex Histor. Fer●ensi conscripta vulgari et latino sermone.  In the City of Berne there were certain Dominike friars, to the number chief of 4. principal doers, and chieftains of that Order, who had inveigled a certain simple poor friar, who had newly planted himself in the cloister: whom the foresaid Friars had so infatuated with sundry superstitions, & feigned apparitions of S. Maria, S. Barbara, and S. Catherina, and with their enchantments, and imprinting moreover in him the wounds of S. Frances, that he believed plainly, that the virgin Mary had appeared to him, and had offered to him a red host consecrated, with the blood also of Christ miraculous: which blessed virgin also had sent him to the senators of Berne, with instructions, declaring unto them, from the mouth of the virgin, that she was conceived in sin, & that the Franciscane friars were not to be credited nor suffered in the city, which were not yet reform from that erroneous opinion of her conception. He added moreover that they should resort to a certain image there of the virgin Mary (which image the Friars by engines had made to sweat) & should do their worship, & make their oblations to the same. etc.  
This feigned devise was not so soon forged by the Friars, but it was assoon believed of the people: so that a great while the red coloured host was taken undoubtedly for the true body and blood of Christ, and certain coloured drops thereof sent abroad to divers noble personages and estates for a great relic, and that not without great recompense. Thus the deceived people in great number came flocking to the image, and to the red host, and coloured blood, with manifold gifts and oblations. In brief, the Dominike friars so had wrought the matter, and had so swept all the fat to their own beards, from the order of the franciscans, that all the alms came to their box. The franciscans seeing their estimation to decay, and their kitchen to wax cold, and their paunches to be pinched, not able to abide that contumely, & being not ignorant or unacquainted with such counterfeited doings (for as the Proverb sayeth. It is ill halting before a cripple) eftsoons espied their crafty juggling, and detected their fraudulent miracles. Whereupon the 4. chief captains above named were apprehended, and put to the fire: of whom the Provincial of that order was one.  
And thus much touching the beginning & end of this tumultuous and popish tragedy: wherein evidently it may appear to the Reader, how neither these turbulent friars could agree among themselves, 
Friars neither can agree with themselves nor yet do disagree but in vain trifles.  and yet in what frivolous trifles they wrangled together. But to let these ridiculous friars pass, with their trifling fantasies, most worthy to be derided of all wise men: in the mean time this is to be lamented, to behold the miserable times of the Church, in which the devil kept the minds of Christ's people so attentive and occupied in such friarly toys, that nothing else almost was taught or heard in the church, but only the commendation and exaltation of the virgin Mary. 
The miserable blindness of the time considered.  But of our justification by faith, of grace and the promises of God in Christ, of the strength of the law, of the horror of sin, of difference between the law and the Gospel, of the true liberty of conscience. etc. no mention or very little was heard. Wherefore in this so blind time of darkness, it was much needful and requisite, that the Lord of his mercy should look upon his church, & send down his gracious reformation, which also he did. For shortly upon the same, thorough the gracious excitation of God, came Martin Luther, of whom the order of story now requireth that we should and will entreat (Christ willingly) after the story of Richard Hun, and a few other things premised, for the better opening of the story to follow.  
Mention was made sufficiently before of the doings of Pope julius, 
Anno. 1510.  and of his warlike affairs, for the which he was condemned, and not unjustly in the council of Turone in France, 
Pope julius playeth the warrior.  Anno 1510. and yet all this could not assuage the furious affection of this pope, but the same year he invaded the City of Mutina and Mirandula in Italy, 
Anno. 1512.  and took them by force of war. Which Pope julius not long after, 
The Pope overcome in Battle  in the year of our Lord 1512. refusing peace offered by Maximilian the Emperor, was encountered by jews the French king, about Ravenna, upon Easter day, where he was vanquished, and had of his army slain to the number of xuj. thousand. Ex Chron. carrion. And the year next following. Anno 1513. this Apostolical warrior, 
Anno. 1513.  which had resigned his keys unto the river of Tibris before, made an end together both of fight, and living, 
The death of Pope julius.  after he had reigned and fought x. years. Atter whom succeeded next in the sea of Rome, Pope Leo the 10. About the compass of which time, 
Pope Leo, x  great mutations and stirs began to work, as well in states temporal, as especially in the state of the Church.  
Pope Leo 10. in Rome. An. 1513. reigned. 
9 
The state & succession of Princes.   Charles 5. Emperor in Germany. An. 1519. reigned. 
39  France's K. of France. An. 1515. reigned. 
32.  Henry 8. K. of England. An. 1509. reigned. 
38.  james 5. K. of Scotland. An. 1514. reigned. 
   
In the time of which Pope, Emperor, and kings of England, and of France, great alterations, troubles, and turns of religion were wrought into the Church, by the mighty operation of God's hand in Italy, France, Germany, England, and all Europe, such as have not been seen (although much groaned for) many hundredth years before: as in further discourse of this history (Christ willing) more manifestly shall appear.  
But before we come to these alterations, taking the time as it lieth before us, we will first speak of Richard Hun, and certain other godly minded persons here in England afflicted for the word of Christ's Gospel in great multitude, as they be found and taken out of the Registers of Fitziames' Bishop of London, by the faithful help and industry of R. Carket citizen of London.  

The history of divers good men and women, persecuted for religion in the City and Diocese of the Bishop of London, briefly extracted out of the Registers of Richard Fitziames'.  
Amongst and beside the great number of the faithful martyrs and professors of Christ, that constantly in the strength of the holy Ghost, gave their lives for the testimony of his truth, 
Ex Registro Fitziames'.  I find recorded in the Register of London, between the years of our Lord. 1509. and 1527. the names of divers other persons both men and women: who in the fullness of that dark and misty times of ignorance, had also some portion of God's good spirit which induced them to the knowledge of his truth and Gospel, and were diversly troubled, persecuted, and imprisoned for the same: notwithstanding by the proud, cruel and bloody rage of the Catholic seat, and through the weakness and frailty of their own nature (not then fully strengthened in God) it was again in them, for the time, 
The profession of the Protestants no new doctrine.  suppressed and kept under, as appeareth by their several abiurations made before Richard Fitziames' then bishop of London (in his time a most cruel persecutor of Christ's church) or else before his vicar general deputed for the same. And for as much as many of the adversaries of God's truth, have of late days disdainfully and braggingly cried out, and made demands in their public assemblies and yet do, ask where this our church and religion was within these 50. or 60. years: I have thought it not altogether vain, somewhat to stop such lying crackers, both by mentioning their names, and likewise opening some of the chief and principal matters, for which they were so unmercifully afflicted and molested, thereby to give to understand, as well the continuance and consent of the true church of Christ in that age, touching the chief points of our faith, though not in like perfection of knowledge and constancy in all: as also by the way, something to touch what fond and frivolous matters the ignorant Prelates shamed not in that time of blindness to object against the poor & simple people, accounting them as heinous and great offences, yea, such as deserved death both of body and soul. But lest I should seem too prolix and tedious herein, I will now briefly proceed with the story, and first begin with their names, which are these.  

Anno. 1510.  
joanne Baker.  
William Pottyer.  
john Forge.  
Thomas Goodred.  
Thomas Walker, alias Talbot.  
Thomas Forge.  
Alyce Forge.  
john Forge, their son.  
William Couper.  
jews john.  
joanne john.  
John Webbe, alias Baker. 
Anno. 1512.   
john Household.  
Robert Rascal▪ 
Anno. 1517.   
Elizabeth Stanford.  
George Browne. 
Anno. 1518.   
john Wykes.  
Richard Butler.   

Anno. 1511.  
john Caluerton.  

Anno. 1521  john Woodrofe.  
Richard Woolman.  
Roger Hyllyar.  

Anno. 1521.  Alyce Couper.  

Anno. 1523.  Thomas Austye.  
joanne Austye.  
Thomas Grant.  
john Garter.  

Anno. 1526.  Christofer Ravens.  
Dionise Ravens.  

Anno. 1527.  Thomas Vincent.  
Richard Butler.  
john Samme.  
William King.  
Robert Durdant.  
Henry Woolman.  
Edmond Spilman.  
john Higges, aliâs Noke, aliâs johnsonne.  
Henry Chambers.  
john Hynggyns.  
Thomas Egleston.    

Here followeth the particular examination of all these here above named.  
To these were divers and sundry particular Articles, (besides the common and general sort accustomably used in such cases) privately objected, even such as they were then accused of either by their curate, or other their neighbours. And because I think it somewhat superfluous to make any large recital of all and every part of their several process: I mind therefore briefly only to touch so many of their articles as may be sufficient to induce the Christian Reader to judge the sooner of the rest: being (I assure you) of no greater importance, than these that follow: Except that sometime they were charged most slanderously with horrible and blasphemous lies, against the majesty and truth of God, which as they utterly denied, so do I now for this present keep secret in silence, 
Ex Regist. Rich Fitziames'.  as well for brevities sake, as also somewhat to colour & hide the shameless practices of that lying generation. But to our purpose.  
THe chiefest objection against joanne Baker, was, that she would not only herself not reverence the Crucifix: 
joanne Baker.  but had also persuaded a friend of hers lying at the point of death, not to put any trust or confidence in the Crucifix, but in God which is in heaven, who only worketh all the miracles that be done, and not the dead Images, that be but stocks and stones: 

Against worshipping of the crucifix or cross.  
Testimony for the Lady young Mart.   and therefore she was sorry, that ever she had gone so often on Pilgrimage to S. Saviour and other Idols. Also, that she did hold opinion that the Pope had no power to give pardons, & that Lady Young (who was not long before that time burned, died a true martyr of God, and therefore she wished of God, that she herself might do no worse than the said Lady Young had done.  
Unto William Pottyer, besides divers other false and slanderous articles (as that he should deny the benefit and effect of Christ's passion) it was also alleged that he should affirm, 
William Pottier. False slander of the adversaries.  that there were six Gods. The first three was the holy Trinity, the father, the son, and the holy Ghost. The fourth was a priest's concubine being kept in his chamber. The fift was the Devil. And the sixth that thing that a man setteth his mind most upon.  
The first part of this Article he utterly denied, confessing most firmly and truly the blessed Trinity to be only one God in one unity of Deity: 
Answer.  as to the other three he answered, that a Priest delighting in his concubine, made her as his God Likewise a wicked person persisting in his sin without repentance, made the Devil his God. And lastly he granted, that he once hearing of certain men, which by the singing and chattering of birds, would seek to know what things were to come, either to themselves or others, said that those men esteemed their birds as Gods: and otherwise he spoke not.  
AMongst the manifold and several articles objected against Thomas Goodred, 
T. Godred. Tho. Walker. Tho. Forge. etc.  Thomas Walker, Thomas Forge, Alyce Forge his wife, john Forge their son, john Caluerton, john Woodrofe, Richard Woolman, and Roger Hilliar (As that they should speak against Pilgrimages, praying unto Saints, and such like, this principally was propounded, that they all denied the carnal and corporal presence of Christ's body and blood in the Sacrament of the altar: 
Against transubstantiation and corporal presence.  and further, had concealed, and consented unto their teachers and instructors of that doctrine, and had not according unto the laws of the Church, accused and presented them unto the Bishop or Ordinary. Also great and heinous displeasure was conceived against Richard Wolman, for that he termed the Church of Paul's, a house of thieves: affirming that Priests, and other Ecclesiastical persons there, were not liberal givers unto the poor (as they ought) but rather takers away from them, what they could get.  
Likewise, as Thomas Austye, joanne Austye his wife, 
Tho. Austy. joan Austy. etc.  Thomas Grant, john Garters, Christofer Ravens, Dionise Ravens his sister, Thomas Uincent, jews john, joan john his wife, & john Webbe, were of one fellowship and profession of faith, with divers of the last before recited: so were they also almost all apprehended about one time, & chief burdened with one opinion of the Sacrament. Which declareth evidently, 
Against transubstantiation, & corporal presence.  that notwithstanding the dark ignorance of those corrupted times, yet God did ever in mercy open the eyes of some, to behold the manifest truth, even in those things, whereof the Papists make now greatest vaunt and brag of longest continuance. Furthermore many of them were charged to have spoken against Pilgrimages: & to have read and use certain English books, repugning the faith of the Romish Church: as the four Evangelists, Wickleffes Wicket, a book of the x. commandments of almighty God, the Revelation of S. john, the Epistles of Paul & james, with other like, which those holy ones could never abide, & good cause why: for as darkness could never agree with light, no more can ignorance, the maintainer of that kingdom, with the true knowledge of Christ and his Gospel.  
It was further particularly objected against joanne john, the wife of jews john, 
Against holy days.  that (besides the premises) she learned and maintained, that God commanded no holy days to be kept, but only the Sabbath day, and therefore she would keep none but it, nor no fasting days affirming, that to fast from sin was the true fast. Moreover, that she had despised the Pope, his Pardons, 
Against pilgrimage, and adoration of images  and Pilgrimages: In somuch that when any poor body asked his alms of her in the worship of the Lady of Walsingham, she would strait answer in contempt of the Pilgrimage: the Lady of Walsingham help thee. And if she gave any thing unto him, she would then say: Take this in the worship of our Lady in heaven, and let the other go. Which declareth that for lack of better instruction and knowledge, she yet ignorantly attributed too much honour to the true Saints of God departed: though otherwise she did abhor the idolatrous worshipping of the dead Images. By which example, as also by many others (for shortness sake, at this present omitted) I have just occasion to condemn the wilful subtlety of those, that in this bright shining light of God's truth, would yet under colour of godly remembrance, still maintain the having of Images in the Church, craftily excusing their idolatrous kneeling and praying unto them, by affirming that they never worshipped the dead Images, but the things that the Images did represent. But if that were their only doctrine and cause of having of them, why then would their predecessors so cruelly compel these poor simple people thus openly in their recantations to abjure and renoke their speaking against the gross adoration of the outward Images only, and not against the thing represented? which many of them, (as appeareth partly by this example) in their ignorant implicity, confessed might be worshipped. Howbeit, God be thanked (who ever in his mercy continue it) their colourable and hypocritical excuses can not now take such place in the hearts of the elect of God, as they have done heretofore, especially seeing the word of God doth so manifestly forbidden as well the worshipping of them, as also the making or having of them, for order of Religion.  
IT was alleged against William Couper and Alice Couper his wife, that they had spoken against Pilgrimages, 
William Couper and his wife  & worshipping of Images: but chief the woman, who having her child on a time hurt by falling into a pit or ditch, and earnestly persuaded by some of her ignorant neighbours, to go on Pilgrimage to S. Laurence for help for her child, said that neither S. Laurence, 
Against invocation of dead Images.  nor any other S. could help her child, & therefore none ought to go on Pilgrimage to any Image made with man's hand, but oneto unto almighty God: for Pilgrimages were nothing worth, saving to make the priests rich. Vid. plura inferius.  
Unto john Household, Robert Rascal, 
john Household etc.  and Elizabeth Stamford, as well the Article against the Sacrament of the altar was objected, as also that they had spoken against praying to Saints, & had despised the authority of the Bishop of Rome, and others of his Clergy. 
Against transubstantiation and authority of the Pope.  But especially john Household was charged to have called them Antichristes and whoremongers, and the Pope himself a strong strumpet, and a common band unto the world, who with his Pardons had drowned in blindness all Christian Realms, and that for money.  
ALso among divers other ordinary Articles propounded against George Browne, 
George Brown.  these were counted very heinous & heretical: First, that he had said, that he knew no cause why the Cross should be worshipped, 
Against adoration of the cross.  seeing that the same was an hurt & pain unto our Saviour Christ in the time of his Passion, and not any ease or pleasure, alleging for example, that if he had had a friend hanged or drowned, he would ever after have loved that gallows, or water, (by the which his friend died) rather worse for that, than better. another objection was, that he had erroneously, obstinately, and maliciously said (for so are their words) that the Church was too rich. 
Against immoderate riches of the pope's clergy  This matter, I may tell you, touched somewhat the quick, and therefore no marvel though they counted it erroneous and malicious: for take away their gain, and farewell their religion. They also charged him to have refused holy water to be cast about his chamber, and likewise to have spoken against priests, with other vain matters.  

john Wikes.  THe greatest matter wherewith they burdened john Wikes, was that he had often and of long time kept company with divers persons suspected of heresy (as they termed them) and had received them into his house, and there did suffer and hear them sundry times read erroneous and heretical books, contrary to the faith of the Romish Church, and did also himself consent unto their doctrine: and had many times secretly conveyed them from the taking of such as were appointed to apprehend them.  

joh. Southacke. Rich Butler. etc. Vide inferius. Against the real presence.  LIke as the greatest number of those before mentioned: so were also john Southake, Richard Butler, john Samme, William King, Robert Durdant, and henry Woolman, especially charged with speaking words against the real presence of Christ's body in the Sacrament of the Altar, and also against Images, and the rest of the seven Sacraments. Howbeit, they burdened the last v. persons with the reading of certain English heretical books, accounting most blasphemously the Gospel of jesus Christ, written by the 4. Evangelists, to be of that number, as appeareth evidently by the 8. article objected by Tho. Benet Doctor of law, and Chancellor and vicar general unto Rich. Fitziames' then bishop of London, against the said Rich. Butler. The very words of which article (for a more declaration of truth) I have thought good here to infert: which are these. 
Reading of English books.  Also we object to you, that divers times, and especially upon a certain night, about the space of three years last passed, in Robert Durdantes house of Yuercourt near unto Stanes, you erroneously and damnably read in a great book of heresy of the said Robert Durdants, all that same night, certain chapters of the Evangelists in English, containing in them divers erroneous and damnable opinions and conclusions of heresy, in the presence of the said Robert Durdant, john Butler, Robert Carder, jenkin Butler, William King, and divers other suspect persons of heresy then being present, and hearing your said erroneous lectours and opinions. 
Of these men see more hereafter in the table following.  To the same effect and purpose tended the tenor of some of the Articles propounded against the other four. Whereby (as also by others like before specified) we may easily judge what reverence they which yet will be counted the true and only Church of Christ, did bear to the word and Gospel of Christ: who shamed not to blaspheme the same with most horrible titles of erroneous and damnable opinions, and conclusions of heresy. But why should we marvel thereat, seeing the holy Ghost in sundry places of the Scripture doth declare, that in the latter days there should come such proud and cursed speakers, which shall speak lies through hypocrisy, and have their consciences marked with an hot iron? Let us therefore now thank our heavenly father for revealing them unto us, and let us also pray him, that of his free mercies in his son Christ jesus, he would (if it be to his glory) either turn and mollify all such hearts, or else (for the peace and quietness of his Church) he would in his righteous judgement take them from us.  
About this time Richard Fitziames' ended his life. After whose death, 
The death of Richard Fitziames' bishop of London. Cuthbert Tonstall Bishop of London.  Cuthbert Tunstall (afterwards Bishop of Durham) succeeded in the Sea and Bishopric of London: who soon upon his first entry into the room, minding to follow rightly the footsteps of his predecessor, caused Edmund Spilman priest, Henry Chambers, john Higgins, and Thomas Eglestone, to be apprehended, and so to be examined upon sundry like Articles, as before are expressed, and in the end, either for fear of his cruelty, and the rigour of death, 
The real presence denied.  or else through hope of his flattering promises (such was their weakness) he compelled them to abjure and renounce their true professed faith touching the holy Sacrament of Christ's body and blood: which was, that Christ's corpall body was not in the sacrament, but in heaven, and that the Sacrament was a figure of his body, and not the body itself.  
Moreover, about the same time there were certain articles objected against john Hig, aliâs Noke, aliâs johnson, by the said Bishop's vicar general. Amongst which were these: 
Against a priest to have two benefices.  First, that he had affirmed, that it was as lawful for a temporal man to have two wives at once, as for a priest to have two benefices. Also that he had in his custody a book of the four Evangelists in English, and did often read therein: and that he favoured the doctrines & opinions of Martin Luther, 
Testimony touching M. Luther  openly pronouncing that Luther had more learning in his little finger, then all the doctors in England in their whole bodies: and that all the Priests in the Church were blind, and had led the people the wrong way. Likewise it was alleged against him, that he had denied Purgatory, and had said, that while he were alive he would do as much for himself as he could, for after his death he thought that prayer & alms deeds could little help him.  
These and such like matters were they, wherewith these poor and simple men and women were chief charged, and as heinous heretics excommunicated, imprisoned, and at last compelled to recant: and some of them in utter shame and reproach (besides the ordinary bearing of faggots before the Cross in procession, 
The manner of popish penance.  or else at a Sermon) were enjoined for penance (as they termed it) as well to appear once every year before their ordinary, as also to wear the sign of a faggot painted upon their sleeves or other part of their outward garment; and that during their lives, or so often and long as it pleased their ordinary to appoint. By which long rigorous and open punishing of them, they meant (as it should seem) utterly to terrify and keep back all others from the true knowledge of jesus Christ and his Gospel. But the Lord be evermore praised, what effect their wicked purposes therein have taken, 
The troubles of Helen Heyer. and Robert Barkeway.  these our most lightsome days of Gods glorious Gospel do most joyfully declare.  
THere were also troubled beside these, certain others more simple and ignorant: who having but a very small smake or taste of the truth, did yet at the first (as it may seem) gladly consent unto the same: but being apprehended, they quickly again yielded, and therefore had only assigned them for their penance, the bearing of a little candle before the Cross, without any further open abiuring or recanting. Amongst which I find two especially: the one, a woman called Elene Heyer, to whom it was objected that she had neither confessed herself unto the Priest, nor yet received the Sacrament of the altar by the space of 4. years, and notwithstanding had yearly eaten flesh at Easter, and after, as well as others that had received the same, contrary to the usual manner and conversation of all other Christian people.  
The other was a man named Robert Berkeway who (besides most wicked blasphemies against God, which he utterly denied) was charged to have spoken heinous words against the Pope's holy and blessed Martyr Thomas Becket, calling him micher and thief, for that he wrought by crafts and imaginations.  
Thus have I (as briefly as I could) summarely collected the principal Articles objected against these weak, infirm, and earthy vessels. Not minding hereby to excuse or condemn them in these their fearful falls and dangerous defections: but leaving them unto the unmeasurable rich mercies of the Lord, I thought only to make manifest the unsatiable bloody cruelty of the Pope's kingdom, against the Gospel and true Church of Christ, nothing mitigating their envious rage, no not against the very simple idiots, and that sometime in most frivolous and irreligious cases. But now leaving to say any further herein, I will (by God's grace) go forthward with other somewhat serious matters.   

¶ The death and martyrdom of William Swetyng, and john Brewster.  
IN searching and perusing of the Register, 
Wil Sweting, john Brewster Martyrs.  for the collection of the names & Articles before recited, I find that within the compass of the same years, there were also some others, who after they had once showed themselves as frail & unconstaunt as the rest (being either therewith pricked in conscience, or otherwise zealously overcome with the manifest truth of Gods most sacred word) became yet again as earnest professors of Christ, as ever they were before, and for the same profession were the second time apprehended, examined, condemned, and in the end were most cruelly burned. Of the which number were, William Swetyng, and john Brewster, who were both burned together in Smithfield, the xviij. day of October in the year of our Lord. 1511. the chiefest case of religion alleged against them in their Articles, was their faith concerning the Sacrament of Christ's body and blood. Which because it differed from the absurd, gross, and Caparniticall opinion of the new Schoolmen, was counted as most heinous heresy. 
Against transubstantiation & corporal presence in the Sacrament.  There were other things beside objected against them: as the reading of certain forbidden books, and accompanying with such persons as were suspected of heresy. But one great and heinous offence counted amongst the rest, was their putting & leaving of the painting faggots, which they were at their first abiuring, enjoined to wear, as badges, during their lives, or so long as it should please their Ordinary to appoint, and not to leave them off, upon pain of relapse, until they were dispensed withal for the same. 
The cruel rigour of the Catholic clergy against the professors of the Gospel.  The breach of this injunction was esteemed to be of no small weight, and yet the matter well & thoroughly considered, it seemeth by their confessions, they were both thereunto by necessity enforced. For the one, named Sweting, being for fear of the Bishop's cruelty constrained to wander the countries to get his poor living, came at length unto Colchester, where by the parson of the parish of Mary Magdalen, he was provoked to be the holy water clerk, and in that consideration had that infamous badge first taken away from him. The other (which was Brewster) left off his, at the commandment of the Controller of the Earl of Oxfordes' house: who hiring the poor man to labour in the Earl's household business, would not suffer him, working there, to wear that counterfeit cognisance any longer: so that (as I said) necessity of living seemeth to compel both of them at the first to break that injunction: and therefore if charity had borne as great sway in the hearts of the Pope's Clergy, as did cruelty, this trifle would not have been so heinously taken, as to be brought against them for an article and cause of condemnation to death. But where tyranny once taketh place, as well all godly love, as also all human reason & duties are quite forgotten. Well, to be short, what for the causes before recited, as also for that they had once already abjured, and yet (as they term it) fell again into relapse, they were both (as you have heard) in the end burned together in Smithfielde: although the same parties (as the Register recordeth) did again before their death, fearfully forsake their former revived constancy, and submitting themselves unto the discipline of the Romish Church, craved absolution from their excommunication. Howbeit, because many of the Registers notes & records in such cases may rightly be doubted of, 
Submission would not be taken of the charitable catholics.  and so called into question, I refer the certain knowledge hereof unto the Lord (who is the trier of all truths) and the external judgement unto the godly and discrete reader: Not forgetting yet by the way (if that the report should be true) upon so just an occasion to charge that catholic clergy & their wicked laws, with a more shameless tyranny & uncharitable cruelty than before. For if they nothing stay their bloody malice towards such as so willingly submit themselves unto their mercies: what favour may the faithful and constant professors of Christ look for at their hands? I might here also ask of them how they follow the pitiful and loving admonition, (or rather precept) of our Saviour Christ (whose true and only Church they so stoutly brag to be) who in the 17. chapped. of S. Luke, saith: Though thy brother sin against thee seven times in a day, 
No mercy in the pope's Church.  and seven times in a day turn to thee, saying, It repenteth me: thou shalt forgive him. But what go I about to allure them unto the following of the rule and counsel of him, unto whose word and Gospel they seem most open and utter enemies? Wherefore, not purposing to stay any longer thereupon, I will leave than unto the righteous revengement of the Lord, whereunto let us now here adjoin the story of one john Browne, a good Martyr of the Lord burnt at Ashford, about this fourth year of King Henry the eight, whose story heereunder followeth.   

¶ john Browne father to Richard Browne, which Richard was in prison in Canterbury, and should have been burned with two more besides himself, the next day after the death of Queen Mary, but by the proclaiming of Queen Elizabeth, they escaped.  

joh. Brown burned in Asheforde about the 4. year of king Henry 8.  THe occasion of the first trouble of this john Browne, was by a priest sitting in Gravesend barge. I. Brown being the same time in the barge, came & sat hard by him, whereupon after certain communication, the Priest asked him, dost thou know (said he) who I am, thou sit'st too near me, thou sit'st on my clothes. No sir (said he) I know not what you are. I tell thee I am a Priest. What sir, are ye a Person or vicar, or a Lady's Chaplain. No (quoth he) again, I am a soul priest, I sing for a soul, saith he. Do ye so sir quoth the other, that is well done. I pray you sir, (quoth he) where find you the soul when you go to Mass. I can not tell thee, said the Priest. I pray you where do you leave it sir when the Mass is done. I can not tell thee said the Priest. Neither can you tell where you find it when you go to Mass, nor where you leave it when the Mass is done, how can you then have the soul said he. Go thy ways said the Priest, thou art an heretic, and I will be even with thee. So at the landing, the Priest taking with him Water More, and William More, two Gentlemen brethren, road straightways to the Archb. Warham, whereupon the said john Browne within three days after, his wife being churched the same day, 
Chilten of weigh, a bailie arrant▪ and one Bear of Wilselborough with 2. of the bishops servants set him upon the horse; and so carried him away.  & he bringing in a mess of pottage to the board to his guests, was sent for, and his feet bound under his own horse, & so brought up to Cant. neither his wife, nor he, nor any of his, knowing whether he went, nor whether he should. And there continuing from Lowsonday to the friday before Whitsonday, not knowing to his wife all this while where he was. He was set in the stocks over night, and on the morrow went to death, and was burned at Ashford, an. 1517. The same night as he was in the stocks at Ashford, where he & his w●●e dwelled, his wife then hearing of him, came & sat by him all the night before he should be burned, to whom he declaring the whole story how he was handled, showed & told how that he could not set his feet to the ground, for they were burned to the bones, and told her how by the two Bishops, Warham, & Fisher, his feet were heat upon the hot coals, & burnt to the bones, to make me said he to deny my Lord, which I will never do, for if I should deny my Lord in this world, he would hereafter deny me. I pray thee, said he, therefore good Elizabeth, continue as thou hast begun, and bring up thy children virtuously & in the fear of God, & so the next day on Whitsonday even, this godly Martyr was burned. Standing at the stake this prayer he made holding up his hands, 
O Lord I yield me to thy grace,  
Grant me mercy for my trespass,  
Let never the fiend my soul chase,  
Lord I will bow, and thou shalt beat,  
Let never my soul come in hell heat.  
Into thy hands I commend my spirit, thou hast redeemed me O Lord of truth, and so he ended.   
Ex testimonio Aliciae Browne eius filiae, cuius mariti nomen dicebatur strat. in pa●rochia S. Pulchri.  
At the fire, the said Chilten the bailie Arrant, bade cast in his children also, for they would spring (said he) of his ashes.  
This blessed Martyr john Browne had borne a faggot seven years before in the days of King Henry the 7.  
As it is the property of Satan ever to malice the prosperous estate of the Saints of God, & true professors of Christ: so ceaseth he not continually to stir up his wicked members to the effectual accomplishing of that which his envious nature so greedily desireth: if not always openly by colour of tyrannical laws, yet (at the leastwise) by some subtle practice of secret murder. Which thing doth most plainly appear not only in a great number of the blessed Martyrs of Christ's Church, mentioned in this book, but also, and especially in the discourse of this lamentable history that now I have in hand, concerning the secret & cruel murdering of Richard Hun, whose story here consequently ensueth, decerped and collected partly out of the Registers of London, partly out of a Bill exhibited and denounced in the Parliament house.   

¶ The story of Richard Hun.  
THere was in the year of our lord 
Richard Hun martyr.  1514. one Richard Hun merchant tailor, dwelling within the City of London, & freeman of the same, who was esteemed during his life, & worthily reputed and taken, not only for a man of true dealing, and good substance, but also for a good Catholic man. This Richard Hun had a child at nurse in Middlesex in the Parish of S. Mary Matsilon, which died: 
Anno. 1514.  by the occasion whereof one Thomas Drifield Clerk, being Parson of the said Parish, sued the said Richard Hun in the spiritual Court for a bearing sheet, which the said Thom. Drifield claimed unjustly to have of the said Hun for a mortuary for Steven Hun, son of the said Richard Hun: which Steven being at nurse in the said Parish, died being of the age of .v. weeks and not above. Hun answered him again, that for as much as the child had no propriety in the sheet, he therefore neither would pay it, nor the other ought to have it. Whereupon the Priest moved with a covetous desire, & loath to lose his pretended right, ascited him to appear in the spiritual Court, there to answer the matter. Whereupon the said Rich. Hun being troubled in the spiritual Court, was forced to seek counsel of the learned in the law of this land, & pursued a writ of Praemunire against the said Thomas Drifield, and other his aiders, counsellors, proctor's, and adherents, as by the process thereof is yet to be seen. Which when the rest of the Priestly order heard of, greatly disdaining that any lay man should so boldly enterprise such a matter against any of them, & fearing also, that if they should now suffer this Priest to be condemned at the suit of Hun, there would be thereby ever after, a liberty opened unto all others of the laity to do the like with the rest of the Clergy in such like cases: they straightways, both to stop this matter, and also to be revenged of him, for that he had already done, sought all means they possibly could, how to entrap and bring him within the danger of their own cruel laws: 
The despiteful demeanour of the pope's holy catholics to be noted.  and thereupon making secret and diligent inquisition, & seeking all corners they could against him, at length they found a means how to accuse him of heresy unto Richard Fitziames' then Bishop of London, and so did: Who (desirious to satisfy the revenging and bloody affection of his chaplains) caused thereupon him to be apprehended, and committed unto prison within the Lolards Tower at Paul's, 
Ric. Hun committed to Lollardes' tower.  so that none of his friends might be suffered to come to him. Thus Richard Hun being clapped in the Lolards Tower, shortly after, at the earnest instigation of one Doctor Horsey the Bishop's chancellor (a man more ready to prefer the Clergies cruel tyranny, than the truth of Christ's Gospel) was brought before the Bishop at his manor of Fulham, the second day of December, in the year before mentioned: where within his Chapel he examined him upon these Articles following, collected against him by the said Horsey and his complices.  
First, that he had read, taught, preached, published, and obstinately defended, 
The Articles objected against Richard Hun.  against the laws of almighty God: that tithes, or paying of tithes was never ordained to be due, saving only by the covetousness of priests.  
2 Item, that he had read, taught, preached, published, and obstinately defended: that Bishops and Priests be the Scribes and Pharisees that did crucify Christ, and damned him to death.  
3 Item, that he had read, taught, preached, etc. that Bishops and Priests be teachers and preachers, but no doers, neither fulfillers of the law of God, but catching, ravening, and all things taking, and nothing ministering, neither giving.  
4 Item, where and when one joanne Baker was detected and abjured of many great heresies (as it appeareth by her abjuration) the said Richard Hun said, published, taught, preached, and obstinately took upon him, saying, that he would defend her and her opinions, if it cost him five hundred marks.  
5 Item, afterwards (where and when the said joanne Baker after her abjuration, was enjoined open penance according to her demerits) the said Richard Hun said, published, taught, and obstinately did defend her, saying: the Bishop of London and his officers have done open wrong to the said joanne Baker, in punishing her for heresy: for her sayings and opinions be according to the laws of God: Wherefore the Bishop and his officers are more worthy to be punished for heresy, than she is.  
6 Item, that the said Richard Hun hath in his keeping divers English books, prohibited and damned by the law: as the apocalypse in English, Epistles and Gospels in English, Wickliff's damnable works, and other books containing infinite errors, in the which he hath been long time accustomed to read, teach, and study daily.  
Particular answer unto these several objections, in the Register I find none, saving that next under them, there is written in his name with a contrary hand, these words following: As touching these Articles, I have not spoken them as they be here laid: Howbeit; 
This answer smelleth of forging & crafty packing.  unadvisedly I have spoken words somewhat sounding to the same: for the which I am sorry, and ask God mercy, and submit me unto my Lords charitable and favourable correction. Which they affirm to be written with Huns own hand: but how likely to truth that is, let the discrete wisdom of the reader indifferently judge by the whole sequel of this process. And further, 
Arguments and reasons proving this answer not to be of R. Hun.  if it were his own act, what occasion then had they so cruelly to murder him as they did? seeing he had already so willingly confessed his fault, and submitted himself unto the charitable and favourable correction of the Bishop (for the which even by their own law, in cases of most heinous heresy, he ought to be again received and pardoned, (except perhaps they will account horrible murder, to be but the Bishop's favourable correction. Again it seemeth they had very few credible witnesses to prove certainly that this was his answer and handwriting: for the Register, or some other for him (appointed to record the same) hath certified it, as of hearsay from others, and not of his own proper sight and knowledge, as the words noted in the margin of the book, adjoining to the foresaid answer, plainly do declare, which are these: Hoc fuit scriptum manu propria Richardi Hun, ut dicitur. Now if he had had any sure ground to 'stablish this certificate, I doubt not, but he would (in steed of, ut dicitur) have registered the names of the assistants at the time of his examination, (which he confesseth to be many) as generally they do in all their acts, especially in cases of heresy, as they term it. But how scrupulous those good fellows that spared not so shamelessly to murder him, would be to make a lie of him that was already dead, let (as I said) the indifferent judgement of the godly wise discern.  
¶ A description of the Lolards tower, where M. Rich. Hun was first murdered, then by the said parties hanged, afterward condemned of heresy, and at last burned in Smythfield.  
First, besides the Articles before mentioned (which they affirm were objected against him in his life time) D. Head did now also after his death, 
D. Head promoter of the dead.  collect certain others out of the prologue of his English Bible, remaining then in the Bishop's hands: which he diligently perused, not to learn any good thing therein, but to get thereout such matter, 
Ex Regist. Rich. Fitziames'. London.  as he thought might best serve their cursed purpose: as appeareth by the tenure of the Articles, which are these.  
1 First the said book damneth all holy Canons, calling them ceremonies and statutes of sinful men and uncunning, 
New articles commensed against Hun after his death.  and calleth the Pope Sathanas and Antichrist.  
2 Item, it damneth the Pope's Pardons, saying, they be but leasings.  
3 Item, the said book of Hun saith, that Kings and Lords called christian in name, and heathen in conditions, defoil the Sanctuary of God, bringing clerks full of covetise, heresy, and malice, to stop God's law that it can not be known, kept, and freely preached.  
4 Item, the said book saith, that Lords and Prelates pursue full cruelly them that would teach truly and freely the law of God: and cherish them that preach sinful men's traditions and statutes, by the which he meaneth the holy Canons of Christ's Church.  
5 Item, that poor men and idiots have the truth of the holy Scriptures, more than a thousand Prelates and religious men, and clerks of the school.  
6 Item, that Christian Kings and Lords set Idols in God's house, and excite the people to Idolatry.  
7 Item, that Princes, Lords, and Prelates so doing, be worse than Herode that pursued Christ, and worse than jews and heathen men that crucified Christ.  
8 Item, that every man swearing by our Lady, or any other Saint or creature, giveth more honour to the saints, then to the holy Trinity, and so he saith they be idolaters.  
9 Item, he saith that Saints ought not to be honoured.  
10. Item, he damnethe adoration, prayer, kneeling, & offering to Images, which he calleth stocks and stones.  
11. Item, he saith, that the very body of the Lord is not contained in the Sacrament of the altar, but that men receiving it, shall thereby keep in mind that Christ's flesh was wounded and crucified for us.  
12. Item, he damneth the University of Oxford, with all degrees and faculties in it, as Art, Civil, Canon, and Divinity, saying, that they let the true way to come to the knowledge of the laws of God, and holy Scripture.  
13. Item, he defendeth the translation of the Bible and holy Scripture into the English tongue, 
An holy mother Church which cannot abide the word of God to be translated.  which is prohibited by the laws of our mother holy Church.  
These Articles thus collected, as also the others before specified, they caused for a more show of their pretended justice and innocency, to be openly read the next Sunday following by the Preacher at Paul's Cross, with this Protestation made before.  
☞ masters and friends, for certain causes and considerations, I have in commandment to rehearse, show, & publish here unto you, the Articles of heresy, upon which Richard Hun was detected and examined: 
The Bishop's publication at Paul's cross against R. Hun.  and also other great Articles and damnable points and opinions of heresy contained in some of his books be comen to light and knowledge, here ready to be showed.  
And therewith he read the Articles openly unto the people, concluding with these words:  
And masters, if there be any man desirous to see the specialty of these Articles, or doubt whether they be contained in this book or not, for satisfying of his mind, let him come to my Lord of London, and he shall see it with good will. Moreover, here I counsel and admonish, that if there be any persons, that of their simpleness have been familiar and acquainted with the said Richard Hun in these Articles, or have heard him read upon this book, or any other sounding to heresy, or have any like books their selves, let them come unto my Lord of London betwixt this and Candlemas next, and knowledge their fault, & they shallbe charitably entreated and dealt withal, so that both their goods and honesty shallbe saved: & if they will not come of their own offer, but abide the process of the law, then at their own peril be it, if the rigour of the law be executed against them.  
After which open publication & admonition, the Bishop at sundry times examined divers of his Priests, and other lay persons upon the contents of both these Articles. Among which examinates, there was a man servant and a maid of the said Huns, who although they had of long dwelled with him, were not able to charge him with any great thing worthy reprehension: no, not in such points as the Bishop chief objected, against him. But yet the Priests (through whose procurement this mischief was first begun) spared no whit stoutly and maliciously to accuse him: some in the contents of the first Articles, & some in the second. Wherefore having now (as they thought) sufficient matter against him, they purposed speedily to proceed to his condemnation. 
Ex Registro Fi●ziames. Lond.  And because they would seem to do all things formally, and by prescript order, they first drew out certain short and summary rules, by the which the Bishop should be directed in this solemn Session: which are these.  
1. First, let the Bishop sit in his tribunal seat, in our ladies Chapel.  
2. Secondly, let him recite the cause of his coming, 
Mark the manner of this proceeding.  and take notaries to him, to enact that shallbe there done.  
3. Thirdly, let him declare, how upon Sunday last, at Paul's Cross, he caused to be published a general monition, or denunciation, that all fautors and maintainers of Richard Hun, should come in, as by this day, & submit themselves: and let him signify withal, how certain have come in, and have appeared already.  
4. Fourthly, let him protest & say, that if there remain any yet behind which have not appeared according to the former monition and denunciation: yet if they will come, and appear, and submit themselves, they shallbe heard & received with grace and favour.  
5. Fiftly, let the Bishop or some other at his appointment, recite the Articles objected against Richard Hun, in the time of his life: and then the other Articles likewise, which were out of his great book of the Bible extracted.  
6. Sixtly, let the answers and confessions of the said Richard Hun, summarely be recited, with the Attestations made to the same Articles. Also let his books be exhibited, and then Thomas Brook his servant be called for.  
7. Seuently, let it be openly cried at the Quere door, that if there be any which will defend the articles, opinions, books, or the memory of the said Richard Hun, let them come and appear, and they shall be heard, as the law in that behalf shall require.  
8 Eightly, let it be openly cried, as in manner before, for such as be receivers, favourers, defenders, or believers of the said Richard Hun, that all such do appear and submit themselves to the Bishop, or else he intendeth to proceed to the excommunication of them in general, according to the exigence of the law in that behalf.  
9 Ninthly, than the Bishop speaking to the standers by, and to them which sat with him upon the bench, of the Clergy, demanding of them, what their judgement and opinion is, touching the premises, and whether they think it convenient and agreeable for him to proceed to the sentence against the said Richard Hun, in this part to be awarded.  
10 Tenthly, after their consent and counsel given, let the Bishop read out the sentence.  
11 Finally, after the sentence read, let the Bishop appoint the publication and denunciation of the foresaid sentence, to be read at Paul's Cross or elsewhere, as to him shall seem expedient, with a Citation likewise generally against all them that be receivers, favourers, and believers of the said Hun, to give to understand why he ought not farther to proceed against them, etc.  
Now according to the tenure of these prescripts and rules, the Bishop of London accompanied with the Bishops of Durham and Lincoln, 
A solemn process of Fitziames' Bishop of London against Richard Hun being dead.  sat in judgement the xuj. day of December, than next following, within the place by the same appointed: adjoining also unto them as witnesses of their proceedings, six public Notaries, his own Register, and about xxv. Doctors, Abbots, priors and Priests of name, with a great rabble of other common anointed Catholics. Where after a solemn proclamation made, that if there were any that would defend the opinions and books of Rich. Hun, they should presently appear, and be heard according to law, he commanded all the Articles and objections against Hun, openly to be read before the assembly: and then perceiving that none durst appear in his defence, by the advise of his assistants, he pronounced the sentence definitive against the dead carcase, condemning it of heresy, and therewith committed the same unto the secular power, 
The corpses of Richard Hun burned after his death.  to be by them burned accordingly. Which ridiculous decree was as fond accomplished in Smithfield the xx. day of the same month of December (being full xuj. days after they had thus horribly murdered him) to the great grief and disdain of all the people. And because the Bishop in his sentence definitive useth a more formal and ample order of words, then accustomably is used in others: and also pretendeth full hypocritically in the beginning (as it were by way of induction) divers causes that moved him to proceed against the dead carcase: I thought therefore good, here to insert the same, as a final conclusion of their crafty coloured tragedy: the tenure whereof is this.  
IN Dei nomine, Amen. Cum nuper (pendente sacra synodo & generali prelatorum & cleri provinciae Cantuariensis convocatione, 
The sentence definitive against Richard Hun after his death.  in ecclesia nostra Cathedrali sancti Pauli London, per prelatos & clerum provinciae Cantuariensis actualitèr ibidem exercita) contigisset quod quidam Richardus Hune de parochia sanctae Margaretae in Brigestrete Lond. de & super crimine hereticae pravitatis notatus & diffamatus extitisset: Reverendiss. in Christo pater & dominus dominus Willielmus miseratione divina Cantuariensis Arciepiscopus, totius Angliae primas, & Apostolicae sedis Legatus, ipsius venerabilis caetus & convocationis caput & praesidens, ex vehementibus & violentis (quas contra eundem Richardum Hune super heretica pravitate tunc habebat) presumptionibus contra eundem Richardum, debitam facere inquisitionem cupiens, ut (si ratione heresis huiusmodi membrum fuisset a corpore Christi mistico precisum) ipsum ad caput & corpus (id est Christum, sanctaeque matris ecclesie unitatem) per salutaria monita & condignam poenitentiam revocaret & reduceret: ne idem Richardus inter simplices & devotas Christi fidelium & catholicorum animas coerrando, & zizania heretica seminando, fidelium mentes macularet & inficeret, & sinistris ac perversis assertionibus & opinionibus, a veritatis semita & vera fide Christiana aberrare faceret: ad effectum citandi eum ad comparendum coram dicto reverendissimo patre & domino Archiepiscopo, suisque coepiscopis & suffraganeis ceterisque illius concionis sive sacrae Synodi praelatis super praemissis responsurum perquiri fecit & mandavit. Verum idem Richardus apprehendi non potuit. unde dictus reverendissimus pater suum tam pium, tam sanctum & laudabile propositum ad effectum perducere non potuit. Quod cum nos Richardus permissione divina Londinensis Episcopus, dicti Richardi ordinarius (cui etiam tanquam de heresi suspectus idem Richardus a multis retroactis temporibus delatus & detectus extiterat) intellexerimus, non volentes nec audentes praedicta facinora silentio & conniventibus oculis pertransire & pretermittere, ne ob nostram negligentiam & torporem sanguis eius in districto examine, sive Dei judicio, de manibus nostris requiratur) volentes cerciorari & informari an ea quae de ipso & contra eum nobis delata & dicta fuerant, veritate aliqua fulcitentur, & an in luce vel in tenebris ambularet, ne fortasse ovis morbida existens, innocuas animas gregis dominici pestifera heresi corrumperet & inficeret, ad informandum animum nostrum, ipsum coram nobis vocandum, & super praemissis diligentèr interrogandum & examinandum, omniaque faciendum quae secundum canonicas sanctiones erant facienda (eius animam pio & paterno zelantes affectu) descendimus & properavimus: contra quem, obiectis iudicialitèr, & propositis publice in judicio articulis, de & super quibus nobis (ut praefertur) delatus, detectus & notatus fuerat. Quos per venerabilem virum magistrum johannem Downam hic publicè iam lectos, pro hic lectis & insertis habemus & habeti volumus: habitisque & receptis ad eosdem articulos responsionibus & confessionibus suis. Deinde testes fide dignos de & super eisdem articulis & alijs contra dictum Richardum in debita juris forma recepimus, admisimus, & diligenter examinari fecimus: propositoque nuper per nos verbo Dei ad crucem divi pauli, eius detestabiles heresies & errores, in articulis & libris suis, quibus usus est, comprehensas, in eius & ipsorum detestationem & damnationem publicantes, atque publicè recitantes, populo in magna multitudine ibidem tunc congregato, notificavimus & intimavimus. Quod isto die contra eundem Richardum, tanquam contra haereticum, ad ipsiusque condemnationem & excommunicationem in specie, ad aliaque in hac part requisita, necnon ad excommunicationem receptato●ū, defensorum, fautorum, & credentium ipsius in genere, juxta canonicas sanctiones, sanctorum patrum decreta, & omnem juris vigorem & dispositionem, deo duce, procedere intendebamus monitionemque sive denuntiationem quandam generalem dedimus & fecimus tunc ibidem, videl. quod si qui fuerint eius receptatores, defensores, fautores, & credentes, quod citra hunc diem ad nos & sanctae matris ecclesiae gremium redirent, & se submitterent: quod si facerent (de misericordia omnipotentis Dei confisi) polliciti sumus quod ipsos de erroribus & reatibus suis huiusmodi poenitentes cum gratia, benignitate, misericordia, & favore, ad animarum suarum solatium & salutem reciperimus, quodque honestatem eorum pro posse seruaremus in hac part. Alioquin si sic sponte venire non curarent, sed juris ordinarium processum expectarent: scirent nos hoc admissum adversus eos severius executuros, in quantum iura permitterent. Adueniente itaque iam die isto, ad premissa & infra scripta facienda (sic ut prefertur) per nos prefixo, nos Richardus episcopus antedictus, in negotio inquisitionis haereticae pravitatis predictae legitimè procedentes, volentesque huiusmodi negotium sine debito terminare, solemn consilium tam in sacra theologica facultate, quam iure canonico & civili doctorum, & hunc venerabilem coetum cleri & populi coram nobis fecimus congregari: & visis, auditis, intellectis, rimatis, ac diligentèr & matura deliberatione discussis meritis & circumstantijs negotij memorati, actisque & actitatis in eodem productis & deductis praedictorum, digesto & maturo consilio (cum nullus appareat contradictor seu defensor, qui dicti Richardi opiniones, articulos, & memoriam defendere velit) solum Deum oculis nostris proponentes, ad sententiam nostram contra eum, eius opiniones & libros, receptatoresque, fautores, defensores, & credentes, se nobis juxta tenorem & formam monitionis & denuntiationis nostrarum praedictarum minime submittentes, nec ad gremium sanctae matris ecclesiae redire curantes, licet quidam saluationis pij filii citra monitionem & denuntiationem nostras predictas ad nos venerunt, & se submiserunt, quos cum gratia & favore recepimus, in hac part ferendam, sic duximus procedendum & procedimus in hunc qui sequitur modum. Quia per acta actitata, inquisita, deducta, confes●ata & probata, necnon per vehementes & urgentes praesumptiones, & judicia perspicua conperimus luculenter, & invenimus dictum Richardum Hune crimine haereticae pravitatis multipliciter irretitum, atque haereticum fuisse & esse, nonnullasque opiniones & assertiones detestabiles & haereses damnatas, dum in humanis agebat & vitales caperet auras, affirmasse, proposuisse & recitasse, librisque suspectis & de iure damnatis, & nonnullas haereses pestiferas in se continentibus usum fuisse, receptisque, admissis & examinatis testibus per commissarios ad hoc deputatos de & super impoenitentia finali, partinacia, & obitu dicti Richardi Hune: Idcirco nos Richardus Episcopus antedictus, seruatis seruandis (prout in tali negotio postulat ordo juris) dicti Richardi Hune impoenitentia ac finali 
* What final obstinacy was in him, when you say before by his own hand writing that he submitted himself to the Bishop's favourable correction?  obstinatia & pertinacia, per evidentia signa testibus legitimis vehementissimis & violentis praesumptionibus comprobatis, prout iam coram nobis legitime extitit facta fides, edicto apud crucem divi Pauli, die dominico ultimo praeterito, ad audiendum & per nos ferendum sententiam, ad hunc diem per nos publice facto & proposito. paopterea de huius venerabilis coetus (videlicet reverendorum patrum, dominorum Thomae Dunelmensis, & Willihelmi Lincolniensis, ac johannis Calipolensis Episcoporum, necnon in sacra theologia, decretorum, & legum doctorum, & cleri, atque proborum & venerabilium virorum dodomini Maioris, Aldermanorun, & Vicecomitum civitatis London. & populi hic congregato●um, & nobis in hac part assidentium & assistentium, consensu, assensu, & consilio, eundem Richardum Hunne diversarum haeresium libris dum vixit usum fuisse, ac notorium & pertinacem impoenitentem haereticum fuisse, ac in haeresi decessisse, atque consciencia criminis & metu futurae sententiae animo pertinaci & impoenitenti, cord indurato obijsse & decessisse, praemissorumque praetextu de iure excommunicatum fuisse & esse, atque in excommunicatione huiusmodi decessisse, ipsiusque rec●ptatores, fautores, defensores, & credentes etiam in genere de iure excommunicatos, atque sententia maioris excommunicationis innodatos & involutos fuisse & esse pronuntiamus decernimus, & declaramus: ipsum Richardum Hun & libros suos haereticos de iure damnatos, suamque ac librorum ipsorum memoriam in detestationem & damnationem sceleris & criminis huiusmodi condemnamus: dictumque Richardum Hun (ob premissa) ecclesiastica carere debere sepultura sententiamus, etiam pronunciamus, decernimus, & declaramus, & in foro ecclesiastico tanquam membrum putridum proijcimus, corpusque suum & ossa brachio & potestati seculari relinquimus & committimus: juxta & secundum canonicas & legitimas sanctiones, consuetudinesque laudabiles in regno Angliae ab antiquo usitatas & obseruatas, in opprobrium sempiternum & detestationem criminis nephandissimi predicti, ad eternamque huius rei memoriam, caeterorumque Christi fidelium metum atque terrorem, per hanc nostram sententiam sive finale decretum, quam sive quod ferimus & promulgamus in his scriptis.  
Notwithstanding, after all this tragical & cruel handling of the dead body, with their ●aire and colourable show of justice, yet the inquest no whit stayed their diligent searching out of the true cause and means of his death. In so much that when they had been divers times called both before the kings privy counsel (his majesty himself being sometime present) & also before the chief judges and justices of this realm, & that the matter being by them thoroughly examined & perceived to much bolstered & borne withal by the clergy, was again wholly remitted unto their determination and ending: they found by good proof and sufficient evidence, 
D. Horsey Chancellor, Charles joseph and Spalding murderers of Richard Hun.  that Doctor Horsey the Chancellor, Charles joseph the Sumner, and john Spalding the Belringer had privily & maliciously committed this murder, and therefore indicted them all three as wilful murderers. Howbeit, through the earnest suit of the Bishop of London, unto Cardinal Woolsey (as appeareth by his letters hereafter mentioned) means was found, that at the next Sessions of jail delivery, the kings Attorney pronounced the indictment against D. Horsey to be false & untrue: and him not to be guilty of the murder. Who being then thereby delivered in body, having yet in himself a guilty conscience, got him unto Exeter, and durst never after for shame come again unto London. But now that 〈◊〉 truth of all this matter may seem more manifest and plain unto all men's eyes, here shall follow word by word, the whole inquiry and verdict of the inquest, exhibited by them unto the Crowner of London, so given up and signed with his own hand.   

¶ The Verdict of the inquest.  

The verdict of the inquest.  THe fift and the sixth day of December, in the sixth year of the reign of our sovereign Lord king Henry the eight, William Barnewel Crowner of London, the day and year abovesaid, with in the ward of Castelbaynard of London assembled a quest, whose names afterward do appear, and hath sworn them truly to inquire of the death of one Richard Hun, which lately was found dead in the Lollardes' Tower within Paul's Church of London: whereupon all we of the inquest together went up into the said Tower, where we found the body of the said Hun hanging upon a staple of iron in a girdle of silk, with fair countenance, his head fair kemmed, and his bonnet right sitting upon his head, with his eyen and mouth fair closed, without any staring, gaping, or frowning, also without any drivelling or spurging in any place of his body, whereupon by one assent all we agreed to take down the dead body of the said Hun, and as soon as we began to heave the body, it was lose, whereby by good advisement we perceived that the girdle had no knot about the staple, but it was double cast, and the links of an iron chain which did hang on the same staple, were laid upon the same girdle whereby he did hang: Also the knot of the girdle that went about his neck, stood under his left ear, which caused his head to lean towards his right shoulder. Notwithstanding there came out of his nostrils two small streams of blood, to the quantity of four drops. Save only these four drops of blood, the face, lips, chin, doublet, collar, and shirt of the said Hun, was clean from any blood. Also we find that the skin both of his neck and throat beneath the girdle of silk, was fret and faled away, with that thing which the murderers had broken his neck withal. Also the hands of the said Hun were wrong in the wrists, whereby we perceived that his hands had been bo●d. Moreover we find that within the said prison was no mean whereby a man might hang himself, but only a stool, which stool stood upon a bolster of a bed, so tickle, that any man or beast might not touch it so little, but it was ready to fall. Whereby we perceived that it was not possible that Hun might hang himself, the stool so standing. Also all the girdle from the staple to his neck, as well as the part which went about his neck, was too little for his head to come out thereat. Also it was not possible that the soft silken girdle should break his neck or skin beneath the girdle. Also we find in a corner somewhat beyond the place where he did hang, a great parcel of blood. Also we find upon the left side of Huns jacket from the breast downward, two great streams of blood. Also within the flap of the left side of his jacket, we find a great cluster of blood, and the jacket folden down thereupon: which thing the said Hun could never fold nor do after he was hanged. Whereby it appeareth plainly to us all, that the neck of Hun was broken, and the great plenty of blood was shed before he was hanged. Wherefore all we find by God and all our consciences, that Richard Hun was murdered. Also we acquit the said Richard Hun of his own death.  
Also there was an end of a wax candle, which as john Belringer saith, he left in the prison burning with Hun that same Sunday at night that Hun was murdered, which wax candle we found sucking upon the stocks fair put out, about seven or eight foot from the place where Hun was hanged, which candle after our opinion was never put out by him, for many likelihoods which we have perceived. Also at the going up of master Chancellor into the Lollardes' tower: we have good proof that there lay on the stocks a gown either of Murrey or Crimosin in grain furred with shanks. Whose gown it was we could never prove, neither who bore it away. All we find that Master William Horsey Chancellor to my Lord of London, hath had at his commandment both the rule and guiding of the said prisoner. Moreover, all we find that the said master Horsey Chancellor hath put Charles joseph out of his office, as the said Charles hath confessed, because he would not deal and use the said prisoner so cruelly, and do to him as the Chancellor would have had him to do. Notwithstanding the deliverance of the keys to the Chancellor by Charles on the Saturday at night before Huns death, and Charles riding out of the town on that sunday in the morning ensuing, was but a convention made betwixt Charles and the Chancellor for to colour the murder. For the same sunday that Charles road forth, he came again to the town at night, and killed Richard Hun, as in the depositions of julian little, Thomas Chicheley, Thomas Simondes, and Peter Turner do appear.  
After colouring of the murder betwixt Charles and the Chancellor conspired, the Chancellor called to him one john Spalding Belringer of Paul's, and delivered to the same Belringer the keys of the Lollardes' tower, giving to the said Belringer a great charge, saying: I charge thee to keep Hun more straightly than he hath been kept, and let him have but one meal a day. Moreover I charge thee, let no body come to him without my licence, neither to bring him shirt, cap, kirchiefe, or any other thing, but that I see it before it come to him. Also before Hun was carried to Fulham, the Chancellor commanded to be put upon Huns neck a great collar of iron with a great chain, which is too heavy for any man or beast to wear, & long to endure.  
Moreover, it is well proved, that before Huns death, 
Proofs of Huns death.  the said Chancellor came up into the said Lollards tower, and kneeled down before Hun, holding up his hands to him, praying him of forgiveness of all that he had done to him, and must do to him. And on sunday following the Chancellor commanded the Penitensary of Paul's to go up to him, and say a Gospel, and make for him holy water and holy bread, and give it to him, which so did: and also the Chancellor commanded that Hun should have his dinner. And the same dinner time Charles boy was shut in prison with Hun, which was never so before: and after dinner when the Belringer fet out the boy, the Belringer said to the same boy, come no more hither with meat for him, until tomorrow at noon, for my master Chancellor hath commanded that he shall have but one meal a day: and the same night following Richard Hun was murdered: which murder could not have been done without consent and licence of the Chancellor, and also by the writing and knowledge of john Spalding Belringer: for there could no man come into the prison, but by the keys being in john Belringers keeping. Also as by my Lord of London's book doth appear, john Belringer is a poor innocent man. Wherefore all we do perceive that this murder could not be done, but by the commandment of the Chancellor, and by the witting and knowing of john Belringer.  
Charles joseph within the tower of Lond. of his own free will & unconstrained said, that master Chancellor devised & wrote with his own hand, all such heresies as were laid to Huns charge, 
Witness of Charles joseph Sumner.  record john God, john True, john Pasmere, Richard Gibson, with many other. Also Charles joseph saith, that when Richard Hun was slain, john Belringer bore up the steyre into Lollardes' tower a wax candle, having the keys of the door hanging on his arm, and I Charles went next to him, and master Chancellor came up last: and when all we came up, we found Hun lying on his bed: and then master Chancellor said, lay hands on the thief, and so all we murdered Hun: & then I Charles put the girdle about Huns neck, and then john Belringer and I Charles did have up Hun, and Master Chancellor pulled the girdle over the staple and so Hun was hanged.   

¶ The Deposition of julian little late servant to Charles joseph by her free will unconstrained, the 6. year of our sovereign Lord king Henry the eight, within the Chapel of our Lady of Bethlem, showed to the Inquest.  

The witness of julian little against Charles joseph.  FFrst julian saith, that the wednesday at night after the death of Richard Hun, Charles joseph her Master came home to his supper: then julian said to him, Master, it was told me that ye were in prison. Charles answered. It is merry to turn the penny: and after supper Charles trussed up a parcel of his goods, and with help of julian bore them into Master Porter's house to keep: and that done, Charles said to julian: julian, if thou wilt be sworn to keep my counsel, I will show thee my mind. julian answered, yea, if it be neither felony nor treason: Then Charles took a book out of his purse, and julian swore to him thereupon: then said Charles to julian, I have destroyed Richard Hun. Alas master, said julian, how? he was called an honest man. Charles answered, I put a wire in his nose. Alas said julian, now be ye cast away and undone. Then said Charles, julian, I trust in thee that thou wilt keep my counsel: and julian answered, yea, but for God's sake Master shift for yourself: and then Charles said, I had lever then a hundred pound it were not done: but that is done, can not be undone. Moreover, Charles said then to julian. Upon Sunday when I road to my cousin Baringtons house, I tarried there and made good cheer all day till it was night, and yet before it was midnight, I was in London, and had killed Hun, and upon the next day I road thither aagayne, and was there at dinner, and sent for neighbours, and made good cheer. Then julian asked Charles, where set you your horse that night you came to town, and wherefore came ye not home? Charles answered, I came not home for fear of bewraying: and then julian asked Charles, who was with you at the kill of Hun? Charles answered, I will not tell thee: and julian saith, that upon the Thursday following, Charles tarried all day, in his house with great fear: and upon Friday following early in the morning before day, Charles went forth (as he said) to Paul's, and at his coming in again he was in a great fear saying hastily, get me my horse & with great fear and haste made him ready to ride, and bade Master Porters lad lead his horse into the field by the backside: and then Charles put into his sleeve his Maze or Masor, with other plate borrowed of master Porter, both gold & silver, but how much I am not sure: and Charles went into the field after his horse, and julian brought his bouget after him. Also upon friday in Christmas week following, Charles came home late in the night, and brought with him three Bakers and a Smyth of Stratforde, and the same night they carried out of Charles house all his goods by the fields side to the Bell in Shoreditch, and early in the morning conveyed it with Cartes to Stratford.  
Moreover julian saith, that the Saturday at night before the death of Hun, Charles came home, and brought with him a gurnard, saying, it was for Hun, & Charles boy called to julian, that there was also ordained a piece of fresh Salmon, which john Belringer had.  
Also Charles said to the said julian, were not this ungracious trouble, I could bring my Lord of London to the doors of heretics in London both of men and women, that been worth a thousand pound: But I am afraid that the ungracious midwife shall bewray us all.  
Also Charles said unto masters Porter in likewise & more larger, saying, of the best in London, whereto masters Porter answered, the best in London is my Lord Mayor: then Charles said, I will not 'scuse him quite, for that he taketh this matter hot.  
Whereas Charles joseph saith, he lay at Neckehyll with a harlot a man's wife in Baringtons house the same night, and there abode until the morrow at eleven of the clock, that Richard Hun was murdered, whereupon he brought before the kings Counsel for his purgation the foresaid Bawd Baringtons wife, and also the foresaid Harlot: which purgation we have proved all untrue, as right largely may appear, aswell by the deposition of julian little, Thomas Chichesley Taylor, Tho. Symondes' Stationer, of Rober johnsonne and his wife, of john Spalding Belringer: Also of Peter Turner son in law of the foresaid Charles joseph: who said before to an honest woman, a wax chaundelers Wife, 
The witness of Peter Turner.  that before this day seventh night Hun should have a mischievous death. etc. Also of john Enderbye Baker, to whom john Spalding himself declared these words: That there was ordained for Hun so grievous penance, that when men hear of it, they shall have great marvel thereof. etc. Besides the deposition moreover of allen Creswel wax chaundelor, 
The witness of john-spalding himself.  and Richard Horsenayle Bailiff of the Sanctuary town called Godsture in Essex. Which testimonies & depositions hereafter follow.   

* The Deposition of allen Creswell waxechaundeler.  
THe said allen sayeth, that john Graunger servant with my Lord of London in my L. of London's kitchen at such time as the said allen was serving of Huns coffin, that Graundger told to him, that he was present with joh. belringer the same sunday at night that Rich. Hun was found dead in the morrow when the keepers set him in the stocks. in so much the said Hun desired to borrow the keepers knife, & the keeper asked him, what he would do with his knife, & he answered I had lever kill myself, then to be thus entreated. This deposition the said allen will prove as far forth as any christian man may, saying that Graundger showed to him these words of his own free will and mind without any question or Inquyry to him made by the said allen: Moreover the said allen saith, that all that evening Graundger was in great fear.   

¶ The Deposition of Richard Horsnayle. Bailiff of the Sanctuary Town called Goodesture in Essex.  
THe said Richard sayeth, that friday before Christmas day last past that one Charles joseph Summoner to my Lord of London, became a Sanctuary man, and the aforesaid Friday he registered his name, the said Charles saying, it was for the safeguard of his body, for there be certain men in London so extreme against him for the death of Richard Hun, that he dare not abide in London. Howbeit the said Charles saith he knowledgeth himself guiltless of Huns death, for he delivered the keys to the Chancellor by Huns life, also the said Bailiff saith, that Charles paid the duty of the said Regestring both to him and sir john Studley vicar.   

¶ The Copy of Richard Fitziames' Letter then Bishop of London, sent to Cardinal Woolsey.  
I Beseech your good Lordship to stand so good Lord unto my poor Chancellor now in Ward, and indited by an untrue quest, for the death of Richard Hun, 
The letter of the B. of London to Cardinal Woolsey.  upon the only accusation of Charles joseph, made by pain and durance, that by your intercession, it may please the kings grace to have the matter duly and sufficiently examined by indifferent persons of his discreet counsel, in the presence of the parties, ere there be any more done in the cause: and that upon the innocency of my said Chancellor, declared, it may further please the kings grace to award a Plackard unto his Attorney to confess the said inditement to be untrue, when the time shall require it: for assured am I, if my Chancellor be tried by any twelve men in London, they be so maliciously set, In favorem hereticae pravitatis, that they will cast and condemn any Clerk, though he were as innocent as Abel. Quare si potes beate pater adiwa infirmitates nostras & tibi imperpetuum devincti erimus. Over this in most humble wise I beseech you, that I may have the kings gracious favour, whom I never offended willingly, and that by your good means I might speak with his grace and you, and I with all mine, shall pray for your prosperous estate long to continue.  
Your most humble Orator. R.L.  
Lastly now remaineth to infer the sentence of the questmen, which followeth in like sort to be seen and expended, after I have first declared the words of the Bishop spoken in the Parliament house.   

¶ The words that the B. of London spoke before the Lords in the Parliament house.  
MEmorandum, that the bishop of London said in the parliament house, that there was a bill brought to the parliament, to make the jury that was charged upon the death of Hun, true men: and said, and took upon his conscience, that they were false perjured caitiffs: and said furthermore to all the Lords there then being: For the love of God, look upon this matter, for if you do not, I dare not keep mine own house for heretics: And said that the said Richard Hun hanged himself, and that it was his own deed, and no man's else. And furthermore said, that there came a man to his house (whose wife was appeached of heresy) to speak with him, & he said that he had no mind to speak with the same man, which man spoke and reported to the servants of the same Bishop, that if his wife would not hold still here opinion, he would cut her throat with his own hands, with other words.   

¶ The sentence of the Inquest subscribed by the Crowner.  
THe inquisition intended and taken at the city of London in the Parish of S. Gregory, in the ward of Baynard Castle in London, the sixth day of December, in the 6. year of the reign of K. Henry the 8. before Thomas Barnewel Crowner of our sovereign Lord the king, within the city of London aforesaid: Also before james Yarford, and john Mundey Sheriffs of the said City, 
The sentence of the Inquest.  upon the sight of the body of Richard Hun, late of London tailor, which was found hanged in the Lollardes' tower, and by the oath and proof of lawful men of the same ward, and of other three wards next adjoining, as it ought to be, after the custom of the city aforesaid, to inquire how, & in what manner wise the said Richard Hun came unto his death, and upon the oath of john Bernard, Thomas start, William Warren, Henry Abraham, john Aborow, joh. Turner, Robert allen, William Marler, joh. Burton, james Page, Thomas Pickehill, William Burton, Robert Brigewater, Thomas Busted, Gylbert Howel, Richard Gibson, Christopher Crafton, john Eod, Richard Holt, john Pasmere, edmund Hudson, john Arunsel, Richard Couper, john Time: the which said upon their oaths, that where the said Richard Hun by the commandment of Richard Bishop of London, was imprisoned and brought to hold in a prison of the said Bishops called Lollardes' Tower, lying in the Cathedral Church of S, Paul in London, in the parish of S. Gregory in the ward of Baynard Castle aforesaid, William Horsey of London Clerke, 
Richard Hunne cleared by the Inquest, not to have hanged himself.  otherwise called William Heresy, Chancellor to Richard Bishop of London, and one Charles joseph, late of London Sumner, and john Spalding of London otherwise called john Belringer, feloniously as felons to our Lord the king, with force and arms against the peace of our sovereign Lord the king, & dignity of his crown, the fourth day of December, the sixth year of the reign of our sovereign Lord aforesaid, of their great malice, at the parish of S. Gregory aforesaid, upon the said Richard Hun made a fray, and the same Richard Hun felonously strangled and smodered, and also the neck they did break of the said Richard Hun, and there feloniously slew him, and murdered him: and also the body of the said Richard Hun afterward the same fourth day, year, place parish, and ward aforesaid, with the proper girdle of the same Richard Hun of silk, black of colour, of the value of 12. d. after his death, upon a hook driven into a piece of timber in the wall of the prison aforesaid, made fast, and so hanged him against the peace of our Sovereign Lord the king, and the dignity of his crown: and so the said jury hath sworn upon the holy Evangelists that the said W. Horsey, Clerke, Charles joseph, and john Spalding, of their set malice then, and there felonously killed and murdered the said Richard Hun, in manner and form above said, against the peace of our sovereign Lord the king, his crown and dignity.  
Subscribed in this manner, Thomas Barnewel, Crowner of the City of London.  
After that the 24. had given up their verdict sealed and signed with the Crowner's seal, 
The Parliament judging with Richard Hun.  the cause was then brought into the Parliament house, where the truth was laid so plain before all men's faces, and the fact so notorious, that immediately certain of the bloody murderers were committed to prison, and should no doubt have suffered that they deserved, had not the Cardinal by his authority practised for his Catholic Children, 
The practice of Cardinal Wolsey for his clergy men.  at the suit o● the Bishop of London. Whereupon the Chancellor by the king's pardon, and secret shifting, rather than by God's pardon, and his deserving escaped, and went, as is said, to Exeter. etc. Nevertheless though justice took no place, where favour did save, yet because the innocent cause of Hun should take no wrong, the Parliament became suitors unto the kings majesty, that whereas the goods of the said Hun were confiscate into the kings hands that it would please his grace to make restitution of all the said goods unto the children of the said Hun: upon which motion the king of his gracious disposition did not only give all the foresaid goods unto the foresaid children under his broad seal yet to be seen, but also did send out his warrants (which hereafter shall follow) to those that were the cruel murderers, commanding them upon his high displeasure, to redeliver all the said goods, and make restitution for the death of the said Richard Hun: all which goods came to the sum of 1500. pounds sterling, beside his plate and other jewels.   

¶ The tenor of the kings letter in the behalf of Richard Hun.  
Trusty and well beloved we greet you well: 
The king's letter for the restitution of Huns goods.  whereas by the complaint to us made, as well as also in our high court of parliament, on the behalf and party of Roger Whapplot of our city of London Draper, and Margaret his wife, late the daughter of Richard Hun. And whereas you were indicted by our laws, of and for the death of the said Richard Hun, the said murder cruelly committed by you, like as by our records more at large plainly it doth appear, about the 5. day of December in the sixth year of our reign, the same we abhor, nevertheless we of our espeall grace, certain science, and mere motion pardoned you upon certain considerations us moving, for the intent that the goods of the said Richard Hun, the administration of them were committed to the said Roger Whapplot, we then supposed and intended your amendment, and restitution to be made by you to the infants the children of the said Richard Hun, as well for his death, as for his goods, embeseled, wasted, and consumed by your tyranny, and cruel act so committed, the same being of no little value, and as hitherto ye have made no recompense, according to our laws, as might stand with equity, justice, right, and good conscience, and for this cause due satisfaction ought to be made by our laws: Wherefore we will and exhort, & otherwise charge and command you, by the tenor of this our especial letters, that ye satisfy and recompense the said Roger Whapplot, & the said Margaret his wife, according to our laws in this cause, as it may stand with right and good conscience, else otherwise at your further peril, so that they shall have no cause to return unto us, for their further remedy eftsoons in this behalf, as ye in the same tender to avoid our high displeasure: otherwise that ye upon the sight hereof, to set all excuses apart, and to repair unto our presence, at which your hither coming, you shallbe further advertised of our mind.  
From our Manor. etc.   

Defence of Richard Hun against Sir Thomas Moor and allen Cope.  
I Doubt not but by these premises thou hast (Christian reader) sufficiently to understand the whole discourse and story of Richard Hun from top to toe. 
Defence of Richard Hun.  First how he came in trouble for denying the bearing sheet of his young infant departed: then how he was forced, for secure of himself, to sue a Praemunire: And thereupon what conspiracy of the Clergy was wrought against him, what snares were laid, what fetches were practised, and Articles devised to snarl him in the trap of heresy, & so to imprison him. Furthermore, being in prison, how he was secretly murdered, after his murder, hanged, after his hanging condemned, after his condemnation, burned: and after his burning, lastly how his death was required by the Crowner, and cleared by acquittal of the Inquest. Moreover, how the case was brought into the Parliament, and by the Parliament the king's precept obtained for restitution of his goods. The debating of which tragical and tumultuous story, with all the branches, & particular evidences of the same, taken out aswell of the public acts, as of the Bishop's registers, & special records, remaining in the custody of Dunstan Whapplot, 
Ex publicis actis Ex archivis et Regist. Lond. Three purposes considered.  the son of the daughter of the said Richard Hun, there to be seen, I thought here to unwrap and discover so much the more, for three special purposes.  
First, as is requisite, for testimony & witness of truth falsely slandered, of innocency wrongfully condemned, & of the party cruelly oppressed.  
The second cause moveth me, for sir Thomas moors Dialogues, wherein he dallieth out the matter, thinking to jest poor simple truth out of countenance.  
The third cause which constraineth me, be the Dialogues of Alanus Copus, which two, the one in English, the other in Latin, railing and barking against Rich. Hun do doublewise charge him, both to be an herericke, and also a desperate homicide of himself: Which as it is false in the one, so is it to be found as untrue in the other, if simple truth, which hath few friends, and many times cometh in crafty handling, might freely come in indifferent hearing. Wherefore as I have hitherto described the order and manner of his handling with the circumstances thereof, 
Answer for Richard Hun against Sir Thomas More Knight.  in plain and naked narration of story, simply laid out before all men's faces: so something here to intermit, in the defence as well of his oppressed cause, as also in discharge of myself, I will now compendiously answer to both these foresaid adversaries, stopping as it were, with one bush two gaps, and the mouths also, if I can, of them both together. 
Sir Thomas More having many good virtues, but one great vice.  And first against sir Thomas Moor, albeit in degree worshipful, in place superior, in wit and learning singular (if his judgement in Christ's matters had been corespondent to the same) otherwise being a man with many worthy ornaments beautified, yet being but a man, & one man, I lay and object against the person of him, the persons and censures of 24. questmen, 
The person of Sir Thomas More countervailed.  the deposition of so many Iurates, the judgement of the Crowner, the approbation of the Parliament, and lastly the kings Bylassigned for restitution of his goods, with his own broad Seal confirmed. etc. And thus much to the person and credit of Sir Thomas Moor.  

The reasons of Sir Thomas More refuted.  Now as touching his reasons, whereas he coming in with a flimme flame of a horse miln, or a miln horse (in his own terms I speak) thinketh it probation good enough, because he could not see him taken by the sleeve, which murdered Hun: against these reasons unreasonable of his, I allege all the evidences and demonstrations of the history above prefixed, to be considered, and of all indifferent men to be peased.  
First, how he was found hanging, with his countenance fair, with his beard and head fair kemmed, his bonnet right set on his head, with his eyen and mouth fair closed, without any drivelling or spurging. His body being taken down, 
The circumstances of Huns hanging considered.  was found lose, (which by hanging could not be) his neck broken, and the skin thereof beneath the throat where the girdle went, fret and faced away, his girdle notwithstanding being of silk, and so double cast about the staple, that the space of the girdle between the staple and his neck, with the residue also which went about his neck, was not sufficient for his head to come out. His hands moreover wrong in the wrists, his face, lips, chin, doublet, and shirt collar unstained with any blood: when as notwithstanding in a manner somewhat beyond the place, where he did hang, a great quantity of blood was found. Also whereas the staple whereon he hanged, was so, that he could not climb thereto without some mean, there was a stool set up upon the bolster of a bed, so tickle, that with the least touch in the world, it was ready to fall. And how was it possible that Hun might hang himself upon that staple, the stool so standing? Besides the confession moreover of Charles joseph's own mouth to julian little, of Robert johnson, john Spalding the Belringer, Peter Turner, and others. All which testimonies and declarations being so clear and undeniable, may suffice (I trust) any indifferent man to see where the truth of this case doth stand: unless master Moor being a gentleman of Utopia, 
Utopia Morl.  peradventure after some strange guise of that country, useth to carry his eyes not in his head but in his affection, not seeing but where he liketh, nor believing but what him listeth.  
Finally where Sir Thomas Moor speaking of himself so concludeth, that he hearing the matter, what well might be said, yet could not find contrary, but Hun to be guilty of his own death: so in as many words to answer him again, I perusing and searching in the story of Richard Hun, what may well be searched, cannot but marvel with myself, either with what darkness the eyes of master Moor be dared, not to see that is so plain, or else with what conscience he would dissemble, that shame can not deny. And thus by the way to the Dialogues of Sir Thomas Moor.  
Thirdly touching the Dialogues of allen Cope, which had rather the Bishop's Chancellor and officers to be recounted among thieves and murderers, 
Answer to Alanus Copus for Richard Hun.  than Hun to be numbered among the martyrs, I have herein not much to say, because himself saith but little: and if he had said less, unless his ground were better, it had made as little matter. But forasmuch as he saying not much, sendeth us to seek more in Moor: so with like brevity again I may send him to William tindal, to shape him an answer. Yet notwithstanding, least Cope in saying something, should think Huns innocent cause to lack some friends, which will not, or dare not adventure in defence of truth, somewhat I will answer in this behalf.  
And first touching this murder of Hun, not to be his own wilful act, but the deed of others: 
Hunne murdered not by himself, but by others.  besides the demonstrations above premised to sir Thomas Moor, now to M. Cope, if I had no other evidences, but only these two, I would require no more: That is, his cap found so straight standing upon his head, and the stool so tottering under his feet. For how is it, I will not say, like, but how is it possible, for a man to hang himself in a silcken girdle double cast about a staple, in such shortness, 
Not possible that Hun so hanging should hang himself.  that neither the space of the knot could well compass his head about, and yet having his cap so straight set upon his head, as his was?  
Again, how is it possible, or can it be imagined, for him to hang himself, climbing up by a stool which had no stay for him to stand upon, but stood so tickle, that if he had touched the same never so little, it must needs have fallen?  
But Cope being something more provident in this matter, seemeth to exceed not altogether so far as doth M. Moor. For he understanding the case to be ambiguous, & doubtful, so leaveth it, in suspense, neither determining that Hun did hang himself, and yet not admitting that he died a martyr, 
Cope denieth Richard Hun to die a Martyr.  no more than they which are quelled by thieves & murderers in high way sides. Well, be it so as Cope doth argue, that they which die by the hands of felons and murderers in thievish ways, be no martyrs, yet notwithstanding this his own similitude, comparing the Bishop's Chancellor & officers to thieves and murderers, doth grant at least that Hun died a true man, although no Martyr. Now if the cause be it, and not the pain, that maketh a Martyr, in pondering the cause why Hun was slain, we shall find it not altogether like to the cause of them which perish by thieves and Robbers. 
The cause, not the pai● maketh a Martyr.  For such commonly because of their goods, and for some worldly gain to be sought by their death, are made away, & being true men, may peradventure have the reward, although not the name of Martyrs: Whereas this man's death being wrought neither for money, nor any such temporal lucre to redound to his oppressors, as it hath an other cause, so may it have an other name, and deserve to be called by the name of martyrdom. Like as Abel being slain by wicked Cain, albeit he had no opinion of religion articulate against him, 
The cause of Abel's death & of Hunnes compared.  but of spite only and of malice was made away, yet notwithstanding is justly numbered among the Martyrs: so what let to the contrary, but that Hun also with him may be reckoned in the same society, seeing the cause wherefore they both did suffer, proceedeth together out of one fountain? And what moreover if a man should call Naboth (who for holding his right inheritance was slain) a Martyr, what great injury should he do either to the name or cause of the person, worthy to be carped? Against Thomas Becket yet know M. Cope no special article of faith was laid, wherefore he died. And why then do you bestow upon him so devoutly the title of a martyr, for withholding that from the king, which by law of God, and of the realm did belong unto him: and cannot suffer Hun to be titled for a Marty., 
Cope. Dial. 6. Pag. 847.  dying in his own right by the hands of spiritual thieves and homicides, as you yourself do term them? But what do I strain my travel any further, to prove Hun a martyr, when as Copes own confession doth import no less, though I said nothing? For if I should take no more but his own very words & say, 
Cope Ibid.  that he was known to be an heretic as Cope doth affirm? what could I say more, seeing he died for their heresy, to prove him to die a Martyr? For to die an heretic with the Papists, what is it else (to say truth) but to die with God a Martyr?  
But howsoever it pleaseth either Sir Tho. Moor to jest, or allen Cope to skowlde out the matter, & to style Richard Hun for a known and desperate heretic: yet to all true godly disposed men, Hun may well be known to be a godly and virtuous person: no heretic, but faithful and sound, save that only he seemed rather half a papist: at least no full Protestant, for that he resorted daily to mass, and also had his Beads in prison with him, 
Hun no full Protestant.  after the Catholic manner: albeit he was somewhat inclining (as may appear) toward the Gospel. And if the name of a martyr be thought to good for him, yet I trust master Cope will stand so good master to him, to let him at least to be a martyrs fellow. But what now if I go further with Master Cope, & name Richard Hun not only ●or a martyr, but also commend him for a double martyr? Certes as I suppose, in so saying I should affirm nothing less than truth, nor any thing more than truly may be said, and justly proved. But to give and grant this confession unto the adversary, which notwithstanding might be easily proved: let us see now the proofs of master Cope, how he argueth that Rich. Hun is no martyr: because saith he, true men being killed in high ways by thieves & murderers, are not therefore to be counted martyrs. etc. And was there nothing else in the cause of Hun, but as is in true men killed by thieves & murderers? They that are killed by thieves and murderers, are killed for some pray, or money about them. And what pray or profit was in the death of Hun, let us see, to redound to them which oppressed him? If it were the mortuary, or the bearing cloth, that was a small thing, and not worthy his death. If it were the Praemunire, the danger thereof pertained to the Priest, and not to them. If they feared least the example thereof once begun, should afterward redound to the prejudice of the whole church, them was the cause of his death not private, but public, tending to the whole Church and Clergy of Rome: and so is his death not altogether like to the death of them, which for private respects are killed of thieves and murderers.  
But he was an heretic, saith Cope. By the same reason that Cope taketh him for an heretic, I take him the more to be accepted for a martyr. For by that way, which they call heresy, the living God is served, by no way better. And if he were an heretic, why then did they not proceed against him as an heretic while he was alive? when they had him at Fulham before them, if they had been sure to entrap him in that snare, why did they not take their advantage, 
The cause of Huns secret murder discussed.  when they might with least jeopardy? why did they not proceed and condemn him for an heretic? why made they such haste to prevent his death before? why did they not tarry the sentence of the law, having the law in their own hands? But belike they perceived that he could not be proved an heretic while he lived: and therefore thought it best to make him away privily, and to stop the Praemunire, and afterward to stop the pursuit of his death, by making him an heretic: And therefore were articles devised by the Chancellor (as is proved by witness of Charles joseph and other pag. 785.) against him, and he condemned for an heretic, 
Crafty practice.  and all his favourers also, who so ever durst stir to take his part, and so thereupon was committed to the secular power, and burned. Wherein they did him double wrong, first in that they burned him for an heretic, having before submitted himself to their favourable correction, as it appeareth yet in the Bishop's Registers by his own hand, as it is there pretended: which was against their own laws. Again, if he had not submitted himself at that time, yet did they him wrong to burn him, before they knew and heard him speak (as tindal saith) whether he would recant or no. And yet admit that he was condemned and burned for an heretic, 
Hun had double wrong  yet to be killed and burned of them, for an heretic, that taketh not from him the name of a martyr, but rather giveth him to be a double martyr. But Cope yet proceeding in his hot collar against Rich. Hun, after he hath made him first no martyr, and then an heretic, thirdly he now maketh him also a murderer of himself, and sayeth, that no other man was any part of his death, 
Copes reasons why Hun should hang himself.  but only his own hands, and that either for indignation and anger, or for desperation, or for some cause, he knoweth not what. And in his Epilogus to make it probable, he allegeth the example of one, but nameless, who in Queen Mary's time in like sort went about to hang himself, had he not been taken in the manner, and rescued. Furthermore, as touching the Chancellor, he argueth that there was no cause why he should attempt any such violence against him, both for his age, and for his dignity, for his learning, and for the greatness of his own peril, which might ensue thereof. Who if he had maligned the man, and had been so disposed to work his destruction, had means otherwise without danger, to bring that about, having him within his danger convict and fast tied for heresy. Whereunto I answer that to all this matter, 
Copes reasons answered.  sufficient hath been answered by the story itself of his death, above specified. Whereby the manner of his death, by circumstances of his handling, and hanging, 
Proofs that Hun did not hang himself.  by his neck broke, by his body lose, by his skin fretted, by his wrists wrong, by his girdle in such shortness double cast about the staple, by his cap right upon his head, by his hear kemmed, by his eyes closed, by the cake of blood found in the floor, by his Shirt collar, Doublet, jacket, and other outward parts of his garments without drop of blood unspotted, by the stool so standing upon the bolster, by the Chancellors' Murrey gown round the day after upon the stocks, the wax candle fair put out: furthermore by the verdict of the inquest, by the attestation of the witnesses sworn, by the Crowner's judgement, by the assent of the Parliament, by the kings Letters assigned, and broad Seal of restitution of his goods: and finally by the confession of the parties themselves which murdered him. etc. and yet thinketh Cope to make men such fools, having their true wits to ween yet that Hun did hang himself, after so many demonstrations and evidences to the contrary, as in every part of this story may appear. And though it were, as it was unlike, and hard for a man to believe, that D. Horsey a man of such age, dignity, and learning, would so much forget himself, to attempt such a villainy, yet so great is the devil sometimes with man (where GOD permitteth) that he worketh greater things than this, and more uncredible. For who would have thought it like, that Cain would ever have killed Abel his own natural Brother? which was more than a bishops Chancellor to kill a Citizen: yet so he did. 
Manifest untruth in Cope.  And where Cope pretendeth the causes of anger, and desperation whereby Hun did hang himself: how is it like, or who did ever hear, 
another untruth noted in Cope.  a man being in such extremity of desperation, to stand first trimming himself, and kemming his head, before he go to hang himself? No less credit is also to be given to that which followeth in the same Cope, where he saith, that Richard Hun being in prison, was convict of heresy. By the which word convict, if he mean that Hun was proved an heretic, that is false, for that he being at Fulham examined upon cert●yne Articles, both denied the Articles to be true, as they were objected, and also if they were true, yet he submitted himself to their favourable correction, and therefore not standing obstinately in the same, could not be proved an heretic. And if by this term convict, he mean that he was by sentence cast, so was Hun never cast by any sentence for an heretic, so long as he lived, but after his death, when he could nothing answer for himself. 
Cope hudleth up untruths.  And because this untruth should not go without his fellow, see how he hudleth up one false narration in the neck of another: affirming moreover, that Hun was cast in prison, 
another untruth noted in Cope.  before he entered his suit of Praemunire against the Priest. Which is utterly false and untrue, both disagreeing to other stories, and also refuted by the words of Sir Thomas Moor his own author, who reporteth that Hun (ensuing his Praemunire against the Priest) being set upon a glory of victory, made his boasting among his friends, that he trusted to have the matter long spoken of, and to be called Huns case. Haec Morus. Whereby it appeareth, 
Tho. Morus. Dial. Lib. 3.  that Hun was not then in prison clapped up for heresy: but was abroad seeking counsel among the Lawyers, and boasting among his friends, as writeth More Lib. 3. Dial.  
After this heap of untruths above passed, 
another untruth in Cope noted.  add yet further an other copy of Copes false dealing: who seeking all corners, and every where how to pick matter against my former history, chargeth me with arrogancy, as though I took so highly upon me to undo & derogate the kings acts and judgements in the acquittal of D. Horsey. If it so pleased the king to acquit D. Horsey, by his gracious pardon, I am not against it, neither do I deny but the king so did, neither do I say, nor ever did, but the king of his supereminent prerogative may so do: & wherein then do I unrip or lose the kings acts here done & concluded? 
Answer to Copes cauil●tion.  But if the question be this, whether D. Horsey with his coniurates did kill Richard Hun or no: then do I say, that the pardon of the king doth not take away the verity of the crime committed, but removeth away the penalty of the law deserved: and so if the life of them was saved by way of pardon (as M. Moor himself seemeth not to deny) then was it not through their innocency claiming justice, that they escaped, but through petition standing need of mercy. For what needeth pardon, where justice absolveth? yea, who sueth pardon, but in so doing must yield himself guilty? for pardon never cometh lightly either with God or man, except the crime first be confessed. Wherefore, if they escaped by justice, as Cope pretendeth, 
The escaping of Horsey came rather of favour, then of his demerits.  how then doth M. Moor say, they were saved by pardon? And if they escaped by pardon, how then doth Cope say, they were not guilty? And be it admitted, that the sentence of the kings Attorney, in the kings name did absolve them as unguiltye, according as the king was then informed by the Cardinal and suit of friends: yet afterward the king being better informed by the Parliament, and the truth better known, detested and abhorred their fact, and yet continued his pardon unto them, as by the kings own acts and his broad seal appeared, yet remaining in records to be seen.  
And as touching my former histories set sooth in latin and in English, which speak first of the foremanne of the quest, then of the kings Attorney to be laboured with some gifts or money: as Cope hath yet proved no untruth in my saying, so less can he find any repugnance or disagreeing in the same. For he that speaketh of bribing, first of one person, and then afterward of another, where both might be bribed together, is not contrary (I think) to himself, but rather doth comprehend that in the one book, which he before leaveth out in the other, and yet no great repugnance either in the one or in the other, seeing that which is said, may be verified in both, as it is no other like but in this matter it was. For how is it otherwise like or possible, but that there must needs be found some privy packing in this matter, seeing after such evidence found and brought in by the Crowner's inquest and jury of 24. chosen persons, after so many marks and tokens of the murder so clear and demonstrable, and laid forth so plain to the eyes of all the world, that no man could deny, or not see the same? yet through the handling of the foresaid Attorney, and of the foreman of the quest, the murderers were borne out, & confessed to be no murderers. If such bolstering out of matters and parciality were then such a rare case in the Realm of England in the time of Cardinal Wolsey, who then under the king, and in the kings name did what he list: then let it seem untrue in my former stories, that I have written. And yet the words of my story which Cope carpeth at so much, be not mine, 
Ex Edu. Halle, in vit Henr. 8. anno. 6.  but the words of Ed. Hall his own author. Wherefore if his disposition be so set, that he must needs be a censor of other men's writings, let him expostulate with Hall, and not with me.  
But I trouble the reader too much in this matter of Richard Hun, being of itself so clear, that no indifferent judge can doubt thereof. As for wranglers and quarrelers they will never be satisfied. Wherefore to return again to the purpose of our story intermitted, in the table above, containing the names of them which about this time of Richard Hun, 
Anno. 1517. Elizabeth Stamford.  were forced to deny and abjure their professed opinions, pag. 774. mention was made of Elizabeth Stamford, john Household, and other more, abjuring about the year of our Lord. 1517. Whose vexation and weakness although it be pitiful to behold, yet to consider the confession of their doctrine in those ancient days, it is not unprofitable. Wherein we have to see the same form of knowledge and doctrine then taught and planted in the hearts of our foreelders, 
The teaching of the former times to be considered.  which is now publicly received, as well touching the lords Sacrament of his body, as also other specialties of sincerity. And although they lacked them public authority to maintain the open preaching and teaching of the Gospel, which the Lords merciful grace hath given us now, yet in secret knowledge and understanding they seemed then little or nothing inferior to these our times of public reformation: as may appear by this confession of Elizabeth Stamford here under written, which only may suffice for example to understand what ripe knowledge of God's word was then abroad, 
Thomas Beele.  although not in churches publicly preached, for danger of the bishops, yet in secret wise taught and received of divers.  
In number of whom was this Elizabeth Stamford, who being brought and examined before Fitziames' Bishop of London ann. 1517 confessed that she was taught by one Thomas Beele, sometime dwelling at Henly, these words, 11. years before: That Christ feedeth, and fast nourisheth his Church with his own precious body, that is, the bread of life coming down from heaven: this is the worthy word that is worthily received, and joined unto man for to be in one body with him. Soothe it is that they be both one, they may not be parted: this is the wisely deeming of the holy Sacrament Christ's own body: this is not received by chewing of teeth, but by hearing of ears and understanding with your soul, and wisely working thereafter. Therefore saith S. Paul, I fear me amongst us, brethren, that many of us be feeble and sick, therefore I counsel us brethren to rise & watch, that the great day of doom come not suddenly upon us, as the thief doth upon the Merchant. Also the said Thomas taught and showed her, that the Sacrament of the altar was not the very body of Christ, but very bread: and that the Sacrament was the very body of Christ put upon the Cross, after a divine or mystical manner. And moreover that the said Thomas Beele did many times and oft teach her this foresaid lesson, that she should confess her sins to God, and that the Pope's pardons and indulgence were nought worth and profited not, and that worshipping of Images and pilgrimages are not to be done.  
To this Elizabeth Stamford, may also be annexed the doctrine and confession of joane Samson, 
joanne Samson.  wife of john Samson Carpenter of Aldermanburic in London: Against whom being cited, and examined before the Bishop of London, certain witnesses were producted: who upon their oath being sworn, did detect and denounce the said joane Samson in these articles and opinions following.  
1. First, that she being in her labour what time joane Samson her predecessor then being alive, was with her, 
Articles of joanne Samson.  and after the manner then of women, called much upon the help of the virgin Mary, she spitting thereat, was in such sort aggrieved, that the other party was compelled to forsake the house.  
2. Also, that she spoke against pilgrimage, and the worshipping of the blessed virgin, and of all saints, affirming that there is none holy but one.  
3. Item, an other time in the hearing of one Margaret Anworth, when she and other women were invocating the blessed virgin to help in women's labour, she stood against them, and contumeliously spoke against the invocators.  
4. Item, that she speaking against the Pilgrimage of our Lady of Wilsedon, (as she was then called) and of S. Saviour at Barmsey, called the said Saint Saviour, S. Sawyer.  
5. Item, for having two certain books in English, one bigger, and an other lesser, which she committed to one john Austed a Cook, which books in the Register be not named.  
6 Item, that the said joane Samson at a Supper in the hearing of certain men, 
Against the Sacraments of the altar.  and of a certain widow named joane White, spoke openly in contempt of the Sacrament of the altar, saying that the Priests were Idolaters which did lift up the bread over their heads, making the people to worship it & making the people to believe that it was the Lord's body, and that it was better to eat the altar cloth, if it might be eaten and digested as easily as the other.  
Here followeth moreover the names of divers other which in the Registers be specified to abjure, as 

William jacum Carpenter.  
john Straddling.  
john Newman Sherman.  
Robert Boshel.  
Tho. Edward Dyar.  
Richard Dewar.  
Rich. Appulby.  
john Osborne.  
Robert Roger.  
john Eton.  
john Chapman.  
William Chakon.  
Richard Myldnale.  
john Hatchot.  
jacob Sturdey.  
Tho. Puruall Tailor.  
john Bytam.  
Rob. Hutton Pynner.  
Robert Pope.  
john Geeste of Stratford. 
The names of divers persons abjured.   
john Bryan of the Parish of S. Steven.  
john Bol.  
Richard Wescotte.  
William Crosse.  
George Lawnd Prior of S. scythe.  
Henry Colle.  
William Man.  
William Sweting.  
jacob Bruster.  
Sabine Man.  
john Spencer.  
Patrick Dowdal alias Capper.  
Robert Aleyn.  
john Finch Cook.  
john Southwyke.    
Against this john Southwike last named, was laid & objected, 
john Southwike.  that when one Rivelay coming from the church of the Grey friars in London, had said to his wife (ask where he had been) that he had heard Mass, & had seen his Lord God in form of bread & wine over the priests head. etc. the foresaid john Southwike there present answered again & said: nay, William, thou sawest not thy Lord God: thou sawest but bread, wine, & the Chalice. And when the said William answered again in the same words, as before, saying: I trust verily that I saw my Lord God in form of bread & wine, & this I doubt not: the other replying again answered & said, as before: nay, I tell thee, thou sawest but only a figure or sacrament of him, that which is in substance, bread and wine etc. This was in the year of our Lord. 1520 In which he was compelled to abjure.  
All these above named in one key of doctrine & religion did hold & concord together, against whom were objected 5. or 6. especial matters: to wit, 
Consent of doctrine.  for speaking against worshipping of saints, against pilgrimage, against invocation of the blessed virgin, against the sacrament of the Lords body, & for having scripture books in English: which books especially I find to be named, as these: the book of the 4. Evangelists, a book of the Epistles of Paul and Peter, the Epistle of S. james, a book of the apocalypse, and of Antichrist, of the 10. Commandments, and Wickeliffes' wicker, with such other like.   

¶ john Stilman. Martyr.  
IT would ask a long tractation & tedious, to recite in order the great multitude and number of good men & women, 
Anno. 1518.  beside these above rehearsed, which in those days recanted and abjured about the beginning of king Henry's reign and before: 
john Stilman▪ Martyr Wickliff's Wicket.  among whom yet notwithstanding, some there were whom the Lord reduced again, & made strong in the profession of his truth, and constant unto death: of which number, one was john Stilman by name, who about the xxiv. day of Sept, in the year of our Lord. 1518. was apprehended and brought before Richard Fitziames' then B. of Lond. at his manor of Fulham, and by him was there examined and charged, that notwithstanding his former recantation, oath, and abjuration made about xi. years then past, before Edmund Bishop of Salisbury, as well for speaking against the worshipping, praying, and offering unto Images, as also for denying the carnal and corporal presence in the sacrament of Christ's memorial: yet sithence that time he had fallen into the same opinions again, and so into the danger of relapse, and further he had highly commended and praised john Wickliff, affirming that he was a saint in heaven, and that his book called the Wicket, 
Ex Regist. Fitziames'. Lond.  was good and holy. Soon after his examination he was sent from thence unto the Lollardes' tower at London, and the xxij. day of October than next ensuing, was brought openly into the consistory at Paul's, and was there judicially examined by Thom. Head the bishops vicar general, upon the contents of these articles following.  
1. First I object unto you, that you have confessed before my Lord of London, and me D. Head his vicar general, that about xx. years past one Steven Moon of the Diocese of Winchest. 
Articles laid against joh. Stilman.  (With whom you abode 6. or 7. years after) did teach you to believe that the going on pilgrimage and worshipping of images (as the Lady of Walsingham and others) were not to be used. 
* Years of Antiquity to be noted. A godly Martyr, Richard Smart burned at Salisbury ann. 1503. Wickliff's Wicket.  And also that afterwards one Richard Smart who was burned at Salisbury about 14. or 15. years past, did read unto you Wickliff's Wicket, and likewise instructed you to believe that the sacrament of the altar was not the body of Christ: all which things you have erroneously believed.  
2. Item, you have divers times read the said book called Wickleffes Wicket, and one other book of the x. Commandments, which the said Richard Smart did give you, and at the time of your first apprehension, you did hide them in an old oak, and did not reveal them unto the bishop of Salisbury, before whom you were abjured of heresy about xi. years since: where you promised by oath upon the Evangelists, ever after to believe and hold as the Christian faith taught and preached, and never to offend again in the said heresies, or any other, upon pain of relapse. And further you there promised to perform all such penance as the said Bishop of Salisbury did enjoin you: who then enjoined you, upon the like pain, not to departed his Diocese, without his special licence.  
3. Item, it is evident that you be relapsed aswell by your own confession, as also by your deeds in that about two years after your abjuration you went into the said place where you had hidden your books, and then taking them away with you: you departed the foresaid diocese, without the licence of the Bishop and brought them with you to London, where now being tached and taken with them upon great suspicion of heresy, you are brought unto the Bishop of London. By reason of which your demeanour, you have showed by your impenitent and dissembled conversation from your errors, and also your unfaithful abjuration and disobedience unto the authority of our mother holy Church, in that you performed not the penance, in which behalf you be voluntarily perjured and also relapsed, in that you departed the said diocese without licence.  
4. Item you be not only (as afore is said) impenitent, disobedient, voluntarily perjured, & relapsed by this your foresaid heretical demeanour, but also sithence your last attachment upon suspicion of heresy, you have maliciously spoken erroneous and damnable words, affirming before my Lord of London your Ordinary and me, judicially sitting at Fulham, that you were sorry that ever you did abjure your said opinions, and had not suffered then manfully for them: for they were and be good and true, and therefore you will now abide by them, to die for it. And furthermore you have spoken against our holy father the pope and his authority, damnably saying that he is Antichrist, and not the true successor of Peter, or Christ's vicar on earth: and that his pardons and indulgences which he granteth in the sacrament of penance, are nought, and that you will none of them: And likewise that the college of Cardinals be limbs of the said Antichrist: and that all other inferior prelate's and priests are the synagogue of Satan. 
Wickliff's Wicket.  And moreover you said, that the doctors of the Church have subverted the truth of holy Scripture, expounding it after their own minds, and therefore their works be nought, and they in hell: but that wickleffe is a Saint in heaven, and that the book called his Wicket, is good, for therein he showeth the truth. Also you did wish that there were xx. thousand of your opinion against us Scribes and pharisees, to see what you would do for the defence of your faith. All which heresies you did afterwards erroneously affirm before the Archbishop of Caunterbury, and then said that you would abide by them to die for it: notwithstanding his earnest persuasions to the contrary: and therefore for these premises you be evidently relapsed, and aught to be committed unto the secular power.  
¶ The burning of john Stilman.   

¶ Thomas Man Martyr.  
NExt to john Stilman above mentioned, followeth in this blessed order of Martyrs, the persecution and condemnation of Thomas man.. 
Tho. Man, Martyr.  Who the 29. day of March in the year of our Lord. 1518. was burned in Smithfield. This Tho. Man had likewise been apprehended for the profession of Christ's Gospel, about 6. years before, the 14. day of August. an. 1511. and being at that time brought before D. Smith B. of Lincoln, was by him examined upon divers and sundry articles: the effect whereof are these.  
1. First, that he had spoken against auricular confession, and denied the corporal presence of Christ's body in the sacrament of the altar.  
2. Item, that he believed that all holy men of his sect were only priests.  
3. Item, that he had affirmed that the father of heaven was the altar, and the second person the sacrament, 
The articles of Thomas man..  & that upon the Ascension day the sacrament ascended unto the altar, and there abideth still.  
4. Item, that he believed not aright in the sacrament of extreme unction.  
5. Item that he had called certain priests meanly arrayed, pyld knaves.  
6. Item, that he had said that pulpits were priests lying stools.  
7. Item, that he had believed that images ought not to be worshipped: and that he neither believed in the Crucifix, nor yet would worship it.  
8. Item, that he had affirmed that he heard say, the word of God and God to be all one, and that he worthily receiveth the word of God, receiveth God.  
9 Item, that he had said, that the popish Church was not the church of God, but a synagogue: and that holy men of his sect, where the true church of God.  
For these and such like matters was he a long time, imprisoned, and at last through frailty and fear of death, was contented to abjure & yield himself unto the judgement of the Romish Church, and thereupon was enjoined, not only to make his open recantation, but also from thenceforth to remain as prisoner within the monastery of Osney besides Oxford, 
Thomas Man sent to the monastery of Osney.  and so to bear a faggot before the first cross at the next general Procession within the University. Howbeit not long after, the Bishop having need of the poor man's help in his household business, took him out of the said Monastery, and placed him with in his own house, until his business was ended, and then (his turn once served) he appointed D. Wilcockes' his vicar general, that in his next judicial Session within the said Priory of Frideswide at Oxford, 
Thomas Man sent to the monastery of Frideswyde.  he should assign him to remain within the said Priory, and not to departed thence without licence of the Prior for the time being, upon pain o● relapse: and upon like pain he also enjoined him to wear the sign of a Faggot under his uppermost garment, until he were dispensed withal for the same. All which notwithstanding, he (being belike both sorry for his offence in denying the truth, and also weary of his servile and prisonlike bondage) bethought himself how he might best escape their cruel hands, and therefore after a while, seeing good opportunity offered him, 
Thomas Man fled out of the monastery.  he fled the diocese and jurisdiction of Lincoln: and seeking abroad in other countries for work (thereby to sustain his poor life) he most commonly abode, sometime in Essexe, sometime in Suffolk: where also he associated and joined himself unto such godly professors of Christ's Gospel, as he there could hear of. But within few years after (such is the cruel rage of Satan and his wicked members, which never suffer the godly long to continue untroubled) he was again accursed of relapse, 
Thomas Man the second time apprehended.  by the inquest of the inquisition of London, and thereupon was apprehended & brought unto Rich. Fitziames' then bishop of Lond. & the 9 day of February. an. 1518. he was examined by D. Head the Bishop's vicar general within his palace at Lond. where the said Head judicially assisted with divers of his complices, declared first unto man, that for as much as he was since his first abjuring again detected and accused by certain credible and honest persons, of the same heresies which he had once before recanted: and further (contrary to the order of penance enjoined him by the late Bishop of Lincoln) he had departed the Priory of Saint Frideswide, and the Diocese of Lincoln without leave, 
The cause of his martyrdom.  either of the Bishop or Prior: and was now also found within the dioces of London; and that without his badge assigned him by the said bishops vicar general: he therefore as Chancellor and vicar general unto the bish. of Lond. deputed for that purpose, did then mean to proceed against him as a relapse by order of Ecclesiastical laws in that behalf provided: Wherefore he appointed him to appear again in the consistory of Paul's, the 12. day of February next after, there to answer unto such articles as then should be propounded against him. At which day and place the Chancellor (first reciting the causes before mentioned, why he did then proceed against him) objected unto him these articles following.  

Articles again objected against Thomas man..  1. First, that he was of the Diocese of London.  
2. Iten, that he was a Christian man & professed Christ's Faith, and the determinations of holy Church concerning the seven Sacraments, and other articles of the Catholic faith.  
3. Item, that it was not lawful for any man (especially a lay man) erroneously and obstinately to hold, teach, or defend any opinion contrary unto the determinations of the said church, and that the person so doing is an heretic.  
4. Item, that within one of the 12. months of the year of our Lord. 1511. he had been detected before the Bishop of Lincoln that then was, 
Against the real presence in the Sacrament.  of divers points of heresy: as that he had affirmed that the very body and blood of christ was not in the sacrament of the altar, but material bread and wine, and that he had received it at Easter as holy bread, and likewise had affirmed that the crucifix & other Images in the Church were not to be worshipped, and also that confession made unto a priest, was of none effect, with divers other like opinions and heresies.  
5. Item, that for these and such like points of heresy he had been abjured in S. Marry church at Oxford before D. Wilcockes' Chancellor unto the said Bishop of Lincoln, in the month of October, in the year last abovesaid and there did renounce them and all other, promising no more to fall into the like.  
6. Item, that there also he had taken a solemn oath, to do such penance as should be enjoined him by the authority of the said Bishop.  
7. Item, that then he was enjoined to abide within the monastery of Osney by Oxford: and also there to bear a faggot before the first Cross in the general Procession.  
8. Item, that after a certain time that he had been within the monastery of Osney the Bishop of Lincoln (for certain causes) took him into his own house and service, respiting his penance for a time.  
9 Item, that afterwards, which was the 9 day of October. anno, 1512. the said Bishop's Chancellor judicially sitting in the Chapter house of the Priory of S. Frideswide in Oxford, did enjoin him that he should tarry which the said Priory, and not to go out of the gates thereof without licence of the Prior for the time being, until he had other commandment from the Bishop, upon pain of relapse: and further that he should from thenceforth (up on the like pain) wear a sign of a Faggot under his uppermost garment.  
10. Item, that after his abjuration, and sithence the promises thus done, he was yet again detected to the B. of London by open fame, and denounced by worshipful and credible persons, that he had used like false errors and heresies & had spoken and taught certain conclusions of heresy against the Christian faith, 
He meant some Image or picture of the virgin▪ set up in some blind place to be worshipped  and determinations of holy Church: and that he had fallen into the like heresies, as before his abjuration, both against the sacrament of the altar against pilgrimages and worshipping of Images: and had blasphemed our blessed Lady, calling her Mably.  
11. Item that when he wrought with one john Bates in Stratford Langthorne in Rogation week, than 3. years past, and being bidden by the said Bates wife to go and hear the gospel, he answered, and said unto her, I will not come there, go you if ye list, ye shall have as much meed for it as to put your finger in the fire, and to burn it.  
12. Item, that in times past for fear of abjuration, he had fled from Colchester to Newberry, and after that unto Hamersham, and had there damnably accompanied with hetiques and had taught heresies among them: & also since the time of his abjuration he had said, that he and his wife had turned six or seven hundredth people unto those opinions which he was abjured of, and others also, contrary to Christ's faith, and determinations of holy Church.  
His answer unto these Articles was, that as touching the first nine, he granted in part to be true, confessing to the second, that he was a true Christian, and did profess the true Christian faith: but the contents of the last three he utterly denied to be true, affirming for certain answer unto the 11. article, that at the time mentioned in the same, he did not work in the town of Stratford. Upon which answer the chancellor called forth two witnesses to be sworn and examined against him, 
False witness.  willing him that if he had any just matter against any of them, he should refuse them. But to what purpose this his fair offer and trim show of upright justice served, I can not see. For notwithstanding that he charged the one of the witnesses with theft and adultery (for that having a wife of his own, he did yet run away with an other man's wife and goods) and also alleged that the other was too young to be a sworn witness in case of life and death: yet were they both still retained & allowed by the chancellor, and sworn not to departed away or hide themselves, 
False witness received against Thomas man..  but to be always ready to justify that which they had to say against the said Thomas Man: and so for that time as well they, as also all the rest were commanded to departed, and the prisoner sent again to his prison.  
And here in the order of the oath ministered unto these witnesses, I find one note (me thinketh) worthy present remembrance, both for that it is mentioned in this process, and also because it somewhat openeth the foolish, ridiculous, and feigned figurative Ceremonies of the Papists, who do attribute a spiritual signification almost unto all their doings. 
The ceremonial manner of the popish ministering of their oath.  The Register discoursing at large the manner of their oath hath these words: Ad sancta Dei evangelia iurari feel't, tribus medris digitis erectis, & super librum positis in signum Trinitatis, & fidei Catholicae: & duobus (videl. policy & auriculari) suppositis & suppressis, & sub libro positis, in signum damnationis corporis & animae, si non deposuerint veritatem in hac part. That is to say, he caused them to swear upon the holy Evangelists, with their three middle fingers stretched out right, and laid upon the book in sign of the Trinity and Catholic faith: and the other two (to wit, the thumb and the little finger) put downwards under the book, in token of damnation of body and soul, if they did not depose the truth in the matter. This Ceremonial order and exposition of theirs as it is of their own fond invention, without any ground or example of the scriptures of God so mind I to leave it still unto themselves, with other their apish toys & ridiculous, as things worthy to be laughed at, and will now further proceed with the rest of this process, which I have in hand.  
The xv. day of February, D. Head the Chancellor, again judicially sitting in the consistory at Paul's, 
Tho. Man again called by D. Head Chancellor  commanded Thomas Man to be brought before him, and there causing the articles objected against him by the Bishop of Lincoln with his order of abjuration & penance and also his own articles last propounded to be first read he called forth a third witness to be sworn and examined upon the same. But because he would seem to do all things by order of justice, and nothing against law, he therefore appointed unto the said Thomas Man, certain Doctors and advocates of the Arches, as his counsellors, to plead in his behalf: Which was even like as if the lamb should be committed to the defence and protection of the wolf, 
Agnus Lupo commissus.  or the hare to the hound. For what good help could he look for at their hands, which were both most wicked haters and abhorrers of his Christian profession, and also stout upholders and maintainers of that Antichristian law, by the which he was for the same condemned? And that full well appeared by the good advice and profitable council which they gave him against his next examinations. For aswell upon the 20. and also the 23. days of the same month of February, in their several Sessions he seeing his own negations to their objections, to take no place against their sworn witnesses, had no other thing to allege for himself, but that through his xx. weeks of hard imprisonment under the bishop of Lincoln, he was forced to recant and abjure: which was a poor shift of counsel, God knoweth: And yet D. Raynes being one of his chief assigned advocates (in steed of advice) could by his subtle questioning, 
The subtle practice of the Romish churchmen.  then make him to confess, that certain talk, whereof one of the witnesses had accused him, was spoken about five years before past: which because it was since his recantation, was rather an accusation of himself, than an excusing: and therefore it is easy to judge to how favourable and uprightfull hearts they took upon them to be his advocates and defenders. The Chancellor likewise charged him upon the same twenty-three. day that since his last imprisonment he had said unto Robert Cluny the Bishop's Sumner, and his keeper, that as far forth as he could see or perceive for his part in this his matter, the laws of the Church were grounded upon Pilate & Cayphas. 
The laws of the church of Rome grounded upon Pilate and Cayphas.  Which objection he granting to be true, the Chancellor did for that time dismiss the Court, until the first day of March next following. Upon which day (minding to make quick dispatch) he in few words asked Man, what matter he had to allege for himself, why he should not then (considering the premises) be pronounced a relapsed heretic, and receive such punishment by the seculare power, as to such was due by order of law. But he having no other allegations then before which might take place with them, was finally condemned as an heretic. And notwithstanding that, as the register noteth (but how truly, God only knoweth) he did again forsake his former renewed profession of Christ's Gospel, and yielded himself unto the bishop of Rome requiring to be absolved from his curse of excommunication, and contented to do such penance, as they should enjoin him, he was yet the xxix. day of March delivered by Doctor Head unto the Sheriff of London, 
The popish chancellor would not seem to consent to his death: but yet could send him to the Shambles to be killed.  to be then presently burned, with this protestation made before, that he might not consent to the death of any, and therefore he desired the Sheriff that he would receive this person as relapsed and condemned, and yet to punish him otherwise then by rigorous rigour. The words to be marked in their sentence be these Rogamus attentè in visceribus jesu Christi, ut huiusmodi dignae severitatis ultio & executio de te & contra te in hac part fienda taliter moderetur, ut non sit rigor rigidus, neque mansuetudo dissoluta, sed as salutem & sanitatem animae tuae etc. That is, We desire in the bowels of our lord jesus Christ, that the punishment and execution of due severity of thee, & against thee in this part, may so be moderate, that there be no rigorous rigour, nor yet no dissolute mansuetude, but to the health and wealth of thy soul. etc. Wherein these Catholic Churchmen do well declare, according to the words of Thomas Man before expressed, that the laws of their church be grounded upon Pilate & Caiphas. For like as Caiphas with his court of Phariseis, cried against Christ unto Pilate: It is not lawful for us to put any man to death: But if thou let him go, thou art not Caesar's friend. Even so they, first condemning the saints of God to death and then delivering them unto the secular Magistrate, to be thereupon executed, would yet cover their malignant hearts with the cloak of hypocritical holiness, and unwillingness to shed blood. But God be thanked, which bringeth all things to light in his due time, & uncovereth her hypocrisy, at last that she may be seen and known in right colours.  
* The burning of Thomas man..  
Thus Thomas man, the manly martyr of jesus christ, being condemned by the unjust sentence of Head the Chancellor, was delivered to the Sheriff of London sitting on horseback, in Pater noster row, before the bishops door, an. 1518. protesting to the said Sheriff, that he had no power to put him to death, and therefore desired the Sheriff to take him as a relapse and condemned to see him punished, Et tamen citra Mortem, that is, without death, as the words stand in the Register. The Sheriff receiving neither articles to be read at his burning, nor any Indentures of that his delivery, 
Thomas Man burned of the Sheriff without any warrant. An. 1518. Mens. Mart. 29. Ex Regist.  immediately carried him to Smithfielde, and there in the same day in the foorenoone caused him to be put into God's Angel, according to the words of the said Thomas Man before, saying that if he were taken again of the peeled knave priests, as he called them, he witted well he should go to the holy Angel, and then be an angel in heaven.  
In the deposition of one Thomas Risby, weaver of Stratford Langthorn, against the forenamed Martyr Tho. Man, it appeareth by the Registers, that he had been in divers places and countries in England, and had instructed very many, as at Amersham, at London at Billerica, Chemsford, at Stratford Langford, at Oxbrige, at Burnham, at Henly upon Thamis, in Suffolk, and Norfolk, at Newberry, and divers places more: where he himself testifieth, that as he went Westward, he found a great company of well disposed persons, being of the same judgement touching the sacrament of the lords supper, that he was of, and especially at Newberry, where was (as he confessed) a glorious and sweet society of faithful favourers, who had continued the space of xv. years together, 
Ex Regist. Rich. Fitziames'. Pag. 798. Vj. score abjured, and 3. or 4. burnt about Newberry 60. years ago.  till at last by a certain lewd person, whom they trusted and made of their counsel, they were bewrayed, and then many of them, to the number of six or seven score were abjured, and three or four of them burnt. From thence he came then (as he confessed) to the forest of Windsor, where he hearing of the brethren which were at Hamersham, removed thither, where he found a godly and a great company, which had continued in that doctrine and teaching 23. years: which was from this present time 70. years agone. 
Abiuratio magna. Known men, or Just fast men of Amersham. W. Tilseley or rather Tylseworth, martyr. Vid. supra. Pag. 774.  And this congregation of Buckingham shire men remained till the time of john Longham Bishop of Lincoln, whereof we shall (Christ willing) hear more anon. Against these faithful Christians of Amersham, was great trouble and persecution in the time of W. Smyth Bishop of Lincoln, about the year of our Lord 1057. at which time divers and many were abjured, and it was called Abiuratio Magna, the great abjuration, and they which were noted of that doctrine and profession, were called by the name of known men or just fast men. etc. In this congregation of the faithful brethren, were 4. principal readers or instructors. Whereof one was Tilesworth called them D. Tilesworth, who was burnt at Amersham, mentioned in our history before, by the name of William Tilseley: whom I suppose rather to be called Tilseworth, pag. 774. An other was Thomas Chase, 
Thomas Chase Martyr. Vide. supra. pag. 774.  called amongst them, Doctor Chase, whom we declared before to be murdered and hanged in the Bishop of Lincoln's prison at Woborne, called Little ease, pag. 774. The third was this Tho. Man, called Doctor Man, burned as is here mentioned in Smithfield, an. 1518. who, as by his own confession, and no less also by his travail appeareth, was God's champion and suffered much trouble by the priests, for the cause and law of God. He confesseth himself in the same Register, that he had turned seven hundredth people to his Religion and doctrine, 
Thomas Man a great reader among the brethren of Amersham.  for the which he thanked God. He conveyed also five couples of men and women from Amershan, Oxbrige, Burnham, and Henly upon Thamis, where they dwelled unto Suffolk and Norfolk, that they mought be brought (as he then termed it) out of the devils mouth. The fourth was Robert Cousin, named likewise among them, Doctor Cousin.   

¶ Robert Cousin Martyr.  

Robert Cousyn burnt at Buckingham.  THis Robert Cousin seemeth to be the same, which in the former part of our history is forementioned, being called by the name of father Robert, and was burnt in Buckingham, pag. 749. Of this Robert Cousin, I find in the Registers of Lincoln: that he with Thomas Man had instructed and persuaded one joane Norman, about Amersham, 
The teaching & doctrine of Robart Cousin.  not to go on pilgrimage, nor to worship any Images of Saints. Also when she had bowed a piece of silver to a saint for the health of her child they dissuaded her from the same, and that she needed not to confess her unto a Priest, but to be sufficient to lift up her hands to heaven. Moreover they were charged by the bishop for teaching the said joan that she might aswell drink upon the sunday before Mass: 
A perilous heresy.  as any other day. etc. Ex. Regist. joan. Longland. And thus you see the doctrine of these good men, for the which they were in those days abjured, and condemned to death.   

¶ William Sweting, alias Clerk martyr.  

William Sweeting Martyr.  WIlliam Sweeting, otherwise named Clerk, first dwelled with the Lady Percy at Dalington in the County of Northampton for a certain space, and from thence went to Boxsted in the County of Essex, where he was the holy water Clerk, the space of seven years: after that was bailiff and fermer to masters Margerye Wood, 
Ex Regist. Rich. Fitziames', page. 60.  the term of 13. years. From Boxted he departed and came to the town of saint Osithe, where he served the Prior of saint Sythes named George Launde, the space of 16. years and more. 
George Land Prior of Saint Osithe, abjured.  Where he had so turned the Prior by his persuasions, that the said Prior of saint Osithe was afterward compelled to abjure. This William Sweting coming up to London with the foresaid Prior, for suspicion of heresy was committed to the Lollardes' Tower, under the custody of Charles joseph, and there being abjured in the Church of saint Paul, was constrained to bear a faggot at Paul's cross, and at Colchester. And afterward to wear a faggot upon his coat all his life. Which he did two years together upon his left sleeve, till at length the person of Colchester required him to help in the service of the Church, and so plucked the badge from his sleeve: and there he remained two years, being the holy water Clerk. From thence afterward departed, and travailing abroad, came to Rederith in the diocese of Winchester, where he was holy water Clerk the space of a year: then went to Chelsith, where he was their neat heard, and kept the town beasts. In the which town upon Saint Anne's day in the morning, as he went forth with his beasts to the field, the good man was apprehended & brought before the Bishop: and his chamber searched for books. This was anno. 5511.  

Crimes objected.  The crimes whereupon he was examined be these.  
First, for having much conference with one William Man of Boxsted, 
The Gospel of S. matthew. Against pilgrimage.  in a book which was called Matthew.  
Item, that he had familiarity, and frequented much the company of james Brewster, who had been before abjured.  
Item, that when his wife should go on pilgrimage, he asked of her, what good she should receive by her going on pilgrimage, adding moreover, that as he supposed, it was to no purpose, nor profit, but rather it were better for her to keep at home, and to attend to her business.  
Item, that he had learned: 
Against transubstantiation.  and received of William Man, that the Sacrament of the priests altar was not the present very body, but bread in substance, received in memorial of Christ.  
Item, that he propounded, and affirmed the same doctrine to james Brewsteer.  
Item, 
Against Images.  because he had reprehended his wife for worshipping the Images in the church, and for setting up candles before them.  
And thus have you all the causes and crimes laid against this William Sweting, wherefore he was condemned. Who then being asked what cause he had, why he should not be judged for relapse, said he had nothing else, but only that he committed himself to the mercy of almighty God.   

¶ james Brewster Martyr.  
WIth William Sweting also the same time was examined and condemned james Brewster, 
james Brewster of Colchester Martyr.  of the Parish of saint Nicholas in Colchester. This james Brewster was a Carpenter, dwelling ten years in the town of Colchester, who being unlettered, could neither read nor write, and was apprehended upon the day of S. james, in one Walkers house in S. Clementes parish.  
About six years before, which was ann. 1505. he had been abjured by William Warham Archbishop of Caunterbury, the see of London being then vacant. And after other penance done at Colchester, was enjoined to wear a Faggot upon his upper garment during his life. Which badge he did bear upon his left shoulder near the space of two years, till the Controller of the Earl of Oxford plucked it away, because he was labouring in the works of the Earl.  
* The burning of William Sweting and james Brewster.  
Item, because he used the company and conference of Henry Heart Carpenter, of Westminster, and wrought with him in his science at Westminster,  
Item for having a certain little book of Scripture in English, of an old writing, almost worn for age, whose name is not there expressed.  

Maozim in the 11. chap. of Daniel is an Idol, & signifieth as much as forts or munitions.  Item, because he hearing upon a time, one master Bardfield of Colchester thus say, that he will not worship the Maozim in hart and thought, shall die in sight, he asked afterward of William Man, what that word Maozim should mean: who told him that it signified as much as the masing God, to wit the sacrament of the altar.  
Iten, that he had much conference, with Henry Heart against ablations & Images, & that it was better bestowed money which was given to the poor, then that that was offered in pilgrimage.  
Item, for that he had communication and conference with Roger Heliar and one Walker a Thicker of S. Clement's concerning divers such matters of Pilgrimage, offering to Images, worshipping of Saints, and the sacrament of the altar.  

A perilous heresy. Ex Regist. Lond.  Item, when Thomas Goodred, William Sweting, and he in the fields keeping beasts, were talking together of the sacrament of the lords body, and like matters, this james Brewster should thus say: Now the son of the living God help us. Unto whom William Sweting again should answer, Now almighty God so do.  
And thus have you the causes likewise and crimes laid against james Brewster, upon which he with William Sweting was together examined and condemned. Then being asked, as the romish manner is, whether he had any cause why he should not be adjudged for relapse, he trusting to find favour and grace in submitting himself, said, that he submitted him to the mercy of almighty God, and to the favourable goodness of him his judge. And likewise did William Swetinge submit himself, trusting belike that they should find some favour and relief in this humble subjecting themselves unto their goodness.  
But note here the unmerciful and unchristian dealing of these Catholic fathers, 
The unmerciful, and unchristian dealing of the catholic Papists.  who upon their submission were contented to give out a solemn commission, the tenor whereof was to release and pardon them from the sentence of the excommunication, whereinto they had incurred: But immediately after upon the same, the Bishop all this notwithstanding, pronounced upon them the sentence of death and condemnation. Whereupon they were both delivered to the secular power, 
William Sweeting & james Brewster, burnt in Smithfield.  and both together brent in Smithfield at one fire, the 18. day of October. an. 1511.   

¶ Christopher Shoemaker Martyr.  
TO these blessed saints before past, we will also adjoin Christopher Shoemaker: of whom this I find briefly in the Register of sir john Longland: and that the said Christopher Shoemaker, 
Christoph. Shoemaker burnt in Newberry mariir  a parishioner of great Missenden came to the house of one john Say, and after other matters of talk, read to him out of a little book, the words which Christ spoke to his disciples. And thus coming to his house about four times: at every time read something out of the same book unto him: teaching him not to be deceived in the priests celebration at Mass, and declaring that it was not the same very present body of Christ as the priests did fantasy: but in substance bread, bearing the remembrance of Christ. And taught him moreover, that the Pilgrimage, worshipping and setting up candles to saints were all unprofitable. And thus the said joh. Say being taught by this Christopher, and also confirmed by john Okenden, and Robert pope, was brought to the knowledge of the same doctrine. Thus much briefly I find in that Register concerning Christopher Shoemaker, declaring further that he was burned at Newberry about this time, which was an. 1518. And thus much out of Registers of London.  
* The burning of Christopher Shoemaker. 
The death of Christopher Shoemaker.   
Four principal points they stood in against the Church of Rome, in pilgrimage, adoration of saints, in reading scripture books in English, and in the carnal presence of Christ's body in the sacrament.  

Abiuratio magna.  After the great abjuration aforesaid, which was under William Smith Bishop of Lincoln: they were noted and termed among themselves by the name of known men, or just fast men: 
Known men Just fast men.  as now they are called by the name of Protestants.  
As they were simple, & yet not uncircumspect in their doings, so the crafty serpent being more wily than they, by fraudulent subtlety did so cirumvent them, that they caused the wife to detect the husband: 
The practice of Romish prelates.  the husband the wife, the father the daughter, the daughter the father, the brother to disclose the brother, and neighbour the neighbour. Neither were there any assemblies nor readings kept, but both the persons and also the books were known: 
The practice of prelate's.  Neither was any word so closely spoken, nor article mentioned, but it was discovered. So subtly and slightly these Catholic prelate's did use their inquisitions and examinations, that nothing was done or said among these Known men, xv. or xx. years before so covertly, but it was brought at length to their intelligence. Such captious interrogatories, so many articles and suspicions they had, such espyals and privy scouts they sent abroad, such authority and credit they had with the king, and in the kings name: such diligence they showed in that behalf, so violently and impudently they abused the book, of the peaceable Evangelists, wresting men's consciences upon their oath, swearing them upon the same to detect themselves, their fathers & mothers, & other of their kindred, with their friends & neighbours, and that to death. All which things in the further process of the table ensuing (Christ willing) which we have collected out of some part of the Registers of Lincoln, shall appear.  
For the better declaration whereof, first here is to be premonished by the way, touching the see of Lincoln, that after William Smith, succeeded john Longland. This William Smith, 
W. Smith. Bish. of Lincoln.  although he was somewhat eager & sharp against the poor simple flock of Christ's servants under whom some were burned, many abjured, a great number molested, as partly hath been afore declared: yet was he nothing so bloody or cruel, 
john Longland B. of Lincoln.  as was the said Longland, which afterward succeeded in that Diocese. For so I find of him, that in the time of the great abjuration and troublesome affliction of Buckinghamshyre men, wherein many were abjured, & certain burned, yet divers he sent quietly home without punishment: and penance, bidding them go home, and live as good Christian men should do. And many which were enjoined penance before, he did release This Smith died about the year of our Lord. 1515. by whom was builded, as is aforesaid, the College of Brasan nose in Oxford. 
The College of Brazen nose in Oxford builded.   
Not long after him followed john Longland, a fierce & cruel vexer of the faithful poor servants of Christ: who to renew again the old sparkles of persecution, which were not yet utterly quenched first began with one or two of them which had been abjured, whom he thought to be most notorious, causing them by force of their oath, to detect & bewray not only their own opinions touching points of religion: but also to discover all other of their affinity, which were either suspected or abjured before. And them likewise he put to their oath, most violently constraining them to utter and confess both themselves, and whom else so ever they knew. By reason whereof, an incredible multitude of men, women, and maidens were brought forth to examination, and straightly handled. And such as were found in relapse, were burned.  
The rest were so burdened with superstitious and idolatrous penance and injunctions, that either through grief of conscience they shortly died: 
Bishop Longland a grievous persecutor of Christ's people. Accusers. The parties accused: The crimes objected  or else with shame they lived. All which tragical doings and proceed of the bishop against these Known and just fast men, in these tables here under following (Christ granting) shall appear, both with with the accusers, and with the parties themselves accused, and also the crimes objected.  
But before we enter into the table, it shallbe requisite first to hear the order and copy of his captious and crafty interrogatoryes, whereby he constrained the simple poor men to accuse and appeach one an other: which interrogatoryes were these in order as followeth.   

* Interrogatories ministered commonly by the Bishop of Lincoln against these examinates here following.  
THe interrogatories or articles: which Longland Bish. of Lincoln used most commonly to minister to these examinates or known men, 
Captious interrogatories ministered by the Bishop of Lincoln.  in number were 9 and are these as followeth.  
1 First, whether they or any of them did know, that certain of the parish of Amersham, had been convented before William Smyth late Bishop of Lincoln, for heresy.  
2 Item, whether they knew, that they so convented before the said Bishop, did err in the sacrament of the altar, or in any other sacrament of the Church. And if they did in what Sacraments, or in which of them: Also whether they knew that the said parties so convented, did confess their errors, and received penance for the same.  
3 Item, whether they, or any of them, were of the society of them so convented for heresy: and if they were what fellowship they had with them and with whom?  
4 Item, whether they or any of them, were ever conversant with such a one (naming the person whom they knew suspected) as with Thustan Littlepage. And if they were, what conversation they had with him, how long, & when: And whether they knew the said person to have been suspect of heresy?  
5 Item, whether they, or any of them were ever conversant with him, or him (naming some other person whom they suspected) as Alexand. Mastal. And if they were, how and how long? and whether they knew the said person to be suspected of heresy?  
6 Item, whether they, or any of them had been before time detected of heresy to the office of the foresaid William Bishop of Lincoln: And if the were, by what person or people they were detected? Or else whether they were only called by the foresaid William Bishop, for heresy?  
7 Item, whether he or they be noted and holden for heretics, or be reputed and defamed to be of the sect of them which were convented for heresy: And whether he or they be named for a Known man amongst them?  
8 Item, whether he, or they have been ever at any readings of such as have been so convented for heresy?  
9 Item, whether he, or they were ever in any secret communication or conventicle with them: Whom, or which of them he knew to be named and reputed for a Known man, or holding against the sacrament of the altar, or other Sacraments and articles of faith? And if they knew any such to declare where, and when, and what they were, and who were present the same time?  
These articles and interrogatories thus declared, now followeth to be showed, a certain brief sum compendiously collected out of the Registers of john Longland bishop of Lincoln, declaring in order of a table the names first of them which by oath were constrained against their wills to detect and and accuse other. Secondly the people that were accused. Thirdly, the crimes to them objected, as in the process of this table shall follow to be seen.  
And first, for as much as the Bishop perceived that Roger Bennet, William Chedwell, Edmund Dormer, Thomas Harding, Robert Andrew, with such other were men especially noted to be of that side, therefore to work his purpose the better, he began with them producing the same as witnesses, to ditect first Robert Bartlet of Amersham, & Richard his brother: understanding that these forenamed witnesses, because they had been abjured before, durst now do no other, upon pain of relapse, but needs confess what soever was put unto them. And therefore because Rob. Bartlet & Richard his brother being called before the bishop and sworn upon their oath, would confess nothing against themselves, the Bishop to convict them by witnesses, went first to William Chedwell, lying sore sick in his bed, causing him upon the Evangelists to swear, whether he knew the foresaid Robert and Richard Bartlet to be known men. Which being done, the Bishop then called before him Robert Andrew Roger Bennet, john Hill, Edmund Dormer. john Milsent, Thomas Bernard, Thomas Littlepage, john Dosset, all Amersham men: who being abjured before, as is said, durst no otherwise do, but confess upon their oath, that Robert and Richard Bartlet were known men. And yet the Bishop not contented with this, caused also their two wives to wit, Margaret the wife of Robert Bartlet, & Isabel the wife of Richard Bartlet, to depose & give witness against their own natural husbands. Albeit Isabel Bartlet being somewhat more temperate of her tongue, refused utterly to confess any thing of her husband, & denied her husband's words to be true, till at last she being convict of perjury, was constrained to utter the truth, as in the process of this table following more particularly followeth to be seen.  

❧ A Table describing the grievous afflictions of good men and women, in the Diocese of Lincoln, under john Longland there Bishop, with the names both of the Accusers, and of them that were accused: also with the crimes to them objected: out of the Registers of the said Diocese. Anno 1521.  
Anno 1521. Ex Regist Io. Longland Lincoln.  Accusers. Parties accused. Crimes objected. 

W. Chedwel sick in his bed.  
Robert Andrew.  
Rob. Bennet.  
john Hill.  
Edmund Dormer.  
john Milsent.  
Thomas Bernard.  
Tho. Litlepage.  
john Dosset.  
Margarete Bartlet.  
Isabel Bertlet: these being before abjured, were now compelled by oath to detect   

Rob. Bartlet.  
Rich. Bartlet his brother.   THis Robert Bartlet, and Rich. his brother were Detected by these foresaid accusers, to be known men, that is, to be of the same company and affinity with these Iurates, and other that had been abjured before in the time of William Smith, Bishop of Lincoln, about the year of our lord 1508. and that in the house of Thomas Hardynge, they were so noted by the words of hardings wife: who speaking to Roberte Bartlet, said, that she was glad that he was converted to grace, and chosen to almighty God, requiring him never to forsake that he was called to, for if he did, there was no Sacrifice left for him. Also the said hardings wife speaking to Richard Bartlet coming into her House, said, Hear cometh a good man, and I hope he will be a good man, but he hath so much mind of buying and selling, and taking of farms, that it putteth his mind from all goodness. By which words it appeared, said they, that he was a Known man. Item, that Robert Bartlet speaking to Hardings wife, said, he had thought to have called William Tilseworth false heretic: but now he was better advised. Item, that they used the lectures and readings of that company. ¶ This Ro. Bartlet, & Richard his brother first being sworn, and yet confessing nothing before the Bishop, at last were convicted by witness, (as above appeareth) and noted therefore of perjury. Wherefore incurring into greater danger, they were constrained at their next examination to utter themselves, and confess what they had both done and said: that is, 
For reading scripture in Englishen.  that the said Robert had red unto Richard his brother, a parcel of scripture beginning thus: james the servant of God, to the xii. kinds. etc. Item, for that he hard William Tilseworth say, that Images of saints were but stocks and stones and dead things: and that he taught the same to his brother Richard, and concealed the words of William Tilsewoorthe. Item, for that he partly believed Thomas Mastall, teaching him that the true presence of Christ was not in the Sacrament: and likewise of Images and Pilgrimage. Item, for receiving the Communion at Easter without shrift. etc. Robert Bartlet was brought to examination, & caused by his oath to detect Rich. Bartlet his brother. The crime wherein Roberte Bartlet appeached his brother Rich. was this, because he said, his brother Rich. had been much conversant with Thurstane Litlepage, 
The Brother detecteth the Brother.  & had learned of him the counsels and secrets of those men. Also, that he had learned of him, some of the Epistle of S. james thus beginning: james the servant of God, to the twelve kinds. etc.  Isabel Bartlet, his wife. 
The cause wherein Roberte Bartlet did detect his wife, was this, 
The husband detecteth the wife.  that when the bishops servant was come for her husband, she uttered these words, saying: Alas, he was now an undone man, and she but a dead woman. 
The brother accuseth the sister.   
Furthermore, the said R. being demanded of the Bishop, whether he knew Isabella his wife to be of the sect of heretics before he married her, said yea. Being asked again, if she had not been of that sect, whether then he would have married her, he granted the same likewise.  The foresaid Ro Bartlet was brought to examination, & caused by his oath to detect Agnes Wellis, his sister. Furthermore, the said R. Bart. detected his own sister, in that he had twice instructed her not to worship Images, and also had taught her in the Epistle of S. james. 

Elizabeth Deane, wife of Richard Deane, of Westwicam.  
Emme Tilseworth, wife of Wil-Tilseworth.  
William Grinder, & his wife.  
john Scrivener.  
Alexandera▪ Mastal.  
w. Tilsworth  
Thurstane Litlepage.  
john Bartlet his brother.   The said Roberte Bart. detected also these to be of the number of Known men: for that they resorted many times together, reading and confering among themselves, & talking against worshipping of Images, & Pilgrimage: And if any came in amongst them, which was not of their side, then they would say no more, but keep all silence. etc. Rich. Bartlet by his oath was constrained to detect Agnes wells, wife of john Wellys, his sister. 
This Agnes was detected of her brother in 3. points. 
The brother accuseth his sister.   
first, for learning the Epistle of Saint james in English, of Thurstan Litlepage.  
Secondly, for not believing the bodily presence in the Sacrament.  
Thirdly, for speaking against worshipping of Images, and going on Pilgrimages.   Old father Bartlet, his father. This Richard Bertlet also in his confession, said of his Father, that he was a better man, than he was taken for. For the other day there came a man to him, as he was threashing, and said, God speed father Bertlet, ye work sore, yea said he, 
The Pope's God almighty threshed out of the straw.  I threshe God almighty out of the straw. ¶ Against this Agnes wells brought and examined before the Bishop, were ministered these interrogatories, which for certain causes I thought here to inserte, for our posterity to note and consider, and they are these, as followeth. 

* Articles ministered to Agnes Wellys.  
1 WHether she knew that certain of the parish of Amersham were convented before William Smith, late bishop of Lincoln for heresy?  

Articles ministered against Agnes Wellys.  2 Item, whether she knew that certain of them so convented before the Bishop for heresy, did err in the Sacrament of the altar, or in other Sacraments, and what errors they were, and wherein?  
3 Item, whether she knew any other to be suspect of the same heresy or sect, beside them of Amersham so convented, who they were, and how many?  
4 Item, whether she had been of the same company, or sect, or opinion with them, which were convented before the Bishop for heresy: and if she were, what company she used, and whose?  
5 Whether she was at any time conversant with Thurstane Litlepage: and if she were, how oft she had been in his company: how, what time, in what place, who else were present, for what causes, and whether she knew him to be suspected for heresy?  
6 Item, whether she knew and had been conversant with Alexander Mastall, and if she were, how, when, in what place, who were present, for what causes, and whether she knew him suspected for heresy?  
7 Item, whether she was ever detected to the office of Willi. Smith late Bishop of Lincoln: at what time, or since the time that Litlepage and Mastall were convented before the Bishop for heresy: and whether she was then called and convented before the Bishop for heresy, or not?  
8. Item, whether she had been present, or is now noted, had, holden, or reputed, or defamed to be of the same sect with Thurstan Litlepage, or other convicted of heresy, and whether she be or hath been nominated for a Known woman among them?  
9 Item, whether she hath been present at any time at the readings or confer between Thurstane Litlepage, and other convicts?  
10 Item, whether Thurstane Litlepage did ever teach her the Epistle of saint james, 
For reading the scripture in English.  or the Epistles of Saint Peter or Paul in English, and whether she hath repeated oft times the said Epistle of saint james, unto the said Thurstane, in the presence of Richard Bartlet her brother?  
11 Item, whether Richard Bartlet her brother did teach her at any time the Epistle of S. james, and if he did, how oft, and in what place?  
12 Item, whether she had been instructed by Thurstane Litlepage, or by any other, in the foresaid sect, that in the Sacrament of the aultare was not the true body of Christ, but only the substance of bread?  
13 Item, whether she had been instructed by Thurstane Litlepage, or any other, that Pilgrimage was not to be used, nor the Images of Saints to be adored?  
14 Item, whether she did credit the said Thurstane Litlepage, or any other, teaching her in the premises, and whether she did believe or expressly consent with them in the foresaid articles?  
15 Item, whether that Roberte Bartlet her brother did ever teach her the Epistle of S. james, and if he did, how often, and where?  
16 Whether the said Robert Bartlet had taught her that Pilgrimage was not to be used, and that Images were not to be adored?  
17 Item, 
Captions articles.  whether she knew such a law and custom among them, that such as were of that sort, did contract matrimony only with themselves, and not with other Christians?  
18 Item, whether she did ever hear Thurstane, or any other say, that they only which were of their doctrine, were true Christians?  
19 Item, when she came to receive, and was confessed, whether she did utter and confess her heresies to the priest?   ¶ Unto these captions and cruel Interrogatory Articles ministered against Agnes Wellys, she answered negatively, almost to them all, refusing to utter any person unto the Bishop: But soon after, being otherwise schooled, I can not tell how, by the Catholics, she was compelled to detect both herself, her brother Roberte Bartlet, Thurstane Litlepage, and also Isabel Morwyn, wife of john Morwyn. etc. Isabel Bartlet was then brought, & examined before the Bishop: where she 
being asked whether she spoke these words following to her husband, at the coming of the bishops man: Alas, now are you an undone man, and I but a dead woman.  
first, she stood in long denial of the same, and although her husband gave witness against her, yet stood she that her husband said not truth. At last, she was compelled to grant those words to be spoken: and then being asked what she meant by them, 
She excuseth her own words.  thus she excused herself, that her husband had been unkind unto her a long time, and therefore she desired to departed from him.  
Whereupon now for sorrow she spoke those words. etc. The which words her husband did excuse something otherwise, saying, that his wife spoke those words between the threshold and the Hall door, because of a vehement fear for the loss of her goods.   

Richard Hobbes of Hichenden.  
Henry Hobbes of Hichenden.  
Hernes wife.  
Herne widow of Amersham.  
Thomas Couper of Amersham, husbandman.   Wil Chedwel, of Amersham. john Stamp wheeler of Amersham. Alice Hard. wife of Tho. Harding. The crime laid to Alice Hardynge, was this, because, when the Priest was coming to richard Bennette, to give him housel, she went before, and instructed him what he should do.  

W. Rogers  
Tiler.  
W. Harding.  
Roger Harding.   These were detected by Roger Bennet, for that they being admonished to appear before the Bishops chancellor at Amersham, neglected so to do. Roger Bennet, by like compulsion of his oath, 
For English books.  was caused to detect these person's 

I●. jennings servant to james Morden.  
George, servant of Tho. Tochel.  
Tho. Grace, servant of Roger Bennet.   These were detected for carrying about certain books in English.  

Wil Smith Wheeler.  
The wife of Io. Milsent.  
The wife of W. Rogers.  
Ro Stamp, & his wife.  
The wife of Rob. Bartlet.   These good women here named, were detected to the bishop by Roger Bennet, for that upon the holy days, when they go and come from the Church, they use to resort unto one I. Colingworths house, and there to keep their conventicle.  The wife of David Lews & her father▪ This woman was charged for speaking these words: that the churchmen in the old time did lead the people, as the Henn● doth lead her chickens: but our priests now do lead the people to the devil.  

Agnes Frank, wife of Wil Franke.  
I. Gardiner▪  
I. Samme.  
I. George.  
jam. Morden.   Because she turned away her face from the Cross, as it was carried about on Easter day in the morning, at the resurrection. Fol. 10. Tho. Rowland put likewise to his oath, did detect john Scrivener the elder. For carrying about Books from one to an other.  Thomas Rowland. For these words following: If I lie, curse, storm, swear, chide, fight, or threat: then am I worthy for to be beat, I pray you good master mine, if I offend in any of these nine, Amend me with a good scouring. james Morden compelled in like manner by his oath, did detect Thomas Chase. 
In the like also was charged Thomas Chase because he heard him twice recite the epistle of saint james. Beginning: james the servant of GOD, and of our lord jesus Christ, to the twelve kinds. etc.  
Also for these words: It was by the days of Herode king of jews, that there was a Priest, Zacharie by name, and he came of the sort of Abias', and his wife of the Daughter of Aaron: both they were just before GOD, going in all the commandments. etc.   

W. Norton.  
Agnes Ashforde of Ches●ham.   The cause laid to this Agnes, was for teaching this james the words following: 
We be the salt of the earth, if it be putrefied and vanished away, it is nothing worth. A city set upon an hill may not be hid. Teend ye not a candle and put it under a bushel, but set it on a candlestick, that it may give a light to all in the house. So shine your light before men, 
Note gentle reader what heresy is here.  as they may see your works, and glorify the father that is in heaven. No title nor letter of the law shall pass over, till all things be done· And five times went he to the foresaid Agnes to learn● this lesson. Item, that the said Agnes did teach him to say this Lesson: jesus seeing his people, as he went up to a hill, was set, and his disciples came to him: he opened his mouth and taught them, saying: Blessed be the poor men in spirit, for the kingdom of heaven is theirs. Blessed be mild men: for they shall weld the earth: And twice he came to her to learn this lesson. Ex Regist. Longl. fol. 11.  
And these lessons the said Agnes was bid to recite before 6. bishops: who straightly enjoined and commanded her, that she should teach those lessons no more to any man, and especially to her children. Ex Regist. fol. 11▪   Rich. Ashford Smith.  

Agnes Ashford.  
Tho. Chase.   Because these two did exhort him thrice, that he should keep the things they spoke of, as secret in his stomach, as a man would keep a thief in prison.  Tho▪ Tredway of Chesham.  

Rob. Pope.  
john Morden and his wife.   Because they were heard in the presence of this james Mordenne their nephew, to recite the ten Commandments in their house in English, Fol. 15. The foresaid james Morden detected Alice Atkins. Because of him she learned the Pater noster, ave Maria and Creed in English, and the v. marvels of Saint Austen. Also an other piece of an English Book beginning: here sueth four things, by which a man may know whether he shall be saved. etc.  Marian Morden his own sister. Also that she did not worship Images. And after these little things he intended to teach her of the Sacrament.  

W. Africa, or Littlepage.  
john Africa, or Litlepage.  
Emme Harding, or Africa.  
john Fip Physician.   
¶ To this james Morden with other more abiurers, it was enjoined by Bishop Smith, for seven years, to visit the church of Lincoln twice a year from Amersham. And when divers had got licence of the Bishop for length of the journey, to visit the Image of our Lady of Missenden, for the space of v. years, this james Morden, when he could not obtain licence so to do, yet notwithstanding for the tediousness of the way, went with them to the same Image, and thereupon was charged for violating the Bishop's injunction.  
Also because, to get his living, he wrought half a year out of the diocese, when he had been enjoined by the Bishop not to go out of the diocese of Buckingham. Fol. 11.  
This jam. Morden confessed that he used his Pater noster and Creed so much in English, that he had forgot many words thereof in Latin, and therefore was enjoined by bishop Smith to say it no more in English, but only in Latin, and because he kept not this injunction, he fell therefore in relapse.  Roger Benet by like compulsion of his oath, was caused to detect these following to be known persons. 

W. Rogers Tyler and his wife.  
W. Harding.  
Rog. Harding.  
joane jenynges.  
George, servant to Tho. Tochel.  
Th. Grey servant of Roger Benet.  
Agnes Franke.  
joane Colyngworth.  
W. Smith.  
The wife of john Milsent.  
Rob. Stamp and his wife.  
The wife of Rob. Bartlet.  
The wife of David Lewis of Henly.  
joh. Friar, servant to M. Penne.  
john Tracher.    

joh. Mordens wife.  
Rich. Ashford.  
Wil Litl●page, prentice sometime of john Scrivener.  
Emme his wife.  
joh. Scrivener.  
Isabel Morwyn. For teaching Coplands wife her errors.   Thom Halfaker sworn upon his oath, did detect these names here following. 

joh. Milsent & his wife.  
Rog. Harding and his wife.  
Th. Bernard.  
Th. Africa & his wife.  
W. Rogers.  
W. Harding and his wife.  
Kat. Bartlet, the mother of Rob. and Ric. Barlet.  
Th. Harding & his wife.  
W. Frank, and Agnes his wife. 
This great abjuration was anno 1511.    Because these coming to the Church, and especially at the elevation time would say no prayers, but did sit mum (as he termed it) like beasts. Because Katherine Bartlette being of good health, came but seldom to the Church, but feigned herself sick: and because William Frank married Agnes his wife, she being before abjured.  Rob. Pope. Because he fled away when the great abjuration was at Amersham. Also for having certain English books. fol. 16.  

Emme Africa alias, Emme Harding.  
I. Africa, Henry Milner.  
Hernes wife, now the wife of Waiver.  
William Tilseworth.  
Emme Tilseworth, of London.  
Thomas Tilseworth, and his wife.  
The wife of Robert Tilseworth.  
William Glasbroke.  
Christopher Glasbroke, Milner.  
Thomas Grove, and joane his wife.  
Thomas Man, by Bristol.   Tho. Holms detected Hen. Miller Counted for a great heretic, and learned in the Scripture.  

john Schepard.  
The wife of john Schepard of Dorney.  
The elder daughter of Rog Harding of Amersham.  
Nich. Stokely Couper and his wife of Henly.  
john Clerk.  
Tho. Wilbey of Henly.  
W. Stokesly.  
Hobbs with his sons of Hychenden.  
The wife of john Scrivener, Smith of Owborne.  
Thomas Clerk the elder.  
Thomas Clerk the younger.  
Wigmer fermer of Hychenden.  
Robert Carder weiver.  
john-frier, servant to M. Pen.  
john Morwen and Isabel his wife.  
Elizabeth Hover, wife of Henry Hover of little Missenden.  
Rich. White, Fuller of Beckinsfield.    Andr. Randal and his wife of Ricmansworth. Because they received into their House, Thomas Man, flying for persecution, and for reading Wickleffs Wicket.  

The father of Andrew randal.  
Benet Ward Fuller.   This Benet Ward was also denounced by john Merstonne, for saying that it booteth no man to pray to our Lady, nor to no Saint, nor angel in Heaven, but to God only, for they have no power of man's soul.  The wife of Benet Ward, and her d●ughter. For saying that Thomas Pope was the devoutest man that ever came in their house, for he would sit reading in his book to midnight many times. The foresaid Tho. Holmes detected 

Tho. Tailor and his wife of Uxbridge.  
Rob. Quick.  
Rob. Cousin.  
Tho. Clerk and his wife of Ware.  
One G●ldener about Herford.  
john Bay, and Wil Say his son, of little Missenden.  
The wife of john Wellys of Amersham.  
joane Glasbroke, sister to Wil Glasbroke of Harow on the Hill.  
Tho. Susan, Wheler.  
Iohn● Lee, Smith.  
john Austy, Sherman.  
john Friar.  
Edmund Harding.  
joh. Heron, Carpenter of Hambeldon.  
Henry Miller.    john Phips. He was very ripe in Scriptures.  Emme wife of Rich. Tilsworth.  john Phip. He was a reader or rehearser to the other.  john Say of Missenden. William Stokesly.  Rog. Squire. For saying to Holmes. This is one of them that maketh all this business in our Town with the bishop. I pray GOD tear all the bones of him.  

Roger Herne.  
A certain Tanner.    

joh. Butler, Carpenter.  
Rich. Butler.  
W. King of Uxbridge.   These three sat up all the night in the house of Durdant of juencourte by Stanes, 
For reading the Scripture in English.  reading all the night of a Book of Scripture.  john Muklyf, Weaver. For speaking against holy bread and holy water.  Tho. man.. For saying that Christ was not substantially in the Sacrament.  Thomas 〈…〉 Butler. For receiving an English book given him by Carder his father, who after his abjuration done before bishop Smith, fell sieke and died.  

Rich Vulford of Riselip.  
Hackar.  
Thomas King    

jone Cocks.  
The wife of Rob. Wywood, husbandman.   For desiring of Durdant her master, that he being a known a man, would teach her some knowledge of god's law and desiring the same also of the Butlers. Rob. Carder of juer, wever, detected these 

Nic. Durdant of Stanes.  
Davy Durdant of Ankerwike.  
The wife of old Durdant.  
The wife of Nich. Durdant.   These were detected for that old Durdant of Euyncourte, at dinner sitting with his children & their wives, bidding a boy there standing, to depart out of the house, that he should not hear and tell, did recite certain places unto them, out of the Epistles of S. Paul, & of the Gospels.  Ric. White, Father in law to Benet Ward of Bekinsfield. He was detected to be a known man, because, after the death of bishop Smith, he was heard to say these words: my L. that dead is, was a good man, and divers known men were called before him, & he sent them home again, bidding them that they should live among their neighbours as good Christian men should do. And now (said he) there is a new Bishop which is called a blessed man, and if he be as he is named, he will not trouble the servants of God, but will let them be in quiet. Marian Morden was forced upon eer oath to utter james Morden her own brother, which taught her the Pater noster, ave and Creed in English, and that she should not go on pilgrimage, nor should worship saints or images, which she had not done by the space of 6. years past, following & believing her brother. james Morden was forced upon his oath to utter 

john Littlepage.  
Henry Littlepage.  
William Littlepage.  
jone Littlepage.  
Ric. Morden his brother of Chesham.  
Emme his wife.  
Alice Browne of Chesham.  
Rad. Morden his brother of Chesham.  
His wife.  
john Phips.  
Elizabeth Hamon.   Tho. Coupland forced by his oath, detected 

A canon of Missenden.  
Tho. Grove, of London.  
Isabel Morwyn.  
The wife of Norman of Amersham.   

Th. Couper of Wodrow.  
Rog. Harding.  
W. Grinder.   Because these two could not say their Creed in Latin.  The wife of Rob. Stamp of Woodrowe. Th. Roland. T. Coupland. Ric. Stevens. Rog. Bene● forced by their oath to accuse. 

Thom. Harding of Amersham.  
Alice Harding his wife.   Because, after their abjuration in Bishop Smiths time, divers known men (as they then termed them) which were abjured before, had much resort to their house.  Agnes Squi●e▪ For speaking these words: Men do say I was abjured for heresy, it may well be a napkin for my nose, but I will never be ashamed of it.  

The vicar of little Missenden.  
Tho. Grove & his wife.   He was detected for that he did give to D. Wilcocks' 20. li. to excuse him that he might not be brought to open penance. john Sawcote upon his oath did appech Thomas Holmes. For that he was heard to say these words after the great abjuration, when he had abjured: that the greatest cobs were yet behind.  Rich Saunders of Amersham Because he ever defended them which were suspected to be known men. Also because he bought out his penance, and carried his badge in his purse. ¶ Bishop Longland seeking how to convict john Phip of periu●te, who being charged with an oath did not answer affirmatively to such suspicions as were laid unto him by Thom▪ Holmes and other several accusers, did examine Sibyl Africa his own sister, upon her oath to detect I. Phip her brother of relapse, 
john Fyppe.  but she so answered, that the bishop could take by her no great hold of relapse against him. Wherein is to be noted the singular iniquity and abuse in the Church of Rome, which by virtue of oath, setteth the sister to procure the brother's blood. The like also was sought by Thomas Africa, his sister's husband, but they had by him no vantage.  john Butler his own brother. For reading to him in a certain Book of the Scripture, and persuading him to hearken to the same. jenkin Butler did appeach 

Robert Carder.  
Richard Butler his brother.  
Henry Vulman of Uxbridge.  
Rich. Ashforde of Walton, otherwise called Rich. Nash, or R▪ Tredway.  
W. King of Uxbridge.    

Isabel Tracher, wife of joh. Tracher  
Thom. Clement of Chersham.   Because she came not to the Church ofter on the work days, being admonished both by the church wardens, by the graduates of the church, and by Doctor cocks commissary, but followed her business at home. Also because she purposed to set her daughter to Alice Harding, saying that she could better instruct her then many other. Also because she cursed the priest after he was gone, which had given to her the Eucharist, saying, that he had given to her bitter gall. W. Ameryden did detect Alice Holting. For that she being great with child, did dine before she went to church to take her rites, saying, that Isabel Tracher did so tell her, that she might dine before she received the sacrament.  W. Trencher of Amersham. For keeping Thomas Brove in his house on Easter and Christmas day, because he would not come to the Church. joane Norman did appeach 

Rob. Cousin.  
Tho. man..  
Alice Harding.   For dissuading from pilgrimage, from worshipping of Images, & from bowing her money to Saints for health of her child. Also, for saying, that she needed not to confess to a priest: but to be enough to lift up her hands to Heaven. Also for saying, that she might as well drink upon the Sunday before mass, as any other day. etc.  Henry Miller Wyer-drawer, which from Amersham fled to Chempsford. That he abjured and did penance in Kent before, and afterward coming to Amersham, taught them (as he said) many heresies.  

john Barret goldsmith of London.  
joan Barret his wife.  
Iode his servant.   Because he was heard in his own house before his wife and maid there present, to recite the Epistle of s. james: which epistle with many other things, he had perfectly without book.  john Merywether, his wife & his son. Also because joanne his wife had lent to this Ih. Scrivener, the Gospel of matthew and Mark, which book he gave to bishop Smith. joh. Scrivener forced by his oath to accuse 

Durdant by Stanes.  
Old Durdant.  
Isabel wife of Thomas Harding.  
Hartop of Wyndsore.  
jone Barret wife of john Barret of London. H. Miller.  
Stilman Tailor.   All these were accused because at the marriage of Durdantes daughter, they assembled together in a Barn, and heard a certain Epistle of Saint Paul read, which reading they well liked, but especially Durdant, and commended the same.  Tho. Rowland of Amersham. It was objected to Thomas Roulande for speaking these words: Ah good Lord where is all our good communication which was wont to be among us, when your master was alive?  

Tho. Grove of London butcher.  
W. Glasbroke of Harowe on the hill.  
Christopher Glasbroke of London.   These were appeached because they used to resort and confer together of matters of Religion, in the house of Thomas Man of Amersham, before the great abjuration.  William Tilsworth of London goldsmith, prentice sometimes to john Barret.  john Newman. He was appeached because he was present in the house of I. Barret, at the reading of Scripture.  

john Wood of Henly.  
Wil Wood  
Lewis of Henly, serving man.    wily and his son. This wily was appreached because he taught the gospel of Math. to I. Wood and William Wood after the great abjuration, & father Rob. did teach them s. Paul's Epistle, 
Father Robert martyr.  which old father was after that burned at Buckingham.  Turstan Litlepage. Emme his wife. This Thurstan had taught him the saying of Solomon: that wrath raiseth chiding: had taught him also the Pater noster, and ave in English. His Crede in english he learned of his grandmother. The said Thurstan also taught him, Christ not to be corporally in the sacrament.  

john Litlepage his brother.  
Alice, wife of Thurstan Littlepage.   Because he was said to have learned the ten commandments in English. of Alice Thurstans' wife in his father's house.  john Friar. Because this I. Friar had taught the said W. the x. commandments in English. Wil Litlepage forced by his oath did accuse. 

Thomas Grove.  
Hernes wife.  
The wife of john Morwyn.  
Richard Bartlet.  
Robert Bartlet.   Thomas Bernard.  john Clerk of little Missenden. For saying she never did believe in the sacrament of the aultare, or ever would believe in it. john Gardiner did appeach. john Horn of Ambylden. 

His sister Agnes Warde.  
Wards wife of Marlowe.  
Nicholas Stokesly.   Because, that when this Gardener said, God help us and our Lady, and all the saints of heaven, than she said: what need is it to go to the feet, when we may go to the head?  

William Stokesly.  
The wife of William Deane.  
Will. Ramsey of Newberry.  
john Simon og Marlowe.  
His wife. of Marlowe.  
john Grace of Marlowe.  
Davy Schyrwood,  
William Schyrwood.  
Raynold Schyrwood.   john Say did detect 

Christopher Shoemaker.  
Ih. Okinden  
Rob. Pope.   This Chrystopher Shoemaker had been burned a little before at Newberry. 
Christoph. Shoemaker martyr.  ¶ Bishop Longland seeking matter against Isabella Morwyn, of whom he could take no great advantage by examination, called and caused Elizabeth Copland her own sister, to testify against her in manner as followeth. Elizabeth Coplande witnesseth against Isabel Morwyn, her own sister. first because in talk together coming from their father, being at the point of death, Isabella said to her sister Elizabeth, that all which die, either pass to hell or heaven. Nay said the other, there is between them purgatory. Again, when Elizabeth came from the rood of rest said Isabella, that if she knew so much as she hath heard, she would go no more on pilgrimage while she lived: for all Saints, said she, be in heaven. Then asked Elizabeth wherefore pilgrimage was ordained of Doctors and Priests. Said the other, for gain & profit. Who hath taught you this quoth Elizabeth? man or woman? Your Curate, I dare say, never learned you so. My Curate said she, will never know so much: and moreover said to Elizabeth her sister, that if she would keep counsel, & not tell her husband, she would say more. And when Elizabeth answered, that she would not tell: but saith the other, I will have you to swear: and because she would not swear, the other would not proceed any further. Alice Browne. forced by her oath too detect. john Tracher of chesham. The cause why this john Tracher was denounced, was this, for that he taught her in the Gospel this saying of jesus: Blessed be they that hear the word of GOD and keep it. Also, because he taught her the eight beatitudes in English. ¶ Emme Tilseword because she refused to detect other by virtue of her oath, and denied such matter as by witness and by the Bishop's acts were proved against her, in pain of relapse the Bishop enjoined her to make certain faggots of cloth, and to wear the same, both before her upper garment, and behind, so long as she lived. Ex Regist. Longland.  Thomas Africa. For ask how his cousin Widmore clerk, the elder, and john Fip did at Hichenden: whether they kept the laws of GOD as they were wont. W. Phippes forced by his oath to detect. Roger Parker deceased. joh. Phip. For saying that Images are not to be worshipped, because they are made and carved with man's hand, and that such ought not to be worshipped.  john Gardiner. For that to the said Wil this Gardener said, that all which are burned for this sect, are true Martyrs.  john Stilman.  john Butler by his oath was forced to detect. Thomas Geffray first of Uxbridge then of Ipswich Taylor. 
For reading and teaching him in the acts and preachings of the Apostles. Item, for having a Scripture Book in English: which Book, the said Gefferay gave to the bishop of London when he was accused.  
Item, that the said Gefferay said, that true Pilgrimage was barefoot to go and visit the poor, weak, and sick, for they are the true Images of God.   Richard Vulford. This Uulforde, and Thomas Gefferay told the said john Butler, that the host consecrated, was not the very true body of Christ. In proof whereof, they said, that let a Mouse be put in the pixe with the host, 
A story of a mouse put into the pixe.  and the Mouse would eat it up. And for more proof, they declared unto the said john Butler, that there were two Priests in Essex, which put a mouse in the pixe to a consecrated host, and the mouse did eat it. afterward the fact of these Priests being known and brought to the Bishop, one of the Priests was burned for the same.  joh. Clerk of Denham. 
Also the same Uulford and Geffrey told him and john Clerk, that holy bread, and holy water were but a vain glory of the world: for God never made them, but were men's inventions: and that GOD neither made Priests, for in Christ's time there were no priests  
Moreover, that Thomas Geffrey caused this john Butler divers Sundays to go to London to hear Doctor Colet. 
Doctor Colet commended.    Andrew Fuller of Uxbridge. 
Because this john Butler had an old book of Richard Uulford.  
Also an other great book of Andrew Fuller for which he paid six shillings and four pence and an other little book of Thomas Man, which he brought to the Bishop.  The foresaid john Butler did detect. Thomas man.. 
Moreover, this Thomas Man, was appeached, because he read to this deponent ten years ago: how Adam and Eve were expelled out of Paradise: and for speaking against Pilgrimage and worshipping of Images, and against the singing service used then in Churches.  
This Thomas Man, was burnt and died a Martyr, of whom mention is made before. pag. 817.   William King. This William King was appeached because he lodged Thomas Man in his house upon a certain holy day at divine service: unto whom resorted Richard Uulford, and joh. Clerk, & this joh. Butler: to whom the said Tho. Man declared, that pilgrimage was nought, & that Images were not to be worshipped.  
Rob. Carder.  
Durdant. Rich. Butler his own brother. Wil King  To these was laid that Thom. Ca●der brought this joh. Butler to Durdantes house at juencourt by Stanis, where was Rich. Butler his brother, and William King reading in a certain Engglishe book: At which time Durdant desired them not to tell, that he had any such English book in his house, lest he should be burned for the same.  Rich. Nash or Ashford. Also an other time, that john Butler with Richard Butler his brother, and Robert Carder went to the house of Rich. Ashford or Nashe, to hear the same Ashford read in a certain little book, but which contained many good things. Again, when Elizabeth came from the rood of rest said Isabella, that if she knew so much as she hath heard, she would go no more on pilgrimage while she lived: for all Saints, said she, be in heaven. Then asked Elizabeth wherefore pilgrimage was ordained of Doctors and Priests. Said the other, for gain & profit. Who hath taught you this quoth Elizabeth? man or woman? Your Curate, I dare say, never learned you so. My Curate said she, will never know so much: and moreover said to Elizabeth her sister, that if she would keep counsel, & not tell her husband, she would say more. And when Elizabeth answered, that she would not tell: but saith the other, I will have you to swear: and because she would not swear, the other would not proceed any further. Alice Browne. forced by her oath too detect. john Tracher of chesham. The cause why this john Tracher was denounced, was this, for that he taught her in the Gospel this saying of jesus: Blessed be they that hear the word of GOD and keep it. Also, because he taught her the eight beatitudes in English. ¶ Emme Tilseword because she refused to detect other by virtue of her oath, and denied such matter as by witness and by the Bishop's acts were proved against her, in pain of relapse the Bishop enjoined her to make certain faggots of cloth, and to wear the same, both before her upper garment, and behind, so long as she lived. Ex Regist. Longland.  Thomas Africa. For ask how his cousin Widmore clerk, the elder, and john Fip did at Hichenden: whether they kept the laws of GOD as they were wont. W. Phippes forced by his oath to detect. Roger Parker deceased. joh. Phip. For saying that Images are not to be worshipped, because they are made and carved with man's hand, and that such ought not to be worshipped.  john Gardiner. For that to the said Wil this Gardener said, that all which are burned for this sect, are true Martyrs.  john Stilman.  john Butler by his oath was forced to detect. Thomas Geffray first of Uxbridge then of Ipswich Taylor. 
For reading and teaching him in the acts and preachings of the Apostles. Item, for having a Scripture Book in English: which Book, the said Gefferay gave to the bishop of London when he was accused.  
Item, that the said Gefferay said, that true Pilgrimage was barefoot to go and visit the poor, weak, and sick, for they are the true Images of God.   Richard Vulford. This Uulforde, and Thomas Gefferay told the said john Butler, that the host consecrated, was not the very true body of Christ. In proof whereof, they said, that let a Mouse be put in the pixe with the host, 
A story of a mouse put into the pixe.  and the Mouse would eat it up. And for more proof, they declared unto the said john Butler, that there were two Priests in Essex, which put a mouse in the pixe to a consecrated host, and the mouse did eat it. afterward the fact of these Priests being known and brought to the Bishop, one of the Priests was burned for the same.  joh. Clerk of Denham. 
Also the same Uulford and Geffrey told him and john Clerk, that holy bread, and holy water were but a vain glory of the world: for God never made them, but were men's inventions: and that GOD neither made Priests, for in Christ's time there were no priests  
Moreover, that Thomas Geffrey caused this john Butler divers Sundays to go to London to hear Doctor Colet. 
Doctor Colet commended.    Andrew Fuller of Uxbridge. 
Because this john Butler had an old book of Richard Uulford.  
Also an other great book of Andrew Fuller for which he paid six shillings and four pence and an other little book of Thomas Man, which he brought to the Bishop.  The foresaid john Butler did detect. Thomas man.. 
Moreover, this Thomas Man, was appeached, because he read to this deponent ten years ago: how Adam and Eve were expelled out of Paradise: and for speaking against Pilgrimage and worshipping of Images, and against the singing service used then in Churches.  
This Thomas Man, was burnt and died a Martyr, of whom mention is made before. pag. 817.   William King. This William King was appeached because he lodged Thomas Man in his house upon a certain holy day at divine service: unto whom resorted Richard Uulford, and joh. Clerk, & this joh. Butler: to whom the said Tho. Man declared, that pilgrimage was nought, & that Images were not to be worshipped.  

Rob. Carder.  
Durdant.  
Rich. Butler his own brother.  
Wil King   To these was laid that Thom. Ca●der brought this joh. Butler to Durdantes house at juencourt by Stanis, where was Rich. Butler his brother, and William King reading in a certain Engglishe book: At which time Durdant desired them not to tell, that he had any such English book in his house, lest he should be burned for the same.  Rich. Nash or Ashford. Also an other time, that john Butler with Richard Butler his brother, and Robert Carder went to the house of Rich. Ashford or Nashe, to hear the same Ashford read in a certain little book, but which contained many good things.  Richard Vulman of London. This Uulman was detected upon this, for that he would have red to this john Butler a certain english book, and spoke against pilgrimage and images.  Henr. Vlman & his wife of Uxbridge.  

Radulph Carpenter of London.  
A daughter of john Phip.  
A daughter of William Phip.   This Ralph Carpenter was detected, for having certain books of the Apocal. in English. Also for that this Carpenter and his wife did bring him and the wife of Henry Uulman to a cornerhouse of Fridaystreete, where the goodman of the house having a stump foot, had divers such books, to the intent they should hear them read.  

R. Butler.  
jenkin Butler his own brethren.  
The mother of Richard Ashford.  
I. Butler his other brother.   These were detected partly for holding against the Sacrament of the altar, partly also, because they were reading two hours together in a certain book of the acts of the Apostles in English at Chersham in Ashfords house. john Phip compelled by his oath to detect. The wife of Robert Pope. For having certain books in English, 
For reading books in English.  one bound in bourds, and three with parchment coverings, with four other sheets of paper written in english, containing matter against the Romish Religion. Also another book of the service of the virgin Mary in English. Thomas Stilman. Tho. Stilman was therefore detected, for that he told Wil Fip how that he being in lolards tower, did climb up the steeple where the bells were, and there cutting the bell-ropes, did tie two of them together, and so by them slipped down into Paul's Churchyard, & escaped. Tho. Tredway compelled by his oath to detect. 

john Morden of Ashly green.  
Rich. Asheford his brother.  
Agnes Ashford his own mother.   These were accused & detected, because john Morden had in his house a book of the Gospels, and other chapters in english, & read three or four times in the same: In which book his brother Ashford also did read once. Item, because I. Morden spoke against Images, and spoke these words: our Lord jesus Christ saith in his Gospel: Blessed be they that hear the word of God, & keepeth it, etc. Tredway also detected his mother for teaching him that he should not worship the images of saints. 
Tredway detecting his own mother joane Bernard detecting her own father.  
¶ Likewise joane Bernard being accused by Robert Copland, was sworn by her oath to detect Thomas bernard her own natural father, for speaking against pilgrimage, against worshipping of Saints, and against diriges and praying for the dead, and for warning his daughter not to utter any of all this to her Ghostly father. 
Rich. Bernard detecting his own father.   
¶ The like oath also was forced to Richard Bernard that he should in like manner detect Thom. Bernard his own natural father, for teaching him not to worship images, nor to believe in the Sacrament of the altar, but in God only which is in heaven: and that he should not utter the same to the Priest.  The vicar of juer, and Richard Taylor witness, accused. Richard Carder. 
For defending the cause of jenkin Butler, and for saying that the Bishop did him injury.  
Item, for saying that if he had known the bishops man would have set him so to the Bishop, he would have given him warning thereof before.  
Item, for saying, that if he should call him, he would confess nothing although he burned him.  Agnes Carder, wife of Richard Carder detected. Richard Carder her husband. For saying that he suspected that she was too much familiar with the vicar of juer. And when she answered again: how could he be evil with her, seeing he sayeth Mass every day, and doth not confess himself before: then her husband said, that he could confess himself to a post or to the altar. ¶ Where note that the Bishop then examining her of that offence, whether she was culpable, and whether she was commonly in the voice of the people defamed with him or no: she confessed so to be. Whereupon no other penalty nor penance for that crime of adultery was enjoined her of the Bishop, but only this, that she should frequent the Uicares house no more. joh. Clerk of Denham forced by his oath to detect. 

Richard Vulford of Riselyp.  
john Butler.   
For speaking against Images, Pilgrimages, 
Against Images.  oblations, and against the Sacrament of the altar.  
Item, when this john Clerk had made a we'll for fish, Richard Uulford coming by, asked him when he had made his we'll, whether the we'll now could turn again and make him: and he said no. Even so (quoth he) God hath made all Priests as thou hast made the we'll, and how can they turn again & make God?  john Mastall detected. The daughter of john Fippe of Hinchenden. For saying that she was as well learned, as was the parish Priest in all things, except only in saying of Mass. 

Rob. Rowland.  
William Franke.  
Thomas Hour.  
Tho. Rowland.  
joane Franke.  
joh. Baker, all these detected.   Alice Sanders, wife of Richard Saunders of Amersham. 
For giving twelve pence to Thomas Holmes to buy a certain Book in English for her daughter. To whom Tomas Holmes answered again, that a noble would not suffice to buy it.  
Another time, for giving six pence to the buying of a certain book in english, which cost five marks.  
Another time, Thomas Hour coming from Owburne, she asked what news, and he said, that many were there condemned of heresy: and therefore he would lean to that way no more. Then said she, if he did so, he would gain nothing thereby. Whereby he had no more work with her husband, and after was put from his holy water Clerkeship in that town.  
Another time, for saying to Thomas Rowland these words: ye may see how Thomas Hour and other which laboured to have heretics detected before B. Smith▪ are brought now to beggary: you may take example by them.  

joane Frank, William Frank the elder, William Frank the younger.  
Alice Tredway detected.   joane Colingborne. For saying to one joan Timberlake, and to Alice Tredway ten years ago▪ that she could never believe pilgrimages to be profitable, nor that Saints were to be worshipped: and desired them not to tell their Curate. Which Alice immediately caused her to be called before the Bishop. William Carder upon his oath was forced to detect. Isabel Tracher, wife of William Tracher his mistress. For that she being not sick, but in good health, and being rebuked divers times of her husband for the same, yet would not go to the Church, but tarried at home and kept her work as well holiday as work day, the space of three years together. 

Isabel Gardiner.  
john Gardiner forced by their oath to detect the Vicar of Wicombe.   Thomas Rave of great Merlow. 
For speaking against Pilgrimages, in the company of john and Elizabeth Gardiner, as he was going to our Lady of Lincoln for his penance enjoined by bishop Smyth. Also the same time, as he met certain coming from Saint john shorn, for saying they were fools, and calling it Idolatry.  
Also in the same voyage, when he saw a certain chapel in decay and ruin, he said: lo, yonder is a fair milkhouse down.  Item, when he came to Lincoln, he made water in the Chapel at mass time, excusing afterward that he did it of necessity. Item, the same time speaking against the Sacrament of the altar, he said, that Christ sitteth in heaven at the right hand of the father almighty, and brought forth this parable, saying, that Christ our Lord said these words, when he went from his disciples, and ascended to heaven: That once he was in sinners hands, & would come there no more. Also when he came to Wicomb there to do his penance, he bond his faggot with a silken lace. Also, being demanded of D. London, whether he had done his penance in coming to our Lady of Lincoln, he answered, that Bishop Smith had released him, to come to our Lady of Messenden for six years. And three years he came, but whether he came any more, because he did not there register his name, therefore he said he could not prove it.  The wife of Tho. Potter of Hychenden. Roger Benet forced by his oath to detect. The wife of Wil Tilseworth now of Haukewel. For not thinking catholicly, that is, after the tradition of Rome, of the Sacrament of the altar.  

The wife of Robert Stamp.  
Marian randal.   For not accomplishing her penance enjoined by Bishop Smith.  john Butler. For having of him a certain book in English containing a jew and a Christian.  His own wife deceased.  john Clerk of Denham. For communing with him, against Images, 
Against the Sacrament of the Altar.  Pilgrimage, and the Sacrament of the altar.  Thom. Geffrey, of Vxbrige, & his wife departed. For communing against the Sacrament of the altar, worshipping of Saints, Pilgrimage. etc. Richard Vulford, detected. Henry Vulman of Vxbrige. For speaking and teaching against the Sacrament of the altar eleven years ago, and saying it was but a trifle.  

The mother of William King of Vxbrige.  
William King.  
Robert Carder, the elder.  
john Baker of Vxbrige.   john Scrivener the elder, detected. 

Geldener the elder.  
His two daughters.   For being present and harkening unto Richard Benet reading the Epistle of Saint james in English. 
For reading the Scripture.   

Emme, sister of W. Tilseworth mart.  
john Lee Carpenter of Henly.   ¶ Here is to be noted, that in the town of Chesham were two men: One named Robert Hutton. The other john Spark. Of which two, the one called the other heretic: 
john Spark.  The other called him again thief. Spark which called Hutton thief, was condemned to pay for his slander x. shillings. But Hutton which called the other heretic, paid nothing. It happened that the wife of this Spark not long after, had certain money stolen. For the which the said Spark her husband sent for the counsel of two Friars, who gave him counsel to make two balls of clay, and to put them in the water and in the same balls to enclose the names of them whom he suspected, 
Witchcraft left of the Bishop unpunished.  and so doing the said Spark came to his money again. And this was detected to Bishop Longland the same time by Thomas Clement. But of all this matter there was no inquisition made, nor interrogatories ministered, nor witness producted, nor any sentence given. Ex Regist. Longlang. fol. 50. john Grosar, being put to his oath, detected. 

Thomas Tykill.  
Thomas Spenser and his wife.  
john Knight.   This john Grosar was examined whether he had a book of the Gospels in English, who confessed that he received such a book of Thomas Tykill morrow. Mass Priest in Milkestreete, and afterward Lente the same book to Thomas Spenser: Which Thomas Spenser with his wife used to read upon the same. 
For having the Scripture in English.  After that it was lent to joh. Knight who at length delivered the book to the Vicar of Rikemansworth. john Funge forced by his oath to detect. 

France's Funge and his brother  
Thomas Clerke.   
France's Funge was examined for speaking these words to his brother I. which words he had learned of Thomas Clarke: If the Sacrament of the altar be very God & man, flesh & blood, in form of bred, as priests say that it is: then have we many Gods, and in heaven there is but one God. And if there were an hundredth houseled in one parish, 
Against the Sacrament of the Altar.  and as many in another, than there must needs be more than one God. I will not deny, but it is a holy thing: but it is not the body of the Lord that suffered Passion for us: for he was once in man's hands here, and ill entreated, and therefore he will never come in sinful men's hands again.  
Also for speaking these words: the Pope hath no authority to give pardon, and to release any man's soul from sin, and so from pain: it is nothing but blinding of the people, to have their money.  
Also for these words, or such like: If a man do sow twenty quarters of corn, as wheat or barley, or other corn, he ought to deduct his seed, and of the residue to tithe, or else he hath wrong, etc.   Thomas Clerk. For speaking against the real presence of Christ in the Sacrament unto Frances Funge, as before, etc. France's Funge and Alyce his wife were put to their oath to detect. Robert Rave of Dorney. 
For saying these words: That the Sacrament of the altar is not the body which was borne of the blessed virgin Mary.  
Item, for speaking such words fourteen years paste: That folks were ill occupied that worshipped any things graven with man's hand: for that is graven with man's hand, is neither God, nor our Lady, but made for a remembrance of Saints. Nor we ought to worship any thing, but God and our Lady, and not Images of Saints, which are but stocks and stones.  Henry D●yn forced by his oath to detect. 

Edmund Hill of Penne.  
Robert Freeman, parish priest of Orton by Colobroke   For having and reading upon a suspected book: which book when he perceived to be seen in his hand, he closed it, and carried it to his chamber.  

Thomas Grove and his wife, of Amersham.  
Matild Philby, wife of Edward Philby of Chaldwey.   john Hill forced by his oath, did detect. joanne Gun of chesham. Because she instructed and taught the said Hill before his abjuration, in the Epistle of Saint james, and other opinions.  

William Atkyns of great Missenden.  
Richard Murden, of Chesham.  
Emme Murden, his wife.   William Gudgame forced by his oath to detect. joanne Gudgame his own wife. For being in the same opinion of the Sacrament that he was of: who notwithstanding did swear the same Matild not to be true, that her husband said.  Alyce Nashe, or Chapman, of Missenden. Matilde Simonides, and john Simonides her husband, put to their oath detected. One Haggar of London. 
For speaking in their house, an. 1520. these words: That there should be a battle of Priests, 
A prophe●●.  and all the Priests should be slain, and that the Priests should a while rule: but they should all be destroyed, because they hold against the law of holy Church, and for making of false Gods, and after that they should be overthrown.  
Item, another time he said, that men of the Church should be put down, and the false Gods that they make: and after that he said they should know more, and then should be a merry world.  Thomas Clerk forced by his oath did detect. Christopher Tinker of Wicombe. 
The cause of this Tinker's trouble was, for that he coming to this man's house, and complaining to him of the poverty of the world, had these words: That there was never so misgoverned people, and that they bore themselves so bold upon pardons and pilgrimages, that they cared not whatsoever they did, and so he departed.  
And after that seven days, this Tinker coming again, asked him how his communication with him last did please him, and he said well.  
Then the Tinker said he knew more, and that he could tell him more, and bade him that he should believe in God in heaven: for here be many Gods in earth, and there is but one God: and that he was once here, and was ill dealt with, and would no more come here till the day of doom: and that the Sacrament of the altar was a holy thing, but not the flesh and blood of Christ that was borne of the virgin, and charged him not to tell this to his wife, and especially to his wives brother a Priest.  
Afterward as the Priest was drying singing bread being wet, which his sister had bought, the foresaid Thomas Clerk said, that if every one of these were a God, then were there many Gods. To whom the Priest answered, that till the holy words were spoken over it, it was of no power, and then it was very God, flesh and blood, saying moreover, that it was not meet for any lay man to speak of such things.  
These words of the Priest being after recited to the Tinker, by the said Clerk: then said he, let every man say what they will: but you shall find it as I show you: and if you will take labour to come to my house, I will show you a farther proof of it, if you will take heed, etc.  Robert Pope first of Amersham, after of Westandred, caused by his oath, did detect these following. 

Thomas Africa, aliâs Little page, and his wife.  
Thomas Scrivener father to Thomas Holmes wife.   
To these was objected for that they had communication and conference with this Roberte Pope in the Gospel of S. Matthew, before the great abjuration, in the town of Amersham.  
This Scrivener was detected, for that the said Pope had of him a book of the Epistles in English.   Benet Ward of Bekennesfield, and his father. Edmund Dormer. 
To Ward, this was laid, that the foresaid Pope had received a Book of the ten Commandments.  
He had also the Gospels of matthew and Mark.  
Of the same Ward he learned his Christ Cross row: five parts of the eight beatitudes.   Thomas Harding, and his wife. john Scrivener, and his wife.  

Tho Man, and his wife.  
Another Tho. Man and his wife.  
Thomas Bernard.   These were detected for this, because they had communed and talked with the said Robert Pope ofttimes in Books of Scripture and other matters of Religion, concerning Pilgrimage, adoration of Images, and the Sacrament of the Lords body.  

Thomas Grove.  
Thomas Holmes.  
Robert Rave.  
William Gudgame, and his wife.  
Nashe the elder, and his wife.  
W. Grace of Easthenred, Milner.  
Edward Grace, and his wife, of Easthenred.  
Margery young, widow, of Easthenred.  
Isabella Moer, sister to the said Margery of Easthenred.  
Richard Nobys Fouler, and his wife of Easthenred.    Richard Colyns of Gynge, and his wife. This Colyns was among them a great reader, and had a book of Wickeleffes Wicket, and a book of Luke, and one of Paul, and a Gloze of the apocalypse.  William Colyns his brother. Roberte Pope of Westanred, being before adjured now again put to his oath detected these as follow. Thom. Colyns the father of Richard and William. He had a book of Paul, and a book of small Epistles. 

john Colyns, of Betterton.  
Robert Lyvord, of Steventon.  
William Lyvord, of Steventon.  
Father Amershaw, of Steventon.  
smart, of Steventon, Milner.  
Thomas Halle, of Hungerford.  
john Eden, of Hungerford.  
john Ludlow, of Hungerford.  
Thomas New, of Wantage, thatcher.  
joanne Taylor and her mother, of Bissam.  
Humphrey Shoemaker, of Newberry.  
john Semande, of Newberry, Fishmonger.  
Robert Geydon, and his wife, of Newberry, weaver.    john edmund's, of Burford. This john Edmunds was charged for having a Book, named W. Thorpe. Also, for reading in an English book after a marriage.  

Robert Burges, and his wife of Burford.  
john Colyns, of Burford.  
john Colyns, and his wife of Asthall.    joh. Clerk of Claufield. This Clerk was heard say that all the world was as well hallowed as in the Church or Churchyard. And that it was as good to be buried in the field, as in the Church or Churchyard.   

William Gun, and his wife of Witney, Tanner.  
john Baker, of Witney, Weaver.  
john Brabant the elder, of Stanlake.  
john Brabant the younger of Stanlake.  
john Kember, of Hennybarkes.  
Walter Kember, his brother, of Hennybarkes.  
john Rabettes, of Chawley.  
Thomas Widmore, of Hychenden.    joh. Fyppe William Fyppe. For reading a certain Treatise upon the Pater noster in English, which this john Fippe did read to him, and to his father. 
¶ This foresaid Robert Pope moreover detected Edward Pope his own father of little Missenden, 
The son detected the father.  for hearing the Gospel of Matthew read unto him, and for communing upon the same with this Robert Pope his son, he detected likewise Edward Pope his brother.  
¶ Furthermore, he detected his own wife, who had before abjured under Bishop Smith, to continue still in her opinions.   

Thomas Clerk the elder, of Hychenden.  
Laurence Herne, of Hychenden.    W. Halyday of Easthenred. This Halyday was detected, 
For the scripture in English.  for having in his custody a book of the Acts of the Apostles in English, which the said Robert Pope brought unto him, at the taking of Roger Dodde.  

William Squire, and his brother of Schaw.  
Thomas Steventon, & Matilde his daughter, of Cherney.   Rob. Pope before abjured, did detect these here following. 

Thomas Philippe, pointer.  
Laurence Tailor of London.   For that these two being in the house of Richard Colyns at Gynge, there did read in an English book, 
For reading the Scripture in English.  the Epistle of Saint Paul to the Romans, and Laurence did read the first Chapter of S. Luke's Gospel.   

Andrew Maysey, of Burton.  
The wife of Richard Colynes, of Gynge.    

john harry▪ his wife.  
Alyce Colyns, wife of Richard Colyns.   These being together at Upton in john Harrys house, did talk of the apocalypse, and of the Acts of the Apostles, and therefore were suspected & thus detected. Ex Regist. Longl fol 71.  Item, because john Harrys spoke against Pilgrimage, Images, and was heard to talk of seven lean, and seven fat Oxen.  Roberte Colyns of Hertford Wallis, Mason.  Tho. Grey, of Westhendred. For receiving certain books of this Roberte Pope.  Margarete House, wife of William House, of Estginge. For keeping company, and receiving the doctrine of Alyce Colins.  

john Nashe, of little Missenden.  
Henry Etkyn, and his mother, of little Missenden.  
Richard Dell, of Missenden.   Roberte Colyns being sworn upon the Evangelists, did detect these persons. Richard Colyns of Gynge. 
First, for that this Richard Colyns did read unto the said Roberte Colyns the ten Commandments: 
For reading the Scripture in English.  and after taught him the Epistles of james, and another small Epistle of Peter: and after that, took him the Gospel of Saint john in English, & bade him read therein himself.  
Also, for teaching him not to worship Images, nor to set up candles, nor to go on pilgrimage.  
Another crime against Richard Colyns: Because he taught this Robert, that in all such things wherein he offended God, he should only shrine himself to God: & in which things he offended man, he should shrine him to man.  

Against the Sacrament of the Altar.  Also for teaching him that the Sacrament of the Altar is not very God, but a certain figurative thing of Christ in bread: and that the Priest hath no power to consecrate the body of Christ.  
Also, for that the said Richard did teach him in Wickliff's Wicket: how that a man may not make the body of our Lord, which made us: and how can we then make him again? The father is unbegotten, and unmade: the Son is only begotten and not made: and how then can man make that which is unmade, said he.  
And in the same book of Wickliff's Wicket, follow the words of Christ thus speaking: If my words be heresy, then am I an heretic: And if my words be leasings, then am I a liar, etc.  
Also, another crime against Richard Colyns: For having certain English Books, as Wickleffes Wicket, the Gospel of Saint john, the Epistles of Saint Paul, james, and Peter in English, an exposition of the apocalypse, a book of our Lady's matins in english, a book of Solomon in english, a book called the prick of conscience.   john edmund's, of Burford Taylor. The crime against john edmund's, for having a certain english book of the commandments. The foresaid Robert Colyns being sworn upon the Evangelists, did detect these persons. john harry. The crime against john harry: For communing with him of the first Chapter of Saint john's Gospel: 
For speaking against Idolatry.  In the beginning was the word, and the word was with God, and God, etc. Also for communing of a Chapter in Matthew of the viii. beatitudes.  Thomas Hall. Item, for counselling him not to go on pilgrimage to Saints, because they were Idols.  

Rob. Lyvord.  
William Lyvord.  
Bruges, & joanne his wife.  
harry, & his wife.  
Rich. Colyns.   All these were detected, for that they being together in Bruges house at Burford, were reading together in the book of the exposition of the apocalypse, and communed concerning the matter of opening the book with seven clasps, etc.  

john Ledisdall, or Edon of Hungerford.  
john Colyns of Burford.  
john Colyns, and his wife, of Asthall.  
john Clerk, of Claufield.  
The wife of Richard Colyns, of Ging.    Thom. Colyns, and his wife, of Gynge. This Thomas was charged for having a book of Paul & james in English.  

William Colyns.  
Robert Pope, of Henred.  
Hakker, of Colmanstreete in London.    Stacy brickmaker of Colmonstreete. For having the book of the Apocalypse.  Tho Philip. Laurence Wharfar of London. For reading the Epistle of Saint Peter in English in the house of Roberte Colyns at Asthall.  

joanne Colyns his own sister, of Asthall.  
Thomas Colyns his cousin, of Asthall.  
Mistress Bristol, of London.  
john Colyns son of Richard Colyns, of Gynge.  
joanne Colyns daughter of Richard Colyns of Gynge.  
Henry Stacy son of Stacy of Colmanstreete.  
Thomas Steventon of Charney in berkshire.  
john Brabant in Stanlake.  
john Baker weaver, of Wytney.    Richard Colyns. The words of Richard Colyns were these: That the Sacrament was not the true body of Christ in flesh and blood: but yet it ought to be reverenced: albeit not so as the true body of christ.  Thom. Colins of Gynge, his own natural Father. 
The crime against Thomas Colins: For that eight years past, this Thomas Colins his Father had taught this john his son in the presence of his Mother, the x. Commandments, and namely, that he should have but one GOD, and should worship nothing but GOD alone: 
The son accuseth the father.  and that to worship Saints and to go on pilgrimage was Idolatry.  
Also that he should not worship the Sacrament of the altar as God, for that it was but a token of the lords body. Which thing so much discontented this john Colyns, that he said he would disclose his Father's errors, and make him to be burned: but his Mother entreated him not so to do.   Rob. Colins of Asthall. The crime against Rob. Colyns: That this Robert read to him in a certain thick book of Scripture in English. john Colins of Burford, appeached to the Bishop these persons her named. john edmund's and his wife. The crime laid to joh. edmund's: For that he read to this john the x. Commandments, & told him that john baptist said, that one should come after him whose buckle of his shoe, he was not worthy to undo.  Alice, wife of Gun of Wytney.  john Hakker, and his son of London. This john Hakker of London, coming to Burford, brought a book speaking of the x. plagues of Pharaoh, Also after that, an other book, entreating of the seven Sacraments.  

Laurence Tailor of Shoreditch.  
Thomas Philip of London.  
Philip, servant of Richard Colins.  
Waunsell fishmonger, of the Vise.  
joane Robert.  
Burges wife.  
john Boys, and his brother, a Monk of Burford.  
Thomas Baker, Father to Guns wife of Whatley.  
Agnes, daughter of john edmund's.  
The Mother of john Boys, of Sedbery.  
Edward Red schoolmaster of Burford.  
Robert Hichman of Lechelade.    Elynor Hegges of Burford. This Elynor was charged that she should burn the Sacrament in an Oven.  

john Through, of the Priory of Burford.  
The Mother of Robert Burges wife.   Roger Dods of Burford, by his oath was compelled to utter these persons here named. Sir john Drury Vicar of Windrish in Worcetershyre. 
The crime against this Sir john Drury was, for that, when Roger Doddes came first to him to be his servant, he swore him upon a book to keep his counsels in all things: and after that he showed him a certain woman in his house whom he said to be his wife, counseling moreover the said Roger Dods upon an embring day, to sup with bread & cheese, saying: that which goeth into a man's body defileth not a man's soul, but that which goeth out of the body defileth both body and soul.  
Also that the said Vicar taught him the A.B. C. to the intent he should have understanding in the apocalypse, wherein he said that he should perceive all the falsehood of the world, and all the truth. He said furthermore unto him, when he had been at the Lady of Worcester, at the blood of hails, which had cost him xviij. pence, that he had done as an ill husband, that had ploughed his land and sown it, but nothing to the purpose: For he had worshipped man's handy work and cast away his money, which had been better given to the poor: for he should worship but one God, and no handy work of man.  
Item, when the people would offer candles, where he was Vicar to Mary Magdalene, he would take them away & say they were fools, that brought them thither.   

Elizabeth More, of Easthenred.  
Robert Pope, of Westhenred.    Henry Miller or Tuck, by Ware. This henry did show to Roger Dods a certain story of a woman in the apocalypse, riding upon a red beast. The said Henry was twice abjured.  john Fyppe of Hychenden. For reading unto the said Roger Dods, a certain Gospel in English.  W. Fyppe of Hychenden and Henry his son. This William had exhorted Roger Dods that he should worship no Images, nor commit no idolatry, but worship one God: and told the same Roger, that it was good for a man to be merry & wise meaning, that he should keep close that was told him for else straight punishment would follow.  Roger Parker of Hichenhen. This Parker said to john Fyppe for burning of his books, that he was fowl to blame, for they were worth a hundredth marks. To whom john answered, that he had rather burn his books, then that his books should burn him.  The wife of Thomas Wydemore, daughter of Roger House, of Hychenden, Old Wydmores' wife, sister to john Phip of Hychenden.  john Ledisdall of Hungerford. 
For reading the Bible in English.  For reading of the bible, in Robert Burges house at Burforde upon holy rood day, with Colyns Lyvord, Thomas Hall and other.  Rob. Colins & his wife. john Colins, and his wife. For buying a Bible of Stacy, for 20. s.  The father of Rob. Colins. This father Colins had been of his doctrine from the year of our Lord. 1480. The foresaid Roger Dods of Burford, by his oath was compelled to utter these persons here annexed. 

Tho. Baker of Whatley.  
Robert Lyvord.  
john Symson of Steventon.  
Tho. Ryley, of Burford.  
john Clemson, servant to the Prior of Burford.  
john edmund's, of Burford.  
William Gun of Wytney,   To these was laid, that they being in the house of john Harris of Upton, at the marriage of joane the wife of Roberte Burges, did read in a Book called Nicodemus gospel, that made the cloth which our Lord was buried in (as the Register saith) and in that Book is the story of the destruction of Jerusalem. 

john Baker, Weaver of Wytney,  
The Bailiff of Wytney.   

john Hakker.  
john Brabant, and his wife.  
john Brabant his son, 
For reading the Scripture in English.  with his wife.  
john Brabant the younger son, with his wife.  
Reginald Brabant, of Stanlake.   For reading in a certain English book of Scripture, they being together in joh. Brabantes house of Stanlake.  Henry Fyppe. The crime and detection against this Henry was, for that he being asked of this Duds an. 1515. Whether he would go to Wycomb or not, answered again, that he was chosen Rood man, that is, keeper of the Rood fit, saying that he must go & tind a candle before his Block almighty. 
block ALMIGHTY.   Oliver Smyth of Newlyne, and his Wife.  William Hobbiss. This William Hobbiss was detected, first by Radulphe Hobbies his brother to Bishop Smyth, but was delivered through the suit of the Curate of Westwycame. john edmund's, 
Against the bodily presence of the Sacrament.  otherwise called john Ogins of Burford, did detect Philp Brabant servant of Rich. Colyns. For saying, that the sacrament of the altar was made in the remembrance of Christ's own body, but it was not the body of Christ.  The shepherds calendar was also accused & detected. Because the same edmund's said that he was persuaded by this book, reading these words: 
Against 〈◊〉 bodily presence.  that the Sacrament was made in the remembrance of Christ.  The book of William Thorpe likewise was much complained of both by this john edmund's, and divers other.  Richard Colyns of Gynges. This Richard Colins, as he was a great doer among these good men: so was he much complained upon by divers, & also by this edmund's, for bringing with him a book called the king of Beeme, 
The book called the king of Beeme.  into their company, and did read thereof a great part unto them, in this edmund's house of Burford. john edmund's, otherwise called john Ogyns of Burford did the detect Alice Colins, wife of Rich. Colyns. This Alice likewise was a famous woman among them, and had a good memory & could recite much of the scriptures, and other good books: And therefore when any conventicle of these men did meet at Burford, commonly she was sent for, to recite unto them the declaration of the x. commandments, & the Epistles of Peter, and james. joanne Colyns daughter of Rich. and of Alice Colyns. This joanne also following her fathers and Mother's steps was noted, for that she had learned with her father and mother, the x. Commandments, 
For having the x. Commandments in English.  the seven deadly sins, the seven works of mercy, the five wits bodily and ghostly, the eight blessings, and v. chapters of S. james Epistle.  Agnes edmund's his own daughter. This Agnes edmund's was also detected by her Father, that he brought her to the house of Richard Colyns, to service, 
The father accuseth his own daughter.  to the intent she might be instructed there in God's law, where she had learned likewise the x. Commandments, the five wits Bodily and Ghostly, and the 7. deadly sins.  

Alyce Gun.  
W. russel. of Colmanstreet.  
One mother joanne.  
Father john Hungerford.  
joanne Taylor, servant of john harry, of Burford.  
Thomas Quick, Weaver of reading.  
Philip Brabant, Weaver.  
john Barbar, Clerk of Amersham.  
john Eding, of Hungerford.  
One Brabant, brother to Philippe Brabant, of Stanlake.    Robert Butterfield. Thomas white, and Thomas Clerk did appeach. 
Cost lost.  
For saying: Our Lady is not at Wilsedon, but in heaven.  William Dorset. 
The words of William Dorsette were these: that pilgrimage was of none effect, and offering candles or other things to saints, stood in no steed, and was but cost lost.  
Also when his Wife was going on pilgrimage, and he asked whether? and she said to our Lady of Wilsedon: our Lady, said he is in heaven.  john Baker being urged upon his oath, 
The Image of God.  did disclose. john edmund's. This john Edmundes was detected because that he, talking with the said Baker, of pilgrimage bade him go offer his money to the Image of GOD. when the other asked, what that was, he said that the Image of GOD was the poor people, blind, and lame: and said that he offended almighty God in going on pilgrimage. William Phyppe adjured by his oath did accuse. 
Father accuseth his own son.  Henry Phippe his own son. For communing with Roger Dods against pilgrimage and adoration of Images. 
block ALMIGHTY.  Henry Phip being examined, and abjured by the Bishop was compelled to disclose his own words spoken to Roger Dods, saying to him, that he must light a candle before his BLOCK ALMIGHTY, being then rood man. Roger Parker. William Phip his own father. For talking together against Pilgrimage and Idolatry. john Brabant, the elder son of john Brabant, did nominate 

john Hakker.  
Robert Pope.   For reading the holy Scripture in his father's house, and for saying these words: Christ made his maundy and said: take this bread, eat it, this is my body: Take this wine, drink it, this is my blood: And Priests say by these words, that the Sacrament of the altar is the body of Christ.  john Brabant his Father, & his Mother. For being present when Hacker was reading the Scripture in their house.  Philip Brabant his Uncle. The words of Philippe Brabant, were these: that it was deadly sin to go on pilgrimage. ¶ Concerning this john Brabant, here is to be noted the form and effect of the bishops examination, ask and demanding thus of the said Brabant: 
Ex Regist. Io. Longland Fol. 85.  An unquam audivit joannem Hakker legentem sacram Scripturam contra determinationem Ecclesiae. That is, whether he ever heard john Hacker read the which words, if he mean, that it is against the determination of the church, to read the holy Scripture, it may thereby appear to be a blind church. And if they mean that the holy scripture containeth any such thing in it which is against the determination of the church, than it appeareth their church to be contrary unto God, seeing it determineth one thing, and God's word an other. john Baker did detect 

Robert Pope.  
Richard Nobbiss.  
john edmund's.   For speaking against going on pilgrimage, and Image worship. john a Lee denounced john a Weedon. When this john a Lee had told the said Weedon, how the B. had said in his sermon these words: That all which were of the sect of heretics believed that God was in heaven, but they believed not that the body of Christ on the altar was God: to this he answering again, said: ye be bold upon that word, deriding the B. in so saying.  W. Dorset of kings Langley. For saying that images stood for nothing: and that Pilgrimage served to spend folks money, & nothing else. joane Steventon denounced 

Alice Colyns.  
john Harrys   For teaching the said joane Steventon. in Lent, that x. Commandments, thus beginning: I am thy Lord God that led thee out of the Land of Egypt and brought thee out of the house of thraldom. Thou shalt not have no alien Gods before me, neither make to thee any image graven with man's hands, that is in heaven above, neither in the earth beneath. etc. Iten, for teaching her the first chapter of S. john's Gospel: In the beginning was the word. etc. For teaching her the 1. chapter of Peter. Sir john a Priest, and also Rob. Robinson detected 

M. Cotismore of Brightwell:  
Also Mistress Cotismore, otherwise called Mistress Doly.   
For speaking these words to one john Baynton her servant: that if she went to her chamber & prayed there she should have as much merit as though she went to Walsingham on pilgrimage,  
Item, when the said Sir john came to her, after the death of M. Cotismore his Master, requiring her to send one john stainer her servant to our Lady of Walsingham for Master Cotismore which in his life time being sick, promised in his own person to visit that place, she would not consent thereto, nor let her servant go. Item for saying that when women go to offer to Images or saints they did it to show their new gay gear, & that images were but carpenters chips: 
Carpenter's chips.  and that folks go on pilgrimage more for the green way then for devotion.  john Hakker did detect. Tho. Vincent of London. To Tho. Uincent it was objected for giving this Hakker a book of S. Matthew in English. Mistress Cotismore, otherwise Doly.  Rich. Colyns. For receiving of the said Hakker a book of the 10. Commandments in English.  Goodwife Bristol of Woostreete in London.  William Gun. For receiving of Hakker a book of the x. plagues sent of God to Pharaoh. The foresaid john Hakker did detect 

The Wife of Tho. Wydmore of Chychenden.  
Elizab. the daughter of this Hakker, and Rob. her husband, other Wise called Fitton, of Newberry.  
William Stokesly of Henly.  
john Symondes and his wife of great Marlowe.  
john Austy of Henly.  
Thomas Austy of Henly.  
Grinder of Cookham.    john Heron. For having a book of the exposition of the Gospel's fair written in English. Tho. Grove, end also Io. of Reding put to their oath, did detect. Richard Grace. 
For speaking these words falowing: that our blessed Lady was the Godmother to S. Katherine: 
The Legend of S. Katherine proved false.  & therefore the Legend is not true in saying, that Christ did marry with S. Katherine, and bad Adrian put on his vestment, and say the service of matrimony: For so Christ should live in adultery, for marrying with his Godsyster: which thing if he should do, he should be thought not to do well.  
Item, for saying by the picture of S. Nicholas being newly painted, that he was not worthy to stand in the Rood fit, but that it better beseemed him to stand in the Belfray. etc.   
In this Table above prefixed, thou hast gentle reader, to see and understand: First the number and names of these good men and women troubled and molested by the church of Rome, and all in one year: of whom few or none were learned, being simple labourers and artificers, but as it pleased the Lord to work in them knowledge and understanding, by reading a few English books, such as they could get in corners. Secondly what were their opinions we have also described. And thirdly herein is to be noted moreover, the blind ignorance & uncourteous dealing of the bishops against them, not only in that they, by their violent oath, and captious interrogatoryes, constrained the children to accuse their parents and parents the children: the husband the wife, & the wife the husband. etc. but especially in the most wrongfully they so afflicted them, without all good reason or cause, only for the sincere verity of God's word, & reading of holy Scriptures.  
Now it remaineth, that as you have heard the opinions (which principally in number were 4.) so also we declare their reasons & scriptures whereupon they grounded, 
The reasons and probations of their doctrine.  & after that consequently the order & manner of penance to them enjoined by the Bishop. And first against pilgrimage and against worshipping of Images, they used this text of the Apoc. 9 I saw horses in a vision, and the heads of them, as the heads of Lions: smoke, fire, and brimstone came out of their mouths: with these 3. plagues, the third part of men were slain of the smoke and of the fire, and of the brimstone that came out of the mouths of them. They that were not slain of these 3. plagues were such as worshipped not devils, and images of gold and silver of brass, of tree, and of stone. etc. Ex Regist. Longland. Fol. 72. Also they used & alleged the first commandment, that there is but one God, & that they ought not to worship more Gods then one. etc.  
And as touching the Sacrament and the right doctrine thereof, 
Wickliffe● Wicket. The shepherds calendar.  they had their instruction partly out of Wickliff's wicket, partly out of the shepherds Calendar: where they read: That the sacrament was made in remembrance of Christ, and aught to be received in remembrance of his body. etc. Moreover they alleged and followed the words of Christ spoken at the supper, at what time he sitting with his Disciples, and making with them his Maundy, took bread, and blessed, and broke, and gave to his disciples: And said, eat ye: this (reaching forth his arm, 
Ex Regist. Io. Longland. Fol. 102.  and showing the bread in his hand, and then noting his own natural body and touching the same, and not the bread consecrate) is my body, which shall be betrayed for you: do this in remembrance of me: And likewise took the wine and had them drink, saying: this is my blood which is of the new Testament. etc.  
Item, 
Fol. 42.  that Christ our Saviour sitteth on the right hand of the father, and there shallbe unto the day of doom: Wherefore they believed that in the Sacrament of the altar was not the very body of Christ.  
Item (said one of them) men speak much of the Sacrament of the altar, but this will I bide by, 
Fol. 32.  that upon share-thursday Christ broke bread unto his disciples, and bade them eat it, saying, it was his flesh and blood. And then he went from them, and suffered passion: and then he rose from death to life, and ascended into heaven, and there sitteth on the right hand of the father, and there he is to come unto the day of doom, when he shall judge both quick and dead: And therefore how he should be here in the form of bread, he said, they could not see.  
Such reasons and allegations as these and other like, taken out of the scripture, and out of the shepherds Calendar, Wickliff's wicket, and out of other books they had amongst them. And although there was no learned man with them to ground them in their doctrine, yet they conferring and communing together among themselves, did convert one another, the lords hand working with them marvelously: So that in short space, 
The Bishop complaineth to the king.  the number of these Known or Just fast men (as they were then termed) did exceedinly increase, in such sort, that the Bishop seeing the matter almost past his power, was driven to make his complaint to the king, and required his aid for suppression of these men. Whereupon king Henry being then young, & unexpert in the bloody practices and blind leadings of these apostolical prelates, incensed with his suggestions and cruel complaints, directed down letters to his Sheriffs, bailiffs, officers, & subjects for the aid of the bishop in this behalf: the tenor of which letters here ensueth.   

¶ The copy of the kings letter for the aid of john Longland B. of Lincoln, against the servants of Christ, falsely then called heretics.  
HEnry the 8. by the grace of God, king of England & of France Lord of Ireland, defender of the faith: to all Mayors, sheriffs, Bailiffs and Constables, and to all other our Officers, Ministers, and Subjects, these our letters hearing or seeing, and to every of them greeting. For as much as the right reverend father in God our trusty and right well-beloved Counsellor the Bishop of Lyncolne, hath now within his Diocese no small number of heretics, as it is thought to his no little discomfort and heaviness: We therefore being in will and mind safely to provide for the said right reverend father in God and his officers: that they ne none of them, shall bodily be hurt or damaged by any of the said heretics or their fautors, 
The copy of the king's letter.  in the executing and ministering of justice unto the said heretics accordingly to the laws of holy church: do straightly charge and command you and every of you, as ye tender our high displeasure, to be aiding, helping and assisting the said right reverend Father in God, and his said officers in the executing of justice in the premises, as they or any of them shall require you so to do, not failing to accomplish our commandment & pleasure in the premises, as ye intend to please us, and will answer to the contrary, at your uttermost perils. yeven under our signet at our castle of Wyndsour the 20. day of October the 13. year of our reign.  
The bishop thus being armed no less with the authority of the kings letter then incited with his own fierceness, forslacked no time, but eftsoons to accomplish his moody violence upon the poor flock of Christ called before him sitting upon his tribunal seat, both these aforenamed persons, and all other in his diocese which were never so little noted or suspected to incline toward those opinions: of whom to such as had but newly been taken, and had not before abjured, he enjoined most straight & rigorous penance. The other in whom he could find any relapse, yea albeit they submitted themselves never so humbly to his favourable courtesy, 
The cruel falsehood of Bishop Longland.  and though also at his request, and for hope of pardon, they had showed themselves great detecters of their brethren being moreover of him feed and flattered thereunto, yet not withstanding, contrary to his fair words, & their expectation, he spared not, but read sentence of relapse against them committing them to the secular arm to be burned.  
And first as touching them who being brought to abjuration, were put to their penance, long it were to recite the names of all. Certain I thought to recite here in a catalogue, first reciting the persons, afterward the rigorous, penance to them enjoined.  

The names of them which were abjured in the Diocese of Lincoln, the year of our Lord. 1521.  
William Colyns.  
joh Colyns.  
joane Colyns.  
Rob Colyns.  
joh. Hackar.  
joh. Brabant, the father.  
joh. Brabant his son.  
joh. Brabant the younger son  
john edmond's.  
Edward Pope.  
Henry Phip.  
joh. Steventon.  
joane Steventon.  
Rob Bartlet.  
Tho. Clerk.  
joh. Clerk.  
Rich. Bartlet.  
William Phip.  
joh. Phip.  
Tho. Couper.  
Wil Littlepage.  
joh. Litlepage.  
jone. Litlepage.  
joh. Say.  
joh. Friar.  
Rich. Vulford.  
Tho. Tredway.  
Wil Gudgame.  
Roger Heron.  
France's Funge.  
Rob. Pope.  
Roger Dods.  
john Harris.  
Rob. Bruges.  
john Stamp.  
jone Stamp.  
Rich. White.  
Bennet Ward.  
john Baker.  
Agnes Wellis.  
Marian Morden.  
Isabella Morwin.  
Io. Butler. Io. Butler the younger  
R. Carder.  
Rich. Bernard.  
jone Bernerd.  
Io. Grace. Io. French.  
joh. Edings.   

The towns and villages and countries, where these foresaid persons did inhabit, are named chiefly to be these.  
Amersham.  

The names of the towns where they dwelled.  Chesham.  
Hychenden.  
Missenden the great.  
Missenden the less.  
Easthendred.  
Westhendred.  
Asthall.  
Bekensfield.  
Denham.  
ging.  
Betterton.  
Cherney.  
Stanlake.  
Claufield.  
Walton.  
Marlowe.  
Dorney.  
juer.  
Burton.  
Uxbridge.  
Owburne.  
Henly.  
Wycame.  
Westwycame.  
Newberry.  
Burford.  
Wytney.  
Hungerford.  
Vpton.  
Wynsore.  
London.  
Colmonstreet in Lon..  
Chepeside in London.  
Shoreditch by London  
S. Gyles in London.  
Essex.  
Suffolk.  
Norfolk.  
Norwich.   
The books & opinions, which these were charged with all, & for the which they were abjured, partly are before expressed, partly here follow in a brief summary to be seen.   

¶ A brief sum of their opinions.  

Ex Regist. Fol. 32.  THe opinions of many of these persons were, that he or she never believed in the Sacrament of the altar, nor ever would, and that it was not as men did take it.  

Ibid.  For that he was known of his neghbor, to be a good fellow, meaning that he was a known man.  

Fol. 33.  For saying that he would give 40. pence, in condition that such a one knew so much, as he did know.  

Fol. 34.  Some for saying, that they of Amershan, which had been abjured before by Bishop Smyth, were good men, & perfect Christians, & simple folk which could not answer for themselves, & therefore were oppressed by power of the bishop.  
Some for hiding other in their barns.  

Ibid.  Some for reading the Scriptures or treatises of Scripture in English: some for hearing the same read.  
Some for defending: some for marrying with them which had been abjured.  

Fol. 36.  Some for saying that matrimony was not a Sacrament.  
Some for saying, that worshipping of Images was Mawmetrey: some for calling Images carpenters chips: some for calling them stocks and stones: some for calling them dead things.  

Fol. 33.  Some for saying that money spent upon pilgrimage, served but to maintain thieves and harlots.  
Some for calling the Image in the Rood fit block almighty.  

Fol. 37.  Other for saying that nothing graven with man's hand was to be worshipped.  

Fol. 40.  Some for calling them fools which came from master john shorn in pilgrimage.  

Ibid.  An other for calling his vicar a poll shorn priest.  

Ibid.  An other for calling a certain blind chapel being in ruin, an old fair milckhouse.  

Fol. 4.  An other for saying that he threshed God almighty out of the straw.  

Fol. 34.  An other for saying that alms should not be given, before it did sweat in a man's hand.  

Fol. 35.  Some for saying, that they which die, pass strait either to heaven or hell.  

Fol. 9  Isabella Bartlet was brought before the Bishop, and abjured, for lamenting her husband when the Bishop's man came for him, and saying, that he was an undone man, and she a dead woman.  

Fol. 45.  For saying that Christ departing from his disciples into heaven, said: that once he was in sinners hands, & would come there no more.  
Robert Rave hearing a certain Bell in an uplandish steeple, said: lo yonder is a fair bell, and it were to hang about any cows neck in this town: and therefore, as for other such like matters more he was brought coram nobis.  
Item for receiving the Sacrament at Easter, & doubting whether it was the very body, and did not confess their doubt to their ghostly father.  
Some for saying that the pope had no authority to give pardon or to release man's soul from sin, and so from pain, and that it was nothing but blinding of the people, and to get their money.  
The penance to these parties enjoined by this john Longland Bishop of Lincoln, 
The order of penance.  was almost uniform and all after one condition, save only that they were severally committed and divided into several and divers monasteries, there to be kept and found of alms all their life, except they were otherwise dispensed with by the bishop: as for example I have here adjoined the bishops letter for one of the said number, sent to the Abbey of Ensham, there to be kept in perpetual penance. By which one, an estimation may be taken of the rest, which were bestowed like wise sunderly into sundry Abbeys, as to Osney, to Frideswide, to Abingdon, to Tame, to Bessetor, to Dorchester, to Notley, to Ashrige, and divers more. The copy of the bishop's letter sent to the Abbot of Ensham, here followeth under written.   

The Bishop's letter to the Abbot of Ensham.  
MY loving brother, I recommend me heartily unto you: and where as I have, according to the law, 
The copy of the Bishop's letter to the Abbot of Ensham.  put this bearer R.T. to perpetual penance within your monastery of Ensham, there to live as a penitent, and not otherwise, I pray you, and nevertheless, according unto the law, command you to receive him, & see ye order him there accordingly to his injunctions which he will show you, if ye require the same. As for his lodging, he will bring it with him. And his meat and drink, he may have such as ye give of your alms. And if he can so order himself by his labour within your house in your business, whereby he may deserve his meat and drink, so may you order him, as ye see convenient to his deserts, so that he pass not the presynct of your monastery. And thus far you heartily well from my place etc.  
As touching the residue of the penance and punishment inflicted to these men, they do little or nothing disagree, but had one order in them all. The manner and form whereof in the said Bishop's Register doth proceed in condition as followeth.   

Penance enjoined under pain of relapse by john Longland Bishop of Lincoln, the 19 day of December. an. 1521.  
Inprimis, that every one of them shall upon a market day, such as shall be limited unto them in the market time, 
Ex Regist. Fol. 90.  go thrice about the market at Burford, and then to stand up upon the highest grece of the Cross there a quarter of an hour with a faggot of wood every one of them upon his shoulder, 
Penance enjoined to these abiurates under pain of relapse.  and every one of them once to bear a faggot of wood upon their shoulders, before their procession upon a Sunday, which shall be limited unto them at Burford, from the quyre door going out, to the quyre door going in, and all the high Mass time to hold the same faggot upon their shoulders, kneeling upon the grece afore the high altar there, and every of them likewise to do likewise in their own parish Church, upon such a Sunday as shallbe limited unto them: and once to bear a faggot at a general procession at Oxbridge, when they shallbe assigned thereto: and once to bear a faggot at the burning of an heretic, when they shallbe monished thereto.  
Also every one of them to fast bread and ale only every Friday during their life, and every even of Corpus Christi every one of them to fast bread and water during their life unless sickness unfeigned let the same.  
Also to say every of them every Sunday and every friday during their life, once our Lady Psalter, & if they forget it one day, to say as much another day for the same.  
Also they nor none of them, shall not hide the mark upon their cheek, neither with hat, cap, hood kerchief, napkin, or none otherwise, nor shall not suffer their beards to grow past 14. days, nor never to haunt again together with any suspect person or persons, unless it be in the open market, fair, church or common Inn or alehouse, where other people may see their conversation.  
And all these injunctions they and every of them, to fulfil with their penance, and every part of the same, under pain of relapse.  
And thus have you the names, with the causes and the penance of them which were at this present time abjured. By the which word 
* Abjured, what it signifieth.  abjured, is meant that they were constrained by their oath, swearing upon the Evangelists, & subscribing with their hand, and a cross to the same, that they did utterly and voluntarily renounce, detest, & forsake, and never should hold hereafter these, or any other like opinions, contrary to the determination of the holy mother church of Rome: and further, that they should detect unto their ordinary, whom so ever they should see, or suspect hereafter to teach, hold, or maintain the same.   

¶ Here follow the names of them, which were condemned for relapse, and committed unto the secular power.  
AMong these aforenamed persons, which thus submitted themselves, and were put to penance, certain there were which because they had been abjured before, as is above mentioned, 
Vid. sup. pag. 814.  pag. 814. under bishop Smith, were now condemned for relapse, and had sentence read against them and so were committed to the secular arm, to be burned: Whose names here follow.  

Martyrs.  
Thomas Bernard.  

Anno. 1521.  james Morden.  
Robert Rave.  
john Scrivener.   
Of these mention is made before, both touching their abjuration, and also their martyrdom, pag. 814. unto whom we may adjoin.  

joane Norman.  
Thomas Holmes.   
This Thomas Holmes, albeit he had disclosed and detected many of his brethren, 
Tho. Holmes. Vid. supra. pag. 824.  as in the table above is expressed, pag. 824. thinking thereby to please the Bishop & to save himself, & was thought to be a feed man of the bishop for the same: yet notwithstanding in the said bishop's register appeareth the sentence of relapse, & condemnation written & drawn out against him: and most like that he was also adjudged and executed with the other.  
¶ As touching the burning of joh. Scrivener, here is to be noted, 
Children compelled to set fire to their own father.  that his children were compelled to set fire unto their father, in like manner as joane Clerk also daughter of William Tilseworth, was constrained to give fire to the burning of her own natural father, as is above specified, pag. 774. The example of which cruelty, as it is contrary both to God and nature, so hath it not been seen nor heard of in the memory of the heathen.  
Where moreover is to be noted, that at the burning of this john Scrivener, 
A note of Thomas Dorman.  one Thomas Dorman, mentioned before, pag. 775. was present and bare a faggot at Amershan: Whose abjuration was afterward laid against him, at what time he should depose for recovery of certain lands from the school of Barchamsted. 
This Master Dorman, because he● was put to school by his uncle a Barchamstede to M. Reeve, being a protestant, therefore he for the same cause, in the first sentence of his preface, saith that he was brought up in Caluins' school.  This Thomas Dorman (as I am credibly informed of certain about Amersham) was then uncle to this our Dorman, & found him to school at Barchamsted under M. R●ue, which now so uncharitably abused his pen in writing against the contrary doctrine, and raileth so fiercely against the blood of Christ's slain servants, miscalling them to be a dunghill of stinkin Martyrs.  
Well, how soever the savour of these good Martyrs do sent in the nose of M. Dorman. I doubt not but they give a better odour and sweeter smell in the presence of the Lord: Preciosa enim in conspectu Domini mors sanctorum eius. Precious is in the sight of the Lord the death of his Saints. And therefore howsoever it shall please M. Dorman with reproachful language to misterm the good martyrs of Christ's, or rather Christ in his Martyrs▪ his unseemly usage more cartlike than clerkelike, is not greatly to be weighed. For as the danger of his blasphemy hurteth not them which are gone: so the contumely an● reproach thereof, as well comprehendeth his own kindred, friends, and country, as any other else: and especially redoundeth to himself and woundeth his own soul and none else, unto the great provoking of God's wrath against him, unless he be bles●sed with better grace by time to repent.  

Doctor Colet.  
MUch about this time, or not past 2. years before, 
john Colet Deane of Paul's.  died D. john Colet, of whom mention was made in the table about pag. 801. To whose sermons these known men about Buckinghamshyre, had a great mind to resort. After he came from Italy and Paris, he first began to read the Epistles of S. Paul openly in Oxford, 
Paul's Epistles first read openly in Oxford.  in stead of Scotus and Thomas. From thence he was called by the king and made Deane of Paul's: where he accustomed much to preach, not without great auditory, as well of the kings court, as of the citizens and other. His diet was frugal: his life upright: in discipline he was severe: In so much that his Canons because of their straiter rule, complained that they were made like monks. The honest and honourable state of matrimony he ever preferred before the unchaste singleness of priests. 
The commendation of Doctor Colet.  At his dinner commonly was read either some chapter of S. Paul, or of salomon's Proverbs. He never used to sup. And although the blindness of that time carried him away after the common error of Popery: yet in ripeness of judgement he seemed something to incline from the vulgar trade of that age. The religious orders of monks and friars he fantised not. As neither he could greatly favour the barbarous divinity of the school Doctors, as of Scotus, but least of all, of Thomas Aquine: 
Colettes judgement of Thomas Aquine.  In so much that when Erasmus speaking in the praise of Thom. Aquine, did commend him that he had red many old authors, and had written many new works as Catena aurea, & such like, to prove and to know his judgement: Colet first supposing that Erasmus had spoken in jest, but after supposing that he meant good faith, bursteth our in great vehemency, saying: what tell you me (quoth he) of the commendation of that man, who except he had been of an arrogant and presumptuous spirit, would not define and discuss all things so boldly & rashly: and also except he had been rather worldly minded, then heavenly, would never have so polluted Christ's whole doctrine with man's profane doctrine, in such sort as he hath done.  
The Bishop of London at that time was Fitziames', 
D. Colet accused.  of age no less than 80. Who bearing long grudge and displeasure against Colet, with other 2. Bishop's taking his part, like to himself entered action of complaint against Colet to the Archb. of Cant. being then W. Warham. The matter of his complaint was divided into 3. Articles. The first was for speaking against worshipping of Images. The second was about hospitality, for that he entreating upon the place of the gospel, pasce, pasce, pasce, feed, feed, feed: when he had expounded the 2. first, for feeding with example of life and with doctrine: in the third, which the schoolmen do expound for feeding with hospitality, he left out the outward feeding of the belly, and applied it an other way. The third crime wherewith they charged him, 
The B. of London enemy to D. Colet.  was for speaking against such as used to preach only by bosom Sermons, declaring nothing else to the people, but as they bring in their prayers with them. Which because the Bishop of London used then much to do for his age, 
The Archb. of Canter. favourer of D. Colet.  he took it as spoken against him, and therefore bore him this displeasure. The Archbishop more wisely weighing the matter, and being well acquainted with Colet, so took his part against his accusers, that he at that time was rid out of trouble.  
William Tyndall in his book answering that M. More addeth moreover, and testifieth that the Bishop of London would have made the said Colet Deane of Paul's, an heretic for translating the Pater noster in English, had not the Bishop of Caunterbury helped the Dean.  
But yet the malice of Fitziames' the Bishop so ceased not: who being thus repulsed by the Archbishop, practised by an other train how to accuse him unto the king. The occasion thus fel. It happened the same time, that the king was in preparation of war against France. Whereupon the Bishop with his coadjutors taking occasion upon certain words of Colet, wherein he seemed to prefer peace before any kind of war, 
Iniqua pax iustissimo bello praeferenda.  were it never so just, accused him therefore in their sermons, and also before the King.  
Furthermore it so befell the same time that upon good friday D. Colet preaching before the king, entreated of the victory of Christ, exhorting all Christians to fight under the standard of Christ, against the devil, adding moreover what an hard thing it was to fight under Christ's banner, and that all they which upon private hatred or ambition, took weapon against their enemy, one christian to slay an other such did not fight under the banner of Christ, but rather of Satan, & therefore concluding his matter, he exhorted that Christian men in their wars would follow Christ their Prince, & captain, in fight against their enemies rather than the example of julius or Alexander etc. The king hearing Colet thus to speak, and fearing lest by his words the hearts of his soldiers might be withdrawn from his wars which he had then in hand, 
Colet called before the king.  took him aside, and talked with him in secret conference in his garden walking. Bish. Fitziames', Bricot, and Standish, who were his enemies, thought now none other, but that Collet must needs be committed to the Tower, & waited for his coming out. But the king with great gentleness entertaining D. Colet, and bidding him familiarly to put on his cap, in long courteous talk had with him in the garden much commended him for his learning & integrity of life agreeing with him in all points, 
D. Colet commended of the king.  but that only he required him (for that the rude soldiers should not rashly mistake that which he had said) more plainly to explain his words and mind in that behalf, which after he did: and so after long communication and great promises, the king dismissed Colet with these words, saying: let every man have his Doctor as him liketh: this shall be my Doctor and so departed. Whereby none of his adversaries durst ever trouble him after that time.  

The foundation of the school of Paul's.  Among many other memorable acts left behind him, he erected a worthy foundation of the school of Paul's (I pray God the fruits of the school may answer the foundation) for the cherishing up of youth in good letters, providing a sufficient stipend as well for the master as for the Husher, whom he willed rather to be appointed out of the number of married men, then of single priests with their suspected chastity. The first moderator of this school was Guliel. Lilius, 
Gulielm. Lilius. Ex epist. Eras. ad jod. jonam. Guliel. Grocinus. Guliel. Latimerus. The judgement of Greocinus upon Hierachia ecclesiast. Dionisii Areopag.  a man no less notable for his learning, than was Colet for his foundation. Ex. Epist. Erasm. ad jodoc. jonam. This Colet died the year of our Lord 1519.  
Not long before the death of this Colet and Lily, lived Gulielmus Grocinus, and Gulielmus Latimerus, both English men also, and famously learned. This Grocinus as he began to read in his open lecture in the church of S. Paul the book of Dyonisius Areopagita, commonly called Hierarchia Ecclesiastica (for the reading of the holy scriptures in Paul's was not in ure) in the first entry of his preface, he cried out with great vehemency against them who soever they were, which either denied, or stood in doubt of the authority of that book: in the number of whom he noted Laurence Valla & divers other of like approved judgement and learning. But afterward the same Grocine, when he had continued a few weeks in his reading thereof, and did consider further in him, he utterly altered, and recanted his former sentence, protesting openly, that the forenamed book to his judgement, was never written by that author whom we read in the acts of the Apostles to be called Dyonisius Areopagita. Ex. Eras. ad. Parisiens.  

Dionysius Areopag.  The tractation of these two couples above rehearsed, do occasion me to adjoin also the remembrance of an other couple of like learned men: The names of whom not unworthy to be remembered, were Thomas Linacre, and Richard Pace: which two followed much upon the time of Colet, 
Thomas Linacre. Richard Pace.  and of Wil Lily. But of Richard Pace, which was Deane next after the foresaid john Colet, more convenient place shall serve us hereafter to speak, coming to the story of Cardinal Wolsey.  
Moreover to these two I thought it not out of season, to couple also some mention of Geffrey Chaucer, and john Gower. 
Geffrey Chaucer. john Gower.  Which although being much discrepant from these in course of years, yet may seem not unworthy to be matched with these forenamed persons in commendation of their study and learning. Albeit concerning the full certainty of the time and death of these two, we cannot find: yet it appeareth in the prologue of gower's work, entitled confessio Amantis, that he finished it in the 16. year of K. Rich. the second. And in the end of the viii. book of his said treatise he declareth, that he was both sick and old, when he wrote it, whereby it may appear, that he lived not long after. Notwithstanding, by certain verses of the said master Gower placed in the latter end of Chaucer's works both in Latin and English, it may seem that he was alive at the beginning of the reign of king Henry the iiij. and also by a book which he wrote to the same K. Henry By his sepulture within a Chapel of the Church of S. Mary Oueries, 
The books 〈◊〉 john Gower.  which was then a monastery where he & his wife lie buried, it appeareth by his cheyn & his garland of Laurel, that he was both a knight, and flourishing than in poetry. In the which place of his sepulture were made in his grave-stone 3. books, the first bearing the title, Speculum meditantis, The second, Vox Clamantis, The third. Confessio amantis. Besides these, divers Chronicles and other works more he compiled.  
Likewise as touching the time of Chaucer, by his own works in the end of his first book of Troilus and Cr●scide it is manifest, that he and Gower were both of one time, 
Chaucer & Gower commended for their studious exercise.  although it seemeth that Gower was a great deal his ancient: both notably learned, as the barbarous rudeness of that time did give, both great friends together and both in like kind of study together occupied, so endeavouring themselves, and employing their time, that they excelling many other in study and exercise o● good letters did pass forth their lives here right worshipfully & godly to the worthy fame and commendation of their name. Chaucer's works be all printed in one volume, and therefore known to all men.  
This I marvel to see the idle life of the priests and clergy men of that time, seeing these lay persons showed themselves in these kind of liberal studies so industrious & fruitfully occupied: but much more I marvel to consider this, 
Chaucer a right Wicklevian.  how that the bishops condemning and abolishing all manner of English books and treatises which might bring the people to any light of knowledge, did yet authorize the works of Chaucer to remain still & to be occupied: 
Chaucer's books  Who (no doubt) saw in Religion as much almost as even we do now, & uttereth in his works no less, and seemeth to be a right Wiclevian, or else was never any, and that all his works almost, if they be thoroughly advised will testify (albeit it be done in mirth, & covertly) & especially the latter end of his third book of the Testament of love for there purely he toucheth the highest matter, that is the communion: Wherein, except a man be altogether blind, he may espy him at the full. Although in the same book (as in all other he useth to do) under shadows covertly, as under a viso, he suborneth truth, in such sort, 
Men brought to truth by reading Chaucer's works.  as both privily she may profit the godly minded, and yet not be espied of the crafty adversary: And therefore the bishops belike, taking his works but for jests and toys, in condemning other books, yet permitted his books to be read.  
So it pleased God to blind then the eyes of them, for the more commodity of his people, to the intent that through the reading of his treatises, some fruit might redound thereof to his Church, as no doubt it did to many: As also I am partly informed of certain which knew the parties, which to them reported, that by reading of Chaucer's works, 
The ploughman's tale in Chaucer.  they were brought to the true knowledge of religion. And not unlike to be true. For to omit other parts of his volume, whereof some are more fabulous than other, what tale can be more plainly told then the tale of the ploughman? or what finger can point out more directly the Pope with his prelate's to be Antichrist, then doth the poor Pelican reasoning against the greedy Griffon? Under which Hypotyposis or Poesy, who is so blind that seethe not by the Pelican, the doctrine of Christ: and of the Lollards to be defended against the Church of Rome? Or who is so impudent that can deny that to be true, which the Pelican there affirmeth in describing the presumptuous pride of that pretenced Church? Again what egg can be more like, or fig unto an other: then the words properties, and conditions of that ravening griphe resembleth the true Image, that s, the nature and qualities of that which we call the church of Rome, in every point & degree? and therefore no great marvel, if that narration was exempted out of the copies of Chaucer's works: which notwithstanding now is restored again, and is extant for every man to read that is disposed.  
This Geffrey Chaucer being borne (as is thought) in Oxfordshyre, and dwelling in Woodstock, lieth buried in the Church of the minster of S. Peter at Westminster, in an isle on the southside of the said Church, not far from the door leading to the Cloister, and upon his grave stone first were written these two old verses.  
Galfridus Chaucer vates & fama poesis  
Maternae, hac sacra sum tumulatus humo.  
Afterward about the year of our Lord. 1556. one M. Brickham bestowing more cost upon his tomb, did add thereunto these verses following.  
Qui fuit Anglorum vates ter maximus olim,  
Galfridus Chaucer conditur hoc tumulo.  
Annum si quaeras Domini, si tempora mortis,  
Ecee nota subsunt, quae tibi cuncta notent.  25. Octob. Anno. 1400.   

* Hear beginneth the reformation of the church of Christ, in the time of Martin Luther.  
ALthough it can not be sufficiently expressed with tongue or pen of man, 
The corruption of the Church described.  into what miserable ruin & desolation the church of Christ was brought in those latter days: yet partly by the reading of these stories aforepast, some intelligence may be given to them, which have judgement to mark or eyes to see: in what blindness and darkness the world was drowned during the space of these 400. years heretofore and more. By the viewing and considering of which times and histories, thou mayst understand (gentle reader) how the religion of Christ, which only consisteth in spirit and verity, was wholly turned into outward observations, ceremonies, and idolatry. So many Saints we had, so many gods, so many monasteries, so many pilgrimages. As many churches, as many relics forged & teyned we had. Again, so many relics, so many lying miracles we believed. In stead of the only living Lord▪ we worshipped dead stocks and stones. In place of Christ immortal, we adored mortal bread. In stead of his blood we worshipped the blood of ducks, How the people were led, so that the priests were fed, no care was taken. In stead of God's word, man's word was set up. In stead of Christ's testament, the Pope's testament, that is the Canon law: in stead of Paul, the master of sentence took place, and almost full possession. The law of God was little read: the use and end thereof was less known. And as the end of the law was unknown, so the difference between the Gospel and the law, was not understanded, the benefit of Christ not considered, the effect of faith not expended. Through the ignorance whereof, it cannot be told what infinite errors, sects and religious crept into the church overwhelming the world, as with a flood of ignorance and seduction. And no marvel, for where the foundation is not well laid, what building can stand and prosper? The foundation of all our Christianity is only this: The promise of God, 
The foundation of Christian religion.  in the blood of Christ his son, giving and promising life unto all that believe in him: giving (saith the Scripture) unto us, and not barganing or indenting with us: And that freely (saith the Scripture) for Christ's sake, 
Rom 6.  and not conditionally for our merit's sake.  

Rom. 4.  Furthermore freely (saith the scripture) by grace that the promise might be firm and sure, and not by the works that we do, 
Rom. 4.  which are always doubtful. By grace (saith the scripture) through promise to all and upon all that believe, and not by the law upon them that do deserve. For if it come by deserving, them is it not of grace: If it be not of grace, 
Rom. 3.  them is it not of promise. And contrariwise if it be of grace and promise, then is it not of works saith S. Paul. Upon this foundation of God's free promise and grace first builded the patriarchs, 
Rom. 11.  kings and prophets. Upon the same foundation also Christ the Lord builded his church. Upon the which foundation the Apostles likewise builded the Church Apostolical or Catholical.  
This Apostolical and Catholic foundation, so long as the Church did retain, so long it continued sincere and sound: which endured a long season after the apostles time. But after, in process of years, through wealth and negligence crept into the Church, so soon as this foundation began to be lost, came in new builders, which would build upon a new foundation, a new Church more glorious, which we call now the Church of Rome. Who being not contented with the old foundation and the head corner stone, which the Lord by his word had laid, in place thereof, they laid the ground work upon the condition and strength or the law and works. Although it is not to be denied, but that the doctrine of gods holy law, and of good works according to the same, is a thing most necessary to be learned and followed of all men: yet is not that the foundation, whereupon our salvation consisteth, neither is that foundation able to bear up the weight of the kingdom of heaven: but is rather the thing, which is builded upon the foundation: which foundation is jesus Christ, according as we are taught of Saint Paul, saying: 
1. Cor. 3.  No man can lay any other foundation, beside that which is laid, Christ jesus. etc.  
But this ancient foundation with the old ancient Church of Christ (as I said) hath been now of long time forsaken, & in stead thereof a new Church, 
The doctrine of the church corrupted.  with a new foundation hath been erected and framed, not upon god's promise & his free grace in Christ jesus, nor upon free justification by faith, but upon merits & deserts of men's working. And hereof have they planted all these their new devices, so infinite that they cannot well be numbered as masses, trecenares, diriges, obsequies, matins and hours singing service, vigiles, midnightrising, barefootgoing, fishtasting, lentfast, imberfast, stations, rogations, jubilees, advocation of saints, praying to images, pilgrimage walking, works of supererogation, application of merits, orders rules, sects of religion, vows of chastity, wilful poverty, pardons, relations, indulgences, penance and satisfaction, with auricular confession, sounding of abbeys, building of Chapels, giving to Churches, And who is able to recite all their laborious buildings: falsely framed upon a wrong ground, and all for ignorance of the true foundation, which is the free justification by faith in Christ jesus the son of God.  
Moreover to note, 
The life and manners of the church corrupted.  that as this new found Church of Rome was thus deformed in doctrine: so no less was it corrupted in order of life & deep hypocrisy, doing all things only under pretences and dissembled titles. So under the pretence of Peter's chair, they exercised a majesty above Emperors and kings. Under the viso of their vowed chastity, reigned adultery, under the cloak of professed poverty, they possessed the goods of the temporalty. 
Habentes speciem pietatis, sed vim eius abn●gantes. 2. Tim. 3·  Under the title of being dead unto the world, they not only reigned in the world, but also ruled the world: under the colour of the keys of heaven to hang under their girdle, they brought all the states of the worlds under their girdle, & crept not only into the purses of men, but also into their consciences: they heard their confessions: they knew their secrets: they dispensed as they were disposed, & loosed what them listed: And finally when they had brought the whole world under their subjection, yet did their pride neither cease to ascend, neither could their avarice be ever satisfied. And if the example of Cardinal Wolsey and other Cardinals and pope's cannot satisfy thee, I beseech the (gentle Reader) turn over the foresaid book of the ploughman's tale in Chaucer above mentioned, where thou shalt underderstand much more of their demeanour, than I have here described.  
In these so blind and miserable corrupt days of darkness and ignorance, 
The reformation of the Church necessary.  thou seest good Reader (I doubt not) how necessary it was, and high time, that reformation of the Church should come, which now most happily & graciously began to work, through the merciful and no less needful providence of almighty God. Who although he suffered his Church to wander and start aside through the seduction of pride and prosperity a long time, yet at length it pleased his goodness to respect his people, and to reduce his church into the prestine foundation and frame again, from whence it was piteously before decayed. Whereof I have now consequently to entreat, intending by the grace of Christ: to declare how and by what means, first this reformation of the church began, and how it proceeded, increasing by little and little into this perfection which now we see, and more I trust shall see.  
And herein we have first to behold the admirable work of God's wisdom. 
The first beginning of reformation, how and by what means  For as the first decay and ruin of the church, before began of rude ignorance, & lack of knowledge in teachers: so to restore the church again by doctrine and learning, it pleased God to open to man the art of printing, the time whereof was shortly after the burning of Hus and Jerome. Printing being opened, incontinent ministered to the Church, the instruments and tools of learning & knowledge, which were good books and authors, which before lay hid and unknown. 
Printing the fountain of reformation.  The science of Printing being found, immediately followed the grace of God: which stirred up good wits aptly to conceive the light of knowledge and of judgement: by which light, darkness began to be espied, and ignorance to be detected, truth from error, religion from superstition to be discerned as is above more largely discoursed, where was touched the inventing of printing. pag. 707. 
Vid. supra. pag. 707.   
Furthermore, after these wits stirred up of God, followed other more, increasing daily more and more in science, in tongues, and perfection of knowledge: who now were able, not only to discern in matters of judgement but also were so armed and furnished with the help of good letters that they did encounter also with the adversary, sustaining the cause & defence of learning against barbarity of verity, against error: of true religion, against superstition. In number of whom, amongst many other here unnamed were, Picus, and Franciscus Mirandula, Laur. Valla, Franc. Perarcha. Doct. Wesalianus, Revelinus, Grocinus, Coletus Rhenamus, Erasmus. etc. And here began the first push and assault to be given against the ignorant & barbarous faction of the pope's pretenced Church. Who after that by their learned writings and laborious travail, they had opened a window of light unto the world, and had made (as it were) a way more ready for other to come after: Immediately, according to God's gracious appointment, followed Martin Luther, with other after him, by whose ministry it pleased the Lord to work a more full reformation of his church, as by their acts and proceedings hereafter shall follow (Christ willing) more amply to be declared.  
And now coming to the time and story of Martin Luther, whom the Lord did ordain and appoint to be the principal organ and minister under him, to reform religion and to subvert the sea of the pope, first before we enter into the tractation hereof, it shall not be impertinent to the purpose, to infer such prophecies and forewarnings, as were sent before of God, by divers and sundry good men, long before the time of Luther, which foretold and prophesied of this reformation of the Church to come.   

* Prophecies going before Martin Luther.  

The prophesy of john Hus, touching the reformation of the church.  And first, to begin with the prophecy of john Husse, and Hierom, it is both notable, and also before mentioned what the said john hus at the time of his burning, prophesied unto his enemies, saying: that after an hundredth years come and gone, they should give account to God and to to him.  
¶ Where is to be noted, that counting from the year 1415. (in the which year john Hus was burned) or from the year 2416. when Jerome did suffer) unto the year, 1516, (when Martin Luther began first to write) we shall find the number of an hundredth years expired.  
Likewise, to this may be adjoined the prophetical vision or dream, 
another prophesy of I. Hus, touching the reformation of the church. Vid. supra. 630.  which chanced to the said john Hus lying in the dungeon of the friars in Constance, a little before he was burned, His dream as he himself reporteth it in his Epistles writing to M. john Chlum, and as I have also before recorded the same pag. 630. so will I now repeat the same again in like effect of words, as he wrote it himself in Latin: the effect of which latin is this.  
I pray you expound to me the dream which I had this night. I saw that in my church at Betheleme (whereof I was person) they desired and laboured to abolish all the images of Christ, and did abolish them. I the next day following, rose up & saw many other painters, which painted both the same and many more images, and more fairer, which I was glad to behold: whereupon the painters with the great multitude of people said: Now let the Bishops and priests come, and put us out these images if they can. Which thing done, much people rejoiced in Bethlem, and I with them: & rising up I felt myself to laugh.  
This dream master I. of Chlume first expounded. 
Ex Epist. 45. I. Hus.  Then he in the next Epistle after expounded it himself to this effect. Stante mandato Dei. etc. That is: the Commandment of God standing, that we must observe no dreams yet notwithstanding I trust that the life of Christ was painted in Bethlehem by me through his word in the hearts of men, the which preaching they went about in Bethlehem to destroy, first in commanding that no preaching should be neither in the church of Bethlehem, nor in the chapels thereby: Secondly that the Church of Bethlehem should be thrown down to the ground. The same life of Christ shall be painted up again by more preachers much better than I, and after much more better sort, so that a great number of people shall rejoice thereat: all such as love the life of Christ: and also I shall rejoice myself: at what time I shall awake, that is, when I shall rise again from the dead.  
Also in his 48. Epistle, 
another prophesy by joh. Hus.  he seemeth to have a like prophetical meaning, where he saith: That he trusted that those things which he spoke then within the house, should afterward be preached above the house top. etc.  
And because we are here in hand with the prophecies of I. Hus, it is not to be omitted, what he writeth in a certain treatise, 

Vid. supra pag. 630.  
another prophesy by john Hus.   De sacerdotum & monachorum carnalium abominatione, thus prophesying of the reformation of the church, The Church, he saith, cannot be reduced to his former dignity and reform, before all things first be made new, (the truth whereof appeareth by the temple of Solomon) as well the clergy and Priests, as also the people and laity. Or else, except all such as now be addicted to avarice from the least to the most, be first converted and renewed, as well the people as the clerks, and priests things cannot be reform. Albeit, 
joh. Hus, De Sacerd. & monachorum carnalium abominatione. ca 73  as my mind now giveth me, I believe rather the first that is, that then shall rise a new people, form after the new man, which is created after God. Of the which people, new clerks and priests shall come forth and be taken, which all shall hate covetousness, and glory of this life, labouring to an heavenvly conversation. Notwithstanding all these things shall be done and wrought in continuance and order of time dispensed of God for the same purpose. And this God doth and will do of his own goodness and mercy, and for the riches of his patience and sufferance, giving time and space of repentance to them that have long lain in their sins, to amend & fly from the face of the lords fury: until at length all shall suffer together, and until both the carnal people, and priests, and Clerks in process and order of time, shall fall away and be consumed, as is cloth consumed and eaten of the moth. etc. 

A prophesy of reformation by Hierom. Pragensis.  
Vide supra, pag. 636.    
With this prophesy of john Hus above mentioned, speaking of the hundredth years, accordeth also the testimony of Jerome his fellow Martyr, in these words: And I recite you all (said he) to answer before the most high and just judge, after an hundredth years.  
john Hus.  
Centum revolutis annis Deo respondebitis.  
Hieronymus.  
Post centum annos vos omnes cito.  

another prophesy of reformation by joh. Hilton Monk of Thuringe  This Jerome was burnt an. 1416. and Luther began to write an. 1516. which was the just hundredth year after, according to the right account of Hieromes Prophecy.  
Philip Melancthon in his Apology, cap. De votis Monast. testifieth of one john Hilton a Monk in Thuring, who, for speaking against certain abuses of the place and order where he lived, was cast in prison, At length being weak and feeble through imprisonment, he sent for the Warden of the Covent, desiring and beseeching him, to have some respect of his woeful state, & pitiful case. The Warden rebuking and accusing him for that he had done & spoken: He answered again and said that he had spoken nothing which might be prejudicial or hurtful to their monkery, or against their Religion: 
Ex Phil. Melanct. in Apologia cap. de vot. Monast.  But there should come one (and assigned the year, an. 1516.) Who should utterly subvert all monkery. and they should never be able to resist him etc.  
Long it were to induce here all Prophecies that be read in histories. Certain I mind briefly to touch & pass over. 
Ex revelat. Brigit. lib. 4. cap. 17.  And first to omit the revelations of Brigit (whereunto I do not much attribute) who prophesying of the destruction of Rome in her 4. book, cap. 17. saith: That Rome shallbe scoured and purged with three things, with sword, fire, and the plough: 
Brigit prophesieth of reformation.  resembling moreover the said Church of Rome to a plant removed out of the old place into a new. Also to a body condemned by a judge, to have the skin slain off the blood to be drawn from the flesh, the flesh to be cut out in pieces, and the bones thereof to be broken, and all the marrow to be squiesed out from the same, so that no part thereof remain whole and perfect. etc. But to these speculations of Brigit, I give no great respect, as neither I do to the predictions of Katherine De Senis.  
And yet notwithstanding, Antoninus writing of the same Katherine in his 3. part. 
Antonia. part. 3. hist. titul, 23. cap. 14.  Tit. 23. cap. 14. reciteth her words thus, prophesying of the reformation of the church to Friar Reymund her ghostly father: By these tribulations (saith she) God after a secret manner unknown to man, shall purge his holy Church, and after those things shall follow such a reformation of the holy Church of God, 
Katherine Senensis, prophesying of reformation.  and such a renovation of the holy pastors, that the only cogitation and remembrance thereof maketh my spirit to rejoice in the Lord: And, as I have oftentimes told you heretofore, the spouse which is now all deformed and ragged, shallbe adorned and decked with most rich and precious ouches and brouches: and all the faithful shallbe glad and rejoice to see themselves so beautified with so holy pastors. Yea and also the infidels then alured by the sweet savour of Christ, shall return to the catholic fold, and be converted to the true bishop and shepherd of their souls. give thanks therefore to GOD, for after this storm, he will give a great calm. etc.  
Of the authority of this prophetess, I have not to affirm or judge, but rather to hear what the Catholic judge will say of this their own saint and Prophet. For if they do not credit her spirit of prophesy, why then do they authorize her, for a pure saint among the Sisters of dear S. Dominick? If they warrent her prophesy, let them say then when was this glorious reformation of the Church, ever true or like to be true, if it be not true now in this marvelous alteration of the Church, in these our latter days? Or when was there any such conversion of Christian people in all countries ever heard of, since the Apostles time, as hath been since the preaching of Martin Luther.  

The prophesy of Hieron. Savonarola. Vid. supra. pag. 707. & 753.  Of Hieronimus Savonarola I wrote before, pag 000 showing that he prophesied: That one should pass over the Alps like to Cyrus, who should subvert and destroy all italy. Which may well be applied to God's word, and the Gospel of Christ, spreading now in all places since Luther's time.  

The prophesy of Theodoricus.  Theodoricus Bishop of Croacia, lived near about the time, when Hus and Jerome were martyred. Who in the end of his prophetical verses, which are extant in print, declareth: That the sea of Rome which is so horribly polluted with Simony and avarice, shall fall, and no more shall oppress men with tyranny, as it hath done, and that it shallbe subverted by his own subjects, and that the Church and true piety shall flourish again more than ever it did before.  
Noviomagus testifieth, that he in the year of our Lord, 1520. heard Ostendorpius, 

The prophesy of Doct. Weselus.  
A prophesy of the pope's head.   a Canon of Daventrie, say: that when he was a young man Doctor Weselus a Phrysian, which was then an old man, told him, That he should live to see this new school divinity of Scotus, Aquinas, and Bonaventure to be utterly forsaken and exployded of all true Christians.  
In a book of Carolus Bovillus, mention is made of a certain vision, which one Nicholas: an heretic of Helvetia, had, in which vision he saw the pope's head crowned with 3. sword proceeding from his face: and 3. sword coming toward it. This vision is also imprinted in the books of Martin Luther, with his preface before it.  
Nicholas Medlerus, being of late superintendant of Brunswick, 
Ex Flacio de testibus veritatis.  affirmed and testified: That he heard and knew a certain Priest in his country, which told the priests there, that they laid aside Paul under their desks and pues: but the time would come, when as Paul should come abroad, and drive them under the desks and dark stalls, where they should not appear. etc.  
Mathias Flaccius, in the end of his book entitled: De testibus veritatis, speaketh of one Michael Stifelius, which Michael being an old man, told him that he heard the Priests and Monks say many times, by old prophecies, that a violent reformation must needs come amongst them: and also that the said Michael heard Conradus Stifelius his father, many times declare the same: who also for the great hatred he bore against this filthy sect of Monks and priests, told to one Peter Pi●er a friend and neighbour of his, that he should live and see the day, and therefore desired him, that when the day came, besides those Priests which he should kill for himself, he would kill one priest more for his sake Haec ex Flaccio.  
This Stiteleus thought belike, that this reformation should be wrought by outward violence, 
The Gospel beginneth his reformation with peace and quietness.  and force of sword but he was thereing deceived. Although the adversary useth all forcible means, and violent tyranny, yet the proceeding of the Gospel always beginneth with peace, and quietness.  
In the table of Amersham men I signified a little before pag. 000. how one Haggar of London, speaking of this reformation to come: declared: That the Priests should make battle, and have the upper hand a while, but shortly they should be vanquished, and overthrown for ever.  
In the time of pope Alexander the 6. and about the year of our Lord. 1500. as is before specified, 
The fall of the Popedom signified by the fall of the Angel, from the Church top of the pope's Castle. Ex Baleo Centur. 8.  pag. 000. the high angel which stood in the top of the pope's church and castle of S. Angel, was thrown down with a terrible thunder, into the river of Tibris: whereby might seem to be declared the ruin and tall of the popedom.  
To this may be adjoined, which in certain Chronicles, and in john Bale is recorded: which saith, that in the year of our Lord. 1516. which was the same year when Martin Luther began, Pope Leo the x. did create 31. Cardinal's: In the which year and day of their creation, there fell a tempest of thunder and lightning in Rome, which so strake the church where the Cardinals were made, that it removed the little Child jesus out of the lap of his mother, and the keys out of Saint Peter's hand. 
another signification of the pope's subversion.  Which thing many than did interpret to signify and foreshow the subversion and alteration of the sea of Rome.  
Hitherto pertaineth also a strange portente and a prodigious token from heaven, in the year of our Lord. 1505. 
Ex joan. Carione. Fronc. Mirandula. & alijs. Bloody marks of the lords passion, seen upon men's garments.  In the which year, under the reign of Maximilian Emperor, there appeared in Germany, upon the vestures of men as well of Priests, as lay men, upon women's garments also, and upon their rocks as they were spynning, diverse prints and tokens of the nails, of the sponge, of the spayre, of the Lords, coat, and of bloody Crosses. etc. All which were seen upon their caps and gowns, as is most certainly testified and recorded by divers, which both did see & also did write upon the same. Of whom first was Maximilian the Emperor, who both had and showed the same to Franciscus Mirandula, which wrote thereupon a book in Latin metre called Staurostichon: wherein for the more credit, these verses be contained.  
Non ignota cano, Caesar monstravit, & ipsi  
Vidimus: Innumeros prompsit Germania testes. etc.  
Of this also writeth john carrion, Functius, 
The exposition of this portent.  Phil. Melanct. Flaccius, with divers other more. These marks and tokens, as they were very strange, so were they diversly expounded of many, some thinking that they pretended affliction and persecution of the church to draw near: some, that God by that token did admonish them or foreshowed unto them, the true doctrine of their justification, which only is to be sought in the Cross and passion of Christ, and no other thing. This I marvel, that Christianus Masseus, and other of that profession, do leave it out. Belike they saw some thing in it, that made not to their liking. For whether it signifieth persecution to come upon the germans they cannot be evil that suffer and bear the Cross with Christ: Or whether it signifieth the true doctrine of Christ coming to the germans it cannot otherwise be, but that the doctrine of the Bishop of Rome must needs be wrong, which is contrary to this which God hath stirred up in Germany.  
By this and such like prophecies it is evident to understand, the time not to be far of, when God of his determinate providence was disposed to reform & to restore his Church. And not only by these prophecies the same might well appear but also, and much rather by the hearts of the people at that time, whose minds were so insenced and inflamed with hatred against the pomp and pride of Rome, both through all nations, and especially the people of Germany, that it was easy to perceive the time was near at hand, when the pride of popish prelacy would have a fall. Such disdain there was, such contempt and derision began to rise on every side then against the pope and the Court of Rome, that it might soon appear by the hearts of the people, that God was not disposed to have it long to stand. For neither were their detestable doings of secret that men did not see them: neither did any man be hold them, having any sparkle of godliness, that could abide them. And thereupon grew these proverbs to their derision, in every country: As in Germany it hath been Proverb amongst them.  

proverbs against the corrupt sea of Rome.  Was be't nu in der werlt fur ein wesen,  
Wir moegen fur den pfaffen night genesen.  
What is this, to see the world now round about,  
That for these shaveling priests no man that once may rout?  
Quàm primum clericus suscipit rasuram, statim intrat in eum diabolus.  
That is, 
So soon as a Clerk is shorn into his order, by and by the devil enterth into him.  
In nomine Domini incipit omne malum.   
That is: 
In the name of God beginneth all evil alluding to the Pope's Bulls, which commonly so begin.  
Item when Bulls come from Rome, bind well your purses.  
The nearer Rome, the farther from Christ.  
Item, he that goeth once to Rome, seethe a wicked man.  
He that goeth twice, learneth to know him.  
He that goeth thrice, bringeth him home with him.  
Item, the Court of Rome never regardeth the sheep without the will.  
Once were wooden chalices and golden priests.  

Ex aven  Now we have golden chalices, and wooden Priests.  
Once Christian men had blind churches and light hearts,  
Now they have blind hearts and light Churches.  
Item, many are worshipped for Saints in heaven, whose souls be burning in hell.   
What should I speak of our English proverb which so vilely esteemeth the filthy Friars, that it compareth them (saving thy reverence good Reader) to a fart?  
In France, Gallus Senonensis writeth .400. years ago, that amongst them it was an old saying: Romae solui Satanam in perniciem totius Ecclesiae. That is: That Satan was let lose at Rome to destroy the whole Church.  
Thomas Becket himself, in his time writing to the College of Cardinals, denieth it not, but to be a common word both through town and city, Quod non sit justitia Romae. That is, That there is no right at Rome.  
To these may be adjoined also the A. B. C. Which we find in the margin of a certain old register, to be attributed to William Thorp, whose story we have comprehended in the book before.  
¶ A wake ye ghostly persons, awake, awake,  

The A.B.C. against the pride of the Clergy.  B oath Priest, pope, Bishop and Cardinal.  
C onsider wisely, what ways that ye take,  
D aungerously being like to have a fall,  
E very where the mischief of you all,  
F are and near, breaketh out very fast:  
God will needs be revenged at the last.  
¶ H owe long have ye the world captived,  
I n sore bondage: of men's traditions?  
K inges and Emperors ye have deprived,  
L ewdly usurping, their chief possessions:  
Much misery ye make in all regions.  
N owe your frauds be almost at their latter cast,  
O f God sore to be revenged at the last.  
¶ P oore people to oppress, ye have no shame,  
Q vaking for fear of your double tyranny.  
R ightfull justice ye have put out of frame,  
S eking the lust of your God, the belly.  
T herefore I dare you boldly certify,  
V ery little though ye be thereof aghast,  
Y et God will be revenged at the last.  
By these and such like sayings, which may be collected innumerable, it may soon be seen what hearts & judgements the people had in those days of the Romish Clergy. Which thing, no doubt, was of God, as a secret prophecy, that shortly religion should be restored: according as it came to pass, about this present time when Doct. Martin Luther first began to write, 
Laurentius Valla. Picus Mirandula. Erasmus Roterodamus. M. Luther. The article of our free justification beateth down all errors.  after that Picus Mirandula, and Laurentius Ualla, & last of all, Erasmus Roterodamus, had somewhat broken the way before & had shaken the monks houses, But Luther gave the stroke, & plucked down the foundation, & all by opening one vain long hid before, wherein lieth the touchstone of all truth & doctrine, as the only principal origine of our salvation which is our free justifying by faith only in christ the son of God. The laborious travails, and the whole process & the constant preachings of this worthy man, because they be sufficiently declared in the history of johannes Sleidanus, I shall the less need to stand long thereupon, but only to run over some principal matter of his life & acts as they are briefly collected by Philip Melanthon.   

¶ The history of D. Martin Luther with his life and doctrine described.  
Martin Luther, after he was grown in years, 
The history of M. Luther with his life & doctrine described.  being borne at Isleben in Saxony, an. 1483. was set to the University, first of Magdeburg, them of Erford. In this University of Erforde, there was a certain aged man, in the Covent of the Agustines' (who is thought to be Weselus' above mentioned) with whom Luther being then of the same order a friar Augustine, had conference upon divers things, especially touching the Article of remission of sins, the which Article the said aged father opened unto Luther after this sort, declaring that we must not generally believe only forgeunes of sins to be, or to belong to Peter, to Paul, to David, or such good men alone: but that Gods express commandments is, that every man should believe particularly his sins to be forgiven him in Christ: and further said, that this interpretation was confirmed by the testimonies of S. Barnerd, and showed him the place, 
An excellent declaration of S. Bernard touching faith.  in the Sermon of the Annunciation, where it is thus set forth: But add thou that thou believest this, that by him thy sins are forgiven thee. This is the testimony that the holy Ghost giveth thee in thy heart, saying: Thy sins are forgiven thee. For this is the opinion of the Apostle, that man is freely justified by faith.  
By these words Luther was not only strengthened, but was also instructed of the full meaning of S. Paul, who repeateth so many times this sentence: We are justified by faith. And having read the expositions of many upon this place, he then perceived as well by the purpose of the old man, as by the comfort he received in his spirit, the vanity of those interpretations, which he had read before, of the schoolmen: And so reading by little and little, with conferring the sayings and examples of the Prophets & Apostles, and continual invocation of God, and excitation of faith by force of prayer, he perceived the doctrine more evidently. Then began he to read Saint Augustine's books, where he found many comfortable sentences among other in the exposition of the Psalms and specially in the book of the Spirit and Letter, 
The profit of S. Augustine's books.  which confirmed this doctrine of faith and consolation in his hart, not a little. And yet he laid not aside the Sentenciaries, as Gabriel and Cameracensis. Also he read the books of Occam, whose subtlety he preferred above Thomas Aquine, & Scotus. He read also and revolved Gerson: but above all the rest, he perused all over S. Augustine's works with attentive cogitation. And thus continued he his study at Erford, the space of 4. years in the Covent of the Augustine's.  
About this time one Staupicius a famous man, 
The institution of the University at Wittenberg. Staupitius.  who ministering his help to further the erection of an University in Wittenberg, and endeavouring to have schools of Divinity founded in this new University: when he had considered the spirit & towardness of Luther, he called him from Erford, to place him in Wittenberg, in the year .1508. and of his age xxvi. There his towardness appeared in the ordinary exercise both of his disputations in the schools & preaching in churches, where as many wise and learned men attentively heard Luther, namely D. Mellerstad.  
This Mellerstad would oftentimes say, that Luther was of such a marvelous spirit, and so ingenious, 
The judgement of Doct. Mellerstad, upon M. Luther.  that he gave apparent signifcation, that he would introduce a more compendious, easy, and familiar manner of teaching and altar and abolish the order that then was used.  
There first he expounded the Logic and Philosophy of Aristotle, & in the mean while, 
Luther sent to Rome.  intermitted no whit his study in Theolagy. Three years after, he went to Rome, about certain contentions of the Monks, and returning the same year, he was a graded Doctor: 
Fridericke Duke of Saxony. Luther commenced doctor.  at the expenses of Elector Frederick, Duke of Saxony, according to the solemn manner of schools: for he had heard him preach: well understanded the quickens of his spirit: diligently considered the vehemency of his words, and had in singular admiration those profound matters, which in his Sermons he ripely and exactly explained. This degree Stanpicius, against his will enforced upon him, saying merely unto him, that God had many things to bring to pass in his Church by him. And though these words were spoken merely, yet it came so to pass anon after, as many predictions or presages prove true before a change. 
Doct. M. Luther beginneth to read the Epistle to the Romans.   
After this he began to expound the Epistle to the romans, & consequently the Psalms: where he showed the difference betwixt the law and the Gospel. He also confounded the error that reigned then in schools and Sermons, teaching that men may merit remission of sins by their proper works, and that they be just before God by outward discipline, as the Phariseis taught. Luther diligently reduced the minds of men, to the son of God. As john Baptist demonstrated the lamb of God that took away the sins of the world: even so Luther shining in the church of a bright star after a long cloudy and obscure sky, 
Luther taught jesus Christ.  expressly showed that sins are freely remitted for the love of the son of God, and that we ought faithfully to embrace this bountiful gift.  
These happy beginnings of so good matters, got him great authority, especially seeing his life also was correspondent to his profession. The consideration whereof alured to him marvelously the hearts of his auditors, and also many notable personages.  
All this while Luther yet altered nothing in the ceremonies, 
Erasmus openeth the way before Luther.  but precisely observed his rule among his fellows he meddled in no doubtful opinions, but taught this only doctrine, as most principal of all other to all men, opening & declaring the doctrine of repentance, of remission of sins of faith, of true comfort in times of adversity. Every man received good taste of this sweet doctrine, and the learned conceived high pleasure to behold jesus Christ, the Prophets & Apostles, to come forth into light out of darkness, whereby they began to understand the difference betwixt the law and the Gospel: betwixt the promises of the law, and the promise of the Gospel: betwixt spiritual justice, & civil things: which certainly could not have been found in Thomas Aquine, Scotus, nor such like school clerks.  
It happened moreover about this time, that many were provoked by Erasmus learned works, to study the Greek & Latin tongues, who perceiving a more gentle & ready order of teaching then before, began to have in contempt the Monks barbarous and sophistical doctrine: & specially such as were of liberal nature and good disposition. Luther began to study the Greek and Hebrew tongue to this end, that after he had learned the phrase and proprietic of the tongues, and drawn the doctrine of the very fountains, he might give more sound judgement.  
As Luther was thus occupied in Germany, which was the year of our Lord 1516. 
●x Christia. Massaeo. Lib. 20. Chronic.  Leo the x. of that name succeeding after julius. 2. was Pope of Rome. Who under pretence of war against the Turk, sent a jubilee with his pardons, abroad through all Christian Realms & dominions: whereby he gathered together innumerable riches and treasure. The gatherers and collectors whereof persuaded the people, that whosoever would give x. shillings, should at his pleasure, deliver one soul from the pains of Purgatory. For this they held as a general rule, that God would do, 
10 shilling pardons.  whatsoever they would have him, according to the saying: Quicquid solueritis super terram, erit solutum in coelis etc. Whatsoever you lose upon earth, the same shall be loosed in heaven. But if it were but one jot less than x. shillings, they preached that it would profit them nothing. Ex Christia. Messeo lib. 20. Chro.  
This filthy kind of the pope's merchandise, as it spread through all quarters of Christian regions, 
Cecollus preacher of the pope's pardons.  so it came also to Germany, through the means of certain Dominicke Friars named Tecellius, who most impudently caused the Pope's indulgences or pardons to be carried & sold about the country. Whereupon, Luther much moved with the blasphemous sermons of this shameless Friar, and having his hart earnestly bend with ardent desire to maintain true religion, published certain propositions concerning indulgences, which are to be read in the first Tome of his works, 
Luther's propositions of pardons.  and set them openly on the temple that joineth to the Castle of Wittenberg, the morrow after the feasts of all Saints, the year .1517.  
This beggarly Friar, hoping to obtain the pope's blessing, 
The first occasion why Luther wrote against pardons.  assembled certain Monks & sophistical divines of his covent, & fortwith commanded them to write something against Luther. And whilst he would not himself seem to be dumb, he began not only to enuey in his sermons but to thunder against Luther, crying: Luther is an heretic, 
The slander of Tecellus the Friar.  and worthy to be persecuted with fire: and besides this, he burned openly Luther's propositions, and the sermon which he wrote of indulgences. This rage and fumish fury of this Friar, enforced Luther to treat more amply of the cause, and to maintain his matter.  
And thus rose the beginnings of this controversy, wherein Luther neither suspecting ne dreaming of any change that might happen in the ceremonies, did not utterly reject the indulgences, but required a moderation in them: and therefore they falsely accuse him, which blaze that he began with plausible matter, whereby he might get praise. to the end that in process of time, he might change the state of the common weal, and purchase authority, either for himself or other.  
And certes, he was not suborned or stirred up by them of the court (as the Duke of Brumwike wrote: 
The 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 Duke of Saxony. ) in so much that the Duke Frederick was sore offended that such contention and controversy should arise, having regard to the sequel thereof.  
And as this good Duke Frederick was one of all the princes of our time, that loved best quietness and common tranquility, neither was avaricious, but willingly bend to refer all his counsels to the common utility of all the world (as it is easy to be conjectured divers ways:) so he neither encouraged nor supported Luther, but often represented semblance of heaviness and sorrow, which he bore in his hart, fearing greater dissensions: But being a wise prince and following the Counsel of God's rule, and well deliberating thereupon, he thought with himself that the glory of God was to be preferred above all things. Neither was he ignorant what blasphemy it was, horribly condemned of God, obstinately to repugn the truth. Wherefore he did as a godly Prince should do: he obeyed God, committing himself to his holy grace, and omnipotent protection. And although Maximilianus the Emperor, Carolus K. of Spain, & Pope julius had given commandment to the said Duke Fridericke, that he should inhibit Luther from all place and liberty of preaching: yet the Duke considering with himself the preaching and & writing of Luther and weighing diligently the testimonies and places of the Scripture by him alleged, would not withstand the thing, which he judged sincere. And yet neither did he this, trusting to his own judgement, but was very anxious & inquisitive to hear the judgements of other, which were both aged, & learned. In the number of whom was Erasmus, whom the Duke desired to declare to him his opinion touching the matter of Martin Luther, saying & protesting that he would rather the ground should open and swallow him, than he would bear with any opinions, which he knew to be contrary to manifest truth: & therefore he desired him to declare his judgement in the matter, to him freely & friendly.  
Erasmus thus being entreated of the Duke, began thus jestingly and merely to answer the Duke's request, 
The judgement of Erasmus touching Luther.  saying: that in Luther were two great faults: first, that he would touch the bellies of monks: the second, that he would touch the pope's crown: which two matters in no case are to be dealt withal. Then opening his mind plainly to the Duke, thus he said, 
Monks belies and the Pope's crown not to be touched.  that Luther did well in detecting errors, and that reformation was to be wished, and very necessary in the church: and added moreover, that the effect of his doctrine was true, but only that he wished in him, a more temperate moderation and manner of writing and handling. Whereupon Duke Friderick shortly after wrote to Luther seriously, 
Ex Chron. Casp. Percer. lib. 5.  exhorting him to temperate the vehemency of his style. This was at the City of Colen, shortly after the Coronation of the new Emperor, where also Huttenus, Aloisius, Marlianus, Ludovicus, vives, Halonius, with other learned men, were assembled together waiting upon the Emperor.  
Furthermore the same Erasmus, the year next following that, 
Ex epist. Erasm. ad Moguntinensem.  wrote up to the Archbishop of Mentz a certain Epistle touching the cause of Luther. In which Epistle thus he signifieth to the Bishop: That many things were in the books of Luther condemned of monks and Divines, for heretical, which in the books of bernard and Austen are red for sound and godly.  
Also, that the world is burdened with men's institutions, with school doctrines and opinions, 
The 〈◊〉 burdened 〈◊〉  and with the tyranny of begging Friars: which Friars when they are but the Pope's servants and underlings: yet they have so grown in power and multitude, that they are now terrible both to the pope himself, and to all princes. Who so long as the pope maketh with them, so long they make him more than a God. But if he make any thing against their purpose or commodity, than they weigh his authority no more than a dream or fantasy.  
Once (said he) it was counted an heresy, when a man repugned against the Gospel, or Articles of the faith. Now he that dissenteth from Thomas of Aquine, is an heretic, whatsoever doth not like them, whatsoever they understand not, that is heresy. To speak Greek, is heresy. Or to speak more finely than they do, that is with them heresy. And thus much by the way, concerning the judgement of Erasmus.  
Now to return and to entreat something orderly of the acts and conflicts of Luther with his adversaries: after the Tecelius the foresaid Friar, with his fellow monks and friarly fellows, had cried out with open mouth against Luther, in maintaining the pope's indulgences, and that Luther again in defence of his cause, had set up propositions against the open abuses of the same, marvel it was to see how soon these propositions, were sparkled abroad in sundry and far places, and how greedily they were catched up in the hands of divers, both far & near. And thus the contention of this matter increasing between them, 
Ex Paral●p. Abbot. Vrsperg.  Luther was compelled to write thereof more largely & fully, than other wise he thought: which was in the year of our Lord. 1517.  
Yet all this while, Luther never thought of any alteration to come of any ceremony, much less such a reformation of doctrine and ceremonies, as afterward did follow. But only hearing that he was accused to the Bishop of Rome, he did write humbly unto him: in the beginning of which writing, he declareth the unordinate outrage of those his pardonmongers, which so excessively did pill & pole the simple people, to the great slander of the Church, and shame to his holiness: and so proceeding in the end of the said his writing, thus he submitteth himself.  

The submission of Luther to the Pope.  Wherefore (saith he) most holy father. I offer myself prostrate under the feet of your holiness, with all that I am, and that I have. Save me, kill me, call me, recall me, approve me, reprove me, as you shall please. Your voice, the voice of Christ in you speaking, I will acknowledge. If I have deserved death, I shall be contented to die: For the earth is the Lords, 
Psal. 23.  and all the fullness thereof, who is to be blessed for ever. Amen. This was the year of our Lord. 1518.  
After that Martin Luther, provoked thus by Tecelius, had declared his mind in writing lowly and humbly and had set up certain propositions to be disputed: not long after, 
The raging Dialogue of Sylvester Prie●●as against Luther.  among other monks and Friars, steppeth up one Silvester de Priero a Dominicke Friar who first began to publish abroad a certain impudent and railing Dialogue against him. Unto whom Luther answered again, first alleging the place of the Apostle. 1. Thes. v. That we must prove all things. Also the place. Gal. 2. That if an angel from heaven do bring an other Gospel, then that we have received, he ought to be accursed.  

The answer of Luther against Sylvester.  Item, he alleged the place of Austen unto Jerome, where the said Austen saith: That he is wont to give this honour only to the book of Canonical Scripture, that who soever were the writers thereof, he believeth them verily not to have erred. But as touching all other men's writings, were they never so holy men or learned, he doth not believe them therefore, because they so say, but in that respect as they do agree with the Canonical Scripture, which cannot err.  

Clem. De poenit. & remiss. C. Abusionibus.  Item, he alleged the place of the Canon law: Clem. de Poenit. & remis. C. Abusionibus. Wherein he proved, that these pardonsellers, in their setting forth of the pope's indulgenses, aught to go no further by the law, then is enjoined them within the letters of their commission.  
And in the latter part of his answer, thus Luther writeth to the reader, Let opinions (saith he) remain opinions, so they be not yokes to the Christians. Let us not make men's opinions equal with the articles of faith, & to the decrees of Christ, and Paul. Moreover I am ashamed (quoth he) to hear the common saying of this Divine school doctors, who holding one thing in the schools, and thinking otherwise in their own judgement, thus are wont, secretly among themselves, 
Ex Paralipominis Abba. Vrsperg.  and with their privy friends, talking together to say: Thus we do hold, and thus would I say, being in the schools, but yet (be it spoken here amongst us) it cannot be so proved by the holy Scriptures, etc. Ex. Paralip. Abb. Vrsperg.  

Eckius writeth against Luther. D. Andraeas answereth for Luther.  Next after this Silvester, stepped forth Eckius, and impugned the conclusions of Luther. Against whom encountered D. Andraeas Bedenstein. Archdeacon of Wittenberg, making his Apology in defence of Luther.  
Then was Martin Luther cited, the 7. of August. by one Hieronimus B. of Ascalon, to appear at Rome. About which time Thomas Caietanus Cardinal, the pope's Legate, was then lieger at the City of Augusta, who before had been sent down in commission, with certain mandates from Pope Leo, 
The university of Wittenberg writeth to the Pope for Luther.  unto that City: The university of Wittenberg understanding of Luther's citation, eftsoons directed up their letters, with their public seal to the pope, in Luther's behalf. Also an other letter they sent to Carolus Miltitius the pope's chamberlain being a German borne. Furthermore good Fridericke ceased not for his part, to sollicitate the matter with his letters & earnest suit, with Cardinal Caietanus, that the cause of Luther might be freed from Rome, and removed to Augusta, in the hearing of the Cardinal. Caietanus at the suit of the Duke, wrote unto the Pope, from whom he received this answer again, the 23. of the foresaid month of August, 
The Pope's charge to his Legate against M. Luther.  that he had cited Luther, to appear personally before him at Rome, by Hieronimus Bishop of Ascalon, Auditor of the chamber: which bishop diligently had done, that was commanded him, but Luther abusing and contemning the gentleness offered, did refuse not only to come, but also became more bold and stubborn, continuing or rather increasing in his former heresy, as by his writing did appear: Wherefore he would that the Cardinal should cite and call up the said Luther to appear at the city of Augusta before him, adjoining withal, the aid of the princes of Germany & of the Emperor, if need required so that when the said Luther should appear, he should lay hand upon him, & commit him to sat custody, and after he should be brought up to Rome: and if he perceived him to come to any knowledge or amendment of his fault, he should release him, and restore him to the church again, or else he should be interdict, with all other his adherents, abetters, & maintainers, of what soever estate or condition they were, whether they were Dukes, Marquesses, Earls Barons. etc. Against all which persons and degrees, he willed him to extend the same curse and malediction (only the person of the Emperor excepted) interdicting by the censure of the church, all such lands, Lordships, Towns, tenements, villages, as should minister any harbour to the said Luther, & were not obedient unto the sea of Rome. Contrariwise to all such as showed themselves obedient, he should promise full remission of all their sins. Likewise the pope directeth other letters also the same time, to Duke Friderick, complaining with many grievous words, against Luther.  
The Cardinal thus being charged with injunctions from Rome; according to his commission, sendeth with all speed, for Luther to appear at Augusta before him. 
Luther obedient to the Sea of Rome.   
About the beginning of October Martin Luther yielding his obedience to the Church of Rome, came to Augusta, at the Cardinals sending (at the charges, of the noble Prince elector) and also his letters of commendation, where he remained 3. days before he came to his speech: for so it was provided by his friends, that he should not enter talk with the Cardinal, before a sufficient warrant or safe conduct was obtained of the Emperor Maximilian. Which being obtained, eftsoons he entered, 
Luther appeareth before Cardinal Ca●e●anus.  offering himself to the speech of the Cardinal, and was there received of the cardinal very gently: who according to the pope's commandment, propounded unto Martin Luther three things, or as Sleaden saith, but 2. to wit.  
1. That he should repent and revoke his errors.  
2. That he should promise from that time forward, to refrain from the same.  
3. That he should refrain from all things that might by any means trouble the Church.  
When Martin Luther required to be informed wherein he had erred, 
Three things put to Luther by the Pope.  the Legate brought forth the extravagants of Clement, which beginneth: unigenitus etc. because that he contrary to that Canon had held & taught in his 58. proposition, that the merits of Christ are not the treasure of indulgences or pardons. Secondly, the cardinal, contrary to the seventh proposition of Luther, affirmed that faith is not necessary to him that receiveth the sacrament.  
Furthermore, an other day in the presence of 4. of the emperors Counsel, having there a Notary and witnesses present, Luther protested for himself and personally in this manner following.  
In primis, I Martin Luther, a Friar Augustine, protest that I do reverence and follow the Church of Rome in all my sayings and doings, present, past, and to come: 
Protestation of M. Luther before the Cardinal.  And if any thing have been or shallbe said by me to the contrary, I count it, and will that it be counted and taken as though it had never been spoken. But because the Cardinal hath required at the commandment of the Pope three things of me to be observed:  
1 That I should return again to the knowledge of myself.  
2 That I should beware of falling into the same again here after.  
3 That I should promise to abstain from all things which might disquiet the church of God:  
I protest here this day, that whatsoever I have said, seemeth unto me to be sound, true and Catholic: Yet for the further proof thereof, I do offer myself personally either here or elsewhere, publicly to give a reason of my sayings. And if this please not the Legate, 
The answer of Luther, with his propositions to the Cardinal.  I am ready also in writing to answer his objections, if he have any against me: And touching these things, to hear the sentence and judgement of the Universities of the Empire. basil, Friburge, and Louane. Hereof when they had received an answer in writing, they departed.  
After this Luther by and by prepareth an answer to the Legate, teaching that the merits of Christ are not committed unto men: that the pope's voice is to be heard when he speaketh agreeably to the Scriptures: that the pope may err: that he ought to be reprehended, Act. 15. Moreover he showed that in the matter of faith. not only the general council, but also every faithful christian is above the Pope, if he leave to better authority and reason: that the Extravagant containeth untruths: that it is an infallible verity, that none is just: that it is necessary for him that cometh to the receiving of the sacrament, to believe: that faith in the absolution and remission of sins, is necessary that he ought not nor might not decline from the verity of the Scripture: that he sought nothing but the light of the truth. 
Proteus was a monster noted in poets which could change himself into all forms & likeness.  etc.  
But the Cardinal would hear no scriptures: he disputed without scriptures, devised gloss and expositions of his own head, and by distinctions (wherewith the Divinity of the Thomists is full) like a very Proteus, he avoided all things. After this, Luther being commanded to come no more in the presence of the Legate, except he would recant, notwithstanding abode there still & would not departed. Then the Cardinal sent for joannes Stupitius, vicar of the Augustine's, & moved him earnestly to bring Luther to recant of his own accord. Luther tarried the next day also, and nothing was said unto him. The third day moreover he tarried and delivered up his mind in writing in which, 
Luther's answer to the Cardinal.  first he thanked him for his courtesy and great kindness which he perceived by the words of Stupitius toward him, and therefore was the more ready to gratify him in whatsoever kind of office he could do him service: confessing moreover, that where he had been somewhat sharp and eager against the pope's dignity, that was not so much of his own mind, as it was to be ascribed to the importunity of certain which gave him occasion. Notwithstanding, as he acknowledged his excess therein, so he was ready to show more moderation in that behalf hereafter, & also promised to make amends for the same unto the bish. & that in the pulpit, if he pleased. And as touching the matter of pardons, he promised also to proceed no further in any mention thereof, so that his adversaries likewise were bound to keep silence. But where as he was priest to retract his sentence before defended, forasmuch as he had said nothing but with a good conscience, and which was agreeable to the firm testimonies of the scripture: therefore he humbly desired the determination thereof, to be referred to the bishop of Rome, for nothing could be more grateful to him, then to hear the voice of the Church speaking etc.  
¶ Who doth not see by this so humble and honest submission of Luther, but that, if the Bishop of Rome would have been answered with any reason, or contented with sufficient mean, he had never been touched any further of Luther. But the secret purpose of GOD had a farther work herein to do: for the time now was come, when God thought good that pride should have a fall. Thus while the unmeasurable desire of that B. sought more then enough, 
Pride will have a fall. Aesopes' dog. All covet, all lose.  and like to Aesopes' dog, coveting both to have the flesh, and shadow, not only he miss that he gaped for, but also lost that which he had.  
But to the purpose of our matter again: this writing Luther delivered to the Cardinal the third day after he was commanded out of his sight. Which letter or writing the Cardinal did little regard. When Luther saw that he would give no answer nor countenance to the letter, yet notwithstanding he remained after that, the fourth day, and nothing was answered: the fift day likewise was passed with like silence, and nothing done. At the length, by the counsel of his friends, and specially because the Cardinal had said before, that he had a commandment to imprison Luther and john Stupitius the vicar, after that he had made and set up his appeal where it might be seen and read, he departed, thinking that he had showed such dangerous obedience long enough. Luther a beholder & a doer of these things, recordeth the same and showeth the cause why he submitted himself to the church of Rome: declaring also, that even those things, which are most truly spoken, yet aught to be maintained and defended, with humility and fear. Some things he suppresseth and conceileth, which he supposeth the reader to understand not without grief and sorrow. At length he protesteth that he reverenceth and followeth the church of Rome in all things, 
Luther obedient to the Sea of Rome.  and that he setteth himself only against those, which under the name of the church of Rome, go about to set forth and commend Babylon unto us.  
Thus you have heard how that Luther being rejected from the speech and sight of Caietanus the Cardinal, after six days waiting, 
another letter of Luther to the Legate.  departed by the advise of his friends & returned unto Wittenberg, leaving a letter in writing to be given to the Cardinal, wherein he declared sufficiently, first his obedience in his coming, the reasons of his doctrine, his submission reasonable to the Sea of Rome, his long waiting after he was repelled from the Cardinal's speech, the charges of the Duke, and finally, the cause of his departing. Besides this letter to the Cardinal, he left also an Appellation to the Bishop of Rome, from the Cardinal, 
Luther appealeth from the Cardinal to the Pope. The letters of Caietanus to 〈◊〉 Fridericke.  which he caused openly to be affixed before his departure.  
After that Luther was thus departed and returned again into his country, Caietanus writeth to Duke Fridericke, a sharp and a biting letter, in which first he signifieth to him his gentle entertainment & good will showed to reduce Luther from his error. Secondly, he complaineth of the sudden departing of him, & of Stupicius. Thirdly, he declareth the pernicious danger of Luther's doctrine against the Church of Rome. Fourthly, he exhorteth the Duke, that as he tendereth his own honour and safety, & regardeth the favour of the high bishop, he will send him up to Rome, or expel him out of his dominion, forsomuch as such a pestilence breeding, as that was, could not, neither aught by any means long so to be suffered.  
To this letter of the Cardinal, 
The Duke's answer to the Cardinal for Luther.  the Duke answereth again at large, purging both Luther, and himself: Luther, in that he following his conscience grounded upon the word of god, would not revoke that for an error, which could be proved no error: & himself he excuseth thus, that where is required of him to banish him his country, or to send him up to Rome, it would be little honesty for him so to do, and less conscience, unless he knew just cause, why he should so do: Which if the Cardinal would or could declare unto him, there should lack nothing in him, which were the part of a Christian Prince to do, and therefore he desireth him, to be a means unto the Bishop of Rome, that innocency and truth be not oppressed, before the crime or error be lawfully convicted.  
This done, the Duke sendeth the letter of the Cardinal, unto Martin Luther. 
Luther's letters to duke Fridericke.  Who answered again to the Prince, showing first how he came obediently unto Caietanus, with the emperors warrant: & what talk there was between them: how Caietanus pressed him against his conscience and manifest truth, to revoke these errors. First that the merits of Christ's Passion, were not the treasure of the pope's pardons. Secondly that faith was necessary in receiving the Sacraments. Albeit in the first he was content to yield to the Cardinal. In the second, because it touched a great part of our salvation, he could not with a safe conscience relent, but desired to be taught by the Scripture: at least that the matter might be brought into open disputation in some free place of germany, where the truth might be discussed and judged of learned men. The Cardinal not pleased with this, in great anger cast out of many manacing words, neither would admit him any more to his presence or speech: whereas yet notwithstanding persisting in his obedience to the church of Rome, gave attendance, waiting upon the Cardinal's pleasure a sufficient tyme.  
At last, when no answer would come, after he had waited the space of v. or vi days, to his great detriment, & greater danger, by the persuasion of his friends, he departed. Whereat if the Cardinal were displeased, he had most cause to blame himself. And now whereas the Cardinal threateneth me (saith he) not to let the action fall, but that the process thereof shallbe pursued at Rome unless I either come and present myself, or else be banished your dominions, I am not somuch grieved for mine own cause, as that you should sustain for my matter any danger or peril. And therefore seeing there is no place nor country, 
Luther ready to be exiled.  which can keep me from the malice of mine adversaries, I am willing to departed hence and to forsake my country, whether soever it shall please the Lord to lead me: thanking God which hath counted me worthy to suffer thus much for the glory of Christ's name.  
Here (no doubt) was the cause of Luther in great danger, being now brought to this straight, 
The cause of Luther in great danger.  that both Luther was ready to fly the country, and the Duke again was as much afraid to keep him, had not the marvelous providence of God (who had this matter in guiding) here provided a remedy, where the power of man did fail, 
God's providence.  by stirring up the whole university of Wittingberg, who seeing the cause of truth thus to decline, 
The University of Wittenberg writeth to the Duke for Luther.  with a full and a general consent, addressed their letters unto the Prince, in defence of Luther & of his cause, making their humble suit unto him, that he of his princely honour, would not suffer innocency and the simplicity of truth so clear as is the Scripture, to be foiled and oppressed by mere violence of certain malignant flatterers about the Pope: but that the error first may be showed and convicted, before the party be pronounced guilty.  
By the occasion of these letters the Duke began more seriously in his mind to consider the cause of Luther, and to read his works, and also to hearken to his Sermons. Whereby (through God's holy working) he grew to knowledge and strength, perceiving in Luther's quarrel more than he did before. This was about the beginning of December. an. 1518.  

New indulgences set forth by Pope Leo.  As this past on, Pope Leo playing the Lion at Rome in the mean time in the month of November, to stablish his seat against this defection, which he ●eared to come, had sent forth new indulgences into Germany, & all quarters abroad, 
The doctrine of the church of Rome.  with a new Edict, wherein he declared this to be the catholic doctrine of the holy mother church of Rome Prince of all other churches, that Bishops of Rome which are successors of Peter, and vicars of Christ, have this power and authority given to release, and dispense, also to grant indulgences available both for the living and for the dead, lying in the pains of purgatory. And this dotrine he charged to be received of all faithful Christian men, under pain of the great curse, and utter separation from all holy Church.  
This Popish decree and indulgence, as a new Merchandise, 
The Pope's Alestake to pick men's purses.  or Alestake to get money, being ●et up in all quarters of Christendom for the holy father's advantage, came also to be received in germany about the month of December. Luther in the mean time hearing how they were about in Rome, to proceed and pronounce against him, provideth a certain appeallation conceived in due form of law, 
Luther appealeth from the Pope to a general council. Miltitius the pope's chamberlain sent to duke Fridericke.  wherein he appealeth from the pope to the general Council.  
When Pope Leo percoaved that neither his pardons would prosper to his mind, nor that Luther could be brought to Rome, to assay how to come to his purpose by crafty allurements, he sent his Chamberlain Carolus Miltitius, above mentioned, which was a German, into Saxony to Duke Fridericke, with a golden rose, after the usual ceremony accustomed every year to be presented to him, with secret letters also to certain Noble men of the Duke's counsel, to solicit the pope's cause, and to remove the Duke's mind, if it might be from Luther.  
But before Miltitius approached into Germany, Maximilian the Emperor deceased in the month of january an. 1519. At what time two there were which stood for the election: 
The death of Maximilian the Emperor. Charles the 5. elected Emperor, by the means of Duke Fridericke.  to wit Frances the French king, and Charles king of Spain, which was also Duke of ostrich, and Duke of Burgundy. To make this matter short, through the means of Frederick, Prince Elector, (who having the offer of the preferment, refused the same) the election fell to Carolus, called Carolus the v. surnamed Prudence: which was about the end of August.  
In the month of june before, there was a public disputation ordained at Lypsia. 
The disputation at Lypsia.  which is a City in Misnia, under the dominion of George Duke of Saxony, uncle to Duke Frederick. This disputation first began through the occasion of joannes Eckius, a Friar, and Andraeas' Carolostadius, Doctor of Wittenberg. This Eckius had impugned certain propsitions or conclusions of Martin Luther, which he had written the year before, touching the pope's pardons. Against him Carolostadius wrote in defence of Luther. 
Eckius against Carolostadius.  Eckius again to answer Carolostadius, set forth an Apology. Which Apology Carolostadius again confuted by writing. Upon this began the disputation, with safe conduct granted by Duke George, to all & singular, 
Luther cometh to the disputation. Melancthon newly come to Wittenberg.  persons, that would resort to the same. To this disputation came also Martin Luther, with Philip Melancthon, who not past a year before was newly come to Wittenberg, Luther not thinking then to dispute in any matter, because of his appellation above mentioned, but only to hear what there was said and done.  
First, before the entry into the disputation, it was agreed, that the Acts should be penned by notaries, and after to be divulged abroad. But Eckius afterward went back from that, pretending that the penning of the Notaries should be an hindrance & a stay unto them, whereby the heat of them in their reasoning should the more languish and their vehemency rebayte. But Carolostadius without notaries would not dispute. The sum of their disputations was reduced to certain conclusions. 
The question of free will. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Among which first came in question to dispute of free will, which the Greeks call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. That is, whether a man have of himself, any election or purpose, to do that is good: or (to use the terms of the school) whether a man of congruence, may deserve grace, doing that which in him doth lie? Herein when the question was to be discussed, what the will of man may do of itself, without grace: they through heat of contention (as the manner is) fell into other by matters and ambages, little or nothing appertaining to that which Carolostadius proposed. 
God giveth his grace to usury.  Eckius affirmed, that the pure strength to do good, is not in man's will, but is given of God to man to take interest & increase of man again, which first he seemed to deny. Then being asked of Carolostadius whether the whole & full good work that is in man proceedeth of god: to this he answered; the whole good work but not wholly: granting that the will is moved of God: 
Totum. Totaliter.  but to consent, to be in man's power. Against this reasons Carolostadius, alleging certain places of Austen, & namely of S. Paul, which saith, 
Phil. ●.  that God worketh in us both to will and to perform. And this sentence of Carolostadius seemed to overcome. Eckius for his assertion, in erred certain escriptes out of Bernard, which seemed little to the purpose. And thus was a whole week lost about this contentious and sophistical alteration between Eckius, and Carolostadius.  
Luther (as was said) came, not thinking at all to dispute, but having free liberty granted by the Duke, & under the pope's authority, was provoked, & forced against his will to dispute with Eckius. The matter of their controversy was about the authority, of the Bishop of Rome. 
Luther disputeth with Eckius▪  Here is first to be admonished, that Luther before had set forth in writing this doctrine: that they which do attribute the pre-eminence to the church of Rome, have no foundation for them, but out of the Pope's decrees, 
Luther's assertion against the pope's supremacy.  set forth not much past 400. years heretofore: which decrees he affirmed to be contrary to all ancient histories, above a thousand years past, contrary also to the holy scriptures, and unto Nicene Council.  
Against this assertion Eckius set up a contrary conclusion saying, 
The assertion of Eckius for the supremacy.  that they which hold that the supremacy and pre-eminence of the Church of Rome above all other Churches, was not before the time o● Pope Silvester the first, do err, for as much as they which succeeded in the see and faith of Peter, were always received for the successors of Peter, and vicar's of Christ in earth.  
This being the last of all the other Themes of Eckius yet thought he chief to begin with this against Luther, to bring him into more displeasure with the B. of Rome, wherein Luther himself much refused to dispute, alleging that matter to be more odious than necessary, for that present time, and that also for the B. of Rome's sake, he had much rather keep silence in the same. Whereunto if he must needs be urged, he would the fault should be understanded of all men to be where it was, namely in his adversary which provoked him thereunto, & not in himself. Eckius again clearing himself, translateth all the fault unto Luther, which first in his treatise, De indulgentijs Papae, defended that before pope silvester's time the church of Rome had no place of majority, or pre-eminence above other churches, & also before the Cardinal Caietanus affirmed the Pope Pelagianus wrested many places of the Scripture out of their sense, unto his own affection and purpose. Wherefore the fault hereof (said he) to him rather is to be imputed, which ministered the first occasion.  
Thus Luther being egged and strained to dispute, whether he would or no, 
Disputation between Luther and Eckius about the pope's supremacy.  the question began to be propounded touching the supremacy of the Bishop of Rome: which supremacy Eckius did contend to be founded & grounded upon God's law. M. Luther on the other side, denied not the supremacy of the bishop of Rome above other churches, neither denied the same moreover to be universal over all churches: but only he affirmed it not to be instituted by God's law. Upon this question the disputation did continue the space of 5. days. During all which season. 
Ex paralio. Abbot. Vrsp.  Eckius very unhonestly & uncourteously demeaned himself, studying by all means how to bring his adversary into the hatred of the auditors, & into danger of the P. The reasons of Eckius were these. For so much as the church being a civil body, cannot be without an head, 
The reasons of Eckius for the supremacy.  therefore as it standeth with God's law, that other civil regiments should not be destitute of their head▪ so is it by God's law requisite that the pope should be the head of the universal Church of Christ. To this M. Luther answered, that he confesseth & granteth the Church not to be headless, so long as Christ is alive, who is the only head of the Church, neither doth the Church require any other head beside him, for so much as it is a spiritual kingdom, not earthly: and he alleged for him the place of Collos. 1. 
Hieron.  Eckius again produced certain places out of Jerome and Cyprian, which made very little to prove the primacy of the P. to hold by god's law. 
Cyprian.  As touching the testimony of Bernard neither was the authority of the author of any great force in this case, neither was the place alleged so greatly to the purpose. 
Bernard.   
Then came he to the place of S. Math. 16. Tues Petrus etc. Thou art Peter, 
Math. 16.  and upon this rock I will build my Church etc. To this was answered, that this was a confession of faith, and that Peter there representeth the person of the whole universal Church, as Austen doth expound it. 
Luther answereth to the place of S. Math.  Also that Christ in that place meaneth himself to be the Rock, as is manifest to collect, both by his words and order of the sentence, and many other conjectures. Likewise to the place of S. john. Pasce oves meas: Feed my sheep. 
john. 21.  Which words Eckius alleged properly and peculiarly to be spoken to Peter alone. Martin answered, that after these words spoken, equal authority was given to all the Apostles, where Christ sayeth unto them, Receive ye the holy Ghost: whose sins soever ye remit, they are remitted. etc. By these words (sayeth he) Christ assigning to them their office, 
The answer of Luther to the place of S. john. Pasce Oues meas.  doth teach what is to feed, and what he ought to be that feedeth. After this Eckius came to the authority of the Council of Constance, alleging this amongst other articles, De necessitate salutis est, credere Rom. pontificem Occumenicum esse, That is, that it standeth upon necessity of our salvation to believe the Bishop of Rome to be supreme head of the Church: 
The authority of the council of Constance.  alleging moreover, that in the same Council was debated and discussed, that the general Council could not err. Whereunto Martin Luther again did answer discreetly, saying that all the articles which john Hus did hold in that Council, were not condemned for heretical: with much other matter more. Again, of what authority that Council of Constance is to be esteemed, that he left to other men's judgements. This is most certain (said he) that no Council hath such authority to make new articles of faith. Here M. Luther began to be cried out of by Eckius and his complices, for diminishing the authority of general Counsels. Although in deed he mean nothing less, but ever laboured to confirm the authority of the same: yet was he called heretic & schismatic, and one of the Bohemes faction, with many other terms more of reproachful contumely. Eckius then granted the authority of the Apostles to be equal: & yet not to follow thereby, the authority of all Bishops therefore to be equal: For between Apostleship and ministery (said he) there is great difference.  
To conclude, Eckius in no case could abide that any creature should decline from any word or sentence of the Pope's decrees, or the constitutions of the forefathers. To this again Luther answered, grounding himself upon the place ad Gal. 2. where S. Paul speaking of the principal Apostles, 
Gala. 2.  sayeth: And of them which seemed to be great, what they were before, it maketh no matter to me, for God accepteth no man's person: nevertheless, they that were of some reputation, did avail nothing at all, etc. Eckius to this said, that as touching the authority of the Apostles, 
Here is good doctrine of Eckius, I trow.  they were all chosen of Christ, but were ordained Bishops of Saint Peter. And whereas Luther brought in the constitution of the decree, which sayeth, Ne Romanus pontifex universalis Episcopus nominetur, etc. Yea let not the Bishop also of Rome be called universal Bishop, etc. To this Eckius answered on this sort, that the Bishop of Rome ought not to be called universal Bishop: yet he may be called (said he) Bishop of the universal church. And thus much touching the question of the Pope's supremacy.  
From this matter, they entered next to Purgatory wherein Eckius kept no order. 
The question of Purgatory.  For when they should have disputed, what power the Pope hath in Purgatory, Eckius turneth the scope of the question, and proveth that there is Purgatory, & allegeth for him the place of Machab. Luther leaning upon the judgement of Hierom, affirmeth the book of Maccabees not to be Canonical. 
2. Mach. 12.  Eckius again replieth the book of Maccabees to be of no less authority than the Gospels. Also he alleged the place 1. Corinth. 3. 
1. Corint. 3.  He shall be saved▪ yet so as it were by fire. Moreover he inferred the place of Math. 5. Agree thou with thine adversary while thou art in the way with him, 
Math. 5.  lest he commit thee into prison, from whence thou shalt not escape, till thou hast paid the uttermost farthing. 
Psal. 65.  etc. To this he added also the place of the Psalms: We have passed through the fire and water. 
The question of Indulgences.  etc. How these places be wrested to purgatory, let the reader discern and judge.  
Then was inferred the question of indulgences, whereof Eckius seemed to make but a toy & a matter of nothing, and so passed it over. 
The question of Penance.   
At last they came to the question of penance, touching which matter, the reasons of Eckius digressed much from the purpose, which went about to prove that there be some manner of pains of satisfaction: which thing Luther did never deny. But that for every particular offence, such particular penance is exacted of God's justice upon the repentant sinner, as is in man's power to remit or l●lease, as pleaseth him: such penance neither Luther, nor any other true Christian did admit. And thus have ye the chief effect of this disputation between Luther and Eckius at Lypsia. 
When Vldericus Zuinglius came to Tigurie.  Which was in the month of july. an. 151●.  
About the beginning of the same year. 151●. Uldericke Zuinglius came first to Zuricke, and there began to teach. Who in the 16. article, in his book of articles, recordeth, that Luther and both at one time, one not knowing nor hearing of an other, began to write against the pope's pardons and indulgences. Albeit if the time be rightly counted, I suppose we shall find that Luther began a year or two before Zuinglius. 
Luther and Zuinglus began both at one time to write against the Pope.  Notwithstanding this doth Sledan testify, that in this present year, when Samson a Franciscan, came with the pope's pardons to Zurick, Uldericke Zuinglius did withstand him, and declared his chaffer and pardons to be but a vain seducing of the people, to inveigle away their money. Ex Sled Lib. 1.  
The next year ensuing, 
Luther's books condemned at loven, and Colen Pope Leos Bull against Luther.  which was 1250. the Friars and Doctors of Louane, and also of Colen, condemned the books of Luther as heretical. Against whom Luther again effectuously defended himself, and charged them with obstinate violence, and malicious impiety. After this within few days flasheth out from Rome the thunderbolt of pope Leo against the said Luther notwithstanding he so humbly and obediently before had reverenced both the person of the pope, and agnised the authority of his see and also had dedicated unto him, 
Lutherus de libertate Christiana.  and books entitled De Christiana libertate: that is, of Christian liberty: In which book these two points principally he discusseth and proveth.  
1 That a Christian man is free and Lord of all things, and subject to none.  
2 That a Christian man is a diligent underling and servant of all men, and to every man subject.  
Moreover, in the same year he set out a defence of all his articles, which the pope's Bull had before condemned.  
another book also he wrote to the nobility of Germany, 
Lutherus ad Nobilitatem Germaniae. Three wall or bulwarks of the papists.  in the which book he impugneth and shaketh the three principal walls of the papists: the first whereof is this.  
1 Where as the papistes say, that no temporal or profane magistrate hath any power upon the spirituality: but they have power over the other.  
2 Where any place of Scripture being in controversy is to be decided, they say, No man may expound the scripture, or be judged thereof, but only the Pope.  
3 When any Council is brought against them, they say, that no man hath authority to call a Council, but only the Pope.  
Moreover, in the foresaid book divers other matters he handleth and discourseth: 
The book of Luther to the Nobility, with the matter thereto contained.  That the Pope can stop no free Council. Also what things ought to be handled in Counsels. That the pride of the pope is not to be suffered. What money goeth out of Germany yearly to the pope, mounting to the sum of 3000000. Florence's. The true meaning of this verse he expoundeth: Tu supplex ora: tu protege, tuque labora. Wherein the three estates with their offices and duties are described: to wit, the minister the magistrate, & the subjects. Furthermore in the said book he proveth and discusseth, that the Emperor is not under the Pope but contrariwise: that the donation of Constantine is not true, but forged: that priests may have wives: that the voices of the people ought not to be separate from the election of ecclesiastical persons: that interdicting and suspending of matrimony at certain times, is brought in of avarice: what is the right use of excommunication: that there ought to be fewer holy days: that liberty ought not to be restrained in meats: that wilful poverty and begging aught to be abolished, what damage and inconvenience have grown by the Council of Constance: and what misfortunes Sigismond the Emperor sustained, for not keeping faith and promise with john Hus and Hierom: that heretics should be convinced, not by fire and faggot, but by evidence of Scripture and God's word, how schools and universities ought to be reform: what is to be said and judged of the pope's Decretals, that the first teaching of children ought to begin with the Gospel. Item, he writeth in the same book against excessive apparel among the Germans. Also against their excess in spices. etc.  
In this year moreover followed not long after, 
Charles the Emperor crowned.  the coronation of the new Emperor Carolus quintus: which was in the month of Octob. at Aquisgrave.  
After which coronation being solemnised about the month of novemb. Pope Leo sent again to Duke Fridericke two Cardinals, his Legates: of whom the one was Hieronymus Aleander, who after a few words of high commendation first premised to the Duke touching his noble progeny, and other his famous virtues, they made two requests unto him in the Pope's name: First that he would cause all books of Luther to be burned. Secondly, that he would either see the said Luther there to be executed, or else would make him sure, and send him up to Rome unto the pope's presence.  
These two requests seemed very strange unto the duke who answering again to the Cardinals said, that he being long absent from thence, 
Duke Friderickes answer to the Pope's Legate● for Luther.  about other public affairs, could not tell what there was done, neither did he communicate with the doings of Luther. notwithstanding this he heard the ●●kius was a great perturber not only of Luther, but of other divers learned and good men of his university. As for himself he was always ready to do his duty, first in sending Luther to Ch●●etanus the Cardinal, at the city of august, and afterward at the Pope's commandment would have sent him away out of his dominion, had not Meltituis the pope's own Chamberlain given contrary showed 〈◊〉 him still in his own country, fearing least that in other countries he might do more harm, where he was less known: and so now also was as ready to do his duty, where soever right & 〈◊〉 did so require. But for so much a● 〈◊〉 this cause, he seethe much hatred and violence 〈…〉 the one part▪ and no error ye convicted on the other 〈◊〉, but that it had rather the approbation of divers we● learned & found men of judgement: and for so much as also the cause of Luther was not yet heard before the Emperor therefore he desired the said Legates to be a mean to the Pope's holiness, that certain learned persons of gravity and upright judgement, might be assigned to have the hearing and determination of this matter, & that his error first might be known, before he were made an heretic, or his books burned. Which being done, when he should see his error by manifest and sound testimonies of scriptures rejoiced, Luther should find no favour at his hands. Otherwise he trusted that the pope's holiness would exact no such thing of him, which he might not with equity and honour of his place and estate, reasonably perform. etc.  
Then the cardinals, declaring to the duke again, that they could no otherwise do, but according to the form of their prescript commission, 
The Pope's Legates burn the books of Luther.  they must proceed: took the books of Luther, and shortly after set fire upon them, and openly burnt them. Luther hearing this, in like manner called all the multitude of students and learned men in Wittenberg, and there taking the pope's decrees, and the Bull lately sent down against him, 
Luther burneth the Pope's decrees and Bulls at Wittenberg.  openly and solemnly accompanied with a great number of people following him, set them likewise on fire, and burned them, which was the tenth of December.  
A little before these things thus passed between the Pope and M. Luther, the Emperor had commanded & ordained a sitting or assemble of the states of all the Empire to be holden at the City of Worms, against the sixth day of january next ensuing. In the which assemble, through the means of Duke Frederick, the Emperor gave forth that he would have the cause of Luther there brought before him, and so it was. For at what time the assemble was commenced in the city of Worms, the day and month aforesaid, which was the 6. of january, afterward upon the sixth day of march following, the Emperor through the instigation of Duke Frederick, 
The emperors letter, with his safe conduct sent to M. Luther.  directed his letters unto Luther, signifying, that for so much as he had set abroad certain books, he therefore by the advise of his peers & princes about him, had ordained to have the cause brought before him in his own hearing, and therefore he granted him licence to come and return home again. And that he might safely and quietly so do, and be thereof assured he promised unto him by public faith and credit, in the name of the whole Empire, his Passport and safe-conduct as by the instrument which he sent unto him, he might more fully be ascertained. Wherefore without all doubt or distrust, he willed him eftsoons to make his repair unto him, and to be there present the 21. day after the receipt thereof: and because he should not misdoubt any fraud or injury herein, he assured to him his warrant and promise. 
M. Luther accursed at Rome of the Pope.   
M. Luther being thus provided for his safeconduict by the Emperor, after he had been first accursed at Rome upon Maundy Thursday, by the pope's censure, shortly after Easter speedeth his journey toward the Emperor, at Worms. Where the said Luther appearing before the Emperor and all the states of Germany, how constantly he stoocke to the truth, and defended himself, and answered his adversaries, and what adversaries he had, here followeth in full history with the acts and doings as there happened, according as in our former edition partly was before described.  

¶ The acts and doings of Martin Luther, before the Emperor, at the City of Worms.  
IN the year of our salvation .1521. about seventeen days after Easter, 
Anno. 1521.  Martin Luther entered into Worms, being sent for by the Emperor Charles the 5. of the name, etc. who the first year of his Empire, made an assemble of princes in the foresaid City. And whereas M. Luther had published three years before, certain propositions to be disputed in the town of Wittenberg in Saxony, against the tyranny of the pope (which notwithstanding were torn in pieces, condemned and burned by the papistes, and yet by no manifest Scriptures, nor probable reason convinced) the matter began to grow to a tumult & uproar, & yet Luther maintained all this while openly his cause against the clergy. 
Luther is sent for to Worms.  Whereupon it seemed good to certain that Luther should be called, assigning unto him an Herald of arms, with a letter of safe conduct, by the Emperor and Princes. Being sent for, he came, and was brought to the Knights of the Rhodes place, where he was lodged, well entertained, and visited of many Earls Barons, knights of the order, Gentlemen Priests and the commonalty, who frequented his lodging till night.  
To conclude, he came contrary to the expectation of many, as well adversaries, as other. For albeit he was sent for by the emperors messenger, and had letters of safeconduct: yet for that a few days before his access, his books were condemned by public proclamations, it was much doubted of by many that he would not come: and the rather, for that his friends deliberated together in a village nigh hand, called Oppenhime (where Luther was first advertised of these occurrentes) & many persuaded him not to adventure himself to such a present danger, considering how these beginnings answered not to the faith of promise made▪ Who when he had heard their whole persuasion & advise, he answered in this wise: As touching me, 
Constancy in Luther.  since I am sent for, I am resolved & certainly determined to enter Worms, in the name of our Lord jesus Christ, yea although I knew there were so many devils to resist me, as there are tiles to cover the houses in Worms.  
The fourth day after his repair, a Gentleman, named Ulricke of Pappenhim, Lieutenant general of the men at arms of the empire, was commanded by the emperor before dinner, to repair to Luther, and enjoin him at four of the clock in the after noon, to appear before the Imperial majesty, the Prince's Electors, Dukes, and other estates of the Empire, to understand the cause of his sending for: Whereunto he willingly agreed, as his duty was.  
And after iiij. a clock Ulricke Pappenhim: and Casper Sturm the Emperor's Herald (who conducted M. Luther from Wittenberg to Worms (came for Luther, and accompanied him through the garden of the knights of the Rhodes place, to the Earl Palatines palace: and lest the people should molest him, that thronged in, he was led by secret stairs to the place where he was appointed to have audience. Yet many, who perceived the pretence, violently rushed in, and were resisted, albeit in vaint many ascended the galleries, because they desired to behold Luther. 
Luther is brought before the Emperor.   
Thus standing before the Emperor, the electors, Dukes, Earls, and all the estates of the Empire, assembled there, he was first advertised by Ulricke of Pappenhim, to keep silence until such time as he was required to speak. Then john Eckius above mentioned, 
john Eckius propoundeth against M. Luther.  who then was the Bishop of Triers general official, with a loud and intelligible voice, first in Latin, then in dutch, according to the emperors commandment, said & proponed this sentence in manner as ensueth, or like in effect.  
Martin Luther, the sacred and invincible Imperial majesty hath enjointd by the consent of all the estates of the holy Empire, that thou shouldest be appealed before the throne of his majesty, to the end I might demand of thee these two points.  
First, whether thou confessest these books here (for he showed a heap of Luther's books written in the Latin and Dutch tongues) and which are in all places dispersed, entitled with thy name, be thine, and thou dost affirm them to be thine, or not Secondly, whether thou wilt recant and revoke them, and all that is contained in them, or rather meanest to stand to that thou hast written?  
Then before Luther, prepared to answer, Master Jerome Scurffus, a Lawyer of Wittenberg, 
Jerome Sch●●●ie.  required that the titles of the books should be read. Forthwith the foresaid Eckius named certain of the books, and those principally which were imprinted at basil, among the which he nominated his Commentaries upon the Psaltar his book of good works, his Commentary upon the Lords prayer, and divers other, which were not contentions.  

M. Luther's answer.  After this Luther answered thus in Latin & in dutch, Two things are proponed unto me by the Imperial majesty. First, whether I will avouch for mine, all those books that bear my name: Secondly, whether I will maintain or revoke any thing that hitherto I have devised & published. Whereunto I will answer as briefly as I can,  
In the first, I can do none other than recognise those books to be mine, 
Luther refuseth to revoke his books.  which lastly were named, & certainly I will never recant any clause thereof. In the second to declare whether I will wholly defend, or call back any thing comprised in them: forasmuch as there be questions of faith & the salvation of the soul (& this concerneth the word of God, which is the greatest & most excellent matter that can be in heaven or earth, & the which we ought duly evermore to reverence:) this might be accounted in me a rashness of judgement, & even a most dangerous attempt, I● I would pronounce any thing before I were better advised, considering I might recite something less than the matter importeth, and more than the truth requireth, if I did not premeditate the which I would speak. The which two things well considered doth set before mine eyes this sentence of our Lord jesus Christ, wherein it is said: Whosoever shall deny me before men, I will deny him before my father. I require then for this cause and humbly beseech the Imperial majesty, to grant me liberty and leisure to deliberate, 
Luther desireth respite to answer.  so that I may satisfy the interrogation made unto me, without prejudice of the word of God, and peril of mine own soul.  
Whereupon the princes began to deliberate. This done Eckius the prolocutor pronounced what was their resolution, saying: Albeit M. Luther, thou hast sufficiently understanded by the Emperors commandment, the cause of thy appearance here, & therefore dost not deserve to have any further respite given thee to determine: yet the Emperors majesty of his mere clemency, granteth thee one day to meditate for thine answer, so that to morrow at this instant hour thou shalt repair to exhibit thine opinion, not in writing, but to pronounce the same with lively voice.  
This done, Luther was led to his lodging by the herald. But herein I may not be oblivious, that in the way going to the Emperor & when he was in the assemble of princes, he was exhorted of other to be courageous, & manly to demean himself, 
Luther is exhorted to be constant.  and not to fear them that kill the body, but not the soul: but rather to dread him that is able to send both body and soul to everlasting fire.  
Furthermore he was encouraged with this sentence: When thou art before kings, think not what thou shalt speak: for it shall be given thee in that hour. 
Math. 10.   
The next day after four a clock, the Herald came & brought Luther from his lodging to the emperor's court, where he abode till six a clock, for that the princes were occupied in grave consultations, abiding there and being environed with a great number of people, and almost smothered for the press that was there. Then after when the Princes were set, and Luther entered, Eckius the Official began to speak in this manner.  
Yesterday at this hour, the emperors majesty assigned thee to be here M. Luther, 
Eckius again propoundeth against Luther.  for that thou didst affirm those books that we named yesterday to be thine. Further, to the interrogation by us made, whether thou wouldst approve all that is contained in them, or abolish and make void any part thereof, thou didst require time of deliberation, which was granted, & is now expired. Albeit thou oughtest not to have opportunity granted to deliberate, considering it was not unknown to thee wherefore we cited thee. And as concerning the matter of faith, every man ought to be so prepared, that at all times when soever he shallbe required, he may give certain & constant reason thereof, & thou especial being counted a man of such learning, and so long time exercised in theology. Then go to, answer even now to the emperors demand, whose bounty thou hast proved in giving thee leisure to deliberate. Wilt thou now maintain all thy books which thou hast acknowledged, or revoke any part of them, and submit thyself. The Official made this interrogation in Latin and in dutch. Martin Luther answered in Latin and in Dutch in this wise, modestly and lowly, and yet not without some stoutness of stomach and Christian constancy, so as his adversaries would gladly have had his courage more humbled and abased, but yet more earnestly desired his recantation, whereof they were in some good hope, when they heard him desire respite of time to make his answer.  
His answer was this.  
MOst magnificent Emperor, and you most noble princes and my most gentle Lords, 
M. Luther answereth for himself.  I appear before you here at the hour prescribed unto me yesterday: yielding the obedience that I own, humbly beseeching for God's mercy, your most renowned majesty, and your graces & honours, that ye will minister unto me this courtesy, to attend this cause benignly, which is the cause (as I trust) of justice and verity. And if by Ignorance I have not given unto every one of you your just titles, or if I have not observed the ceremonies and countenance of the Court, offending against them: it may please you to pardon me of your benignities, as one that only hath frequented cloisters, and not courtly civylities. And first, as touching myself, I can affirm or promise no other thing, but only this, that I have taught hitherto in symplycytye of mind, that which I have thought to tend to God's glory, & to the salvation of men's souls.  
Now as concerning the two articles objected by your most excellent majesty, 
Luther giveth a count of his faith before the Emperor.  whether I would acknowledge those books which were named, and be published in my name, or whether I would maintain & not revoke them: I have given resolute answer to the first, in the which I persist & shall persever for evermore, that these books be mine, and published by me in my name, unless it hath sith happened that by some fraudulent misdealing of mine enemies there be any thing foisted in them, or corruptly corrected? For I will acknowledge nothing, but that I have written, and that which I have written, I will not deny.  
Now to answer to the second article, I beseech your most excellent majesty, and your graces, 
He divideth his works into three parts.  to vouchsafe to give ear. Al my books are not of one sort. There be some, in which I have so simply and sound declared & opened the religion of Christian faith and of good works, that my very enemies are compelled to confess them to be profitable and worthy to be read of all christians. And truly the Pope's Bull (how cruel and tyrannous so ever it be) judgeth certain of my books inculpable, albeit the same with severe sentence, thundereth against me, and with monstruous cruelty condemneth my books, which books if I should revoke. I might worthily be thought to neglect and transgress the office of a true Christian, and to be one alone, that repugneth the public confession of all people There is an other sort of my books, which contain invectives against the Papacy, and other of the pope's retinue, as have with their pestiferous doctrine, and pernicious examples, corrupted the whole state of our Christianity. Neither can any deny or dissemble this, whereunto universal experience, and common complaint of all bear witnesses that the consciences of all faithful men be most miserably entrapped, vexed, and cruelly tormented by the Pope's laws and doctrines of men. Also that the goods and substance of Christian people are devoured, especially in this noble and famous country of germany, and yet without order, and in most detestable manner, are suffered still to be devoured, without all measure, by incredible tyranny: notwithstanding that they themselves have ordained to the contrary in their own proper laws, 
The Pope proceedeth contrary to his own doctrine.  as in the Distinct. 9 & .25. q. i. & .2. where they themselves have decreed that all such laws of pope's which be repugnant to the doctrine of the Gospel, and the opinions of the ancient Fathers, are to be judged erroneous, and reproved.  
If then I shall revoke these, I can do none other, but add more force to their tyranny, and open not only windows, but wide gates to their impiety, which is like to extend more wide, and more licentiously than ever it durst heretofore: And by the testimony of this my retractation, their insolent kingdom shallbe made more licentious, and less subject to punishment, intolerable to the common people, and also more confirmed and established, especially if this be bruited, that I. Luther have done this by the authority of your most excellent majesty, and the sacred Roman empire. Oh Lord, what a cover or shadow shall I be then to cloak their naughtiness and tyranny?  
The rest, or third sort of my books are such as I have written against certain private and singular persons, to wit, against such as with tooth and nail labour to maintain the Romish tyranny, and to deface the true doctrine and religion, which I have taught and professed. As touching these, I plainly confess I have been more vehement, than my religion and professeion required. For I make myself no Saint, and I dispute not of my life, but of the doctrine of Christ.  
And these I cannot without prejudice call back. For by this recantation it will come to pass, that tyranny and impiety shall reign, supported by my means, and so shall they exercise cruelty against people, more violently and ragyngly then before.  
Nevertheless, for that I am a man, and not God, I can none otherwise enterprise to defend my books, 
He requireth to be instructed if he have erred.  than did my very Lord jesus Christ defend his doctrine. Who being examined of his learning before Annas, and having received a buffet of the minister, said, If I have spoken evil, bear witness of the evil.  
If the Lord (who was perfect, and could not err) refused not to have testimony given against his doctrine, 
john. 18.  yea of a most vile servant: how much the more than I, that am but vile corruption, and can of myself do nothing, but err, ought earnestly to see and require, if any will bear witness against my doctrine?  
Therefore I require, for God's mercy, your most excellent majesty, your graces and right honourable lordship's, or what so ever he be of high or low degree, here to lay in his testimony, convict my errors, and confute me by the Scriptures, either out of the Prophets or the Apostles, and I will be most ready (if I be so instructed) to revoke any manner of error: yea and will be the first that shall consume mine own books and burn them.  
I suppose hereby it may appear, that I have prepended, 
Dissensions and divisions follow the doctrine of Christ, not for any cause in the doctrine, but in the adversary.  and well weighed before, the perils and dangers, the divisions and dissensions which have risen throughout the whole world, by reason of my doctrine, whereof I was vehemently and sharply yesterday admonished. Concerning which divisions of men's minds, what other men do judge, I know not, as touching myself, I conceive no greater delectation in any thing, then when I behold discords and dissensions stirred up for the word of God, For such is the course and proceeding of the Gospel. jesus Christ saith: I came not to send peace but a sword. 
Math. 10.  I came to set a man at variance with his father.  
And further, we must think, that our God is marvelous and terrible in his Counsels, lest perhaps that which we endeavour with earnest study to achieve and bring to pass (if we begin first with condemning of his word) the same rebound again to an huge sea of evil: and lest the new reign of this young and bounteous Prince Charles (in whom next after GOD, we all conceive singular hope) be lamentable, unfortunate, and miserably begun.  
I could examplify this with authorities of the Scriptures more effectually, 
Man's counsel with out God's word and his fear, be unfortunate  as by Pharaoh, the King of Babylon, and the Kings of Israel, who then most obscured the bright sun of their glory, and procured their own ruin, when by sage counsels they attempted to pacify and establish their governements and Realms, and not by God's Counsels: for it is he that intrappeth the wily in their wiliness, and subverteth mountains before they be ware. Wherefore it is good, and God's work, to dread the Lord.  
I speak not this, supposing that so politic and prudent heads have need of my doctrine or admonition, but because I would not omit to profit my country, and offer my duty or service that may tend to the advancement of the same. And thus I humbly commend me to your most excellent majesty, and your honourable Lordships, beseeching you that I may not incur your displeasures, neither be contemned of you, 
Luther provoked again to submit himself.  through the pursuit of my adversaries. I have spoken.  
These words pronounced, then Eckius the Emperors Prolocutor, with a stern countenance began, and said, that Luther had not answered to any purpose, neither it behoved him to call in question, things in time passed concluded and defined by general Counsels: and therefore they required of him a plain and direct answer, whether he would revoke or no.  
Then Luther: considering (said he) your sovereign majesty, 
Luther's absolute answer.  and your honours require a plain answer: this I say and profess as resolutely as I may, without doubling or sophistication, that if I be not convinced by testimonies of the Scriptures, & by probale reasons (for I believe not the Pope, neither his general Counsels, which have erred many times, and have been contrary to themselves) my conscience is so bound and captived in these scriptures and word of God which I have alleged, that I will not, nor may not revoke any manner of thing, considering it is not godly or lawful to do any thing against conscience. Hereupon I stand and rest. I have not what else to say. GOD have mercy upon me.  
The princes consulted together upon this answer given by Luther: and when they had diligently examined the same, the prolocutor began to repel him thus.  
Martin (said he) thou hast more immodestly answered, 
Eckius again replieth.  then beseemed thy person, and also little to the purpose. Thou deuidest thy books into three sorts, in such order as all that thou hast said, maketh nothing to the interrogation proponed: and therefore if thou hadst revoked those, wherein the greatest part of thine errors is contained, the emperors Majesty, and the noble clemency of other would have suffered the rest that be sound, to sustain no injury. But thou dost revive and bringest to light again, all that the general Council of Constance hath condemned▪ the which was assembled of all the nation of Germany, & now dost require to be convinced with scriptures, wherein thou errest greatly. For what availeth it to renew disputation of things so long time passed condemned by the church and Counsels, unless it should be necessary to give a reason to every man of every thing that is concluded? Now were it so, that this should be permitted to every one that gaynestandeth the determination of the Church and counsels, that he may once get his advantage, 
The Papists stand only upon their church and counsels.  to be convinced by the Scriptures, we shall have nothing certain and established in Christendom.  
And this is the cause wherefore the emperors majesty requireth of thee a simple answer, either negative or affirmitive, whether thou mindest to defend all thy works as Christian or no?  
Then Luther turning to the Emperor, and the nobles, besought them, not to compel him to yield against his conscience confirmed with the holy Scriptures, without manifest arguments alleged to the contrary by his adversaries. I have declared and rendered (said he) mine answer simply and directly: neither have I any more to say, unless mine adversaries with true and sufficient probations grounded upon the Scripture, can reduce and resolve my mind, and refelle mine errors, which they lay to my charge. I am tied (as I said) by the Scriptures, neither may I, or can with a safe conscience assent unto them. For as touching general Counsels, 
General counsels have erred, and have been contrary to themselves.  with whose authority only they press me, I am able to prove, that they have both erred, and have defined many times things contrary to themselves: and therefore the authority of them, he said not to be sufficient, for the which he should call back those things, the verity whereof standeth so firm and manifest in the holy Scripture: that neither of him it ought to be required, neither could he so do without impiety.  
Whereunto the Official again answered, denying that any man could prove the Counsels to have erred. But Luther alleged that he could, and promised to prove it, and now night approaching, the lords rose and departed. And after Luther had taken his leave of the Emperor, divers Spaniards scorned and scoffed the good man in the way going toward his lodging, hallowing and whoping after him a long while.  
Upon the friday following, when the Prince's electors, Dukes, and other estates were assembled, the Emperor sent to the whole body of the council, a certain letter containing in effect as followeth.    

¶ The emperors letter.  
Our predecessors, who truly were Christian princes, 
The emperors answer against Luther.  were obedient to the Romish Church, which Martin Luther presently impugneth. And therefore in as much as he is not determined to call back his errors in any one point, we cannot without great infamy and stain of honour, degenerate from the examples of our elders, but will maintain the ancient faith, and give aid to the see of Rome. And further, we be resolved to pursue Martin Luther and his adherentes, by excommunications and by other means that may be devised, to extinguish his doctrine. Nevertheless we will not violate our faith, which we have promised him, but mean to give order for safe return to the place whence he came.  
THe Prince's electors, Dukes, 
Consultation upon the emperors letter.  and other estates of the Empire, sat and consulted upon this sentence, on friday all the after noon, and saturday the whole day, so that Luther yet had no answer of the Emperor.  
During this time, divers Princes, Earls, Barons, Knights of the Order, Gentlemen, Priests, Monks, with other the laity and common sort, visited him. All these were present at all hours in the emperors Court, and could not be satisfied with the sight of him. Also there were bills set up, some against Luther, and some, as it seemed, with him. Notwithstanding many supposed, and especially such as well conceived the matter, that this was subtly done by his enemies, that thereby occasion might be offered to infringe the safe conduct given him, the which the Roman Ambassadors with all diligence endeavoured to bring to pass.  
The Monday following, before supper, the archbishop of Triers advertised Luther, 
Great resort to Martin Luther▪  that on wednesday next he should appear before him, at nine of the clock before dinner, and assigned him the place▪ On saint George's day a certain Chaplain of the archbishop of Triers, about supper time came to Luther, by the commandment of the Bishop, signifying that at that hour and place prescribed, he must the morrow after have access to his master.  
The morrow after saint George's day, Luther obeying the Archbishop's commandment, 
Luther appeareth before the Archb. of triers.  entered his palace, being accompanied thither with his said chaplain and one of the emperors Heralds, and such as came in his company out of Saxony to Worms, with other his chief friends: where as Doctor Voeus, the Marquis of Bades chaplain began to declare and protest in the presence of the Archbishop of Triors, 
Doct. Veus his oration to Martin Luther.  joachime Marquis of Brandeburge, George Duke of saxony, the bishops of Ausburge and Brandeburge, the Earl George, john Bo●ke of Strasburge, Uerdcheymer and Peutinger Doctors, that Luther was not called to be conferred with, or to disputation, but only that the princes had procured licence of the Emperor's majesty, through Christian charity, to have liberty granted unto them, to exhort Luther benignly & brotherly.  
He said further, that albeit the Counsels had ordained divers things, 
For the authority of councils.  yet they had not determined contrary matters. And albeit they had greatly erred, yet their authority was not therefore abased or at the least, not so erred, that it was lawful for every man to impugn their opinions: inferring moreover many things of Zacheus and the Centurion: Also of the constitutions and traditions and, of Ceremonies ordained of men, affirming that all these were established to repress vices, according to the quality of times: and that the Church could not be destitute of human constitutions. It is true (said he) that by the fruits the tree may be known, yet of these laws and decrees of men, many good fruits have proceeded: 
This he spoke of Luther's words, who denied any good fruits to come of their laws.  and saint Martin, saint Nicholas, and many other Saints have been present at the Counsels.  
Moreover, that Luther's books would breed a great tumult and incredible troubles, and that he abused the common sort which his book of Christian liberty, encouraging them to shake of their yoke, and to confirm in them a disobedience: that the world now was at another stay, then when the believers were all of one hart and soul, and therefore it was requisite and behoveful to have laws. It was to be considered (said he) albeit he had written many good things, and (no doubt) of a good mind, as De Triplice justitia, and other matters, yet how the devil now by crafty means goeth about to bring to pass, that all his works for ever should be condemned: for by these books which he wrote last, men (said he) would judge and esteem him, as the tree is known, not by the blossom, but by the fruit.  
Here he added something of the noon devil, and of the spirit coming in the dark, 
Psal. 90.  and of the flying arrow. All his oration was exhortatory, full of Rhetorical places of honesty, of utility, of laws, of the dangers of conscience, and of the common particular wealth, repeating ofre this sentence in the proheme, middle, and epilogue of his oration: that this admonition was given him of a singular good will, and great clemency. In the shutting up of his oration, he added manacinges, saying: that if he would abide in his purposed intent, the Emperor would proceed further, and banish him from the Empire, persuading him deliberately to ponder, and to advise these and other things.  
Martin Luther answered, Most noble Princes, and my most gracious Lords, 
M. Luther answereth to Veu●.  I render most humble thanks for your benignityes and singular good wills, whence proceedeth this admonition: For I know myself to be so base, as by no means I can deserve to be admonished of so mighty estates.  

The council of Constance condemned the word of God.  Then he frankly pronounced, that he had not reproved all Counsels, but only the council of Constance, and for this principal cause, for that the same had condemned the word of GOD, which appeared in the condemnation of this article proponed by john Hus: The Church of Christ is the Communion of the predestinate. It is evident (said he) that the Council of Constance abolished this Article, and consequently the Article of our faith: I believe the holy church universal: and said that he was ready to spend life and blood, 
Scandal of faith and charity.  so he were not compelled to revoke the manifest word of God, for in defence thereof we ought rather to obey God then men: And that in this he could not avoid the scandal, or offence of faith, for there be two manner of offences, to wit, of charity, and of faith. The slander of charity consisteth in manners and in life. The offences of faith or doctrine rest in the word of God: and as touching this last, he could escape it no manner of ways, for it lay not in his power to make Christ not to be a stone of offence. If Christ's sheep were fed with pure pasture of the gospel, if the faith of Christ were sincerely preached, and if there were good Ecclesiastical magistrates who duly would execute their office: we should not need (saith he) to charge the Church with men's traditions. Further, that he knew well we ought to obey the Magistrates and higher powers, how unjustly and perversely so ever they lived. We ought also to be obedient to their laws and judgements: all which he had taught (said he) in all his works, adding further that he was ready to obey them in all points, so that they enforced him not to deny the word of God.  
These words finished, Luther was bid stand aside, & the Princes consulted what answer they might give him. 
The Princes consulted about Martin Luther.  This done, they called him into a parlour, whereas the foresaid Doctor Voeus repeated his former matters, admonishing Luther to submit his writings to the Emperor, & to the Prince's judgement.  
Luther answered humbly and modestly, that he could not, neither would permit that men should say he would shun the judgement of the Emperor, Princes, and superior powers of the Empire. So far was it off, that he would refuse to stand to their trial, that he was contented to suffer his writings to be discussed, considered and judged of the simplest, so that it were done with the authority of the word of God, and the holy Scripture: and that the word of God made so much for him, 
The word of God only true.  and was so manifest unto him, that he could not give place, unless they could confound his doctrine by the word of God. This lesson (said he) he learned of S. Austen, who writeth, that he gave his honour only to those books which are called Canonical, that he believed the same only to be true. As touching other Doctors, albeit in holiness and excellency of learning the passed, yet he would not credit them further than they agreed with the touchstone of God's word. Further (said he) S. Paul giveth us a lesson, writing to the Thessalonians: Prove all things, follow that is good. And to the Galathians: Though an Angel should descend from heaven, 
1 Thes. 5. Gal. 1.  if he preach any other doctrine, let him be accursed, and therefore not to be believed.  
Finally he meekly besought them, not to urge his conscience captived in the bands of the word of God and holy scripture, to deny the same excellent word. And thus he commended his cause and himself to them, and specially to the Emperors majesty, requiring they favour, that he might not be compelled to do any thing, in this matter against his conscience: in all other causes he would submit himself with all kind of obedience and due subjection.  
As Luther had thus ended his talk, joachimus Elector, Marquis of Brandeburge, demanded if his meaning was thus, that he would not yield, unless he were convinced by the Scripture? Yea truly right Noble Lord (quoth Luther) or else by ancient and evident reasons. And so the assemble brake, and the Princes repaired to the emperors Court.  
After their departure, the Archbishop of Triers, accompanied with a few his familiars, namely john Eckius his Official, and Cochleus, commanded Luther to repair into his parlour. With Luther was Hieronimus Scurffius, and Nicholas Ambsdorff, for his assistance. Then the Official began to frame an argument like a a Sophist and Canonist, defending the Pope's cause: that for the most part at all times holy Scriptures have engendered errors, as the error of helvidius the heretic, 
False arguments for the Pope. Math. 1.  out of that place in the Gospel, where is expressed: joseph knew not his wife till she was delivered of her first child. Further, he went about to overthrow this proposition, that the Catholic Church is the Communion of Saints.  
Martin Luther and Jerome Scurf reproved (but modestly) these follies, and other vain and ridiculous matters, which Eckius brought forth as things not serving to the purpose. Sometime Cochleus would come in with his five eggs, and laboured to persuade Luther to desist from his purpose, & utterly to refrain thenceforth to write or teach, and so they departed.  
About evening the Archbishopp of Triers advertised Luther by Ambsdorff, that the Emperors promise made unto him, was prolonged two days, and in the mean season he would confer with him the next day, and for that cause he would send Peutinger, and the Doctor of Bade which was Voeus, the morrow after to him, and he himself would also talk with him.  
The friday after, which was S. Marks day, Peutinger, and the Doctor of Bade traveled in the forenoon to persuade Luther simply and absolutely to submit the judgement of his writings to the Emperor and Empire. 
Solicitation to causa Luther to yield.  He answered he would do it, and submit any thing they would have him, so they grounded with authority of holy Scripture: otherwise he would not consent to do any thing. For God said by his Prophet (saith he) Trust ye not in Princes, nor in the children of men, in whom there is no health. Also, Cursed be he that trusteth in man. And seeing that they did urge him more vehemently, he answered: We ought to yield no more to the judgement of men, than the word of God doth suffer. So they departed, and prayed him to advise for better answer, and said, they would return after dinner.  
After dinner they returned, exhorting him as before, but in vain. 
Luther's condition.  They prayed him, that at the least he would submit his writing to the judgement of the next general Council. Luther agreed thereunto, but with this condition, that they themselves should present the Articles collected out of his books to be submitted to the Council in such sort, as notwithstanding the sentence awarded by the council, should be authorised by the Scripture, and confirmed with the testimonies of the same.  
They then leaving Luther, departed, and reported to the Archbishop of Triers, 
False witness.  that he had promised to submit his writings in certain articles to the next Council, & in the mean space he would keep silence, which Luther never thought: who neither with admonitions, ne yet menaces could be induced to deny or submit his books to the judgements of men (he had so fortified his cause with clear and manifest authorities of the Scripture) unless they could prove by sacred scripture, and apparent reasons to the contrary.  

The providence of God.  It chanced then by the special grace of God, that the Archbishop of Triers sent for Luther, thinking presently to hear him. And when he perceived otherwise then Peutinger, and the Doctor of Bade had told him, he said, that he would for no good, but that he had heard himself speak: for else he was even now going to the Emperor, to declare what the Doctors had reported.  
Then the Archbishop entreated Luther, and conferred with him very gently, 
Familiar talk between the archbishop and Luther.  first removing such as were present, as well of the one side as of the other. In this conference Luther concealed nothing from the Archbishop, affirming that it was dangerous to submit a matter of so great importance to them, who after they had called him under safeconduct, attempting him with new commandments, had condemned his opinion, and approved the Pope's Bull.  
Moreover, the Archbishop bidding a friend of his draw nigh required Luther to declare what remedy might be ministered to help this. 
Luther's prophecy out of gamaliel.  Luther answered: there was no better remedy than such as Gamaliel alleged in the fift chapter of the Apostles, as witnesseth S. Luke, saying: If this Council or this work proceed of men, 
Act. 5.  it shall come to nought, but if it be of God, ye can not destroy it. And so he desired that the Emperor might be advertised to write the same to the Pope, that he knew certainly if this his enterprise proceeded not of God, it would be abolished within three, yea within two years.  
The Archbishop inquired of him what he would do, if certain articles were taken out of his books, to be submitted to the general council. 
Luther's constancy.  Luther answered, so that they be not those, which the counsel of Constance condemned. The archbishop said, I fear they will be the very same: but what then? Luther replied, I will not, nor I cannot hold my peace of such, for I am sure by their decrees the word of God was condemned: therefore I will rather lose head and life, then abandon the manifest word of my Lord God.  
Then the Archbishop seeing Luther would in no wise give over the word of God, to the judgement of men, gently bade Luther farewell, who at that instant prayed the Archbishop to entreat the emperors majesty to grant him gracious leave to departed. He answered, he would take order for him, and speedily advertise him of the emperors pleasure.  
Within a small while after, john Eckius the Archbyshops official, in the presence of the emperors Secretary, who had been Maximilians' Chancellor, said unto Luther in his lodging, 
Luther sent home from the counsel.  by the commandment of the Emperor: that since he had been admonished diversly of the Imperial majesty, the Electors, Princes and estates of the Empire, and that notwithstanding he would not return to unity and concord, there remained that the Emperor as advocate of the Catholic faith should proceed further: and that it was the emperors ordinance that he should within 21. days, return boldly under safe conduct, and be safely guarded to the place whence he came, so that in the mean while he stirred no commotion among the people in his journey, either in conference, or by preaching·  
Luther hearing this, answered very modestly, & christianly: even as it hath pleased God, so is it come to pass, the name of the Lord be blessed. He said further, he thanked most humbly the Emperor's majesty, and all the Princes and estates of the Empire, that they had given to him benign and gracious audience, and granted safe conduct to come and return. Finally he said, he desired none other of them, than a reformation, according to the sacred word of God, and consonancy of holy Scriptures, which effectually in his hart he desired: Otherwise he was priest to suffer all chances for the Imperial majesty, as life and death, goods, fame, and reproach, reserving nothing to himself, but the only word of God, which he would constantly confess, to the latter end, humbly recommending him to the emperors majesty, and to all the Princes and other estates of the sacred Empire.  
The morrow after, which was the 26. day of April, 
Luther's departure from Worms.  after he had taken his leave of such as supported him, and other his benevolent friends, that often times visited him, and had broken his fast, at ten of the clock he departed from Worms, accompanied with such as repaired thither with him, having space of time limited unto him, (as is said) for 21. days, and no more. The emperors Herald Casper Sturine, followed and overtook him at Oppenhime, being commanded by the Emperor to conduct him safely home.   

¶ The usual prayer of Martin Luther.  
Confirm (O God) in us that thou hast wrought, and perfect the work that thou hast begun in us, to thy glory. So be it. Ex histor. Phil. Melancth. Ex Sledano. Ex Parali. Abb. Vrsperge. & ex Casp. Peucero.  
MArtin Luther thus being dismissed of the Emperor, according to the promise of his safeconduct made (as you have heard) departed from Worms toward his country the 26: of April, 
Luther in his journey writeth to the Emperor and nobles of Germany.  accompanied with the emperors Herald, and the rest of his company, having only xxi. days to him granted for his return, and no more. In the which mean space of his return, he writeth to the Emperor, and to other nobles of the Empire repeating briefly to them the whole action and order of things there done, desiring of them, their lawful good will and favour, which as he hath always stand need of, so now he most earnestly craveth, especially in this, that his cause which is not his but the cause of the whole church universal, may be heard with indifferency and equity, and may be decised by the rule and authority of holy Scripture: signifying moreover, that when so ever they shall please to send for him, he shall be ready at their commandment, at any time or place, upon their promise of safety, to appear. etc.  
During the time of these doings, the Doctors and Schoolmen of Paris, were not behind with their parts, 
The doctors of Parts condemn the books of Luther.  but to show their cunning, condemned the books of Luther, extracting out of the same, especially out of his book De Captivitate Babilonica, certain Articles as touching the Sacraments, laws and decrees of the Church equality of works, vows, contrition, absolution, satisfaction, Purgatory, free will, privileges of holy Church, councils, punishment of heretics, philosophy, School divinity, with other more. 
Philip Melancton answereth the Parisians.  Unto whom Philip Melancton maketh answer, and also Luther himself, albeit pleasantly and jestingly.  
It was not long after this, but Charles the new Emperor, 
Luther outlawed by the Emperor.  to purchase favour with the Pope (because he was not yet confirmed in his Empire) provideth and directeth out a solemn writ of outlawry against Luther, & all them that take his part, commanding the said Luther, where so ever he might be gotten, to be apprehended, and his books burned. By which decree proclaimed against Luther, the Emperor procured no small thank with the Pope: in so much that the Pope ceasing to take part with the French king, joined himself wholly to the Emperor. In the mean time Duke Fridericke, to give some place for the time to the Emperor's Proclamation, 
M. Luther kept aside for a while  conveyed Luther a little out of sight secretly, by the help of certain noble men, whom he well know to be faithful and trusty unto him in that behalf. There Luther being close and out of company, wrote divers Epistles, and certain books also unto his friends among which he dedicated one to his company of Augustine Friars, entitled, De abroganda Missa, Which Friars the same time being encouraged by him, 
Luther's book De Abroganda Missa ad Augustinenses.  began first to lay down their private Masses. Duke Fridericke fearing lest that would breed some great stir or tumult, caused the censure and judgements of the whole University of Wittenberg, to be asked in the matter, committing the doing thereof to four, justus, jonas, Philip Melancthon. Nic. Ambsdorssius, joh. Dulcius.  
The minds of the whole University being searched it was showed to the Duke, that he should do well and Godly, 
The Mass laid down first at Wittenberg.  by the whole advise of the learned there, to command the use of Mass to be abrogate through his dominion: and though it could not be done without tumult, yet that was no let, why the course of true doctrine should be stayed, 
The judgement of the University of Wittenberg against the Mass.  for the multitude, which commonly overcometh the better part. Neither ought such disturbance to be imputed to the doctrine taught, but to the adversaries, which willingly and wickedly kick against the truth: whereof Christ also giveth us forewarning before. For fear of such tumults therefore we ought not to surcease from that which we know is to be done, but constantly must go forward in defence of God's truth, how so ever the world doth esteem us, or rage against it. Thus showed they their judgement to Duke Fridericke.  

Anno. 1521.  It happened moreover about the same year and time, that king Henry also pretending an occasion to impugn the book De Captivitate Babylonica, wrote against Luther. In which book:  
1. He reproveth Luther's opinion about the Pope's pardons.  
2. He defendeth the supremacy of the Bishop of Rome.  
3. He laboureth to refel all his doctrine of the Sacraments of the Church.  
This book, albeit it carried the kings name in the title, 
K. Henry writeth against M. Luther.  yet it was an other that ministered the motion, an other that framed the style. But who so ever had the labour of this book, the king had the thank, and also the reward. For consequently upon the same, the bishop of Rome gave to the said king Henry for the style against Luther, 
K. Henry made defender of the faith by the Pope.  the style and title of Defender of the Christian faith, and to his successors for ever.  
Shortly after this, within the compass of the same year, Pope Leo after he had warred against the French men, and had gotten from them, through the Emperor's aid, the Cities of Parma, Placentia, and Millen. etc. he sitting at supper, & rejoicing at three great gifts that God had bestowed upon him. 1. That he being banished out of his country, was restored to Florence again with glory. 2. That he had deserved to be called Apostolic. 
The death of Pope Leo, in the midst of his triumph.  3. That he had driven the Frenchmen out of Italy: after he had spoken these words, he was strooken with a sudden fever, and died shortly after, being of the age of 47. years: albeit some suspect that he died of poison. Successor to whom was Pope Adrian the vi. schoolmaster sometime to Charles the Emperor: 
Pope Adrian the 6.  who lived not much above one year and a half, in his Papacy. During whose small time, these three especial things were incident: A great pestilence in Rome, wherein above an hundredth thousand people were consumed. 
A great pestilence in Rome.  The loss of Rhodes by the Turk. And thirdly the capital war, which the said Pope Adrian, with the emperor, and the venetians, and the king of England, did hold against Frances the French king.  
This pope Adrian was a German borne, brought up at Louane, 
Adrian a German Pope and not unlearned.  and as in learning he exceeded the common sort of Popes: so in moderation of life and manners he seemed not all together so intemperate as some other Popes have been, and yet like a right Pope, nothing degenerating from his Sea, 
Pope Adrian a great enemy to Luther.  he was a mortal enemy against Martin Luther and his partakers. In his time, shortly after the Council of Worms was broken up, an other meeting or assemble was appointed by the Emperor at Norenberge of the princes, nobles and states of Germany. an. 1522.  
Unto this assemble the said Adrian sent his letters in manner of a brief, 
A diet of the Princes kept at Norenberge.  with an instruction also unto his Legate Cheregatus, to inform him how to procceede, and what causes to allege against Luther, before the Princes there assembled. His letter with the instruction sent, because they are so hypocritically shadowed over with a fair show and colour of painted zeal and Religion, 
Painted pretences ought to be examined.  and beareth resemblance of great truth and care of the Church, able to deceive the outward ears of them, which are not inwardly in true Religion instructed: I thought therefore to give to the Reader a sight thereof to the intent that by the experience of them, he may learn hereafter in cases like, to be prudent & circumspect in not believing over rashly the smooth talk, or pretenced persuasions of men, especially in Church matters, unless they carry with them the simplicity of plain truth, going not upon terms, but grounded upon the word and revealed will of God, with particular demonstrations, proving that by the Scripture, which they pretend to persuade. First the letter of this Pope conceived & directed against Luther, proceedeth in this effect.  

* Adrian Pope vi. to the renowned Princes of germany, and to the Peers of the Roman Empire, greeting, and Apostolic benediction.  
RIght honourable brethren, and dear children, 
The example of 〈◊〉 adrian's ●●●ter sent to the princes of Germany.  greeting and Apostolic benediction. After that we were first promoted (through God's divine providence) to the office of the see Apostolic, he which hath so advanced us, is our witness, how we both day and night revolving in our minds, did cogitate nothing more, than how to satisfy the parts of a good Pastor, in attending the health and cure of the flock, both universally & singularly committed unto us: 
If these pastors ca●● any thing 〈◊〉 the sheep, it is only for the wool.  so that there is no one particular sheep through the whole universal flock, so infected, so sick, or so far gone astray, whom our desire is not to recover, to seek out, and to reduce into the Lords fold again. And chiefly, from the first beginning of our pastoral function, our care hath always been, as well by our messengers, as our daily letters, how to reclaim the minds of Christian Princes from the intestine wars and dissensions among themselves, to peace and concord, or at least, if they would needs fight, that they would convert their strength and armour against the common enemies of our faith. And to declare this not only in word, but rather in deed, God doth know with what charges and expenses we have burdened ourselves, to extend our subsidy and relief, to the soldiers of Rhodes for defence of themselves and of the Christian faith, against the Turkish tyranny, by whom they were besieged.  
And now to bend our care from these foreign matters, and to consider our inward troubles at home, we hear, to the great grief of our hart, 
Rather a new rasely of the old doctrine of the patriarchs, Prophets and Apostles.  that M. Luther a new raiser up of old and damnable heresies: first after the fatherly advertisements of the See Apostolic, then after the sentence also of condemnation awarded against him, and that by the assent and consent of the best learned, and of sundry universities also: and lastly after the Imperial decree of our well beloved son Charles, elect Emperor of the Romans, and Catholic king of Spain, being divulged through the whole nation of germany, yet hath neither been by order restrained, 
Terms without truth.  nor of himself hath refrained from his madness begun, but daily more and more forgetting and contemning all Christian Charity and Godliness, ceaseth not to disturb and replenish the world with new books, fraught full of errors, heresies, contumelies, and sedition (whether upon his own head, or by the help of other) and to infect the country of Germany, and other Regions about, with this pestilence, 
Evil called good, and good evil.  and endeavoureth still to corrupt simple souls, and manners of men, with the poison of his pestiferous tongue: and (which is worst of all) hath for his fautors and supporters, not of the vulgar sort only, but also divers personages of the Nobility: in so much that they have begun also to invade the goods of priests (which perhaps is the chief ground of this stir begun) contrary to their obedience which they own to ecclesiastical and temporal persons, and now also at last have grown unto civil war and dissension among themselves, which thing how unfortunately it falleth out now, at this present season, especially amongst us Christians, you may soon repute with yourselves and consider. For although the Apostle hath told us before, 
1. Cor. 11.  that heresies must needs be, that they which be tried, may be made manifest. etc. yet was there never time, either so unconvenient to raise up heresies, or so necessary for the repressing thereof, when any such are raised, as now. For whereas the Devil, the perpetual enemy of mankind, roaring in the shape of a Lion, by the power of the Turks, doth continually invade the flock of Christ, how can we then resist the violent invations of him, oppressing us without, so long as we nourish at home the same Devil, 
Who soweth these heresies, but he which will not let the Scriptures take place.  under the colour of a wily Dragon, sowing such heresies, discords, and seditions among ourselves: And albeit it were in our power easily to vanquish these foreign adversaries, yet were that but labour lost, serving to no profit, to subdue our enemies without, and at home with heresies and schisms to be divided.  
We remember, before the time of our Papacy, when we were in Spain, many things we heard then of Luther, and of his perverse doctrine. Which rumours and tidings, although of themselves they were grievous to be heard, yet more girevous they were for this, because they proceeded out of that country, where we ourself, after the flesh, took our first beginning: but yet this comfort we had, supposing that either for the iniquity, or else for the foolishness thereof being so manifest, this doctrine would not long hold: reputing thus with ourself, that such pestiferous 
* He meaneth the doctrine of john Hus translated into Germany.  plants translated from other countries into germany, would never grow up to any proof in that ground, which was ever wont to be a weeder out of all heresies and infidelity. But now, since this evil tree (whether by God's judgement correcting the sins of the people, or by the negligence of such as first should have resisted such beginnings) hath so enlarged and spread his branches so far: you therefore, both Princes, and people of germany, must this consider and provide, least you, which at the first springing up of this evil, might peradventure be excused as no doers thereof, now through this your overmuch sufferance, might be found unexcusable, and seem to consent to that which you do not resist.  
Here we omit and pass over, what enormity, and more the enormity, that is, that such a great, and so devout a nation, should by one friar (who relinquishing the Catholic faith and Christian religion, which he before professed playeth the Apostata, & hath lied to God) be now seduced from that way, which first 
* Christ and his Apostles taught us, that we are saved by Faith only in the Son of God the same doth Luther preach, and the Pope denieth. Holy Martyrs and fathers in the old time ministered the Communion in both kinds to the people, and taught that faith was necessary, in receiving the Sacraments: the same doth Luther affirm, and the Pope denieth, the old way of the fathers was this, that they never had any advocates and mediators but Christ alone, and that they never sold the merits of Christ's passion for money. In the same way doth Luther now walk, whereas the pope hath devised a new way to walk in for money, with an hundredth other new devices, new sects, and new ordinances which the old fathers never knew.  Christ our redeemer & his blessed apostles have opened unto us, which so many Martyrs, so many holy Fathers, so many great learned men, & also your own foreelders and old ancestors have always hitherto walked in, as though only Luther had all wit and cunning, as though he only now first had received the holy ghost (as the heretic Montanus used to boast of himself) or as though the Church (from which Christ our saviour promised himself never to departed) hath erred hitherto always in dark shadows of ignorance and perdition, till now it should be illuminate with new resplendent beams of Luther. All which things, there is no doubt, but to such as have judgement, will seem ridiculous, but yet may be pernicious to simple and ignorant minds: and to the other which being weary of all good order, do gape still for new changes, may breed matter and occasion of such mischiefs, as partly yourselves have experienced already. And therefore do you not consider (O princes and people of Germany) that these be but prefaces & preambles to those evils and mischiefs, which Luther with the sect of his Lutherianes, do intent & purpose here after? 
* The doctrine of Luther hath been preached in Germany, above these 40. years, and yet is there never a Prince nor Magistrate, nor Citizen in Germany, God be praised, which by the doctrine of Luther, is worse by one halfpenny: whereas by the pope, good reckoning hath been made, that Germany hath been worse by 3000000. Florins by the year. Out of the territory of the bishop of Ments, amounteth to the Pope, for the Archbishops pall. 26000. florins. In the counsel of Basil it was openly declared that 9 Millions of Gold were gathered in the time of Pope Martyne, and translated to Rome. Pag. 698. Now let the Princes of Germany consider this.  Do you not see plainly & perceive with your eyes, that this defending of the verity of the Gospel first begun by the Lutherians to be pretended, is now manifest to be but an invention to spoil your goods which they have long intended? Or do you think that these sons of iniquity do tend to any other thing, then under the name of liberty, to supplant obedience, and so to open a general 
* The preaching of Christian liberty of the soul, breaketh no civil order touching the outward Obedience of the body: But the Pope would have the souls of men in his bondage, and therefore he can not abide this inward liberty of the spirit to be touched, for that were against the pope's purse and profit, which were an heresy intolerable.  licence to every man, to do what him listeth? And suppose you, that they will any thing regard your commandments, or esteem 
* This is no good consequent: Luther burned the pope's stinking decretals: Ergo he will not stick also to burn the books of the civil law.  your laws, which so contemptuously vilipend the holy Canons, and decrees of the fathers, yea and the most holy Counsels also (to whose authority the Emperor's laws have always given room and place) & not only vilipend them, but also with a diabolical audacity have not feared to rend them in pieces, and set them on a light fire? They which refuse to render due obedience to priests, to bishops, yea to the high bishop of all, & which daily before your own faces make their bootyes of Church goods, and of things consecrated to God: think ye that they will refrain their sacrilegious hands from the spoil of lay men's goods? yea that they will not pluck from you whatsoever they can rap or reave? 
The persecuting pagans, in the old time did object to the old Fathers of the primative church, the blasphemies of Thyestes supper and of the incest of Oedipus: the worshipping also of an Ass' head. pag. 43.39. In much like sort doth the pope here lay unto Luther, riots, rebellions, and all mischiefs he can devise, not because they be true, but because he would have the world so to believe.  Finally to conclude, how can you hope that they will more spare you, or hold their murdering hands from your throats, which have been so bold to vex, to kill, to slay the Lords anointed, which are not to be toucbed? Nay think you not contrary, but this miserable calamity will at length redound upon you, your goods, your houses, wives, children, dominio●s, possessions, & these your temples, which you hollow & reverence, except you provide some speedy remedy against the same.  
Wherefore we exhort your fraternities, nobilities, & devotions of all and singular in the Lord, and beseech you for Christian charity & religion (for which religion your forefathers oft times have given their blood, to uphold and increase the same) and notwithstanding require you also in virtue of that obedience, which all Christians own to God & blessed S, Peter, 
Obedience to God, and to S. Peter, and to his vicar, do not well match together by the Scripture: for the obedience to the Creator is one and the obedience to the creature is an other.  and to his Vicar here in earth, that setting aside all other quarrels and dissensions among ourselves, you confer your helping hands every man to quench this public fire, and endeavour and study the best way ye can, how to reduce the said M. Luther and all other fautors of these tumults and errors, to better conformity and trade both of life and faith. And if they which be infected, shall refuse to hear your admonitions, yet proved that the other part, which yet remaineth sound, by the same contagion be not corrupted. He to whom all secrets of men are open, doth know how we both for our nature, and also for our pastoral office, whereto we are called, are much more prone to remit, then to revenge. But when this pestiferous canker can not with supple and gentle medicines be cured, more sharper salves must be proved, and fiery searinges: the putrefied members must be cut of from the body, lest the sound parts also be infected. So God did cast down into hell the schismatical brethren 
* Let the Pope follow the word of God, as Moses did, and be sent of God expressly, as Moses was: and then let Luther be punished as Dathon, and Abyron were. Again, if the Pope be the successor of Peter, & have his authority: why then doth not the Pope, bea●ing the keys of Peter, exercise the power of his spirit upon Luther his great enemy, as Peter did upon Ananias and S●phira.  Dathan and Abiron. And him that would not obey the authority of the priest, God commanded to be punished with death. So Peter prince of the Apostles, denounced sudden death to Ananias, and Saphira, which lied unto God. So the old and godly Emperors commanded 
* If iovinianus, Priscillianus, and Vigilantius, were proved heretics. They were proved not only by Canons & counsels, but by scripture: so was Lutherne●●r  iovinianus and Priscillianus, as heretics, to be beheaded. So S. Jerome wisheth Vigilantius as an heretic, to be given to the destruction of the flesh, that the spirit might be saved in the day of the Lord. So also did our predecessors in the Council of 
* Your fathers, in the Council of Constance did kill the prophets of God, and you make up their graves. But thanks be unto God which hath given such light to the world, to understand your cruel impiety in killing I. Hus, which you thought should never be espied.  Constance condemn to death john Hus & his fellow Jerome, which now appeareth to revive again in Luther. The worthy 
* You have well imitated your forefathers already, in burning so many Lutherians: & yet how have you prospered against the Turkish Infidels the space of these 40. years.  acts and examples of which forefathers, if you in this doings (seeing otherwise ye can not) shall imitate: we do not doubt, but God's merciful clemency shall eftsoons relieve his Church, which being now sore vexed of infidels, hath her eyes chiefly and principally directed upon you, as being the most puissant and most populous nation that we have in Christendom.  
Wherefore upon the blessing of almighty God and of blessed S. Peter, which here we send unto you, take courage unto you, 
The false Dragon resembleth the Pope, and the strong Lion the Turk.  as well against the false Dragon, as the strong Lion, that both these: that is, as well the inward heresies, as the foreign enemies by you being overcome, you may purchase to your honours an immortal victory, both here and in the world to come. This we give you to understand, that whatsoever the Lord hath given us to aid you withal, either in money or authority, we will not fail to support you herein, 
The false Dragon here seethe that it is time to bestir him.  yea and to bestow our life also in this holy quarrel, and for the health of our sheep to us committed. Other things as touching the matter of Luther, we have committed to this Cheregatus our Legate, whom we have directed purposely for the same, unto your assemble, whom we wish you to Credit, as being our trusty Legate.  
Datum Rom. apud S. Petrum sub anulo piscatoris die .25. novemb. ann. 1522. pontificatus nostri anno primo.   
¶ By this letter above prefixed, thou hast (gentle reader) to note and understand, what either wily persuasions, or strength of authority could devise against Luther, here not to have lacked. If plausible terms or glozing sentences, or outward facing and bracing could have served, where no ground of scripture is brought, this might seem apparently a pithy Epistle. But if a man should require the particulars or the specialties of this doctrine which he here reprehendeth, to be examined and tried by God's word, there is no substance in it, but only words of office, which may seem well to serve for waste paper. And yet I thought to exhibit the said letter unto thee, to the intent, that the more thou seest man's strength with all his policy bend against Luther, the more thou mayst consider the almighty power of God, in defending the cause of this poor man, against so mighty enemies.  
Now hear further what instructions the said Pope Adrian sent to his Legate Cheregatus, how and by what reasons to move and inflame the princes of Germany to the destruction of Luther, and his cause, and yet was not able to bring it to pass.   

Instructions given by Pope Adrian to Cheregatus his Legate, touching his proceed in the diet of Norenberg, how and by what persuasions to incense the Princes against Luther.  
IN primis, 
Instructions of the Pope against Luther.  you shall declare to them the great grief of our hart for the prospering of Luther's sect, to see the innumerable souls redeemed with Christ's blood, and committed to our pastoral government, to be turned away from the true faith and religion, into perdition by this occasion: & that especially in the nation of Germany, being our native country, which hath been ever heretofore, till these few years past, most faithful and devour in religion: & therefore our desire to be the greater, that this pestilence should be stopped by time, lest the same happen to that country of Germany, which happened of late to Bohemia. And as for our part, 
* The first cause to stir men against Luther.  there shallbe no lack to help forward what we may: As likewise we desire them, to ●ndeuoure themselves to the uttermost of their power, whom these causes ought to move, which here we direct unto you, to be declared unto them.  

* The honour of God consisteth principally in honouring jesus the Son of God, whom the father hath sent: Now examine, good reader, whether more extoileth the honour of Christ, the doctrine of Luther, or the doctrine of the Pope. Luther sendeth us only to christ: The Pope sendeth us to other Patrons and helpers. Luther's doctrine tendeth wholly to the glory of Christ: the pope's doctrine if it be well weighed, tendeth to the glory of man. Luther cleaveth only to Scripture: The Pope leaneth to the Canons and Counsels of men.  First the honour of God, which before all other things ought to be preferred: whose honour by these heresies is greatly defaced and his worship not only diminished, but rather wholly corrupted. Also the charity toward our neighbour, by which charity every man is bound to reduce his neighbour out of error: otherwise God will require at their hands all such as by their negligence do perish.  
The second cause to move them against Luther, 
The 2. cause.  is the infamy of their nation, which being counted before time always most Christian, now by these sectaries of Luther, is evil spoken of in all other quarts.  
The third cause is the respect of their own honour, which notoriously will be distained, 
The 3. cause.  if they which most excel in nobility and authority among the Germans, shall not bend all their power to expel these heresies: First for that they shall appear to degenerate from their progenitors, who being present at the condemnation of john Hus, & of other heretics, are said some of them with their own hands to have led john Hus to the fire: Secondly, for that they or the greater part of them approving with their authority 
* This edict of the Emperor above touched, pag. 827. was devised and set out not knowing to divers of the Princes there, And seemeth chief to be brought about by the Pope, and his flatterers about him. Look more hereof in the story of Sledan. Lib. 3.  the imperial edict set forth of late in condemnation of M. Luther, now except they shall follow the execution of the same, shall be noted inconstant, or may be thought to favour the same, seeing it is manifest that they may easily exterminate him, if they were disposed.  
The fourth cause is the injury wrought by Luther to them their parents, 
The 4. cause.  and progenitors, for as much as their fathers, progenitors, and themselves also have always holden the same faith, which the catholic church of Rome hath appointed: contrary to which faith, Luther with his sectaries now doth hold, saying that many things are not to be believed, which their foresaid ancestors have holden to be of faith: it is manifest therefore that they be condemned of Luther for infidels and heretics, and so consequently by Luther's doctrine, all their foreelders & progenitors which have deceased in this our faith be in hell: for error in faith importeth damnation.  
The fift cause to move them is, that they should well advise & consider the end, 
The 5. reason or cause.  whereunto all these Lutherians do tend: 
* The doctrine of Luther tendeth against the usurped power of the Sea of Rome. Ergo, the doctrine of Luther dissolveth all obedience due to Magistrates. This consequent is to be denied, for the power of Magistrates is of God: and he that resisteth them, resisteth God: So is not the usurped power of the Pope.  which is, that under the shadow of evangelical liberty, they may abolish all superiority and power▪ For although at the first beginning they pretended only to adnul and repress our power ecclesiastical, as being falsely & tyrannously usurped against the Gospel: yet for as much as liberty is all their foundation and pretence, by the which liberty the secular power and magistrates can not bind men by any commandments (be they never so just, or so reasonable) 
* If the Pope do say, that no precepts of Magistrates do oblige under pain of mortal sin, he saith not true: if he say that Luther so teacheth, he belieth Luther: who teacheth all men to be subjects unto Magistrates, no man more.  to obey them under pain of mortal sin: it is manifest that their scope is to enfeeble and infringe as much or more, the secular state also, although covertly they pretend to salve it: to the end, that when the secular Princes shall believe this their working not to be directed against them, but only against the usurped domination of the church and churchmen, than the laity (which commonly hath been always against men of the Church) holding with them, shall suffer the Churchmen to be devoured: Which done, no doubt, but 
* Who so considereth the doctrine of Luther, De Libertate Christiana, shall find this to be a false slander. For how is it like that he meaneth any rebellion, who describing a Christian, calleth him a servant and an underling to all men?  they will afterward practise the like upon the secular Princes and potestates, which now they attempt against our ecclesiastical jurisdiction.  
The sixth cause to move and persuade them against Luther is this, for them to consider the fruits which follow of that sect: 
The 6. cause.  as slanders, offences, disturbance, robberies, murders, 
* The cause why the Pope doth charge the Lutherians with sedition, did rise upon this, because one Franciscus Sickyngus a valiant man and a great favourer of Luther, did war against the Archbishop of Triers, for 〈◊〉 two certain persons from 〈◊〉, which should have 〈◊〉 and by his means did not.  seditions, dissensions, which this sect hath and daily doth stir up through whole Germany: Also blasphemies. 
* As for slanderous words & 〈◊〉 taunts with what face 〈◊〉 Pope charge Luther, being 〈◊〉 so impudent and bitter, as in 〈◊〉 his present letter is manifest to 〈◊〉 seen? wherein he showeth him●●●● in his own colours, what he is.  slanderous words, scoffing jests and bitter taunts which are ever in their mouths. Against which, unless that they shall find a present remedy, it is to be feared, lest the desolation of God's wrath will fall upon Germany, being so divided: or rather upon the Princes of Germany, who having the sword given of God into their hands for the suppression of malefactors, suffer such enormities amongst their subjects. 
jer. 48.  Cursed is he (saith the Prophet) which doth the work of the Lord negligently: and holdeth back his sword from the blood of wicked doers.  
The seventh reason is, 
The 7. cause or reason.  that the princes should consider how Luther useth the same way of seducing the people of Christ, as hath the venomous viper 
* If the doings & properties of Mahumet be rightly considered, 〈◊〉 should be found so aptly to resemble him, as the pope himself. He dec●●neth from the word of God, & seateth up an other law, so doth 〈◊〉 Pope. He killeth, and slayeth 〈◊〉 contrary part, so doth the Pope. He holdeth Salvation by works of 〈◊〉 law: so doth the Pope. And if Mahumet give liberty of flesh, so 〈◊〉 not Luther, but the Pope both ●●keth it, and also dispenseth with 〈◊〉 same. Mahumet would not have 〈◊〉 Religion reasoned upon: no 〈◊〉 will the Pope. Briefly, as the 〈◊〉 Mahumet is divided into many sundry sorts of Religion, and of Relig●ous men: so hath the sect of the pope, his Friars, Monks, Nuns, Herm●●, and other swarms of an infinite variety.  Mahumet practised in deceiving so many thousands of souls, in permitting to them the liberty of those things which flesh desireth, and afterward in exempting them from such things as be more sharp in the law, but that Luther a little more temperately handleth the matter, whereby he may deceive more effectually: For Mahumet giveth licence to have many wives, and to divorce and marry other at their pleasure. This Luther, to draw unto him the favour of nuns, monks, and priests, such as be lascivious in flesh, preacheth that vows of perpetual continency be unlawful, much less to be obligatory: and therefore permitteth unto them that they may marry, forgetting by the way what the Apostle writeth of young widows, saying: 
1. Tim. 5.  That when they wax wanton against Christ then will they marry, having condemnation, because they have made void their first faith.  
These & other such like reasons, being opened & laid before them, you shall then in our name exhort the foresaid princes, prelates, & people to awake, and employ their diligence how to gainstand: First the injury of these Lutherians toward God, & toward his holy religion: Secondly their villainy toward the whole nation of the Germans & their princes, & especially the shameful contumely toward their fathers & elders, whom in effect they condemn to hell. In consideration whereof you shall call upon them to remember themselves, & to proceed effectually to the execution of the apostolical sentence, & of the Emperor's edict, giving pardon to them that will amend & acknowledge their fault: the other which obstinately persist in their error, punishing with the rod of district severity according to the decrees of the Canons and laws of the Church, that by their example, such as stand, may remain in faith, and they which are fallen may be reduced.  
And if any shall object again, the Luther was condemned by the apostolic see before he was heard, & that his cause ought first to have been heard & judged, before he was convinced: you shall answer, that those 
* Here the Pope agreeth rightly with Mahomet, for he will not have his Religion reasoned upon, no more will the Pope have his. Grant this to the pope▪ and he may play the Lord of misrule and do what he listeth.  things which pertain to faith, are to be believed for their own authority, & not to be proved. Take away (saith Ambrose) arguments, where faith is sought, there the fishers, not the Philosophers must be trusted. Truth it is, & we grant no less, but the lawful defence & hearing ought not to be denied in such cases, where the question is of the fact, whether it were done or not, as whether he spoke, preached, writ, or not? But where the matter is of God's law, or in cause of the sacraments, there must we always stand to the authority of holy fathers & of the Church. Now all things almost wherein Luther dissenteth from other, are reproved before by divers Counsels. Neither ought those things to be called into question, which have been defined before by general counsels, & the universal-church, but aught to be received by faith: For else he doth injury to the Synod of the church, who so bringeth again into controversy things once rightly discussed & settled. Otherwise what certainty can there be amongst men, or what end shall there be of contending & disputing, if it shallbe lawful for every lewd & presumptuous person, to decline from the things which have been received and ratified by the consent, not of one, nor of few, but of so many ages, so many wise heads, & of the Catholic church, which God never permitteth to err in matters unto faith appertaining? And how can it otherwise be chosen, but that all must be full of disturbance, offences, and confusion, unless the things which have been once, yea many times by ripe judgement constituted, be observed of all men as inviolable? Wherefore, seeing Luther and his fellows do condemn the Counsels of holy fathers, do burn the holy canons, do confounded all things at their pleasure, & do disquiet the whole world, what remaineth, but that they are to be rejected & exploded, as enemies and perturbers of public peace?  
Further this you shall say unto them, that we confess ourselves, & deny not, but that God suffereth this persecution to be inflicted upon his church, 
Esa. 59  for the sins of men, especially of priests and prelate's of the clergy. For certain it is, that the hand of the Lord is not shortened, that he cannot save: but our sins have divided between God and us: and therefore he hideth his face from us, that he will not hear us. The scripture testifieth, that the sins of the people do issue out from the sins of the priests. And therefore saith Chrysostom,) Christ going about to cure the sick city of Jerusalem, first entered into the temple, to correct the sins of the priests, like a good physician, which first beginneth to cure the disease from the very rote. We know that in this 
* And how then can this be called an holy Sea, where so many abominable impieties & manifold excesses, both in spiritual masters, & also in eternal life, are seen & practised: such ambition in the prelates such pride in the Pope, such avarice in the Court, & finally, where such corruption is of all things as you yourselves do here confess, & can not deny?  holy see there have been many abominable things of long time wrought & practised: as abuses in matters spiritual, and also excesses in life and manners, and all things turned clean contrary. And no marvel if the 
* True it is that the sickness hath begun in the head: that is, at the very triple crown: and therefore the sickness being great, and having need of a sharp Physician, God hath sent Luther unto the Pope (as Erasmus writeth of him) as a meet Physician to cure his disease: Yet he refuseth to be healed.  sickness first beginning at the head, that is, at the high Bishops, have descended afterward to inferior prelate's. Al we (that is, prelate's of the church) have declined every one after his own way. Neither hath there been one that hath done good, no not one. Wherefore need it is that all we give glory to God, and that we humble our souls to him, considering every one of us, from whence he hath fallen, 
Cayphas himself could never prophesy more truly.  and that every one do judge himself, before he be judged of God in the rod of his fury. For the redress whereof you shall insinuate unto them, and promise in our behalf, that in us shall be lacking no diligence of a better reformation, first beginning with our own court, that like as this contagion first from thence descended into all the inferior parts: 
The Pope promiseth reformation of his own Court, but when beginneth he?  so reformation & amendment of all that is amiss from the same place again, shall take his beginning. Whereunto they shall find us so much the more ready, for that we see the whole world so desirous of the same. We ourselves (as you know) never sought this dignity, but rather coveted, if we otherwise might, to lead a private life, and in a quiet state to serve God. And also would utterly have refused the same, had not the fear of God, and the manner of our election, and misdoubting of some schism to follow after, have urged us to take it. And thus took we the burden upon us, not for any ambition of dignity, or to enrich our friends, and kinsfolks, but only to be obedient to the will of God, and for reformation of the catholic church, and for relief of the poor, and especially for the advancement of learning & learned men, with such other things more, as appertaineth to the charge of a good Bishop & lawful heir of S. Peter. And though all errors, corruptions, and abuses, be not strait ways amended by us, men ought not thereat to marvel. The sore is great and far grown, 
You proceed so by little & little, that nothing at all is seen. Sudden mutations be not for the Pope's purpose: but the Lord promiseth to come suddenly when he is not looked for.  and is not single, but of manifold maladies together compacted, & therefore to the curing thereof we must proceed by little and little, first beginning to cure the greater and the most dangerous, lest while we intent to amend all, we destroy all. All sudden mutations (saith Aristotle) in a common wealth, are perilous. And he that wringeth too hard, straineth out blood. Prou. 30  
And whereas in your last letters you write, that the Princes complain, how this See hath been and is prejudicial to their ordinances and agreements: hereunto you shall thus answer: That such excesses which have been done before our time, ought not to be imputed to us, who always have misliked these derogations, and therefore bid them so assure themselves, that though they had required no such matter, we of our own accord, would have refrained the same, partly for that it is good, right, & reason, that every one have that which is due unto him: and partly also that the said noble nation of Germany shall have by us no hindrance, but furtherance rather, so much as in us shall lie to do for them.  
And as touching the processes, which they desire to have removed away a Rota, and to be referred down to the parties, 
Rota is some office in the court or Chancery of Rome.  you shall signify unto them that we will gratify them herein as much as honestly we may. But because our auditors are now presently absent from the city by reason of the Plague, we can not be informed as yet, touching the quality of those processes. Assoon as they shall return (which we hope will be shortly) we shall do in the Prince's favour, what reasonably we may.  
Further, whereas we understand, that there be many fresh flourishing wits in Germany, and many well learned men, which are not seen unto, but be rejected and unlooked to, while in the mean time, through the Apostolical provisions, dignities, 
The Pope flattereth for advantage.  and promotions are bestowed upon tapsters, and dancers, and unfit persons: we will therefore that you inquire out what those learned men are, and what be their names, to the intent that when any such vacation of benefices in Germany do fall, we of our voluntary motion, may provide for them accordingly. For why, we consider how much it is against God's glory, 
And why then have you abus●● the church so long with the●● Apostolical provisions, and yet do not redres●● the same.  and against the health and the edification of souls, that benefices and dignities of the church, have now so long time been bestowed upon unworthy and unable persons.  
As touching the subsidy for the Hungarians, we send no other information to you, but that which we gave you at your departure, save only that we will you to extend your diligence therein, as we also will do the like, in soliciting the matter with the princes and cities of Italy, that every one may help after his ability. Ex Orth. Gratio.  
These popish suggestions and instructions of the Pope himself against Luther, I thought (christian reader) to set before thine eyes, to the intent thou mayest see here (as in a pattern, and go no further) all the crimes, objections, exclamations, suspicions, accusations, slanders, offensions, contumelies, rebukes, untruths, cavillations, railings, 
Luther cried out of without any just cause.  what soever they have devised, or can devise, invent, articulate, denounce, infer, or surmise against Luth. and his teaching. They cry, heresy, heresy: but they prove no heresy. They cry, Counsels, Counsels: and yet none transgresseth Counsels more than themselves. If Counsels go always with Scripture, than Luther. goeth with them. If councils do jar sometime from the Scripture, what heresy is in Luth. in standing with Scripture against those counsels? And yet neither hath he hitherto spoken against any counsels, save only the Council of Constance. They inflame kings and princes against Luth▪ and yet they have no just cause wherefore. They accuse him for teaching liberty. 
Liberty of flesh. Liberty of spirit.  If they mean the liberty of flesh, they accuse him falsely: if they mean the liberty of spirit, they teach wickedly, which teach contrary: and yet when they have all said, none live so licentiously as themselves. They pretend the zeal of the Church, but under that church lieth their own private welfare, and belly cheer. They charge Luth. with disobedience, and none are so disobedient to Magistrates and civil laws, as they. They lay to his charge, oppression and spoiling of lay men's goods: and who spoileth the lay men's livings, so much as the Pope? For probation whereof, let the Pope's accounts be cast, 
Turn only the names of the persons: and all the accusations of the Papists against the Lutherians, agree chief upon themselves.  what he raketh out of every Christian realm. Briefly, turn only the names of the persons, and in steed of Luther's name, place the name of the Pope, and the effect of this letter above prefixed, shall agree upon none more aptly, then upon the Pope himself, and his own sectaries. Now to proceed further in the process of this foresaid matter, let us see what the Princes again for their parts answer to these foresaid suggestions and instructions of Pope Adrian, sent unto them in their diet of Norenberg, in the cause of Luther: the answer of whom here followeth under written.   

The answer of the noble and reverend princes and states of the sacred Roman Empire, exhibited to the Pope's ambassador.  
THe noble & renowned Prince Lord Ferdinandus, 
The answer of the Princes of Germany, to the Pope's letter, & instructions.  Lieutenant to the Emperor's majesty, with other reverend peers in Christ, and mighty princes Electors, and other states and orders of this present assemble of the Roman Empire in Norenberge convented, have gratefully received, and diligently perused the letters sent in form of a Brief, with the instructions also of that most holy father in Christ, and L.L. Adrian, the high Bishop of the holy and universal Church of Rome, presented unto them in the cause of Luther's faction.  
By the which foresaid letters and writings, first where as they understand his holiness to have been borne, and to have had his native origine and parentage out of this noble nation of Germany, they do not a little rejoice. 
Pope Adrian a German borne.  Of whose egregious virtues and ornaments both of mind and body, they have heard great fame and commendation, even from his tender years: by reason whereof they are so much the more joyous of his advancement and preferment, by such consent of election, to the high tip of the Apostolical dignity, and yield to God most hearty thanks for the same: praying also from the bottom of their hearts, for his excellent clemency, and perpetual glory of his name, and for health of souls, and incolumity of the universal Church, that GOD will give his holiness long continuance of felicity. Having no misdout, but that by such a full & consenting election of such a pastor of the universal catholic church, great profit and commodity will ensue. Which thing to hope and look for, his holiness openeth to them an evident declaration in his own letters, testifying and protesting what a care it is to him both day & night, how to discharge his pastoral function, in studying for the health of the flock to him committed: and especially in converting the minds of Christian princes, from war to peace: declaring moreover what subsidy and relief his holiness hath sent to the soldiers of Rhodes. etc. All which things they perpending with themselves, conceive exceeding hope and comfort in their minds, thus reputing and trusting that this concord of Christian princes, will be a great help and stay to the better quieting of things now out of frame: without which neither the state of the common wealth, nor of Christian religion can be rightly redressed, and much less the tyranny of the barbarous Turk repressed.  
Wherefore, the excellent prince, Lord Lieutenant to the Emperor's majesty, with the other princes Electors, and orders of this present assemble, most heartily do pray that his holiness will persist in this his purpose & diligence, as he hath virtuously begun, leaving no stone unremoved, how the disagreeing hearts of Christian princes may be reduced to quiet and peace: 
Can any good thing come out of Rome.  or if that will not be, yet at least some truce and intermission of domestical dissensions may be obtained for the necessity of the time now present, whereby all Christians may join their power together, with the help of God, to go against the Turk, & to deliver the people of Christ from his barbarous tyranny and bondage: Whereunto both the noble prince Lord Lieutenant, and other princes of Germany, will put to their helping hands, to the best of their ability.  
And whereas by the letters of his holiness, with his instruction also exhibited unto them by his Legate, they understand, that his holiness is afflicted with great sorrow, for the prospering of Luther's sect, 
The Pope much grieved for the prospering of Luther.  whereby innumerable souls committed to his charge, are in danger of perdition, & therefore his holiness vehemently desireth some speedy remedy against the same to be provided, with an explication of certain necessary reasons & causes, whereby to move the German princes thereunto, and that they will tender the execution of the Apostolic sentence, and also of the emperors edict, set forth touching the suppression of Luther: to these the L. Lieutenant and other princes and states do answer, that it is to them no less grief and sorrow, then to his holiness, and also do lament as much for these impieties and perils of souls, and inconveniences which grow in the religion of Christ, either by the sect of Luther, or any otherwise. Further, what help or counsel shall lie in them, for the extirping of errors, & decay of soul's health, what their moderation can do, they are willing and ready to perform, considering how they stand bound & subject, as well to the Pope's holiness, as also to the emperors majesty.  
But why the sentence of the Apostolic see, & the emperors edict against Luther, hath not been put in execution hitherto, there have been (said they) causes great and urgent, which have led them thereto: 
Causes why the princes have not proceeded by the Pope's sentence against Luther.  as first in weighing and considering with themselves, that great evils & inconvenience would thereupon ensue. For the greatest part of the people of Germany have always had this persuasion, & now by reading of Luther's books, are more therein confirmed, that great grievances and inconveniences have come to this nation of Germany, by the court of Rome: and therefore if they should have proceeded with any rigour in executing the Pope's sentence, 
grievances received by the court of Rome.  & the emperor's edict, the multitude would conceive & suspect in their minds, this to be done for subverting the verity of the gospel, & for supporting & confirming the former abuses & grievances, whereupon great wars & tumults (no doubt) would have ensued: which thing unto the princes & states there, hath been well perceived by many arguments. For the avoiding whereof, they thought to use more gentle remedies, serving more opportunely for the time.  
Again, whereas the reverend L. Legate (said they) in the name of the Pope's holiness hath been instructed, to declare unto them, that God suffereth this persecution to rise in the Church for the sins of men, 
The Pope answered with his own words.  & that his holiness doth promise, therefore to begin the reformation with his own court, that as the corruption first sprung from thence to the inferior parts, so the redress of all again should first begin with the same: Also, whereas his holiness, of a good & fatherly heart, doth testify in his letters, that he himself did always mislike that the Court of Rome should intermeddle so much, and derogate from the concordates of the princes, and that his holiness doth fully purpose in that behalf, during his papacy, never to practise the like, but so to endeavour, that every one, and especially the nation of the Germans may have their proper due and right, granting especially to the said nation, his peculiar favour: who setteth not by these premises, but that this most holy B. omitteth nothing, which a good father or a devout pastor may or aught to do to his sheep? Or who will not be moved hereby to a loving reverence, and to amendment of his defaults, namely seeing his holiness so intendeth to accomplish the same in deed, which in word he promiseth, according as he hath begun.  
And thus undoubtedly both the noble L. Lieutenant, & all other princes & states of the empire, well hope that he will, and pray most heartily that he may do, to the glory of our eternal God, to the health of souls, & to the tranquility of the public state. For unless such abuses and grievances, with certain other articles also, which the seculare princes (assigned purposely for the same) shall draw out in writing, shall be faithfully reform, 
Grievances of the germans, complained of to the pope. Vide infra.  there is no true peace & concord between the ecclesiastical & secular estates, nor any true extirpation of this tumult, & errors in Germany that can be hoped. For partly by long wars, partly by reason of other grievances & hindrances this nation of Germany hath been so wasted and consumed in money, that uneath it is able to sustain itself in private affairs, and necessary upholding of justice within itself: much less than to minister aid and succour to the kingdom of Hungary, & to the Croatians, against the Turk. And whereas all the states of the sacred Roman Empire do not doubt, but the Pope's holiness doth right well understand how the German princes did grant & condescend for the money of Annates to be leaved to the see of Rome for term of certain years, 
Annates falsely pretended of the Pope, to maintain war against the turk.  upon condition that the said money should be converted to maintain war against the turkish infidels, and for defence of the catholic faith: & whereas the term of these years is now expired long since, when as the said Annates should be gathered, and yet that money hath not been so bestowed to that use, whereto it was first granted: therefore if any such necessity should now come, that any public helps or contributions against the Turk, should be demanded of the German people, they would answer again, why is not that money of Annates reserved many years before to that use, now to be bestowed and applied, and so would they refuse to receive any more such burdens for that cause to be laid upon them.  
Wherefore the said Lord Lieutenant, and other Princes & degrees of the Empire make earnest petition, that the Pope's holiness will with a fatherly consideration expend the premises, and surcease hereafter to require such Annates, 
Annates is a certain portion of money wont to be paid to the court of Rome, one of the one years fruits, at the vacation of an ecclesiastical living.  which are accustomed after the death of bishops and other prelates, or ecclesiastical persons, to be paid to the court of Rome, and suffer them to remain to the chamber of the Empire, whereby justice & peace may be more commodiously administered, the tranquility of the public state of Germany maintained, and also by the same, due helps may be ordained and disposed to other Christian potentates in Germany, against the Turk, which otherwise without the same, is not to be hoped for.  
Item, whereas the Pope's holiness desireth to be informed what way were best to take, in resisting these errors of the Lutherians: to this the Lord Lieutenant, with other Princes add nobles do answer, that whatsoever help or counsel they can devise, with willing hearts they will be ready thereunto. Seeing therefore the state, aswell ecclesiastical, as temporal, is far out of frame, and have so much corrupted their ways, and seeing not only of Luther's part, and of his sect, but also by divers other occasions beside, so many errors, abuses, & corruptions, have crept in: much requisite and necessary it is, that some effectual remedy be provided, as well for redress of the church, as also for repressing of the Turks tyranny. Now what more present or effectual remedy can be had, the Lord Lieutenant, with other estates and princes do not see, than this, that the Pope's holiness, 
Remedy of reformatyon.  by the consent of the Emperor's majesty, do summon a free Christian Council in some convenient place of Germany, as at Strausburgh, or at Mentz, or at Colen, or at Metz, and that with as much speed as conveniently may be, so that the congregating of the said Council be not deferred above one year: 
A general Council in Germany required.  in the which Council it may be lawful for every person that there shall have interest, either temporal or ecclesiastical, freely to speak & consult, to the glory of God, and health of souls, and the public wealth of Christendom, without impeachment or restraint, whatsoever oath, or other bond to the contrary notwithstanding: yea and it shallbe every good man's part there to speak, not only freely, but to speak that which is true, to the purpose, and to edifying, & not to pleasing or flattering, but simply and uprightly to declare his iudgemsnt, without all fraud or guile.  
And as touching by what ways these errors & tumults of the German people may best be stayed and pacified in the mean time, until the council be set: the foresaid L. Lieutenant, 
An interim before the Council.  with the other princes, thereupon have consulted & deliberated, that for as much as Luth. and certain of his fellows be within the territory and dominion of the noble duke Friderike, the said L. Lieutenant and other states of the Empire shall so labour the matter with the aforenamed Prince duke of Saxony, 
Writing & Printing for a time suspended.  that Luther and his followers shall not write, set forth, or print any thing during the said mean space, neither do they doubt but that the said noble prince of Saxony, for his Christian piety, and obedience to the Roman Empire, as becometh a Prince of such excellent virtue, will effectually condescend to the same.  
Item, the said L. Lieutenant and princes shall labour so with the preachers of Germany, that they shall not in their sermons teach or blow into the people's ears, such matters, whereby the multitude may be moved to rebellion or upror, or be induced into error: and that they shall preach & teach nothing, but the true, pure, sincere, 
The office of preaching tempered.  & holy gospel, & approved scripture, godly, mildly, & christianly, according to the doctrine and exposition of the Scripture, being approved and received of Christ's Church, abstaining from all such things, which are better unknown, then learned of the people, and which to be subtly searched, or deeply discussed, it is not expedient. Also that they shall move no contention of disputation among the vulgar sort, but what so ever hangeth in controversy, the same they shall reserve to the determination of the Council to come.  
Item, the Archbishops, Bishops, and other prelate's within their diocese shall assign godly and learned men, having good judgement in the scripture, which shall diligently and faithfully attend upon such preachers: 
Preachers limited within certain bonds.  and if they shall perceive the said preachers either to have erred, or to have uttered any thing unconveniently, they shall godly, mildly, and modestly advertise, and inform them thereof, in such sort as no man shall justly complain the truth of the Gospel to be impeached. But if the preachers continuing still in their stubbornness shall refuse to be admonished, and will not desist from their lewdness, then shall they be restrained and punished by the Ordinaries of the place, with punishment for the same convenient.  
Furthermore, the said Princes and nobles shall provide and undertake, so much as shall be possible, that from henceforth during the foresaid time, 
Against selling and printing of famous libels.  no new book shallbe imprinted, especially none of these famous libels, neither shall they privily or apertly be sold. Also order shallbe taken amongst all potestates, that if any shall set out, sell, or imprint any new work, it shall first be seen and perused of certain godly learned, and discrete men appointed for the same: 
Famous libels be such books as rail against the fame of any person, showing no name of the author thereof.  so that if it be not admitted and approved by them, it shall not be permitted to be published in print, or to come abroad. Thus by these means, they hope well, that the tumults, errors, and offensions among the people, shall cease, especially if the Pope's holiness himself shall begin with an orderly & due reformation, in the foresaid grievances above mentioned, and will procure such a free and Christian Council as hath been said, and so shall the people be well contented and satisfied. Or if the tumult shall not so fully be calmed, as they desire, yet the greater part thus will be quieted, for all such as be honest and good men, no doubt, will be in great expectation of that general Council, so shortly and now ready at hand to come.  

For priests or religious men that marry.  Finally, as concerning priests which contract matrimony, & religious men leaving their cloisters, whereof intimation was also made by the Apostolical Legate, the foresaid princes do consider, that forsomuch as in the civil law there is no penalty for them ordained, they shallbe referred to the Canonical constitutions, to be punished thereafter accordingly: that is, by the loss of their benefices, and privileges, or other condign censures: and that the said Ordinaries shall in no case be stopped or inhibited by the secular powers, from the correction of such: but that they shall add their help and favour to the maintenance of ecclesiastical jurisdiction, and shall direct out their public edicts and precepts, that none shall impeach or prohibit the said ordinaries in their ecclesiastical castigation, upon such transgressors to be administered.  
To conclude, the redoubted prince L. Lieutenant and other princes, estates, & orders of the public Empire, vehemently and most hearty do pray and beseech, that the Pope's holiness, & the reverend Lord his legate will accept and take all the premises to be no otherwise spoken and meant, then of a good, free, sincere, & a Christian mind. Neither is there any thing, that all the aforesaid princes, estates, and nobles do more wish and desire, than the furtherance and prosperous estate of the holy Catholic church of Rome, and of his holiness. To whose wishes, desires, & obedience they offer and commend themselves most ready, and obsequious, as faithful children. Ex Orth. Grat.  
Thus hast thou (loving reader) the full discourse both of the pope's letter, and of his Legates instructions, with the answer also of the states of Germany to the said letter and instructions, to them exhibited in the diet of Norenberge. In the which diet, what was concluded, and what order and consultation was taken, first touching the grievances of Germany, which they exhibited to the Pope, then concerning a general council to be called in Germany, also for printing and preaching, & for priest's marriage, hath been likewise declared. 
Ex joan. Sledano.  etc.  
The occasion of this matter moved against priest's marriage, came first by the ministers of Strausburgh, which about this time began to take wives, and therefore were cited by the bishop of Strausburgh to appear before him at a certain day, 
Ministers of Strausbrough troubled for their wives.  as violaters of the laws of holy Church, the holy fathers, the Bishops of Rome, and of the emperors majesty, to the prejudice both of their own order of priesthood, and majesty of almighty God: But they referred their cause to the hearing of the magistrates of the same city, who being suitors for them unto the Bishops, laboured to have the matter either released, or at least to be delayed for a time. 
Luther expoundeth the decree of Norenberge.   
Long it were to recite all the circumstances following upon this diet or assemble of Norenberge, how their decree was received of some, of some neglected, of divers diversly wrested and expounded. Luther writing his letters upon the same decree, to the Princes, thus made his exposition of the meaning thereof, that where as the preachers were commanded to preach the pure Gospel, after the doctrine of the church received, he expounded the meaning thereof to be, not after the doctrine of Tho. Aquine, or Scotus or such other late school writers, but after the doctrine of Hilary, Cyprian, & Austen, and other ancient doctors, and yet the doctrine of the said ancestors no farther to be received, but as they should agree with the Scripture.  
Secondly, as concerning new books not to be sold nor prin●ed, he expounded the meaning thereof to extend no farther, but the text of the Bible and books of the holy Scripture might be Printed notwithstanding, and published to all men.  
And as for the prohibition of priests marriage, he writeth to the Princes, and desireth them to bear with the weakness of men, declaring that branch of their decree to be very hard, which though it stand with the Pope's law, yet it accordeth not with the Gospel, neither conduceth to good manners, nor to honesty of life. etc.  
Furthermore, where as in the same session of Norenberge, mention was made before of certain grievances collected to the number of an hundredth, 
An hundredth grievaunces of the Germain●● against the pope  and exhibited to the Bishop of Rome, it were tedious likewise to inserte them all: yet to give some tas● of a few, I judge it not unprofitable: to the intent, that the world may see and judge, not only what abuses and corruptions most monstruous and incredible, lay hid under the glorious title of the holy church of Rome: but also may understand, with what hypocrisy & impudency the pope taketh upon him so grievously to complain upon M. Luther, and other: when in all the universal Church of Christ, there is none so much to be blamed all manner of ways, as he himself, according as by these heinous complaints of the german princes, here following against the pope's intolerable oppressions & grievances may right well appear. Which grievances▪ being collected by the Princes of Germany at Norenberge, to the number of an hundredth, I wish might be fully and at large setfoorth to the studious Reader, whereby might appear the subtle sleights and intolerable frauds of that pretenced Church. But for somuch as it were to long to comprehend the whole, I have thought good to exhibit some part thereof for example, as giving only a certain taste, whereby thou mayest more easily conceive, what to think and esteem of all the residue, which both to me would be tedious to write, and perhaps more grievous to thee, to hear.   

* Certain grievances or oppressions of Germany, against the court of Rome, collected and exhibited by the Princes, at the council of Norenberge, to the number of an C. whereof certain specialties here follow.  

Amongst other burdens & grievances, this is not lest to be regarded: that many things are prohibited by men's constitutions, & many things exacted, which are not prohibited or commanded by any precept of God: as the innumerable obstacles of matrimony invented and brought in, 
Forbidding of marriage in divers degrees, not forbidden by God's law.  whereby men were forbid to marry in cases of kindred, which stand upon divers degrees: as upon affinity, public honesty, spiritual kindred, kindred by law, & kindred in blood. etc. and likewise in forbidding the use of meats, which God hath created for man's necessity, and taught by the Apostle indifferently to be received with thanks giving. 
Forbidding of meats, not forbidden by God's law  By these and many other such human constitutions, men are yoked in bondage, until by money they obtained some dispensation of those laws, at their hands which made them: so that money shall make that lawful for rich men, which is clearly prohibited unto the poor. By these snares of men's laws & constitutions, not only great sums of money are gathered out of Germany, & carried over the Alps, but also great iniquity is sprung up amongst christians: many offences and privy hatreds do rise, by reason that poor men do see themselves entangled with these snares, for no other cause, but for that they do not possess the thorns of the Gospel, for so Christ doth often call riches.   

Times forbidden.  
THe like practice also is to be seen in the times restrained from Marriage, by the heads of the Church of Rome, 
times of marriage restrained, and after released for money.  from the Septuagesima Sunday, somewhat before Lent: when as notwithstanding both the clergy and the seculars in the mean time will live licentiously, and that openly in the face of all the world. But this interdict proceedeth to this effect: if a man shall presume so to do upon his own liberty, without compounding. But otherwise if there be any hope of money, then that which was before unlawful, is now made lawful for every man to do freely. And this is also an other drawing net, whereby great sums of money are dragged out of the Germans purses. Whereupon also hangeth an other grievance as great as this, that ensuing out a dispensation, the state of the poor and of the rich is not indifferently weighed: For where the rich escapeth many times for little or nought, & goeth clear away, the poor man shallbe sure to pay for the shot.   

A complaint for selling remission of sins for money.  
BUt especially the burden and grievance of the Pope's Indulgences and Pardons be most importable: when as the Bishops of Rome, under pretence of building some church in Rome, or to war against the Turk, do make out their indulgences with their bulls: persuading and promising to the simple people, strange & wonderful be●i●es of remission a Poena & culpa, that is, from all their sins, and punishment due for the same, and that not in this life only, but also after this life, to them that be dead burning in the fire of purgatory. Through the hope and occasion whereof, true piety is almost extinct in all Germany, while every evil disposed person promiseth to himself for a little money, licence and impunity to do what him lusteth: Whereupon followeth fornication, incest, adultery, perjury, homicide, robbing and spoiling, rapine, usury, with a whole flood of all mischiefs. etc.   

A complaint against the Immunities of Clergy men.  
ITem, whosoever he be that hath received any Ecclesiastical orders, great or small, thereby he doth contend to be freed from all punishment of the secular magistrate, how great offence soever he do: neither doth he unadvisedly presume thereupon, but is maintained in that liberty to sin, by the principal estates of the clergy. For it hath often been seen, that whereas by the canonical laws, priests are forbidden to marry, afterward they diligently labour and go about day and night to attempt and try the chastity of matrons, virgins, and of the wives, daughters and sisters of the lay men: and through their continual instance and labour, partly with gifts and rewards, and flattering words, partly by their secret confessions (as they call them) as it hath been found by experience, they bring to pass that many virgins and matrons, which otherwise would be honest, have been overcome and moved to sin and wickedness: and it happeneth oftentimes, that they do detain and keep away the wives, and daughters from their husbands and fathers, threatening them with fire & sword that do require them again. Thus through their raging lust, they heap & gather together innumerable mischiefs and offences. It is to be marveled at, how licentiously without punishment they daily offend in robberies, 
The licentious life of Priests.  murder, accusing of innocents, burning, rapine, theft, and counterfeiting of false coin, beside a thousand other kinds of mischiefs, contrary and against all laws both of God and man, not without great offence of others, trusting only upon the freedom and liberty of sin, which they usurp unto themselves by the privilege of their canons. For when as they once perceive that it is lawful for them to do what they lust without controlment, than they do not only contemn the civil Magistrates, but also their Bishops and superiors, whatsoever they either command or forbidden them to do.  
And moreover, to the intent they may be the more maintained in their mischief & wickedness, contrary to all reason and equity, it is partly forbidden the Archbyshops and Bishops, to condemn these malefactors openly, except they be first disgraded, which must be done with sumptuousness and pomp: whereby it happeneth very seldom, that those anointed naughty packs, do receive condign punishment. Besides that, the bishops are so bound by their chapters, that they dare not punish any person which hath taken orders by the Canonical laws, be the punishment never so light or small. By reason whereof the matter so falleth out, that through this unequal partiality between the laity and the Clergy, great hatred, discord, and dissension is sprung and risen. It is also not a little to be feared, that if the Clergy which are the cause of this grievance, and of other mischiefs, (which daily they do proceed to perpetrate) have not like laws, equal judges, and like punishment, their offensive life will move & stir up some great tumults and sedition amongst the common people, not only against the Clergy themselves, but also against the superiors and magistrates, for that they leave so notorious offences unpunished.  
Wherefore necessity & justice doth require, that the said prejudicial privileges of the Clergy should be abrogate and taken away, and in their place be provided, ordained and decreed, that the Clergy, of what order or degree soever they be, shall have like laws, like judgement, and punishment as the laity have: 
priests ought to be subject to the same punishments, as are the la● people.  so that they shall pretend no prerogative or freedom in like offence, more than the lay man, but that every one of the Clergy offending under the judge, where the offence is committed, shall be punished for his fact, according to the measure and equality of his offence, in such like manner as other malefactors are, with the punishment appointed by the common laws of the Empire: which thing (without doubt) will please the true ministers of the church, such as are honest and learned, that they will not think their power and authority thereby in any case diminished. By this means it shall be brought to pass, that such as are of the Clergy only by name, and otherwise, naughty wicked men, through the obedience due unto their magistrates, shallbe compelled to live more honestly: and all sedition and privy hatred between them and the laity shall be put away, and finally thereby the laity shall be the more moved and stirred to love and reverence such of the Clergy as be of a sound life.   

¶ Complaint of excommunication abused.  
ITem, at Rome and in other places many Christians are excommunicate by the Archbyshops, Bishops, or by their Ecclesiastical judges, for profane causes, through the desire and covetousness of money, & lucre. 
Excommunication abused in the church of Rome.  The consciences of men which are weak in faith, thereby are burdened and brought unto desperation: and finally, for money & lucre, a matter of no importance is made to tend to the destruction both of body & soul, contrary both to the law of God and man, for somuch as no man ought to be excommunicate but only for heresy, or for some heinous fact perpetrate, nor to be counted as separate from the Christian Catholic Church, as the Scriptures do witness: Therefore the princes, nobles, states, & laity of the Sacred Empire, desire & require the Pope's holiness, that as a faithful Christian & loving father, he will remove the said burden of excommunication used both in the sea of Rome, & also in the seas of all other Archbyshops and Ecclesiastical judges: and finally, decree that no man shall hereafter be excommunicate, but only for a manifest convict crime of heresy. For it is to wicked a thing, that faithful Christians for every light offence, touching any temporal goods or gain, or for any other worldly matter, but only for obstinacy of heresy or some great enormity, should be excluded from almighty God, and the Catholic congregation.   

¶ The Church burdened with number of holy days.  
Moreover, the common people are not a little oppressed with the great number of holy days, for that there are now so many holy days, that the husbandmen have scarcely time to gather the fruits of the earth which they have brought forth with so great labour & travail, 
The number of holidays to be diminished.  being often in danger of hail, rain, and other storms: which fruits notwithstanding, if they were not letted with so many holy days, they would gather & bring home without any loss. Besides that, upon those holy days, innumerable offences are committed & done, rather than God honoured or worshipped. Which thing is so manifest, that it needeth no witness. For that cause the estates of the sacred Empire think it best & most profitable for the Christian common wealth, that this great number of holy days, should be diminished, which ought rather to be celebrated in spirit & verity, then with the external worship, and be better kept with abstinence from sin.   

Suspending and hallowing of Churchyards gainful to the Pope, and chargeable to the people.  
FUrthermore, if it hap that 2. or more do fight without any weapon in a Churchyard, only with their fists, 
Hallowing of Churchyards abused for money.  or by the hear, that there be never so little blood shed, by & by the clergy have recourse to enterdiment, & do not suffer any more Christian burials there to be done, before that all the citizens with great pomp & expenses do cause it to be consecrated & hallowed again with no less charge, then when at the first, of a profane place, it was hallowed for burial: all which things do redound to the charges & costs of the laity. And though the churches or chapels be never so little which are so hallowed: yet the suffragans do burden and oppress the simple poor households, be they never so bare or needy, with superfluous expenses, and require moreover gifts of the people, which is not for their ease to give.  
Also the suffragans have invented that no other, but only themselves may baptise bells for the lay people. 
Baptising of Bells.  Whereby the simple people, upon the affirmation of the suffragans do believe, that such bells so baptized, will drive away evil spirits and tempests: whereupon a great number of godfathers are appointed, especially such as are rich: which at the time of the baptising, holding the rope wherewithal the bell is tied, the suffragan speaking before them, as is accustomed in the baptising of young children, they altogether do answer, 
Bells wear coats. A question whether these gossips which christian Bells may marry together by the Canon law.  & give the name to the bell. The bell having a new garment put upon it, as is accustomed to be done unto the Christians, after this they go unto sumptuous banquets, whereunto also the gossips are bidden, that thereby they might give the 
* Spoiling of the people by baptising of Bells.  greater reward, and the suffragans with their chaplains and other ministers, are sumptuously fed. Yet doth not this suffice, but that the suffragan also must have a reward which they do call a small gift or present: whereby it happeneth oftentimes, that even in small villages, a 100 florins are consumed and spent in such christenings: which is not only superstitious, but also contrary unto Christian religion, a seducing of the simple people, and mere extortion. Notwithstanding the Bishops, for to enrich their suffragans, do suffer these things and other far worse: wherefore such wicked and unlawful things ought to be abolished.   

Complaint against Officials and other Ecclesiastical judges.  
THe Officials also of Archbishops for the most part, are unlearned & unable men, 
Against Officials.  besides that, men of evil conditions, taking thought for nothing but only for money. Also, how corruptly they live and continue in notorious crimes & transgressions, it is daily seen. Whereby the laity, whom they ought to correct and punish for their offences, & instruct in Christian godliness, are not in any point, by them amended, but rather by them encouraged and confirmed in their offences. Besides this, the laity are miserably rob & spoiled of their goods, by these light & vile officials. In whose conscience there is no spark of christian pity and godliness, but only a wicked desire, & covetousness. Which thing the archbishops and bishops, if they were in deed such as they are called, that is to say, the pastors and shepherds of Christ, without doubt, they would no longer suffer, or commit Christ's flock, to such wicked and offensive pastors to be fed and nourished.   

How the Ecclesiastical judges do annex certain special causes, being lay matters unto their own jurisdiction, and will by no means, release the same.  
Whensoever any causes are pleaded in judgement before an Ecclesiastical judge, 
Lay matters brought into the spiritual court for money.  either for ravishing of virgins, or for children unlawfully borne out of wedlock, or for servants wages, or any other matters touching widows, the Ecclesiastical judges being called upon by the superiors of the laity which do contend, they will neither defer that judgement, or by any means will be entreated to remit them to their ordinary jurisdiction.   

The gain that riseth to the Clergy, by false slanders and rumours.  

Scolding matters brought to the spiritual court for gain and lucre.  IT happeneth oftentimes, that men and women, through sinister and false reports & slanders, are brought before the Official or Ecclesiastical judge, as men guilty, and shall not be declared innocent, before they have cleared themselves by an oath. Which purgation so made, they are restored again to their former estimation. And albeit that the damages & costs ought to be repaid again, unto such as be so falsely accused, yet notwithstanding the innocents themselves, are forced to pay two gildernes and a quarter, for their letters of absolution. And this is the cause, why that the Officials & other Ecclesiastical judges, do so greedily follow the action of such unlawful, false, & slanderous accusations, challenging the hearing thereof only unto themselves: which thing (no doubt) redoundeth to the great and most singular hurt and detriment of all men: For oftentimes it happeneth that women falling together in contention thorough anger, hatred, or some other affection, do speak evil or slander one an other, and outrage somuch, that the one oftentimes accuseth the other, either of adoultry or witchery. Which thing being brought before the Official, she which through her anger had so slandered the other, is forced by an oath to excuse and purge herself, that whatsoever injurious or slanderous word she had spoken, came not of any deliberate purpose or intent, but through wrath and displeasure. In like manner the other which is accused either of adoultrie or sorcery, is commanded by an oath to declare her innocency, that she is not guilty of those facts, so that it is evident unto all men, that in such cases, whether they be guilty or not guilty, they must swear, if they will keep their good name and fame. Whereby not only the unlawful lucre of gain and money is sought, but also wilful perjury forced, and the seculare power and judges letted from the punishment thereof, so that contrary to all reason, offences do remain unpunished.   

Complaint against spiritual judges, taking Seculare causes from the Civil Magistrate.  
ALl be it there be many causes so indifferent to both jurisdictions, 
The wrasting of temporal causes unto the spiritual court, for gain of money.  that they may be pleaded and punished as well by the civil Magistrate, as ecclesiastical judge: notwithstanding it happeneth oftentimes, that when as the civil Magistrates would exercise their office and jurisdiction in this behalf, they are forbidden and letted by the Ecclesiastical judges under pain of excommunication. Which thing if it should long continue, and be suffered, the Ecclesiastical judges would shortly take away all manner of causes from the civil Magistrate & his jurisdiction, which is untolerable and derogatory both unto the Emperor's majesty, and other states of the Empire. And albeit that by the common laws, manifest perjuries, adulteries, withcrafts and such other like, may indifferently be punished by Ecclesiastical, or civil judges for the time being, so that prevention in this behalf taketh place: notwithstanding the Ecclesiastical judges go about to usurp unto themselves and their jurisdiction, all such manner of causes: which burden and grievance the civil jurisdiction and power ought not to suffer.   

A complaint against Ecclesiastical judges, intermeddling with cases of the secular Court: but will not suffer their cases once to be touched of the other.  
Moreover, the Ecclesiastical judges say, 
The clergy may deal in civil causes, but the civil magistrate must not deal in theirs.  that in such case it is lawful for them to take profane matters in to their hands, if the civil magistrate be found negligent in executing of justice: but contrariwise they will not suffer that the like order should be kept with them, neither will they permit that in Ecclesiastical matters, any man may complain unto the civil Magistrate, for lack of justice, and require the administration of justice at his hand. Albeit, they do define all laws generally common, & determine how the Canon laws may help and assist the civil, and contrariwise the civil laws, the Canon.   

Complaint against certain misorders of the Cathedral Churches, for using double punishment for one offence, against the law.  
FOrsomuch as it is forbidden both by god's law & man's, 
Certain orders of Cathedral churches reprovable.  that no man should be beaten with 2. rods, that is to say, be punished with 2. kinds of torments: worthily therefore do all wise men detest & abhor the odious statutes of divers cathedral churches, whereby murderers, both men & women, & other, as well light as grievous offenders, have been hitherto vexed & tormented: for hitherto it hath been accustomed that such as were guilty of murder & such other crimes (which they call cases reserved unto the bishops) after they had made their auricular confession, were compelled (to their great ignominy & shame) to do penance in the sight of all the people: which penance were not so much to be disallowed, hearing some semblance of the institution of the primative church, if so be it these busy officials, being content therewith, would not extort more, and greater sums of money, than were right and lawful, and so punish those offenders with double punishment: wherewithal it is to be marveled, how many be offended and grieved. How wicked a thing this is, and how far it differeth from Christ's instititution, we will refer it to every good conscience to judge.   

Complaint of Officials for maintaining unlawful usuries. 
Officials taking pensions of priests for keeping concubines   
FUrthermore, the Officials being alured thorough the greedy and unsatiable desire of money, do not only not forbid unlawful usuries and gains of money, but also suffer and maintain the same. Moreover, they taking a yearly stipend and pension, do suffer the Clergy and other religious persons unlawfully to dwell with their concubines and harlots, and to beget children by them. Both which things, how great peril, offence and detriment they do bring both unto body and soul, every man may plainly see (so that it need not to be rehearsed) except he will make himself as blind as a mole.   

Complaint of Officials permitting unlawful cohabitation with other, when the husband or wife are long absent.  
FUurthermore, where it so happeneth (as it doth oftentimes) that either the good man or the good wife, by means of war or some other vow, hath taken in hand some long journey, and so tarrieth longer than serveth the appetite of the other, the Official taking a reward of the other, giveth licence to the party to dwell with any other person, not having first regard or making inquisition whether the husband or wife being absent, be in health or dead: and because these their doings should not be evil spoken of, they name it a toleration or sufferance, not without great offence unto all men, and to the great contempt of holy matrimony.   

Complaint of Canons in Cathedral Churches, which have their B. sworn unto them, before he be chosen.  

The practice in chapters of cathedral churchches to make the bishop sworn unto them.  THis is also unlawful and plainly wicked, that though Canons of Cathedral Churches, in whose hand the principal part of Ecclesiastical judgements, Synods, and censures do consist, and the Canons of other collegiate churches, which have power and authority to choose their Superior and Bishop, will choose none to their Bishop, except he bind himself first with an oath, and plainly swear, yet and oftentimes is bound by bond and instruments sealed with their seals to them and their Ecclesiastical judges, that in no matter, be it never so grievous, intolerable, or dishonest, he shall not be against them: and if it happen at any time that they do offend, they may do it also without punishment for him.   

* Complaint against incorporations or improperations and other pilling of the people, by Churchmen.  
MAny parish churches are subject unto monasteries, & to the persons of other churches, by means of incorporations (as they call them) or otherwise, 
The inconvenience of improperations.  which they are bound also, according to the canon laws, to foresee & look unto, by themselves, when as they do put them forth unto others to be governed, reserving for the most part unto themselves, the whole stipend of the benefices and tithes: and moreover, aggravate & charge the same with so great pensions, that the hireling priests and other ministers of the Church, can not have thereupon a decent or competent living: whereby it cometh to pass, that these hireling priests (for that they must needs have whereupon to live) do with unlawful exactions, miserably spoil and devour the poor sheep committed unto them, & consume all their substance. For when as the Sacraments of the aultare and of Baptism are to be administered, or when the first, the seventh, the thirty, and year day must be kept, when auricular confession cometh to be heard, 
Cruel exaction▪ of the people by churchmen.  the dead to be buried, or any other ceremony whatsoever, about the funeral is to be done: they will not do it freely, but extort and exact so much money, as the miserable communality is scarce able to disburse, and daily they do increase and augment these their exactions, driving the simple poverty to the payment thereof, by threatening them with excommunication, or by other ways, compelling them to be at charge: which otherwise through poverty, are not able to maintain obsequies, year minds, and such other like ceremonies, as to the funerals of the dead be appertaining.   

* Buying and selling of burials complained of.  
IT is ordained by the Pope's Canons, that burial in the Church should be denied only unto them, 
gain gotten by selling burials.  which being known to be manifest & notorious offenders, have departed this life without receiving of the sacrament. But the clergy not regarding those decrees, will not suffer such as by chance are drowned, killed, slain with falls, or fire, or otherwise by chance have ended their lives, (albeit it be not evident, that they were in deadly sin) to be buried in the churches, until such time, as the wives, children or friends of those men so dead, do with great sums of money purchase and buy the burial of them in the Churchyard.   

* Chaste and continent priests compelled to pay tribute for concubines.  
ALso in many places, the bishops & their Officials do not only suffer Priests to have concubines, 
Concubine permitted for money and chaste priests compelled to pay tribute for concubines.  so that they pay certain sums of money, but also compel continent and chaste Priests, which live without concubines, to pay tribute for concubines, affirming that the B. hath need of money, which being paid, it shallbe lawful for them, either to live chaste or keep concubines. How wicked a thing this is, every man doth well understand and know.  
These with many other burdens and grievances more to the number of an hundredth, the secular states of Germany delivered to the Pope's legate, having (as they said) many more, and more grievous grievances besides these, which had likewise much need of redress: but because they would not exceed the limits of reasonable brevity, they would content themselves (said they) with these aforesaid hundredth, reserving the rest to a more apt and more convenient opportunity, steadfastly trusting & hoping, that when those hundredth grievances, already by them declared, should be abolished, the other would also decay, & fall with them. Of the which foresaid grievances and complaints here is moreover to be noted, that a great part was offered up before, to the Emperor, at the council of worms: but because no redress thereof did follow, therefore the seculare states of Germany thought good to exhibiie the same now again, with divers more annexed thereunto, to Cheregatus the Popes Legate, in this present assemble of Norenberge, 
The diet of Norenberge began an. 1522. and broke up, an. 1523. The death of Pope Adrian. Pope Clement 7.  desiring him to present the same to Pope Adrian. This was about the year of our Lord 1523. Which being done, the assemble of Norenberge broke up for a time, and was prorogued to the next year following.  
In this mean time Pope Adrian died. After him succeeded pope Clement 7. Who the next year following, which was An. 1524. sent down his Legate Cardinal Campeius, unto the Council of the German Princes assembled again at Norenberge, about the month of March, with letters also to duke Friderick, full of many fair petitions, and sharp complaints. etc. 
Cardinal Campeius the Pope's Legate into Germanye. The Pope only seeketh his own dignity, but public reformation he never tendereth.  But as touching the grievances above mentioned, no word nor message at all was sent, neither by Campeius, nor by any other. Thus, where any thing was to be complained of against Luther, either for suppression of the liberty of the Gospel, or for upholding of the Pope's dignity, the Pope was ever ready with all diligence, to call upon the Princes: but where any redress was to be required, for the public wealth of Christian people, or touching the necessary reformation of the church, herein the Pope neither giveth ear, nor answer.  
And thus having discoursed such matters occurrent between the Pope & Princes of Germany, at the Synod of Norenberge, let us now proceed, returning again to the story of Luther: of whom ye heard before, how he was kept secret & solitary for a time, by the advise and conveyance of certain nobles in Saxony, because of the emperors Edict, above mentioned. In the mean time, while Luther had thus absented himself out of Wyttenberge, 
Carolostadius casteth down Images in Wittenberg.  Andraeas Carolostadius proceeding more roughly and eagerly in causes of Religion, had stirred up the people, to throw down Images in the temples, beside other things more. For the which cause, Luther returning again into the city, greatly misliked the order of their doings, and reproved the rashness of Carolostadius, declaring, 
Luther misliketh casting out of Images by strong hand.  that their proceedings herein were not orderly: but that pictures & images ought first to be thrown out of the hearts and consciences of men & that the people ought first to be taught: that we are saved before God, and please him only by faith, and that Images serve to no purpose: this done, and the people well instructed, there was no danger in Images, but they would fall of their own accord. Not that he repugned to the contrary (he said) as though he would maintain Images to stand or to be suffered: but that this aught to be done by the magistrate, and not by force, upon every private man's head, without order and authority. Ex joan. Sled. lib. 3.  
Furthermore, Luther writing of Carolostadius, 
Ex joan. Sled. lib. 3.  affirmeth that he also joined with the sentence of them, which began then to spread about certain parts of Saxony, saying that they were taught of God, that all wickedness being utterly suppressed, and all the wicked doers slain, a new full perfection of all things must be set up, and the innocent only to enjoy all things. etc.  
The cause why Luther so stood against that violente throwing down of Images, and against Carolostadius, seemeth partly to rise of this, by reason that Pope Adrian in his letters sent to the Princes and states of Germany, doth grievously complain, and charge the sect of Luther, for sedition and tumults, and rebellion against Magistrates, as subverters and destroyers of all order and obedience, as appeareth by the words of the Pope's letter before expressed, pag. 854. therefore M. Luther, to stop the mouth of such slanderers, and to prevent such sinister suspicions, was enforced to take this way, as he did: that is, to proceed, as much as he might, by order and authority.  
¶ Wherein are to be noted by the way two special points, touching the doctrine and doings of M. Luther especially for all such who in these our days, now abusing the name & authority of Luther, think themselves to be good Lutherians, 

The causes discussed why Luther permitted Images to stand.  
Two things to be noted in Luther for bearing with Images.   if they suffer Images still to remain in temples, and admit such things in the Church▪ which themselves do wish to be away. The first is the manner how and after what sort Luther did suffer such Images to stand. For although he assented not that the vulgar and private multitude tumultuously by violence should rap them down: yet that is no argument now for the Magistrate, to let them stand. And though he allowed not the Ministers to stir up the people, by forcible means to promote Religion: yet that argueth not, those magistrates to be good Lutherians, which may and should remove them, and will not.  
The second point to be noted is, to consider the cause why that Luther did so stand with standing of Images, which cause was time, and not his own judgement. For albeit in judgement he wished them away, yet time so served not thereunto then, as it serveth now. For then the doctrine of Luther first beginning to spring, and being but in the blade, was not yet known whereto it tended, nor to what it would grow: but rather was suspected to tend to disobedience & sedition: and therefore the Pope hearing of the doings of Carolostadius in Wittenberg, and of other like, took his ground thereby to charge the sect of Luther with sedition, uproars, and dissolute liberty of life. And this was the cause, why Luther compelled then by necessity of time, to save his doctrine from slander of sedition and tumult, being laid to him by the Pope (as ye have heard) was so much offended with Carolostadius and other, for their violence used against Images. For otherwise, had it not been for the Pope's accusations, there is no doubt, but Luther would have been as well contented with abolishing of Images and other monuments of Popery, as he was at the same time, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  contented to write to the Friars Augustine's for abrogating of private Masses. And therefore as Luther in this doing is to be excused, 
Lutherians of this age.  the circumstances considered: so the like excuse perhaps will not serve the overmuch curious imitation of certain Lutherians in this present age now: which considering only the fact of Luther, do not mark the purpose of Luther, neither do expend the circumstances and time of his doings: being not much unlike to the ridiculous imitators of King Alexander the great, which thought it not sufficient to follow him in his virtues, but they would also counterfeit him in his stooping and all other gestures beside: 
How Luther is to be followed.  but to these living now in the Church, in another age than Luther did, it may seem (after my mind) sufficient to follow the same way after Luther, or to walk with Luther, to the kingdom of Christ, though they jump not also in every foot step of his, and keep even the same pace, and turnings in all points, as he did.  
And contrariwise of the other sort, much less are they to be commended, 
Luther not to be contemned for one little blemish.  which running as much on the contrary string, are so precise, that because of one small blemish, or for a little stooping of Luther in the Sacrament, therefore they give clean over the reading of Luther, and fall almost in utter contempt of his books. Whereby is declared not so much the niceness and curiousness of these our days, 

Commendation of Martin Luther's doctrine.  
Cyprian so much delighted in reading of Tertulian, that whensoever he called for his book, he bad reach him his master.   as the hindrance that cometh thereby to the Church, is greatly to be lamented. For albeit the Church of Christ (praised be the Lord) is not unprovided of sufficient plenty of worthy and learned writers, able to instruct in matters of doctrine: yet in the chief points of our consolation, where the glory of Christ, and the power of his passion & strength of faith is to be opened to our conscience, & where the soul wrestling for death and life, standeth in need of serious consolation, the same may be said of Martin Luther, amongst all this other variety of writers, that S. Cyprian was wont to say of Tertulian Da magistrum, give me my master. And albeit that Luther went a little awry, and dissented from Zuinglius in this one matter of the Sacrament: yet in all other states of doctrine they did accord, as appeared in the Synod held at Marpurge, by prince Philip Lautgrave of Hesse, which was in the year of our Lord. 1529. where both Luther, and Zuinglius were present, and conferring together, agreed in these Articles:  
1. On the unity, and Trinity of God. 
The consent between Luther and Zuinglius in cases of doctrine.  2. In the Incarnation of the word. 3. In the passion and resurrection of Christ. 4. In the Article of Original sin. 5. In the Article of Faith in Christ jesu. 6 That this faith cometh not of merits, but by the gift of Cod 7. That this faith is our righteousness. 8. Touching the extreme word. 9 Likewise they agreed in the Arricles of Baptism. 10. Of good works. 11. Of confession. 12 Of Magistrates. 13. Of men's traditions. 14. Of Baptism of infants▪ 15. Lastly concerning the doctrine of the lords Supper, this they did believe and hold, first that both the kinds thereof are to be ministered to the people according to Christ's institution and that the Mass is no such work for the which a man may obtain grace both for the quick, and the dead. Item, that the Sacrament (which they call of the altar) is a true Sacrament of the body and blood of the Lord. Item, that the spiritual manducation of his body and blood is necessary for every Christian man. And furthermore, that the use of the Sacrament tendeth to the same effect, as doth the word, given and ordained of the almighty God, that thereby infirm consciences may be stirred to belief, by the holy Ghost. etc. Ex Paral. abbot. Vrsp.  
In all these sums of doctrine above recited. Luther and Zuinglius did consent and agree. Neither were their opinions so different in the matter of the lords Supper, but that in the principal points they accorded. For if the question be asked of them both, what is the material substance of the Sacrament, which our outward senses do behold and feel: they will both confess bread, and not the accidents only of bread. Further if the question be asked whether Christ be there present: 
Luther & Zuinglius agree in the presence: only in the manner of the presence they diff●●  they will both confess his true presence to be there, only in the manner of presence they differre. Again, ask whether the material substance laid before our eyes in the Sacrament, is to be worshipped: they will both deny it, and judge it Idolatry. And likewise for transubstantiation, and for the sacrifice of the Mass, they both do abhor, and do deny the same: As also the Communion to be in both kinds administered, they do both assent and grant.  
Only their difference is in this, concerning the sense and meaning of the words of Christ: 

How & wherein Luther and Zuinglius dissent in doctrine of the lords supper.  
Luther's opinion in the Sacrament Zuinglius opinion in the Sacrament.   Hoc est corpus meum: This is my body: etc. Which words Luther expoundeth to be taken nakedly and simply, as the letter standeth, without trope or figure, and therefore holdeth the body and blood of Christ truly to be in the bread, and wine, and so also to be received with the mouth. Uldricus Zuinglius, with joannes Oecolampadius and other more, do interpret these words otherwise, as to be taken not literally, but to have a spiritual meaning, & to be expounded by a trope or figure, so that the sense of these words: This is my body, is thus to be expounded: this signifieth my body and blood. Ex joan. Sled. Lib. 5. With Luther consented the Saxons. 
Ex joan. Sled. lib. 5.  With the other side of Zuinglius, went the Heluetians. And as time did grow, so the division of these opinions increased in sides, & spread in farther Realms and countries: the one part being called of Luther Lutherians: 
Lutherians. Sacramentari●●▪  the other having the name of Sacramentaries. notwithstanding in this one unity of opinion, both the Lutherians, & Sacramentaries do accord & agree, 
Ex Paralip. Abb. Vrsp.  that the bread & wine there present is not transubstantiate into the body & blood of Christ (as is said) but is a true Sacrament of the body & blood.  
But hereof sufficient, touching this division between the Lutherans and zwinglians. In which division, if there have been any defect in Martin Luther: yet is that no cause why either the Papists may greatly triumph, or why the Protestants should despise Luther. For neither is the doctrine of Luther touching the Sacrament, so gross that it maketh much with the Papists: nor yet so discrepaunt from us, that therefore he ought to be exploded. And though a full reconciliation of this difference can not well be made (as some have gone about to do) yet let us give to Luther a moderate interpretation, & if we will not make things better, yet let us not make them worse than they be, 
Lutherians and zwinglians differ more in charity then in doctrine.  & let us bear, if not with the manner, yet at least with the time of his teaching: and finally let it not be noted in us, that we should seem to differre in Charity more (as Bucer said) than we do in doctrine. But of this hereafter more (Christ willing) when we come to the history of john Frith.  
They which writ the life of saints, use to describe and to extol their holy life & godly virtues, and also to set forth such miracles as be wrought in them by God: Whereof there lacketh no plenty in Martin Luther, but rather time lacketh to us and opportunity to tarry upon them, having such haste to other things. Otherwise what a miracle might this seem to be, for one man, & a poor Friar, creeping out of a blind cloister, to be set up against the Pope, the universal Bishop and Gods mighty Vicar in earth: to withstand all his Cardinals: yea and to sustain the malice and hatred almost of the whole world, being set against him: and to work that against the said Pope, Cardinals and Church of Rome, 
A notable miracle of God to overthrow the Pope by a poor Friar.  which no King nor Emperor could ever do, yea durst never attempt, nor all the learned men before him, could ever compass. Which miraculous work of God, I recount nothing inferior to the miracle of David overthrowing great Goliath. Wherefore if miracles do make a Saint (after the Pope's definition) what lacketh in Martin Luther but age and time only to make him a Saint? who standing openly against the Pope, Cardinals, and prelate's of the Church, in number so many, in power so terrible, in practice so crafty, having Emperors, and all the Kings of the earth against him, who teaching and preaching Christ the space of nine and twenty years, could without touch of all his enemies so quietly in his own country, where he was borne, die and sleep in peace. 
Three miracles noted in M. Luther.  In the which Martin Luther, first to stand against the Pope, was a great miracle: to prevail against the Pope, a greater: so to die untouched, may seem greatest of all, especially having so many enemies as he had. Again, neither is it any thing less miraculous, to consider what manifold dangers he escaped beside, as when a certain jew was appointed to come to destroy him by poison, yet was it so the will of God, that Luther had warning thereof before, and the face of the jew sent to him by picture, whereby he knew him, and avoided the peril.  
Another time as he was sitting in a certain place upon his stool, 
M. Luther miraculously preserved.  a great stone there was in the vault, over his head where he did sit, which being stayed miraculously, so long as he was sitting, as soon as he was up, immediately fell upon the place where he sat, able to have crushed him all in pieces if it had light upon him.  
And what should I speak of his prayers, which were so ardent unto Christ, that (as Melancthon writeth) they which stood under his window, where he stood praying, might see his tears falling and dropping down. Again, with such power he prayed, that he (as himself confesseth) had obtained of the Lord, that so long as he lived, the Pope should not prevail in his country: after his death (said he) let them pray who could.  

M. Luther vehement & mighty in prayer.  And as touching the marvelous works of the Lord, wrought here by men, if it be true which is credibly reported by the learned, what miracle can be more miraculous, then that which is declared of a young man about Wittenberg, who being kept bare and needy by his father, was tempted by way of sorcery, to bargain with the Devil, or a familiar (as they call him) to yield himself body and soul into the devils power, 
A miraculous work of the Lord in delivering a young man out of the devils danger by Christian prayer.  upon condition to have his wish satisfied with money: So that upon the same, an obligation was made by the young man, written with his own blood, and given to the Devil. This case you see, how horrible it was, and how damnable: now hear what followed. Upon the sudden wealth and alteration of this young man, the matter first being noted, began afterward more & more, to be suspected, and at length, after long and great admiration, was brought unto Martin Luther, to be examined. The young man, whether for shame or fear, long denied to confess, and would be known of nothing. Yet God so wrought, being stronger than the Devil, that he uttered unto Luther the whole substance of the case, as well touching the money, as the obligation. Luther understanding the matter, and pitiing the lamentable state of the man, willed the whole congregation to pray: and he himself ceased not with his prayers to labour, so that the Devil was compelled at the last to throw in his obligation at the window, and bade him take it again unto him. Which narration, if it be so true as certainly it is of him reported, I see not the contrary, but that this may well seem comparable with the greatest miracle in Christ's Church, that was since the Apostles time.  
Furthermore, as he was mighty in his prayers: so in his Sermons God gave him such a grace, that when he preached, they which heard him, thought every one his own temptations severally to be noted and touched. Whereof, when signification was given unto him by his friends, and he demanded how that could be: mine own manifold temptations (said he) and experiences are the cause thereof. 
Ex phil Melanct. in orat funebri. Ex Hierony. Wellero.  For this thou must understand (good reader) that Luther, from his tender years, was much beaten and exercised with spiritual conflicts, as Melancthon in describing of his life, doth testify. Also Hieronymus Wellerus, scholar and disciple of the said Martin Luther, recordeth, that he oftentimes heard Luther his master thus report of himself: that he had been assaulted and vexed with all kinds of temptations, saving only one, 
Luther ●●●uer in all his life tempted with covetousnesses M. Luther how long he lived ● taught.  which was, with covetousness. With this vice he was never (said he) in all his life troubled, nor once tempted. And hitherto concerning the life of Martin Luther: who lived to the year of his age 63. He continued writing and preaching, about 29. years. As touching the order of his death, the words of Melancthon be these.  
In the year of our Lord 1546. and the 17. of February, Doctor Martin Luther sickened a little before supper, of his accustomed malady, to wit, of the oppression of humours in the orifice or opening of his stomach, whereof I remember I have seen him oft diseasid in this place. 
The sickne● of Luther.  This sickness took him after supper, with the which he vehemently contending, required secesse into a buy chamber, and there he rested on his bed two hours, all which time his pains increased. And as Doctor jonas was lying in his chamber, Luther awaked, and prayed him to rise, and to call up Ambrose his children's schoolmaster, to make fire in another chamber. Into the which, when he was newly entered, Albert Earl of Mansfield, 
The quiet death of Luther.  with his wife and divers other (whose names in these letters for haste, were not expressed) at that instant came into his chamber. Finally, feeling his fatal hour to approach, before nine of the clock in the morning, the xviij. of February, he commended himself to God, with this devour prayer.    

¶ The Prayer of Luther at his death.  
MY heavenly father, eternal and merciful God, thou hast manifested unto me thy dear son, our Lord jesus Christ. 
The prayer of Luther 〈◊〉 his death.  I have taught him, I have known him, I love him as my life, my health, and my redemption▪ whom the wicked have persecuted, maligned, and with injury afflicted. Draw my soul to thee. After this, he said as ensueth, thrice.  
I commend my spirit into thy hands, thou hast redeemed me, O God of truth. GOD so loved the world, that he gave his only son, that all those that believe in him, should have life everlasting. john. iij▪  
Having repeated oftentimes his prayers, he was called to God, unto whom so faithfully he commended his spirit, to enjoy, no doubt, the blessed society of the patriarchs, Prophets, and Apostles in the kingdom of God the Father, the Son, and the holy Ghost. Let us now love the memory of this man, and the doctrine that he hath taught. Let us learn to be modest and meek. Let us consider the wretched calamities, and marvelous changes that shall follow this mishap and doleful chance. I beseech thee, O son of God, crucified for us, and resuscitated Emanuel, govern, conserve and defend thy Church. Haec Melancthon.  
Fridericus Prince elector died long before Luther, in the year of our Lord 1525. leaving no issue behind him, 
The death of Duke Fridericke.  for that he lived a single life, and was never married: wherefore after him succeeded john Fridericke, D. of Saxony.  
Mention was made a little before, page 859. of the Ministers of Strausburgh, which because of their Marriage, 
Disceptation between the Senate of Strausburgh, and Cardinal Campeius, about married ministers.  were in trouble and cited by the Bishop, to appear before him, and thereto be judged without the precinct of the City of Strausburgh: whereas there had been a contrary order taken before between the Bishop, and the City, that the Bishop should execute no judgement upon any, but under some of the Magistrates of the said City of Strausburgh. Whereupon the Senate and Citizens taking into their hands the cause of these married Ministers, in defence of their own right and liberties, wrote (as is said) to their Bishop of Strausburgh, and caused the judgement thereof a while to be stayed. By reason whereof the matter was brought at length, before Cardinal Campeius Legate, sent by Pope Clement to the assemble of Norenberge, an. 1524.  
The chief doer in this matter was one Thomas Murnerus, a Franciscane Friar, who had commenced a grievous complaint against the Senate and City of Strausburgh, before the foresaid Cardinal Campeius. 

Murnerus a Friar, an accuser of married ministers.  
The Senate of Strausburgh purgeth themselves to Cardinal Campeius.   Wherefore the Senate, to purge themselves, sent their Ambassadors, thus clearing their cause, and answering to their accusation: That they neither had been, nor would be any let to the Bishop, but had signified to him before by their letters, that whatsoever he could lay against those married Priests, consonant to the law of God, they would be no stay, but rather a furtherance unto him, to proceed in his action. But the Senate herein was not a little grieved, that the Bishop, contrary to the order and compact, which was taken between him and them, did call the said Ministers out of the liberties of their City: For so it was between them agreed, that no Ecclesiastical person should be adjudged, but under some judge of their own City. But now contrary to the said agreement, the Bishop called those Ministers out of their liberties, 
The Bishop of Strausburgh breaketh the agreement made, & the liberties of the City.  and so the Ministers claiming the right and privilege of the City, were condemned, their cause being neither heard nor known. And now if the Senate should show themselves any thing more sharp or rigorous unto those Ministers, in claiming the right of the City, the people; no doubt, would not take it well, but happily would rise up in some commotion against them, in the quarrel and defence of their franchises and liberties.  
And where it is objected, that they receive Priests and men of the Clergy, into the freedom and protection of their City, to this they answered, that they did nothing herein, but which was correspondent to the ancient usage and manner of the City before: and moreover, that it was the Bishops own request & desire, made unto them so to do.  
To this the Cardinal again advising well the letters of the Bishop, 

The answer of Campeius to the ambassadors.  
The Pope's prelate's be lawless, and can break no order whatsoever they do. The ambassadors reply against the Cardinal.   & the whole order of the matter, which was sent unto him, declared that he right well understood by the letters sent, that the Ministers in deed (as the Ambassadors said) were called out from the freedom, & liberties of the City, and yet no order of law was broken therein: for as much as the Bishop (said he) had there no less power and authority, then if he were his own Vicar delegate, and therefore he desired them, that they would assist the Bishop in punishing the foresaid Ministers, etc.  
After much other talk and reasoning on both parts, wherein the Ambassadors argued in defence of their freedom, that the judgement should not be transferred out of the City: among other communication, they inferred moreover and declared, how in the City of Strausburgh were many, yea the most part of the Clergy, which lived viciously and wickedly with their strumpets & harlots, whom they kept in their houses, 
Holy matrimony punished, wicked whoredom escapeth.  to the great offence of the people, shame to Christ's Church, and pernicious example of other: and yet the Bishop would never once stir to see any punishing or correction thereof. Wherefore if the Senate (said the Ambassadors) should permit the Bishop to extend his cruelty and extremity against these married Ministers, for not observing the Bishop of Rooms law, and leave the other notorious whoremasters, which broke the law of God, to escape unpunished, doubtless it would redound to their great danger and peril, not only before God, but also among the commons of their City, ready to rise upon them.  
To this Campeius answered, what composition or bargain was betwixt the Bishop and then, 
Campeius answereth.  he knew not: but surely the Act of the one was manifest, and needed no great trial in law of proving and confessing, and therefore they were sequestered and abandoned from the communion of the Church, ipso facto. As for the other sort of them, which keep harlots and concubines although (said he) it be not well done: 
Ipso facto, that is, upon the very doing of the act without any further judgement or trial by the law.  yet doth it not excuse the enormity of their Marriage. Neither was he ignorant, but that it was the manner of the Bishops of Germany, for money to wink at Priests lemons, and the same also was evil done in deed: and farther, that the time should come, when they shall be called to an account for the same: but yet nevertheless it is not sufferable that Priests therefore should have wives. And if comparison should be made (said he) much greater offence it were, a Priest to have a wife, then to have and keep at home many harlots. His reason was this: For they that keep harlots (said he) as it is nought that they do, 

A fit reason for a carnal Cardinal: better it is to have many concubines, than one wife ..  
Touching the Greek church how untruly this Cardinal speaketh turn to the pag. 187. The ambassadors reply.   so do they acknowledge their sin: the other persuade themselves to do well, and so continue still without repentance, or conscience of their fact. All men (said he) can not be chaste, as john Baptist was: yet can it not be proved by any example, to be lawful for Priests professing chastity, to leave their single life, and to marry: no not the Greeks themselves, which in rites be differing from us, do give this liberty to their own Priests to marry: wherefore he prayed them to give their aid to the Bishop in this behalf.  
Whereunto the Ambassadors replied again, saying, that if he would first punish the whoremasters, than might the Senate assist him the better in correcting the other. But the Cardinal was still instant upon them, that first they should assist their Bishop, and then if the Bishop would not punish whoredom, he would come thither himself, and see them punished accordingly.  
This Cardinal Campeius, how he was sent by Pope Clement the sixth, to the second assemble or diet of Norenberge, 
The assembly or Diet at Ratisbone.  ann. 1524. and what was there done by the said Cardinal, is before signified, page 862. After this Council of Norenberge, immediately followed another sitting at Ratisbone, where were present Ferdinandus, Campeius, the Cardinal of Salisburge, the two Dukes of Bavaria, the Bishops of Trent and Ratisbone: also the Legates of the Bishops, Bamberge, Spires, Strausburgh, Augsburg, Constance, basil, Frising, Passame, and Brixine. By whom in the said assemble was concluded: That for somuch as the Emperor, at the request of Pope Leo, had condemned by his public Edict set forth at Worms, the doctrine of Luther, for erroneous and wicked, and also it was agreed upon in both the assembles of Noremberge, that the said Edict should be obeyed of all men: they likewise at the request of Cardinal Campeius, do will, and command the foresaid Edict to be observed through all their fines and precincts: That the Gospel, and all other holy Scriptures in Churches should be taught according to the interpretation of the ancient forefathers: That all they which revive any old heresies before condemned, or teach any new thing contumelious, either against Christ, his blessed mother, and holy Saints, or which may breed any occasion of sedition, the same to be punished according to the tenor of the Edict above said: 
Popish decrees▪ made at the council of Ratisbone.  That none be admitted to preach without the licence of his ordinary: That they which be already admitted, shall be examined how, and what they preach: that the laws which Campeius is about to set forth for reformation of manners, shallbe observed: That in the Sacraments, in the Mass, and all other things, there shallbe no innovation, but all things to stand, as in foretime they did: That all they which approach to the lords Supper without confession and absolution, or do eat flesh on days forbidden, or which do run out of their order: also Priests, Deacons, and Subdeacons, that be married, shall be punished: That nothing shall be Printed without consent of the Magistrate: That no book of Luther, or any Lutherian shall be Printed or sold: That they of their jurisdiction which study in the University of Wittenberg, shall every one repair home within three months after the publishing hereof, or else turn to some other place free from the infection of Luther, under pain of confiscating all their goods, and losing their inheritance: That no benefice, nor other office of teaching, be given to any student of that University. Item, that certain inquisitors fit for the same, be appointed to inquire and examine the premises: Item, lest it may be said that this faction of Luther taketh his origine of the corrupt life of Priests, the said Campeius, with other his assisters in the said convocation of Ratisbone, chargeth and commandeth, that Priests live honestly, go in decent apparel, play not the merchants, haunt not the taverns, be not covetous, nor take money for their ministration: Such as keep concubines to be removed: The number also of holy days to be diminished. etc.  
These things would Campeius have had enacted in a full Council & with the consents of all the Empire: but when he could not bring that to pass, 
Campeius m●●sed of his purpose in Germany.  by reason that the minds of divers were gone from the Pope, he was fain therefore to get the same ratified in this particular conventicle, with the assents of these Bishops above rehearsed.  
These things thus hitherto discoursed, which fully may be seen in the Commentaries of joh. Sledan, it remaineth next after the story of Martin Luther, somewhat to adjoin likewise touching the history of Zuinglius & of the Heluetians. But before I come to the explication of this story it shall not be inconvenient, first to give some little touch of the towns called pages, of these Heluetians, & of their league and confederation first begun amongst them.   

¶ The history of the Heluetians or Suitzers, how first they recovered their liberty, and after were joined in league together.  
THe Heluetians, whom otherwise we call Suitzers, 

How the Heluetians came free & joined together in league. Ex Chronic. Heluetic. Ex Sebasti. Munster. Cosmog. Lib. 3.  
Ex Comment. joan. Sled. lib. 3.   are divided principally into xiii. pages. The names of whom are, Tigurini, Bernates, Lucernates, Urani, Suicenses, Unterualdij, Tugiani, Glareanti, Basilienses, Solodurij, Friburgij, Scafusiani, Apecellenses. Furthermore, to these be added seven. other Pages, albeit not with such a full bond, as the other, be together conjoined: which be these, Rheti, Lepontij, Seduni, Ueragri, Sangalli, Mullusiani, Rotulenses. Of these xiii. confederate Pages above recited, these three were the first, to wit, Urania, Suicenses, and Siluanij (or as some call them Unterualdij) which joined themselves together.  
If credit should be given to old narrations, these iij. pages 
* Note that the Pages in Suitzerland are for the most part situate in valleys.  or valleys first suffered great servitude & thraldom under cruel rulers or governors: In so much that the governor of Siluania 
* Extortion in rulers.  required of one of the inhabitants, a yoke of his Oxen: which when the towns man denied to give him, the ruler sent his servant by force to take his Oxen from him. This when the servant was about to do, cometh the poor man's son, & cutteth of one of his fingers, & upon the same avoided. The governor hearing this, taketh the poor man, and putteth out his eyes.  
Another time in the said Syluania, as the good man of the house was absent abroad, 
Example of true chastity in a matron.  the governor which had then the rule of the town, entering into the house, commandeth the wife to prepare for him a bath, and to let him have his pleasure of her. Whereunto she being unwilling, differred the bathe as long as she might, till the return of her husband. 
Adultery justly punished.  To whom then she making her complaint, so moved his mind, that he with his axe or hatchet which he had in his hand, flew upon the adulterous ruler & slew him.  
Another example of like violence is reported of the ruler of Suicia, 
Example of singular tyranny.  and Siluania, who surprised with like pride and disdain against the poor underlings, caused his cap to be hanged up upon a pole, charging and commanding by his servant, all that passed by, to do obeisance to the cap. Which, 
W. Tell.  when one, named William Tell, refused to do, the tyrant caused his son to be tied, with an apple set upon his head, and the father with a crossbow, or a like instrument, to shoot at the apple. After long refusing, when the woeful father could not otherwise choose, by force constrained, but must leavill at the apple, as God would, he missed the child, and struck the mark. This Tell, being thus compelled by the tyrant to shoot at his son, had brought with him two shafts, thinking that if he had struck the child with the one, the other he would have let drive at the tyrant. Which being understand, he was apprehended, and led to the ruler's house: but by the way escaping out of the boat, between Urania and Brun, and passing through the mountains with as much speed as he might, 
Pride and tyranny well rewarded.  he lay in the way secretly as the ruler should pass, where he discharged his a-row at the tyrant, and slew him.  
And thus were these cruel governors utterly expelled out of these three valleys or pages aforesaid, and after that, such order was taken by the Emperor Henricus 7. and also by the emperors Ludovicus duke of Bavaria, that henceforth no judge should be set over them, but only of their own company, 
Ex Sebast. Munst. Cosmog. lib. 3.  and town dwellers. Ex Seb. Munst. Cosmog. lib. 3.  
It followed after this, in the year of our Lord 1315. that great contention and war fell between Fridericke Duke of Austria, and Ludovick Duke of Bavaria, striving and fight the space of eight years together about the Empire. With Ludovicus held the three pages aforesaid: who had divers conflicts with Lupoldus, brother to the forenamed Fridericke Duke of Austria, fight in his brother's quarrel. As Lupoldus had reared a mighty army of twenty thousand footmen and horsemen, and was come to Egree, so to pass over the mountains to subdue the pages: he began to take advise of his counsel, by what way or passage best he might direct his journey toward the Suitzers. Whereupon, as they were busy in consulting, there stood a fool by (named Kune de Stocken) which hearing their advise, 
A fools bolt sometimes hits the mark.  thought also to shoot his bolt withal, and told them that their counsel did not like him. For all you (quoth he) consult how we should enter into yonder country: but none of you giveth any counsel how to come out again, after we be entered. And in conclusion, as the fool said, so they found it true. For when Lupoldus, with his host had entered into the straits and valleys between the rocks and mountains, the Suitzers with their neighbours of Urania, and Siluania, lying in privy wait, had them at such advantage, & with tumbling down stones from the rocks, and sudden coming upon their backs in blind lanes, did so encumber them, that neither they had convenient standing to fight, nor room almost to fly away. By reason whereof, a great part of Lupoldus army there being enclosed about the place called Morgarten, lost their lives, & many in the flight were slain. Lupoldus with them that remained, retired and escaped to Thurgoia. This battle was fought, anno. 1315. November 16.  
After this, the burghers of these three villages, being continually vexed by Fridericke Duke of Austria, 
The first league between the 3. Pages.  for that they would not knowledge him for Emperor, assembled themselves in the town of Urania, an. 1316. and there entered a mutual league and bond of perpetual society and conjunction, joining and swearing themselves, as in one body of a common wealth, and public administration, together. After that came to them Lucernates, than Tugiani, after them the Tigurines, next to them followed Bernates, the last almost of all, were the Basilians, than followed after, the other seven pages above recited.  
And thus have ye the names, the freedom, and confederation of these Suitz●rs, or Cantons or pages of Helvetia, with the occasions & circumstances thereof briefly expressed. Now to the purpose of our story intended, which is to declare the success of Christ's Gospel and true Religion received among these Heluetians: also touching the life & doctrine of Zuinglius, & order of his death, as here ensueth.   

¶ The acts and life of Zuinglius, and of receiving the Gospel in Zuitzerland.  
IN the tractation of Luther's story, mention was made before of Uldricus Zuinglius, 
Vldricus Zuinglius.  who first abiding at Glarona, in a place called then our Lord's Ermitage, from thence removed to Zuricke, about the year of our Lord 1519. and there began to teach, dwelling in the Minster among the Canons or Priests of that close, using with them, the same rites and ceremonies during the space of ij. or iij. years, where he continued reading and explaining the Scriptures unto the people with great travail, 
Zuinglius reading the scriptures at Zurike. Zuinglius against the Pope's pardons.  and no less dexterity. And because Pope Leo, the same year, had renewed his pardons again through all countries (as is above declared) Zuinglius zealously withstood the same, detecting the abuses thereof by the Scriptures, and of other corruptions reigning then in the Church, and so continued by the space of two years and more, till at length Hugo Bishop of Constance (to whose jurisdiction Zuricke then also did belong) hearing thereof, 
Anno. 1521.  wrote his letters to the Senate of the said City of Zuricke, 
The Bishop of Constance complaineth against Zuinglius.  complaining grievously of Zuinglius, who also wrote another letter to the college of Canons, where Zuinglius was the same time dwelling, complaining likewise of such new teachers, which troubled the Church, and exhorted them earnestly, to beware and to take diligent heed to themselves. And forsomuch as both the Pope and the emperors Majesty had condemned all such new doctrine by their decrees and Edicts, he willed them therefore to admit no such new innovations of doctrine, without the common consent of them, to whom the same did appertain. Zuinglius hearing thereof, referreth his cause to the judgement and hearing of the Senate, not refusing to render unto them account of his faith. And forsomuch as the bishops letter was read openly in the college, Zuinglius directeth another letter to the Bishop again, declaring that the said letter proceeded not from the Bishop, nor that he was ignorant who were the authors thereof, desiring him not to follow their sinister counsels, for that truth (said he) is a thing invincible, and can not be resisted. After the same tenor, certain other of the City likewise wrote unto the Bishop, desiring him that he would attempt nothing, that should be prejudicial to the liberty and free course of the Gospel: requiring moreover, that he would forbear no longer the filthy and infamous life of priests, but that he would permit them to have their lawful wives, etc. This was in the year of our Lord 1522.  
Besides this, 
Zuinglius writeth to the Heluetians.  Zuinglius wrote also another letter to the whose nation of the Heluetians, monishing them, in no case to hinder the passage of sincere doctrine, nor to infer any molestation to Priests that were married. For as for the vow and coaction of their single life, it came (said he) of the devil, and a devilish thing it is. And therefore, 
priests marriage.  whereas the said Heluetians had such a rite and custom in their towns and pages, that when they received any new Priest into their Churches, 
An old use of the Heluetians to forewarn their priests to take concubines.  they used to premonish him before to take his concubine, lest he should attempt any misuse with their wives and daughters: he exhorted them that they would no less grant unto them to take their wives in honest matrimony, then to take concubines and harlots, against the precept of God.  
Thus as Zuinglius continued certain years, 
Zuinglius resisted by adversaries  labouring in the word of the Lord, offence began to rise at this new doctrine, and divers stepped up, namely the Dominicke Friars on the contrary side, to preach & inveigh against him. But he keeping himself ever within the Scriptures, protested that he would make good by the word of God, that which he had taught. Upon this the Magistrates and Senate of Zuricke, sent forth their commandment to all priests and ministers within their dominion, to repair to the city of Zuricke, 
Disputations at Zuricke about religion.  against the xxix. day of january next ensuing (this was anno. 1523.) there every one to speak freely, and to be heard quietly, touching these controversies of religion, what could be said, directing also their letters to the Bishop of Constance, that he would either make his repair thither himself, or else to send his deputy. When the day appointed came, and the Bishop's vicegerent, which was joannes Faber, was also present: 
joan. Faber Stapulensis against Zuinglius. Ex Sled. lib 3.  the Consul first declaring the cause of this their frequency and assemble (which was for the dissension newly risen about matters of Religion) required, that if any there had to object, or infer against the doctrine of Zuinglius, he should freely and quietly utter and declare his mind.  
Zuinglius had disposed his matter before, 
Lxvij articles of Zuinglius.  and contrived all his doctrine in a certain order of places, to the number of lxvij. Articles: which articles he had published also abroad before, to the end that they which were disposed, might resort thither better prepared to the disputation. When the Consul had finished that which he would say, and had exhorted other to begin: then Faber first entering the matter, begun to declare the cause of his sending thither, and afterward would persuade, that this was no place convenient, nor time fit for discussing of such matter by disputation, 
john Faber refuseth disputation.  but rather that the cognition and tractation thereof belonged to a general Council, which he said, was already appointed, and now near at hand. Notwithstanding, Zuinglius still continued urging and requiring him, that if he had there any thing to say, or to dispute, he would openly and freely utter his mind. To this he answered again, that he would confute his doctrine by writing. This done, with a few other words on both sides had to and fro, when no man would appear, 
The assemble of Zuricke broke up without disputation. The Gospel publicly received in Zuricke. Traditions of men abolished.  there to offer any disputation, the assemble brake and was discharged. Whereupon the Senate of Zuricke incontinent caused to be proclaimed through all their dominion and territory, that the traditions of men should be displaced and abandoned, and the Gospel of Christ purely taught out of the old and new Testament an. 1523. Ex joan. Sled. lib. 3.  
When the Gospel thus began to take place, and to flourish in Zuricke and certain other places of Helvetia, the year next following, ann. 1524. another assemble of the Heluetians was convented at Lucerna, where this decree was made on the contrary part: That no man should deride or contemn the word of God, which had been taught now above a thousand & four hundredth years heretofore: nor the Mass to be scorned, wherein the body of Christ is consecrated, to the honour of God, and to the comfort both of the quick, & the dead.  
That they which are able to receive the Lords body at Easter, shall confess their sins in Lent to the Priest, and do all other things, as the use and manner of the Church requireth.  
That the rites and customs of holy Church be kept.  
That every one obey his own proper pastor and curate, and to receive the Sacraments of him, after the manner of holy Church, and to pay him his yearly duties.  
That honour be given to Priests.  

Constitutions made in the council of Lucerne.  Item, to abstain from flesheating on fasting days, and in Lent to abstain from eggs and cheese.  
That no opinion of Luther be taught privily or apertly, contrary to the received determination of holy Church, and that in taverns and at table, no mention be made of Luther, or any new doctrine.  
That Images and pictures of Saints in every place be kept inviolate.  
That Priests and Ministers of the Church be not compelled to render account of their doctrine, but only to the Magistrate.  
That due aid and supportation be provided for them, if any commotion do happen.  
That no person deride the relics of the holy spirit, or of our Lady, or of Saint Anthony.  
Finally, that all the laws and decrees set forth by the Bishop of Constance, be observed.  
These constitutions whosoever shall transgress, let them be presented to the Magistrate, and overseers be set over them that shall so transgress.  
After these things concluded thus at Lucerna, the Cantons of Helvetia together direct their public letter to the Tygurines or men of Zuricke, 
The letter of the Heluetians to the Tygurines.  wherein they do much lament and complain of this new broached doctrine which hath set all men together by the ears, through the occasion of certain rash and new-fangled heads, which have greatly disturbed both the state of the Church, and of the common wealth, and have scattered the seeds of discord: whereas before time, all things were well in quiet. And although this sore (said they) ought to have been looked to by time, so that they should not have suffered the glory of Almighty God, and of the blessed virgin and other Saints so be dishonoured, but rather should have bestowed their goods and lives to maintain the same: yet notwithstanding they required them now to look upon the matter: which otherwise would bring to them destruction both of body and soul: as for example, they might see the doctrine of Luther, what fruit it brought. The rude and vulgar people now (said they) could not be holden in, but would burst forth to all licence and rebellion, as hath appeared by sufficient proofs o'late: and like is to be feared also among themselves, and all by the occasion of Zuinglius, and of Leo juda, which so take upon them to expound the word of God, 
Zuinglius and Leo juda, were preachers at this time in Zuricke.  after their own interpretation, opening thereby whole doors and windows to discord and dissension. Albeit of their doctrine they were not certain what they did teach: yet what inconvenience followed upon their doctrine, they had to much experienced. For now all fasting was laid down, and all days were alike to eat both flesh & eggs, as well one as an other: Priests & religious persons both men & women broke their vows ran out of their order, and fell to marrying: Gods service was decayed, singing in the church left, and prayer ceased: Priests grew in contempt: Religious men were thrust out of their cloisters: Confession, and penance was neglected: so that men would not stick to presume to receive at the holy altar, without any confession made to the Priest before. The holy mass was dirided and scorned: Our blessed Lady, and other saints blasphemed: Images pluck down & broken in pieces, neither was there any honour given to the Sacraments. To make short, men now were grown unto such a licence and liberty that uneath the holy host could be safe within the Priest's hands. etc.  
The disorder of all which things, as it is of no small importance, so it was (said they) to them so grievous and lamentable, that they thought it their part to suffer the same no longer. Neither was this the first time (they said) of this their complaining, when in their former assemble they sent unto them before, the like admonition writing to them by certain of the clergy, and craving their aid in the same. Which seeing it is so, they did now again earnestly call upon them touching the premises, desiring them to surcease from such doings, and to take a better way, continuing in the religion of their old ancestors, which were before them. And if there were any such thing, wherein they were grieved & offended against the Bishop of Rome, the Cardinals, Bishops, or other Prelates, either for their ambition, in heaping, exchanging, and selling the dignities of the Church, or for their oppression in pilling men's purses with their indulgences, or else for their usurped jurisdiction, and power which they extend too far, & corruptly apply it to matters extern & political, which only ought to serve in such cases as be spiritual: if these and such other abuses were the causes, wherewith they were so grievously offended, they promised that for the correction & reformation thereof, they would also themselves join their diligence and good will thereto, for somuch as themselves also did not a little mislike therewith, & therefore would confer their counsels together with them, how & by which way, such grievances might best be removed.  
To this effect were the letters of the Heluetians written to the Senate & Citizens of Zuricke. Whereunto the Tigurines made their answer again, the xxi. day of March, the same year, in manner as here followeth.   

¶ An answer again of the Tygurines to the Letter aforesaid.  
FIrst, 
* The letter of the Tigurines, answering again the letter of the Heluetians.  declaring how their Ministers had laboured and travailed amongst them, teaching and preaching the word of God unto them the space now of v. years. Whose doctrine at the first, seemed to them very strange and novel, because they never heard the same before. But after that they understood and perceived, the 
* If the scope of doctrine be well marked between the Papists and the Protestants ' it will not be hard for any man to judge which is the truer doctrine. For the whole end and scope of the Pope's doctrine, tendeth to set up the honour and wealth of man, as may appear by the doctrine of supremacy, of confession, of the mass, of the Sacrament of the altar, etc. all which do tend to the magnyfiing of the Priests: like as Purgatory, obsequies, pardons, and such other, serve for their profit. Contrariwise the teaching of the Protestants, as well touching justification, original sin▪ as also the Sacraments and invocation, and all other such like, tend only to the setting up of Christ alone, and casting down of man. No injury to Saints if Christ only be worshipped.  scope of that doctrine only to tend to this, to set forth Christ jesus unto us to be the pillar and refuge of all our salvation, which gave his life and blood for our redemption and which only delivered us also sinful misers from eternal death, and is the only Advocate of mankind before God: they could no otherwise do, but with ardent affection receive so wholesome and joyful message.  
The holy Apostles, and faithful Christians, after they had received the Gospel of Christ, did not fall out by and by in debate and variunce, but lovingly agreed and consented together: and so they trusted (said they) that they should do, if they would likewise receive the word of God, setting aside men's doctrines and traditions dissonant from the same.  
Whatsoever Luther, or any other man doth teach, whether it be right or wrong, it is not for the names of the persons, why the doctrine which they teach should be either evil or well judged upon, but only for that it agreeth or disagreeth from the rule of God's word: for that were but to go by affection, and were prejudicial to the authority of the word of God: which ought to rule man, and not to be measured by man.  
And if Christ only be worshipped, and men taught, solely to repose their confidence in him, yet neither doth the blessed virgin, nor any Saint else receive any injury thereby, who being here in earth received their salvation only by the name of him.  
And where as they charge their Ministers with wresting the Scripture after their own interpretation, God had stirred up such light now in the hearts of men, that the most part of their City, have the Bible in their hand, and diligently peruse the same: so that their Preachers can not so wind the Scriptures awry, but they shall quickly be perceived. 
Who be they that wrest the scripture.  Wherefore there is no danger, why they should fear any sects, or factions in them: but rather such sects are to be objected to those, who for their gain and dignity, wrest the word of God after their own affections and appetites.  
And where as they and other have accused them of error, 
Error many times objected where none can be proved.  yet was there never man, that could prove any error in them: Although divers Bishops of Constance, of basil, of Curiake, with divers Universities beside: also they themselves, have been sundry times desired so to do, yet to this present day, neither they, nor ever any other so did, neither were they, nor any of all the foresaid Bishops, at their last assemble, being requested to come, so gentle to repair unto them, save only the Schashusians, and Sangallians. In the which foresaid assemble of theirs, all such as were then present, considering thoroughly the whole case of the matter, condescended together with them.  
And if the Bishops happily will object again and say: that the word of God ought not so to be handled of the vulgar people: they answered the same not to stand with equity and reason. For albeit it did belong to the Bishop's office, to provide that the sheep should not go astray, and most convenient it were, that by them they should be reduced into the way again: 
Bishops neither will feed the flock, nor yet suffer them to feed themselves.  yet because they will not see to their charge, but leave it undone, referring all things to the fathers, and to Counsels, therefore right and reason it is, that they themselves should hear and learn, not what man doth determine, but what Christ himself doth command in his Scripture. Neither have their Ministers given any occasion of this division, but rather it is to be imputed to such, which for their own private lucre and preferments, contrary to the word of the Lord, do seduce the people into error, and grievously offending God, do provoke him to plague them with manifold calamities. Who, if they would renounce the greediness of their own gain, and would follow the pure doctrine of his word, seeking not the will of man, but what is the will of God, no doubt but they should soon fall to agreement.  

* It was the Pope's law then, that in Lent no man should eat flesh nor eggs, nor any white meat: wherein it may seem to be verified which S. Paul doth prophesy. 1. Thess. 4. In the latter days certain shall depart from the faith, hearkening to the doctrine of devils, forbidding to marry & to eat. etc. Priest's marriage. Vows of chastity, not agreeing to God's law.  As for the eating of flesh and eggs, although it be free to all men, and forbidden to none by Christ: yet they have set forth a law, to restrain rash intemperance, and uncharitable offension of other.  
And as touching matrimony, God is himself the author thereof, who hath left it free for all men. Also Paul willeth a Minister of the Church to be the husband of one wife.  
And seeing that Bishops for money permit their Priests to have concubines, which is contrary both to God's law, and to good example: why then might not they as well obey God in permitting lawful matrimony, which he hath ordained, as they to resist God in forbidding the same? The like is to be said also of women vowing chastity: of whom this they judge and suppose, that such kind of vows and coacted chastity, are not available nor allowed before God: and seeing that chastity is not all men's gift, better it were to marry (after their judgements) then filthily to live in single life.  
As for Monasteries, and other houses of Canons, they were first given for relief only of the poor and needy, 
Monasteries first given to the poor, but now serve to feed the rich.  where as now they which inhabit them, are wealthy and able to live of their own patrimony, in such sort, as many times some one of them hath so much, as well might suffice a great number: Wherefore it seemeth to them, not unconvenient that those goods should be converted again to the use of the poor: Yet nevertheless they have used herein such moderation, 
Goods of monasteries converted to the relief of the poor.  that they have permitted the inhabitants of those monasteries to enjoy the possessions of their goods, during the term of their natural life, lest any should have cause of just complaint.  
Ornaments of Churches serve nothing to God's service: but this is well agreeing to the will and service of God, 
Ornaments of churches better bestowed upon the poor.  that the poor should be succoured. So Christ commanded the young man in the Gospel, that was rich, not to hang up his riches in the temple, but to sell them, and distribute them to the needy.  
The order of priesthood they do not contemn. Such priests as will truly discharge their duty, 
Good priests not to be contemned: the rabble of them to be diminished.  & teach sound, they do magnify. As for the other rabble, which serve to no public commodity, but rather damnify the common wealth, if the number of them were diminished by little and little, & their livings put to better use, they doubted not, but it were a service well done to God. Now whether the singing and prayers of such Priests be available before God, it may be doubted, for as much as many of them understand not what they say or sing, but only for hire of wages do the same.  
As for secret confession, wherein men do detect their sins in the Priest's ear, 
Confession to the prie●● Confession to Christ.  of what virtue this confession is to be esteemed, they leave it in suspense. But that confession, whereby repenting sinners do fly to Christ our only intercessor, they recount not only to be profitable, but also necessary to all troubled consciences. As for satisfaction, which Priests do use, they reckon it but a practice to get money, and the same to be not only erroneous, but also full of impiety. True penance and satisfaction is for a man to amend his life.  
The orders of Monkery come only by the invention of man, and not by the institution of God. 
The order of Monkrey.   
And as touching the Sacraments, such as be of the Lords institution, 
The use of Sacraments.  them they do not despise but receive with all reverence, neither do suffer the same to be despised of any person, nor to be abused otherwise then becometh: but to be used rightly according to the prescript rule of God's word. And so with the like reverence, they use the Sacrament of the Lords supper, according as the word prescribeth, not as many do abuse it, to make of it an oblation and a sacrifice.  
And if the messengers sent to them of the Clergy in their letters mentioned, 
False tale carriers.  can justly charge them with any hindrance, or any error, they will be ready either to purge themselves, or to satisfy the offence. And if they can not, than reason would, that those messengers of the Clergy should hereafter look better to their own doings, and to their doctrine, and to cease from such untrue slanders and contumelies.  
Finally, where as they understand by their letters how desirous they are to have the Pope's oppressions, 
The only way of true reformation is, that the word of God only be received.  and exactions, and usurped power abolished, they are right glad thereof and joyful, supposing that the same can by no means be brought to pass, except the word of God only and simply be received. For otherwise, so long as men's laws and constitutions shall stand in force, there will be no place nor hope of reformation. For by the preaching of God's word their estimation and dignity must needs decay: and that they well perceive, 
The Pope can not abide the preaching of the word, and why?  and therefore by all means do provide, how to stop the course of the word: and because they see themselves too weak to bring their purpose about, they fly to the aid of Kings and Princes. For the necessary remedy whereof, if they shall think good to join their consent, there shall nothing be lacking in their behalf, what they are able either in counsel or goods, to do in the matter, declaring moreover that this should have been seen too long before. Which being so, they prayed and desired them to accept in good part, and diligently to expend this that they did write. As for their own part, they required nothing else more than peace both between them, and all men. Neither was it ever their intent to stir any thing that should be prejudicial against their league and band agreed upon between them. But in this cause, which concerneth their eternal salvation, they can do no otherwise, but as they have done, unless their error by learning might be proved and declared unto them.  
Wherefore as they did before, so now they desire again, that if they think this their doctrine to be repugnant to the holy Scripture, 
The Tygurines will be judged by the scriptures.  they will gently show and teach them their error, and that before the end of the month of May next ensuing: for so long they will abide waiting for an answer, as well from them, as from the Bishop of Constance, and also from the University of basil. And thus much containeth the answer of the Tigurines, unto the letter of their other colleagues of Helvetia.  
In the mean time, as this passed on, and the month of May above mentioned was now come, 
The B. of Constance answereth the Tygurines by writing.  the Bishop of Constance, with the advise of his Council about him, did answer the Tigurines as he was requested of them to do, in a certain book, first written, and afterward printed: wherein he declareth what Images and pictures those were, which the profane jews and Gentiles in the old time did adore, and what Images be these which the Church hath from time to time received and admitted, and what difference there is between those Idols of the jews & Gentiles, and these Images of the Christians. 
A Popish distinction between the Images of the Gentiles, and Images of of the Christians. Ex joan. Sled. lib. 4.  The conclusion hereof was this, that where as the Scripture speaketh against Images, and willeth them not to be suffered, that is to be understand of such Images and Idols, as the jews and Idolatrous Gentiles did use: yet nevertheless such Images & pictures, which the Church hath received, are to be used and retained.  
From this, he entereth next into the discourse of the Mass, where he proveth by divers and sundry testimonies, both of the Pope's Canons and Counsels, the Mass to be a sacrifice and oblation.  
This book being thus compiled and written, he sent it unto the senate of Zuricke, about the beginning of june, willing and exhorting them by no manner of means, 
The book of the Bishop of Constance written to the Senate of Zuricke in defence of the Mass and Images. The aunwere of the Tigurines, to the bishops book.  to suffer their images, or the mass to be abrogated, and shortly after, he published the said book in Print, & sent it to the Priests and Canons of the Minster of Zuricke, requiring them to follow the custom of the Church received, and not to suffer themselves otherwise to be persuaded by any man.  
The Senate again answering to the Bishop's book, about the middle of August did write unto him: first declaring that they had read over & over again his book, with all diligence: The which book for somuch as the Bishop had divulged abroad in print, they were thereof right glad because the whole world thereby might judge between them the better. After this they explained unto him the judgement and doctrine of their ministers and preachers: and finally by the authority & testimonies of the Scripture convinced his opinion, and proved the doctrine of his book to be false. But before they sent their answer to him, about the 13. day of june, they commanded all the images as well within the City, as through their dominion, to be taken down and burned quietly and without any tumult. 
Images abolished within all the dominion of Zuricke.  A few months after, an order was taken in the said City of Zuricke, between the Canons of the church, and city, for disposing the lands and possessions of the College.  
It would grow to a long discourse, to comprehend all things by order of circumstance, 
Certain Pages or towns of the Suitzers complain against the Tigurines.  that happened among the Heluetians upon this new alteration of religion: but briefly to contract, and to run over the chief specialties of the matter, here is first to be noted, that of the Heluetians, which were confederate together in 13. Pages, chief six there were, which most disdained and maligned this religion of the Tigurines: to wit, Lucernates, Urani, Suitenses, Unterualdij, Tugiani, Friburgenses: These in no case could be reconciled. 
False matter of accusation laid against the Tigurines by the other Pages.  The rest showed themselves more favourable. But the other, which were their enemies, conceived great grudge, & raised many slanderous reports and false rumours against them, and laid divers things to their charge, as first for refusing to join their consent to the public league of the other Pages, with Frances the french king: then for dissenting from them in religion: and thirdly for refusing to stand to the Popish decree made the year before at Ratisborne, by Ferdinandus and other bishops above mentioned, pag. 838. They laid moreover to their accusation, for aiding the Uualsutenses their neighbours, against Ferdinandus their Prince, which was false. Also for joining league secretly, with other Cities, without their knowledge, which was likewise false. Item, that they should intend some secret conspiracy against them, and invade them with war, which was as untrue as the rest. 
What slaunnderous tongues can do.  Many other quarrels beside, they pretended against the Tigurines, which were all false and cavilling slanders: as that they should teach and preach that Mary the mother of Christ had more sons, & that james the younger, the Apostle, did die for us, and not Christ himself. Against these and such other untruths, being mere matters of cavillation and slander, 
The Tigurines answer again to the complaint of the Pages.  the Tigurines did fully and amply purge and acquit themselves by writing, and did expostulate vehemently with them, not only for these false and wrongful suspicions of their parts undeserved, but also for other manifold injuries received and borne at their hands: among which other wrongs and injuries, this was one, that the Burghmaster of Turegia had apprehended a certain preacher, 
john Oxlinus a preacher, apprehended for religion.  named joannes Oxlinus, and led him home as prisoner unto his house, being taken within the precinct and limits of the City of Zuricke, contrary to law and order.  
Finally, after much discoursing, wherein they in a long letter declared their diligence and fidelity at all times, in keeping their league, and maintaining the liberty and dignity of their country, as touching the cause of religion, if that were all the matter of their offence, they offered themselves willing to hear, and more glad to amend, if any could prove any error in them by the Scripture. Otherwise, if none so could or would prove, wherein they did err by the word of God: they could not (they said) altar any thing in the state of that Religion wherein their consciences were already staid by the word of God, and settled what soever peril or danger should happen to them for the same,  
Although here was no cause, why these Pages or Cantons, which were so confederate together in the league of peace, 
What love and hatred doth among men.  should disagree among themselves: yet herein may we see the course and trade of the world, that when difference of religion beginneth a little to break the knot of amity, by and by how friends be turned to foes, what suspicions do rise, what quarrels and grudge do follow, how nothing there liketh men, but every thing is taken to the worst part, small ●otes are made mountains, virtues made vices, and one vice made a thousand, and all for lack only of a little good will betwixt party & party. For as love & charity commonly among men either covereth or seethe not the faults of their friends: so hatred and disdain taking all things to blame, can find nothing in their foes that they can like. And thus did it happen between these good men of Zuricke, and these other Suitzers above named.  
These letters of the Tigurines to the other Cantons, were written upon the occasion of their apprehending the preacher joan. Oxlinus above named the 4. day of january Anno 1525. and in the month of April next following, 
The Mass with all his ceremo●e● put down in Zuricke.  the magistrates and Senate of the said City of Zuricke commanded the Mass, with all his ceremonies and appurtenaunce thereto belonging, to be put down, as well within the City, as without throughout all their jurisdiction: and in stead thereof was placed the lords Supper, the reading of the Prophets, prayer, and preaching. 
A law in Zurick made against adulterers.  Also a law was made against whoredom, and adultery, and judges ordained to hear the causes of matrimony. Anno. 1525. Ex Comment. Sled. lib. 4.  
All this while the Gospel was not as yet received in any other Page of Helvetia, but only in Zuricke. 
Disputation at Baden in Helvetia.  Wherefore the other 12. pages or towns appointed among themselves concerning a meeting or a disputation to be had at Baden: Where were present among other divines, joannes Faber Eckius, & Murnerus above mentioned. The bishops also of Lucerna, basil, Curiake, & Lausanna sent thither their legates. The conclusions there propounded were these.  
That the true body and blood of Christ, 
Themes or propositions propounded in the disputation at Baden.  is in the Sacrament.  
That the mass is a sacrifice for the quick and dead.  
That the blessed virgin and other saints are to be invocated, as mediators and intercessors.  
That Images ought not to be abolished.  
That there is a purgatory.  
Which conclusions or assertions, Eckius took upon him stoutly to defend. 
Eckius defended.  Against him reasoned Oecolampadius (who was then chief preacher at basil) with certain other more. Zuinglius at that time was not there present, but by writing confuted the doctrine of Eckius, 
Oecolampadius against Eckius·  declaring withal, the causes of his absence: which were, for that he durst not for fear of his life, commit himself to the hands of the Lucernates, Urani, Suitij, Unterualdij, and Tugiani, his enemies, and that he refused not to dispute, but the place only of the disputation, 
Zuinglius excuseth himself for not coming to the disputation.  excusing moreover that he was not permitted of the Senate to come, nevertheless: if they would assign the place of disputation, either at Zuricke, or at Berna, or at Sangallum, thither he would not refuse to come. Briefly the conclusion of the disputation was this: that all should remain in that Religion, which hitherto they had kept, and should follow the authority of the Council, neither should admit any other new doctrine within their dominions. etc., This was in the month of june, the said year above mentioned.  
As the time proceeded, and dissension about religion increased, it followed the next year after, 
The disputation at Berne.  An. 1527. in the month of December, that the Senate & people of Berne, (whose power amongst all the Suitzers chiefly excelleth) considering how neither they could have the Acts of the disputation of Baden communicated unto them, and that the variance about religion still more & more increased: 
Disputation at Berne in Helvetia.  assigned an other disputation within their own City, and sending forth writings thereof, called unto the same, all the bishops bordering near about them, as the Bishops of Constance, basil, Sedune, Lausanna warning them both to come themselves, and to bring their divines with them, or else to lose all such possessions, which they had lying within the bounds of their precinct. After this, they appointed out certain Ecclesiastical persons of their jurisdiction, to dispute, prescribing and determining the whole disputation to be decided only by the authority of the old and new Testament. 
Godly laws of a disputation.  To all that would come thither they granted safeconduict. Also they appointed that all things there should be done modestly, without injury and brawling words, and that every one should have leave to speak his mind freely, and with such deliberation, that every man's saying might be received by the notary & penned, with this proviso made before, that what soever there should be agreed upon, the same should be ratified, and observed through all their dominions: and to the intent men might come thither better prepared before, they propounded in public writing 10. conclusions, in the said disputation to be defended of their ministers, by the scriptures, which ministers, were Franciscus Colbus, and Bertholdus Hallerus. The themes or conclusions were these.  
1. That the true Church, whereof Christ is the head, riseth out of god's word, 
Themes to be disputed.  and persisteth in the same, and heareth the voice of no other.  
2. That the same Church maketh no laws without the word of God.  
3. That traditions ordained in the name of the Church, do not bind, but so far forth as they be consonant to God's word.  
4. That Christ only hath made satisfaction for the sins of the world: and therefore if any man say that there is any other way of salvation, or mean to put away sin, the same denieth Christ.  
5. That the body & blood of Christ can not be received really and corporally, by the testimony of the Scripture.  
6. That the use of the mass, wherein Christ is presented and offered up to his heavenly Father for the quick and the dead, is against the Scripture, and contumelious to the sacrifice which Christ made for us.  
7. That Christ only is to be invocated, as the mediator and advocate of mankind, to God the father.  
8. That there is no place to be found by the holy Scripture, wherein souls are purged after this life: and therefore all those prayers & ceremonies, Yearly Diriges & Obites, which are bestowed upon the dead: also Lamps, Tapers and such other things, profit nothing at all.  
9 That to set up any picture or Image to be worshipped, is repugnant to the holy scripture, and therefore if any such be erected in Churches for that intent, the same aught to be taken down.  
10. That Matrimonies prohibited to no state or order of men, but for eschewing of fornication, generally is commanded and permitted to all men by the word of God. And for as much as all fornicators are excluded by the testimony of Scripture, from the Communion of the Church, therefore this unchaste and filthy single life of Priests, is most of all unconvenient for the order of priesthood.  
When the Senate and people of Bern, had sent abroad their letters with these themes and conclusions, to all the Heluetians, exhorting them both to send their learned men, and to suffer all other to pass safely through their countries: the Lucernates, Uranites, Suitzians, Unternaldians, Tugians, 
The letters and answer of the Suitzers to the Senate & people of Berne.  Glareans, Soloturnians, and they of Friburg answered again by contrary letters, exhorting and requiring them in any case to desist from their purposed enterprise: putting them in remembrance of their league and composition made, and also of the disputation of Baden above mentioned, of the which disputation they were themselves (they said) the first beginners and authors: saying moreover, that it was not lawful for any nation or province to alter the state of religion, but the same to belong to a general Council: wherefore they desired them, that they would not attempt any such wicked act, but continue in the Religion, which their parents and elders had observed: and in fine, 
Ex Comment. joan. Sled. lib. 6.  thus in the end of their letters they concluded, that they would neither send, nor suffer any of their learned men to come, nor yet grant safeconduct to any others to pass through their country. To this and such like effect tended the letters of these Suitzers above named.  
All which notwithstanding, the Lords of Berne proceeding in their intended purpose, upon the day prescribed (which was the 7. of januarie) began their disputation. Of all the bishops before signified (which were assigned to come) there was not one present. Nevertheless the City of Basil, Zurike, and Schafuse, and Abbecelle, Sangallium, Mullusia, with the neighbours of Rhetia, also they of Strausburgh, Ulmes, Ausburge, Lindave, Constance, and Isne, sent thither their Ambassadors.  
The Doctors, above mentioned, of the City of Berne, began the disputation. 
The disputation beginneth.  Where at the same time, were present Zuinglius, Oecolampadius, Bucerus, Capito, Blaurerus, with other more, all which defended the affirmative of the conclusions propounded. 

The part defendant.  
The part opponent.  
The Pope's doctrine cannot abide the trial of the Scripture.   On the contrary side of them which were the opponentes, the chieftain was Conradus Tregerus a friar Augustin, who to prove his assertion, when he was driven to shift out of the scripture, to seek help of other Doctors, and the moderators of the disputation would not permit the same (being contrary to the order before appointed) he departed out of the place, and would dispute no more.  
The disputation endured 19 days, in the end whereof it was agreed, 
Reformation of religion in Berne.  by the assent of the most part, that the conclusions there disputed, were consonant to the truth of god's word, & should be ratified not only in the City of Berne, but also proclaimed by the Magistrates in sundry other Cities near adjoining: 
Masses & Images put down at Berne.  furthermore that masses, altars, and Images in all places should be abolished.  
At the City of Constance certain things began to be altered a little before. Where also, among other things, 
The Pope's clergy cannot abide to be restrained from fornication and adultery. Ambrose Blaurerus preacher at Constance.  laws were made against fornication and adultery, and all suspect or unhonest company, whereat the canons, (as they are called) of the Church, taking great grief and displeasure, departed the City. In the said City was then teacher Ambrose Blaurerus, a learned man, and borne of a noble stock, who had been a Monk a little before, professed in the monastery of Alperspacke, in the Duchy of Wittenberg, belonging to the dominion of Ferdinandus. Which Blaurerus by reading of Luther's works, & having a good wit, had changed a little before, his Religion and also his coat, returning again home unto his friends, and when his Abbot would have had him again, & wrote earnestly to the Senate of Constance for him: he declared the whole case of the matter in writing, propounding withal, certain conditions, whereupon he was content (as he said) to return. But the conditions were such that the Abbot was rather willing and contented, that he should remain still at Constance, and so he did.  
After this disputation thus concluded at Berne, (as hath been said) the Images and altars, 
Reformatyon of religion at Constance Reformati● of relion at Geneva.  with ceremonies, and Masses were abolished at Constance.  
They of Geneva also for their parts, were not behind, following likewise the example of the City of Berne in extirping Images and ceremonies. By reason whereof the Bishop and Clergy there left and departed the City in no small anger.  
The Bernates after they had redressed with them the state of Religion, 
The Lanceknightes of Berne and Zuricke forsake their league with the Erench king.  they renounced the league made before with the French king, refusing and forsaking his warlye stipend, whereby they were bound at his call to feed his wars, following therein the example of the Tygurines, which before had done the like, and were contented only with their yearly pension that the King payeth to every page of the Heluetians, to keep peace.  

* Victory of the Gospel an. 1528.  The day and year when this reformation with them began, from Popery to true Christianity, they caused in a pillar to be engraven with golden letters, for a perpetual memory to all posterity to come. This was An. 1528.  
After that the rumour of this disputation, 
Reformation of religion in Strau●burgh.  and alteration of Berne, was noised in other cities & places abroad, first the Ministers of Strausburgh encouraged by this occasion, began likewise to affirm and teach that the mass was wicked, and a great blasphemy against God's holy name, and therefore was to be abrogated, and in stead thereof, the right use of the Lords supper to be restored again. Which unless they could prove by the manifest testimonies of the Scripture to be true, they would refuse no manner of punishment. On the contrary part, the Bishop of Rome's clergy, did hold and maintain that the Mass was good and holy, whereupon kindled a great contention on both sides: which when the Senate and Magistrates of the city would have brought to a disputation, and could not, because the Priests would not condescend to any reasoning, therefore seeing they so accused the other, & yet would come to no trial of their cause, the said Magistrates commanded them to silence. 
The Bishop of Strausburgh to the Senate▪  The bishop in the mean while ceased not with his letters & messengers, daily to call upon the senate, desiring the senate to persevere in the ancient religion of their elders, & to give no care to those new teachers, declaring what danger & peril it would bring upon them.  
The Senate again desired him, 
The Senate of Strausburgh replieth to the bishop.  as they had done oftentimes before, that such things, which appertained to the true honour and worship of God, might be set forward, and all other things which tended to the contrary, might be removed and taken away: for that properly belonged to his office to see to. But the Bishop still driving them off with delays, pretended to call an assemble for the same, appointing also day and place for the hearing & discussing of those controversies: where, in deed, nothing was performed at all: 
The Bishop of Strausburgh complaineth to the Council of Spires.  but with his letters he did often sollicitate them to surcease their enterprise, sometimes by way of entreating, sometimes with manacing words terrifying them: and at last, seeing he could nothing by that way prevail, he turned his suit to the assemble of the Empire, which was then at Spires collected, entreating them to set in a foot, and to help what they could, with their authority. 
The message from the Council of Spires, to the City of Strausburgh.   
They ready to satisfy the bishops request, sent a solemn Embassy to the Senate and Citizens of Strausburgh, about Decemb. the year about said, requiring them not to put down the Mass: for neither it was (said they) in the power of the Emperor, nor of any other estate to alter the ancient Religion received from their forefathers, but either by a general, or by a provincial Council, which Council if they supposed to be far of, at least that they would take a pause till the next sitting of the Empire, which should be with speed, where their requests being propounded and heard, they should have such reasonable answer, as should not miscontent them: for it was (said they) against all law and reason, for a private Magistrate to infringe and dissolve those things, which by general consent of the whole world, have been agreed upon: and therefore good reason required, that they should obtain so much at their hands: For else if they should obstinately proceed in this their attempt, so with force and violence to work, as they began, it might fortune, the Emperor their supreme Magistrate under God, and also Ferdinandus, his deputy would not take it well, and so should be compelled to seek such remedy therein, as they would be sorry to use. Wherefore their request was, & advise also, that they should weigh the matter diligently with themselves, & follow good counsel: who in so doing, should not only glad the Emperor, but also work that which should redound chief to their own commendation and safety.  

The bishops of Hildesseme and of Strausburgh travail to keep the City of Strausburgh in their old religion.  Besides the messengers thus sent from the Council of Spires, the Bishop also of Hildesseme had been with them a little before, exhorting them in the emperors name, after like manner. Neither did the bishop of Strausburgh also cease with his messengers and letters, daily to labour his friends there, and especially such of the Senators as he had to him bound by any feaulty, or otherwise by any gifts or friendship, that so much as in them did lie, they should uphold the Mass, and gainstand the contrary proceed of the other.  
The Senate of Strausburgh in the mean time, seeing the matter did so long hang in controversy, the space now of 2. years, and the preachers daily and instantly calling upon them for a reformation, and suit also being made to them or the Citizens, assembled their great & full council to the number of 300 (as in great matters of importance they are accustomed to do) and there with themselves debated the case, declaring on the one side, if they abolished the mass what danger they should incur by the Emperor: 
Reformation of religion at Strausburgh.  On the other side, if they did not, how much they should offend god and therefore giving them respite to consult, at the next meeting required them to declare their advise and sentence, in the matter. When the day came, that every man should say his mind, so it fell out, that the voices and judgements of them, which went against the Mass prevailed. Whereupon immediately a decree was made the 20. of February. Anno. 1529. that the Mass should be suspended and laid down, till the time that the adversary part could prove by good Scripture, 
The Mass overthrown at Strausburgh.  the Mass to be a service available & acceptable before God.  
This decree being established by the consent of the whole City, the Senate eftsoons commanded the same to be proclaimed and to take full place and effect as well within the City, as also without, so far as their limits and dominion did extend, and afterward by letters certified their Bishop touching the doing thereof. Who hearing these news, as heavy to his heart as lead, did signify to them again, how he received their letters, & how he understood by them, 
The bishop's patience perforce.  the effect and sum of their doings: all which he was enforced to digest with such patience as he could, though they went sore against his stomach, seeing for the present time, he could no otherwise chu●e: hereafter would serve, he said he would see thereunto, according as his charge and office should require.  

Reformation beginneth at basil.  Thus how the Mass was overthrown in Zurike, in Berne, in Geneva, & in Strausburgh you have heard. Now what followed in Basil, remaineth likewise to understand. In this city of basil, was Oecolampadius preacher (as is above signified) by whose diligent labour & travail, 
joannes Oecolampadius  the Gospel began there to take such fruit, that great dissension there also arose among the citizens about religion, and especially about the Mass: Whereupon the Senate of basil appointed, that after an open disputation, it should be determined by voices, what were to be done therein. This notwithstanding the Papists still continuing in their former purpose: began more stoutly to inveigh against the other part, and because they were so suffered by the Magistrate without punishment, it was therefore doubted by the commons, that they had some privy maintainers among the Senators. Whereupon certain of the Citizens were appointed, in the name of the whole commons to sue to the Senators, and to put them in remembrance of their promise: Whose suit and request was this, that those Senators, which were the aiders and supporters of the papists, might be displaced, for that it did as well tend to the contempt of the former decree made, as also to the public disturbance of the City. But when this could not be obtained of the Senate, the commons, upon the 8. day of February, the year above said, assembled themselves in the grey Friars Churthe, and there considering with themselves upon the matter, 
The Popish Senators displaced at basil.  repaired again with their suit unto the Senate, but not in such humble wise as before: and therewithal gathered themselves in the public places of the City, to fortify the same, all be it as yet without armour. The same evening the Senate sent them word, that at their request they granted, that those Senators, although remaining still in office, yet should not sit in counsel, what time any matter of Religion should come in talk.  
By this answer the Commons gathering that the whole state was ruled by a few, 
Religion in basil defended by the commons.  took thereat grief and displeasure, protesting openly that they would take counsel by themselves hereafter what they had to do, not only in cases of Religion, but also in other matters of civil government, and forthwith took them to armour, keeping the towers and gates and other convenient places of the City with watch and ward, in as forcible wise, as if the enemy had been at hand.  
The next day the Senate requiring respite to deliberate, was contented to commit the matter to them, whom the commons before had sent as suitors unto them. Which offer the Citizens did not refuse, but with this condition that those Senators, which were guilty, should in the mean season follow their pleey as private persons, upon their own private costs and charges: the other which defended the public cause for the behoof of the posterity, should be maintained by the public charges of the City. This the Senate was glad to grant unto, with some other like matters of lighter weight, to appease their rage.  
It happened the very same day, that certain of the citizens, 
God's handy work in throwing down Images in basil.  such as were appointed to go about the City for the viewing of things, came into the high Church where one of them thrusting at a certain image with his staff, eftsoons it fell down and brake. By the occasion whereof, other Images also in like sort were served after the same devotion. But when the Priests came running to them, which seemed to be greatly offended therewith, they because they would not pass their Commission, stayed their hands and departed.  
It followed upon this, that when word hereof was brought to the Citizens which stood in the market place, and the matter being made worse to them than it was, they incontinent discharged out CCC. armed men, to rescue their fellows in the church, supposing them to be in danger. Who coming to the Church, 
Images thrown down at basil.  and not finding their fellows there, and all things quiet, save only a few Images broken down, they likewise lest they should have lost all their labour, threw down all the other Idols and Images which they found there standing, and so passing thorough all other Churches in the city, did there also the like: and when certain of the Senate came forth to appease the tumult, the Citizens said, that which you have stand about these three years, consulting and advising whether it were best to be done, or not, that shall we dispatch in one hour, that from henceforth never more contention shall grow between us for Images: and so the Senate permitted them free leave, without any more resistance: 
12. Senators displaced at basil.  and 12. Senators were displaced from their order, all be it without note of reproach or dishonesty. Also a decree the same time was made, that as well within the City of basil, as without, through all their jurisdiction, the Mass with all Idols should be abandoned: 
Mass put down at basil.  and further, that in all such matters and cases as concerned the glory of God, and the affairs of the public wealth, besides the number of the other Senators two hundredth and three score of the Burghers or Citizens should be appointed out of every ward in the City, to sit with them in counsel. These decrees being established, after they had kept watch and ward about the City 3. days and 3. nights, every one returned again to his house, quiet and joyful, without any blood or stroke given, or anger wrcked, but only upon the Images.  
On the third day, which was Ash wednesday (as the Pope's ceremonial Church doth call it) all the wooden Images were distributed among the poor of the City, 
Ex Farrag. Epist. Era●.  to serve them for fire wood. But when they could not well agree in dividing the prey, but ●el to brawling among themselves, it was agreed that the said images should be brent all together: so that in nine great heaps all the stocks and Idols there, the same day were brent to ashes before the great Church door. And thus by God's ordinance it came to pass, that the same day, wherein the Pope's priests are wont to show forth all their mourning, & do mark men's foreheads with ashes, in remembrance that they be but ashes, was to the whole city festival & joyful, for turning their Images to ashes, and to is observed and celebrate every year still unto this present day, with all mirth, plays and pastimes, 
ash wednesday at basil, a day of all pastime. A true Ashwensday of Gods own making.  in remembrance of the same ashes, which day may there be called a right Ash wednesday of Gods own making. The men of Zurike, of Berne, and of Solodure hearing what business was at basil, sent their ambassadors to be a mean between them, but before the ambassadors came, all was ceased and at quiet.  
All this mean space, the Emperor & the French king were together occupied in wars and strife. Which as it turned to the great damage and detriment of the French king, 
God's providence to be noted for the success of the Gospel.  who in the said wars was taken prisoner by the Emperor, so it happened commodious and opportune for the success of the Gospel: for else it is to be thought that these Heluetians and other Germans should not have had that leisure & rest to reform religion, and to link themselves in league together, as they did. But thus almighty God of his secret wisdom disposeth times & occasions, to serve his will & purpose in all things. All be it Ferdinandus the emperors brother, & deputy in Germany, remitted no time nor diligence to do what he could in resisting the proceedings of the protestants, as appeared, both by the decree set forth at Ratis●one, and also at Spires. In the which Council of Spires, Ferdinandus at the same time, which was the year of our Lord 1529. had decreed against the protestants, in effect as followeth.  

The decree made at Spires by Ferdinandus.  First, that the edict of the Emperor made at Worms, should stand in force through all Germany, till the time of the general council, which should shortly follow. Also, that they which already had altered their religion, & now could not revoke the same again, for fear of sedition, should stay themselves and attempt no more innovations hereafter, till time of the general Council.  
Item, that the doctrine of them which hold the lords Supper otherwise then the Church doth teach, should not be received, nor the mass should be altered: and there where as the doctrine of religion was altered, should be no impediment to the contrary, but that they which were disposed to come to Mass, might safely therein use their devotion: against Anabaptists likewise: and that all ministers of the Church should be enjoined to use no other interpretation of holy Scripture, but according to the exposition of the Church doctors: other matters that were disputable, not to be touched. Moreover, that all persons and states should keep peace, so that for Religion neither the one part should infer molestation to the other, nor receive any confederates under their protection and safeguard: All which decrees, they which should transgress, to be outlawed and exiled.  
Unto this sitting at Spires first the Ambassadors of Strausburgh, were not admitted, but repelled by Ferdinandus, because they had rejected the mass: and therefore the said city of Strausburgh denied to pay any contribution against the Turk, except they with other Germans, might be likewise admitted into their counsels. The other princes which were received and not repelled, 
The decree of Spires resisted by the Protestants.  as the duke of Saxony, George of Brandeburgh, Ernestus, & Franciscus Earls of Luneburgh, Landgrave, Anhaldius, did utterly gainstand the decree, & showed their cause in a large protestation written, why they so did: which done, all such cities which subscribed and consented to the said protestation of the princes, eftsoons conjoined themselves in a common league with them, whereupon they had their name, called thereof Protestant's. The names of the Cities were these. 
The name of Protestants, how it first began. Sancto gallum.  Argentina, or Strausburgh, Noriberge, Vlmes, Constance, Rutelinge, Winssemium, Meminge, Lindavia, Campodunum, Hailbrunum, Isna, Wisseburgum, Norlinge, Sangallum.  
Furthermore, as touching the Heluetians (from whence we have somewhat digressed) how the City of Berne and Zurick had consented and joined together in reformation of true religion, ye hard before. Wherefore the other Pages in Helvetia, 
Quinque pag. The popish Pages in Helvetia confederate with Ferdinandus.  which were of contrary profession, in like manner confederated themselves in league with Ferdinandus: the number and names of which Pages, especially were 5. to wit, Lucernates, Vravi, Suitenses, Vnterualdij, and Tugiani, which was in the year above said: to the intent, that they conjoining their power together, might overrun the religion of Christ, and the professors of the same. Who also for hatred & despite, hanged up the Arms of the foresaid cities of Zuricke and of Berne, upon the gallows, beside many other injuries and grievaunces, which they wrought against them. For the which cause the said Cities of Berne and Zuricke raised their power, intending to set upon the foresaid Suitzers, as upon their capital enemies. But as they were in the field ready to encounter, one army against the other, through the means of the city of Strausburgh, and other intercessors, they were parted for that time, and so returned.  
As touching the Council of Auspurge, 
The Cou●●cell of A●●●purge. The confession of 〈◊〉 Protesta●● at Auspu●●●  which followed the next year after the assemble of Spires, An. 1530. how the Princes and Protestants of Germany, in the same Council exhibited their confession, and what labour was sought to confute it, and how constantly Duke Fridericke persisted in defence of his conscience against the threatening words, and replications of the Emperor: also in what danger the said princes had been in, had not the Landgrave privily by night slipped out of the city, pertaineth not to this place presently to discourse.  
To return therefore unto Zuinglius and the Heluetians, of whom we have here presently to entreat, you heard before how the tumult and commotion between the two Cities of Zuricke and Berne, and the other v. Cities of the Cantons, was pacified by the means of intercession, which peace so continued the space of two years. After that the old wound waxing raw again, began to burst out, & gather to an head: which was by reason of certain injuries, and opprobrious words and contumelies, which the reformed cities had received of the other: wherefore the Tigurines and the Bernates stopping all passages and straits, would permit no corn nor victual to pass unto them. This was in the year of our Lord. 1531,  
And when great trouble was like to kindle thereby, the French king with certain other towneships of Suitzerland, as the Glarians, Friburgians, Soloturnians, 
Wars between the Gospelle●● and the 〈◊〉 Popish towns of Suitzerland.  and other coming between them, laboured to set them at agreement, drawing out certain conditions of peace between them. Which conditions were these, that all contumelies & injuries passed should be forgotten. That hereafter neither part should molest the other. That they which were banished for religion, should again be restored. That the v. Pages might remain without disturbance in their religion, so that none should be restrained amongst them from the reading of the old and new Testament. 
Condition of peace drawn 〈◊〉 not kept.  That no kind of disquietness should be procured against them of Berne and Zuricke: and that either part should confer mutual helps together, one to secure the other, as in times past. But the five Pagemen would not observe those covenants made, 
The Tygurines provoked and ●●pelled to war against their enemies.  neither would their malicious hearts be brought to any conformity. Wherefore the Bernates and Tigurines, showing & declaring first their cause in public writing, to purge and excuse the necessity of their war, being pressed with so many wrongs, and in manner constrained to take the sword in hand, did as before, beset the high ways and passages, that no furniture of victual or other forage could come to the other Pages. By reason whereof when they of the five towns began to be pinched with want and penury. they armed themselves secretly, and set forward in warlike array toward the borders of Zuricke, where as then was lying a garrison of the Zuricke men, to the number of a thousand and more. Whereupon word was sent incontinent to the City of Zuricke, to succour their men with speed, but their enemies approached so fast, that they could hardly come to rescue them. For when they were come to the top of the hill, whereby they must needs pass, they saw their fellows being in great distress in the valley under them: whereupon they encouraging themselves, made down the hill with more haste than order, who might go fastest: 
The Tigurines overmatched & overcome.  but the nature of the hill was such, that there could but one go down at once. By reason whereof, for as much as they could not keep their ranks, to join all together, it followed that they being but few in number, were discomfited and overmatched of the multitude, which was the 11. day of October, the year abovesaid. Among the number of them that were slain, was also Uldricus Zuinglius the blessed servant & S. of God. 
Vldricus Zuinglius slain.  Also the abbot of Capella, and Commendator Kunacensis, with 13. other learned and worthy men were slain, being as is thought, falsely betrayed, and brought into the hands of their enemies.  
As touching the cause which moved Zuinglius to go out with his citizens to the war, as is sufficiently declared and excused both by john Sleidan, 
Ex joan. Sled. lib. 8.  and especially by Oecolampadius, in his Epistle (ad Mart. Frechtum, and Somium. Epist. Lib. 4. where first is to be understand, that it is an old received manner among the Zuricke men, 
Ex epist. joan. Oecolampadij. Lib. 4.  that when they go forth in warfare, the chief minister of their church goeth with them. Zuinglius also of himself being a man (saith Sledanus) of a stout and bold courage, considering if he should remain at home when war should be attempted against his citizens, and if he which in his sermons did so encourage other, should now faint so cowardly, and tarry behind at home, when time of danger came, what shame and disdain might worthily rise to him thereby, thought not to refuse to take such part as his brethren did.  
Oecolampadius moreover addeth, that he went not out as a captain of the field, but as a good citizen with his citizens, 
Zuinglius excused for his going out to war.  and as a good shepherd ready to die with his flock. And which of them all (sayeth he) that most cry out against Zuinglius, can show any such noble heart in him, to do the like? Again, neither did he go out of his own accord, but rather desired not to go, foreseeing belike, what danger thereof would ensue. But the Senate being importune upon him, would have no nay, urging and enforcing him most instantly to go: among whom were thought to have been some false betrayers, saying and objecting to him that he was a dastard, if he refused to accompany his brethren, as well in time of danger, as in peace. Moreover the said Zuinglius among other seculare arts, had also some skill in such matters of warfare. Haec Oecolampad. When he was slain, 
Zuinglius his dead body burned.  great cruelty was showed upon his dead corpses▪ such was their hatred toward him, that their malice could not be satisfied, unless also they should burn his body being dead. Ex comment. joan. Sled Lib. 8.  
The report goeth, that after his body was cut first in 4. pieces, 
Ex Oswaldo Miconio de vita et obitu Zuinglij. The hart of Zuinglius, found whole in the ashes. The cruel handling of the Abbot Cappellensis. Ex Epist. Oecola. ad wolfgangum Capitonem lib 4. The age of Zuinglius & of Luther reckoned.  and then consumed with fire, three days after his death, his friends came to see whether any part of him was remaining, where they found his hart in the ashes, whole and unburned: in much like manner as was also the hart of Cranmer Archbishop of Canterbury, which in the ashes also was found and taken up vnconsumed, as by credible information is testified.  
Furthermore, such was then the rage of these 5. pages against the foresaid Abbot Capellensis, that they took him being slain, and putting out both his eyes, they clothed him in a monks cowl, and so set him in the pulpit to preach, railing and jesting upon him in most despiteful manner. Ez Epist. Oecolamp. ad Wolfgangum Capitonem. lib. 4. Uldericke Zuinglius was when he died, of the age of 44. years, younger than M. Luther by 4. years.  
The Bernates, who were purposed the same time to achieve war against the Unterualdians bordering near unto them, when they heard of this discomfiture of the Tigurines, to comfort them again, desired them to be of good cheer and courage, promising that they would not fail but come and revenge their quarrel. Again, when the Tigurines had assembled their power together, which was the 8. day after the battle, and had received aid from the Schaffusians, Mullusians, Sangalles', and from Basil, (the Bernates at this time were nothing hasty) out of the whole number they chose out certain ensigns, which setting forth in the night, lay in the hill beside Mecinge, intending when the moon was up, to take the town of Tugie lying near at hand, 
another skirmish between the Tigurines & the five Pagemen, in Suitzerland.  upon the sudden. Which when their enemies had perceived, which were encamped not far from them, with all speed and most secret manner came upon them being at rest, the 24. day of October, and putting them in more fear, made a wonderful clamorous outcry: so it fell out in conclusion, that many on both parties were slain. And all be it the 5. pagemen had the upper hand, yet would they of Zuricke nothing relent in their religion. At the last through mediation, a peace was concluded, and thus the matter agreed, that the Tigurines, Bernates, and Basilians, 
Peace concluded between the Protestants and the Papists, in Suitzerland.  should forsake the league which they had lately made with the City of Strausburgh, and the Landgrave: likewise should the 5. Page men give over their league and composition made with Ferdinandus: and hereof obligations were made and sealed in the latter end of November.  
Oecolampadius the preacher of the city of Strausburgh above recorded, 
The death of Oecolampadius, anno 1531.  hearing of the death of Zuinglius his dear friend, took thereat inward grief and sorrow, in so much that it is thought to have increased his disease, and so he also departed this life, the same year and month of November above mentioned, being of the age of 49. years, elder than M. Luther by one year. 
The Commentaries of Oecolampadius upon the Prophets.  Although this Oecolampadius then died, yet his learned & famous Commentaries upon the Prophets, with other worthy works, which he left behind him, live still, and shall never die.  
The next year following, which was, anno. 1532. in the month of August, died also the worthy and memorable prince john Fridericke Duke of Saxony, who for testimony of Christ and of his Gospel, sustained such trials, so many brunts, 
The death of john Fridericke Duke of Saxony.  and so vehement conflicts with the Emperor, and that especially at the Council assembled at Auspurge, that unless the almighty hand of the Lord had sustained him, it had not been possible for him or any prince to have endured so constant and unremovable, against so many persuasions, and assaults, as he did to the end. After him succeeded john Fridericke his son. etc.  
And thus have ye the history of Zuinglius, and of the church of Suitzerlande, with their proceed and troubles, from the first beginning of their reformation of religion, set forth and described. Whereunto we will add one certain Epistle of the said Zuinglius, taken out of his other Epistles, and so therewith close up his story. Which Epistle I thought here to record, especially for that in the same among other matters, profitably is expounded the true meaning of the Apostle, writing to the Corrinthians, concerning how to judge the lords body, to the intent that the simple thereby may the better be informed. The words of his letter be these, as follow.  

Huldricus Zuinglius N. fratri in Domino.  
GRatiam & pacem in Domino.  
Accipe igitur chariss. frater. etc.  
In English thus.  
Unto your questions propounded to me in your former letters (well be loved brother. 
A letter of Vldricus Zuinglius. ) I have sent you here mine answer. First I am also in the same mind with you, that the lords supper is a very thanks giving: for so the Apostle himself meaneth, saying: Ye shall show forth the lords death. 
2. Cor. 10.  Where the word of showing forth, signifieth as much as praising, or thanks geeving. Wherefore, seeing it is an eucharist, or a thanks giving, in my judgement no other thing ought to be obtruded to men's consciences, but only with due reverence to give thanks. Nevertheless, yet this is not t● be neglected, that every man do prove and examine himself, for so we ought to search and ask our own consciences, what faith we have in Christ jesus, which if it be sound and sincere, we may approach without stay, to this thanks giving. For he that hath no faith, & yet feigneth or pretendeth to have, eateth his own judgement: for he lieth to the holy Ghost. And whereas you suppose, that Paul in this place doth not reprove them which sit at the table eating of meats offered to Idols, I descent from you therein. For Paul a little before writeth vehemently against those arrogant persons which bragging upon their knowledge, thought they might lawfully eat of such meats offered to Idols, sitting and eating at the lords table: You can not (sayeth he) be partakers both of the lords table, and the table of devils. etc. Wherefore Saint Paul's meaning is, that every one should try and examine himself what faith he hath. Whereupon it followeth, that he which hath a right faith, must have no part nor fellowship with those things, which be given to Idols, for he is now a member of another body, that is, of Christ: 
The place of S. Paul of judging the Lords body, expounded.  so that he can not join himself now to be one body with Idolaters. And therefore those be they which do not judge or discern the lords body, that make no difference between the Church of Christ, and the Church of Idolaters. For they which sit at the lords table eating of Idolmeates, do make no difference at all between the lords supper, 
Who be they that judge not the Lords body.  and the supper of the devil, which be they whom Paul saith, not to judge the body of the Lord, that is, which make no discrepance, nor give any more regard to Christ's Church, then to the church of devils. Whereas if we would judge ourselves, that is, if we would thoroughly search and examine our own consciences as we should, in coming to the table of the Lord, we finding any faith in us, would never go to the table, or make thereof the feast of devils. Wherefore your judgement herein is not amiss in expounding the word of judging in S. Paul, to signify as much, as, considering, 
jesus took bread.  perpending, and enquiring.  
To your second question I answer, that jesus took bread, and broke, etc. Also, he took the cup, etc. Ista verba sunt peculiariter agentis, non hospitaliter invitantis: that is, these words declare the action of one which properly doth a thing, and not the hospitality of one which inviteth another to eat. Touching your third question out of the 6. chap. of john: 
The word Easter.  Doth this offend you? herein I do full agree with you.  
As for this word Ostren, which is your fourth question, I understand thereby, the time of the great feast or solemnity, which we keep in remembrance of the great deliverance of God's people, from the thraldom now of Satan, before from the thraldom of Pharaoh. Neither is it greatly material with what word we express the thing, so the thing itself be one, and the analogy and consonancy of the Scripture be kept: For the Scripture calleth Christ both the Lamb, and S. Paul calleth him our Easter or passover. Now your word wanderfest well pleaseth me, 
The descending of Christ into hell, expounded.  for the passover, or Paesah.  
To your fifth interrogation, of Christ descending into Hell, I suppose this particle was inserted into the Creed, by the sentence of the Fathers, to declare how the fathers were redeemed by the death of Christ, which died in the faith. For Christ led away captivity wherewith they were holden, with him up into heaven: 
Circunscriptiuè, Potentionaliter. Vt mors illius eos, qui erant apud inferos, redimeret.  so that his going down into Hell, non sic intelligatur, quasi circumscriptiuè, sed potentionaliter: that is, be not so understanded, as circumscriptively, which is, when a thing is present by circumscription of any one place: but by power, which is, by the operation of his spirit, which is not comprehended in any certainty of place, but without prescription of certain place, is diffused every so that the article of Christ's descending into hell, importeth as much, as that his death redeemed them, which were in hell. Whereunto S. Peter also seemeth to have respect, where he sayeth: 
* 1. Pet. 3.  The Gospel also was preached to them which were dead: that is, that they also did feel the good tidings of the Gospel, their redemption by the son of God: and that they which rose again with Christ in spirit, be now with him in heaven, who nevertheless in flesh shallbe judged, what time the son of God and of man shall come to judge both the quick & dead. Return to the places of Peter, the one in his first Epistle, the other in the latter: and so be you contented with this present answer rashed up in haste. Far ye heartily well. And comfort my William, the good aged father, by the grace of God which is in you. Commend me to john Eggenberge. From Zuricke the 1. day of September. An. 1527.  
FRom the first beginning of this whole book and history hitherto (good reader) thou hast heard of many and sundry troubles, & much business in the church of Christ, concerning the reformation of divers abuses and great errors crept into the same, namely in the Church of Rome, as appeareth by the doings of them, in divers and sundry places, whereof mention hath been made heretofore in this said history. For what godly man hath there been within the space of these 500 years, 
The corruption of the Sea of Rome, continually cried out against.  either virtuously disposed, or excellently learned, which hath not disproved the misordered doings and corrupt examples of the See and Bishop of Rome, from time to time, unto the coming of this Luther? Wherein this appeareth to me, & may also appear no less to all godly disposed men, to be noted, not without great admiration, that seeing this foresaid Romish Bishop hath had great enemies and gainsayers continually from time to time, both speaking & working, preaching and writing against him, yet notwithstanding never any could prevail before the coming of this man. The cause whereof, although it be secretly known unto God, and unknown unto men: yet so far as men by conjectures may suppose, it may thus not unlikely be thought: That whereas other men before him, speaking against the pomp, pride, whoredom, and avarice of the Bishop of Rome, charged him only or most specially with examples and manners of life: Luther went further with him, charging him not with life, but with his learning: not with doings, but with his doctrine: not picking at the rind, but plucking up the root: not seeking the man, but shaking his seat, yea & charging him with plain heresy, 
The Pope charged with heresy by Luther.  as prejudicial and resisting plainly against the blood of Christ, contrary to the true sense and direct understanding of the sacred testament of God's holy word. For whereas the foundation of our faith grounded upon the holy scripture, teacheth & leadeth us to be justified only by the worthiness of Christ, & the only price of his blood: 
The foundation of the Pope's doctrine contrary to Christian faith.  the Pope proceeding with a contrary doctrine, teacheth us otherwise to seek our salvation, not by Christ alone, but by the way of men's meriting and deserving by works: Whereupon rose divers sorts of orders & religious sects amongst men, some professing one thing, and some an other, & every man seeking his own unrighteousness, but few seeking the righteousness of him which is set up of God to be our righteousness, redemption, and justification.  
Martin Luther therefore urging & reducing things to the foundation and touchstone of the Scripture, 
justification by faith, revived by Luther.  opened the eyes of many, which before were drowned in darkness. Whereupon it can not be expressed what joy, comfort, and consolation came to the hearts of men, some lying in darkness and ignorance, some wallowing in sin, some being in despair, some macerating themselves by works, and some presuming upon their own righteousness, to behold that glorious benefit of the great liberty and free justification set up in Christ jesus. And briefly to speak, the more glorious the benefit of this doctrine appeared to the world after long ignorance, the greater persecution followed upon the same. And where the elect of God took most occasion of comfort and of salvation, thereof the adversaries took most matter of vexation & disturbance: As commonly we see the true word of God to bring with it ever dissension and perturbation, and therefore truly it was said of Christ, That he came not to send peace on earth, but the sword. 
Math. 10.  And this was the cause, why that after the doctrine and preaching of Luther, so great troubles and persecutions followed in all quarters of the world: 
Great persecution after the doctrine of Luther.  whereby rose great disquietness among the Prelates, and many laws and decrees were made, to overthrow the same by cruel handling of many good and Christian men. Thus while authority armed with laws and rigour, did strive against simple verity, lamentable it was to hear, how many poor men were troubled and went to wrack, some tossed from place to place, some exiled out of the land for fear, some caused to abjure, some driven to caves in woods, some racked with torment, and some pursued to death with faggot and fire. Of whom we have now (Christ willing) in this history following to entreat, first beginning with certain that suffered in Germany, & then to return to our own stories, and Martyrs here in England.   

Henry Voes and john Esch, friars Augustine's.  
IN the year of our Lord. 1523. two young men were burnt at Bruxelles, the one named Henry Uoes, 
Two Friars burned at Bruxelles.  being of the age of 24. years, and the other john Esch, which before had been of the order of the Augustine Friars. They were disgraded the first day of julie, and spoiled of their friars weed, at the suit of Egmondanus the Popes Inquisitor, and the divines of Louvain, 
Egmondanus, and Hochestratus, doctors of Louvain, persecutors.  for that they would not retract and deny their doctrine of the Gospel, which the Papists call Lutheranism. Their examiners were Hochestratus and other, who demanded of them, what they did believe? They said, the books of the old Testament, and the new, wherein were contained the Articles of the Creed. Then were they asked whether they believed the decrees of the Counsels and of the Fathers? They said, such as were agreeing to the Scripture, 
Their examination.  they believed. After this they proceeded further, ask whether they thought it any deadly sin, to transgress the decrees of the fathers, and of the bishop of Rome? That (said they) is to be attributed only to the precepts of God, to bind the conscience of man, or to lose it. Wherein when they constantly persisted, and would not turn, they were condemned and judged to be burned. Then they began to give thanks to God their heavenly father, which had delivered them through his great goodness, from the false and abominable priesthood, & had made of them priests of his holy order, receiving them unto him as a sacrifice of sweet odor. Then there was a bill written, which was delivered unto them to read openly before the people, to declare what faith and doctrine they held. 
The cause of their accusation & martyrdom.  The greatest error that they were accused of, was that men ought to trust only in God, for so much as men are liars and deceitful in all their words and deeds, and therefore there ought no trust or affiance to be put in them.  
The burning of Henry Voes and john Esch, friars Augustine's.  
Henry being demanded amongst other things, whether Luther had seduced him or no: yea (said he) even as Christ seduced his Apostles. He said also, that it was contrary to God's law, that the Clergy should be exempted from the power & jurisdiction of the magistrate ordained of God, for such as were ordained in office by the bishops, have no power but only to preach the word of God, and to feed their flock therewithal. After their death, their monastery was dissolved at Antwerp. The Precedent whereof, by the Papists called jacobus Lutherianus, after divers and many troubles & afflictions, was forced to recant at Brussels, but afterward his mind being renewed by the holy ghost, embracing that again which before he had renounced, he fled unto Luther. Ex 6. tomo M. Lutheri. fol. 397.   

Henry Sutphen Monk put to death in Diethmar.  
THe next year after the burning of those two Christian martyrs at Brussels above mentioned, 
Henry Sutphen Martyr.  with like tyranny also was martyred & burned without all order of judgement or just condemnation, about the City of Diethmar, in the borders of Germany, one Henry of Sutphen monk, an. 1524. of whom mention is partly touched in the Commentaries of joh. Sledan. Lib. 4. but his history is more amply described of Luther, 
Ex Comment. Sled. Lib. 4.  of Paulus Eberus in his Calendar, of Ludou. Rabus Crispinus, and other. This Sutphen had been before with M. Luther, and afterward coming to Antwerp, was from thence excluded for the Gospel, and so came to Breme, not to the intent there to preach, but for that he was minded to go to Wittenberg, being driven from Antwerp, as is abovesaid. Who being at Breme, was there required by certain godly Citizens of Breme, to make one or two brief exhortations upon the Gospel. Whereunto, through the earnest love and zeal that was in him, he was easily alured & persuaded. He made his first Sermon unto the people, the sunday before Saint Martin's day. 
Henry Sutphen preacheth at Breme.  When the people heard him preach the word of God so sincerely, they desired him again the second time, and were so in love with his doctrine, that the whole parish required him to tarry amongst them to preach the Gospel: which thing, for fear of danger, for a time he refused. When the religious rout had understanding hereof, specially the Canons, Monks, and priests, they went about with all endeavour, to oppress him, & thrust both him out of the city, and also the Gospel of Christ (for that was their chief seeking: 
Monks and Priests conspire against henry. ) whereupon they went unto the Senate, desiring that such an heretic might be banished the town, which in his doctrine preached against the catholic Church. Upon the complaint of the Canons, the Senate sent for the wardens, and head men of the parish where Henry had preached, who being come together, the Senate declared unto them the complaint of the Canons, and all the other religious men. Whereunto the citizens of Breme taking their preachers part, 
The Citizens of Breme, excuse their preacher.  answered, that they knew none other, but that they had hired a learned and honest man, to preach unto them, which should teach them sincerely & truly the word of God. Notwithstanding, if the Chapterhouse or any other man could bring testimonial or witness, that the Preacher had taught any thing, which either savoured of heresy, or were repugnant to the word of God, they were ready (they said) with the Chapterhouse to persecute him: for God forbidden that they should maintain an heretic. But if contrariwise the Canons of the Chapterhouse, and the other Religious men will not declare and show that the preacher whom they had hired, had taught any error or heresy, but were set only of malice, by violence to drive him away, they might not (said they) by any means suffer the same. Whereupon they desired the Senate with all humble obedience, that they would not require it of them, but grant them equity and justice, saying, 
The Monks and priests complain again of the preacher to the Archbishop of Breme.  that they were minded to assist their preacher always, and to plead his cause.  
This answer the Senate commanded to be declared to the Chapterhouse. When as the religious sort understood that they could prevail little or nothing with their words, bursting out in a fury, they began to threaten, and there withal went strait unto the Archbishop, to certify him how the Citizens of Breme were become heretics, & would no longer obey their religious sort, with many other like things in their complaint, so that it was to be feared, lest the whole City shortly should be seduced.  
When the Bishop heard tell of these things, 
The preacher cited to appear before the Archbishop.  straightways he sent ij. which were of his counsel, unto Breme, requiring that Henry should be sent unto him without delay. When they were demanded why they would have him sent, they answered, because he preached against the holy Church. Being again demanded, in what points or articles, they had nothing to say. One of these counsellors was the bishops Suffragan, 
False accusation.  a naughty pernicious hypocrite, which sought all means possible to carry away the said Henry captive. Finally they received this answer of the Senators, that for somuch as the preacher being hired by the Church wardens, 
The Senate denieth to send the preacher to the Bishop.  had not hitherto been convict for an heretic, & that no man had declared any erroneous or heretical article that he had taught, they said, they could by no means obtain of the Citizens that he should be carried away: Wherefore they earnestly desired the Bishop that he would speedily send his learned men unto Breme, 
The Senate of Breme require a disputation of the Archbishop.  to dispute with him, & if he were convinced, they promised, without any delay that he should be justly punished, and sent away: if not, they would in no wise let him depart. Whereunto the Suffragan answered with a great protestation, requiring that he might be delivered into his hands, for the quietness of the whole country, taking God to his witness, that in this behalf, he sought for nothing else, but only the commodity of his country. But for all this, they could prevail nothing, for the Senate continued still in their former mind. 
The Suffragan● would not confirm their children for anger.  Whereupon the Suffragan being moved with anger, departed from Breme, and would not confirm their children.  
When he came unto the Bishop he declared the answer of the Senate, and what he had heard and learned of the Priests and Monks there. Afterward when daily news came, 
When the prelat● cannot prevail by power, they fall to practise.  that the preacher did still more & more preach & teach more heinous matter against the religious rout, they attempted an other way, suborning great men to admonish the Citizens of Breme into what jeopardy their common wealth might fall by means of their Preacher, preaching contrary to the decree of the Pope and Emperor. Besides that, they said, that he was the prisoner of the Lady Margaret, for which cause they had gotten Letters of the Lady Margaret, requiring to have her prisoner sent unto her again.  
All these crafts and subtleties did nothing at all prevail, for the Senate of Breme answered all things without blame. When as the Bishop saw this his enterprise also frustrate, he attempted an other way, whereby he had certain hope, that both he, & also the word of God with him should be wholly oppressed. Whereupon they decreed a Provincial counsel, not to be holden at Breme, 
another practice of the Archbishop.  as it was accustomed, but at Bucstade, which place they thought most meet for their purpose.  
To this Council were called all the Prelates & learned men of the Diocese, to determine what was to be believed, and whereto to trust.  
Also to the said Council was Henry called, notwithstanding that they had already decreed to proceed against him, as against a manifest heretic, 
A Council of priests called against Henry Sutphen.  albeit he was not yet convict, nor had pleaded his cause before. Wherefore the rulers of the City, together with the commonalty, detained him at home, foreseeing and suspecting the malice of the Council. 
Henry gathereth the sum of his doctrine in writing.  Then the said Henry gathered a sum of his doctrine into a few Articles, and sent it with his letters, unto the Archbishop, excusing his innocency, offering himself to be ready, if he were convict of any error by the testimony of the holy Scripture, he would be ready to recant the same: notwithstanding earnestly requiring, that his errors might be convicted by the holy Scriptures, by the testimony whereof he had hitherto approved his doctrine & doubted not hereafter to confirm the same: but this took no place amongst those anointed prelate's. What the determination of their judgement was, it may hereupon well be gathered, in that shortly after they set up upon the Church porch the Bull of Pope Leo the x. & decree of the Emperor made at Worms. Whereupon Henry contemning their madness, 
Vide supra pag 847.849. The Catholic proceeding of the Pope's Clergy.  proceeded daily in preaching the Gospel, adding always this protestation, that he was ready willingly to give account touching his faith & doctrine, to every man that would require the same. In the mean time the holy Catholics could not be idle, but sent their chapleines unto every sermon, to trap him in his words. But God, 
They that wen● about to take him, were taken▪  whose foot paths are in the midst of the floods, would have his marvelous power to be seen in them, for he converted many of them: in so much that the greater part of those that were sent to hearken, did openly witness his doctrine to be God's truth, against which no man could contend, and such as in all their lives before they had not heard, persuading them likewise, that they forsaking all impiety, should follow the word of God, and believe the same, if they would be saved. But the chief priests, canons and monks, were so indurate and blinded with Pharaoh, that they became the worse for these admonitions. When as God saw the time convenient that Henry should confirm the verity that he had preached, he sent him among the cruel murderers appointed for that slaughter, by this occasion as followeth.  
It happened in the year of our Lord 1524. that this Henry was sent for by letters, 
Henry Sutphen sent for to preach at Meldorph.  by Nicholas Boy parish priest, and other faithful Christians of the parish of Meldorph, which is a town in Diethmar, to preach the Gospel unto them, and deliver them out of the bondage of Antichrist, which in that place had full dominion.  
These letters being received upon S. Catherines even, calling together six brethren, honest Citizens, he opened the matter unto them, how that he was sent for by them of Diethmar, to preach the Gospel: adding moreover that he was not only a debtor unto them, but to all other which required his aid. Wherefore he thought good to go unto Diethmar, to see what God would work by him, requiring also that they would help him with their advice, by what means he might best take his journey, that no man should know of it, that thereby he might not be letted or stopped: which thing without doubt had come to pass, if his purpose had been known to the people. Unto whom the citizens answered, 
The Citizens of Breme persuade henry not to go to Diethmar.  desiring him that he would not departed for a time, for so much as the Gospel had not yet taken so deep root in the people, but was as yet weak, & specially in the villages thereabout, & that the persecution was very great, willing him also to have respect unto this, that he was by them called to the office of preaching, and if they of Diethmar desired a preacher, he should send some other in his place, for they had before perceived the disposition and untrustiness of them of Diethmar: besides that, it was not in their power to give him free liberty to departed, without the consent of the whole commonalty. Whereunto Henry made answer in this manner, 
The causes moving He●ry to go to Diethmar.  that albeit he could not deny but that he was sent for by them: yet now there were many godly & learned men at Breme, whose labour they might use in his absence, in preaching of the Gospel. Besides that, the Papists were for the most part vanquished and overthrown, and their folly known, even unto women and children, adding thereunto, that he had now preached the Gospel by the space of two years at Breme, and that they of Diethmar lived without a pastor even in the midst of the wolves, wherefore he could not with safe conscience deny their request. And whereas they alleged that they could not licence him without the consent of the whole congregation, that (said he) was but of small effect, for so much as he would not utterly forsake them, but determined only to remain with them of Diethmar, for a month or two, to lay a foundation, and then to return again, desiring them, that after his departure, they would declare unto the congregation, how he was sent for by them of Diethmar, to whom he could not say nay: willing them also to excuse his sudden departure, for that he was forced to depart secretly, because of his adversaries privily lying in wait in every place for him, thinking that he should scarcely avoid them, which had always gone about to bring him to his death. 
In this rude country of Diethmar, Master Rogers our countryman was superintendant in time of the 6. articles where he with great danger of his life, did very much good. Henry taketh his journey to Meldorph.  Finally, they should promise to the congregation in his name, that when he had performed his enterprise, he would strait return again. They being persuaded with these words, consented unto him, steadfastly hoping that they of Diethmar should be converted unto the true faith: which people above all other, have always been most given to Idolatry.  
Having prepared all things toward his setting forth, the xxij. day of October, he took his journey, and came to Meldorphe, whither he was sent for: whereas he was joyfully received of the parish priest and other, as soon as he was come thither. Albeit he had not yet preached, the Devil with his members by and by began to fret and fume for anger. Above all other, one Augustine Torneborch, Prior of the Black friars, began to fume, who went out of hand unto master john Swicken his companion, and Commissary to the Official of Hamburge, to take counsel what was to be done, lest they should lose their kingdom. 
The Prior of of the Black Friars, with the 48. Presidents, conspireth the death of Henry.  Finally it was decreed by them, above all things to withstand the beginnings, that he should not have licence to preach: for if by any means it happened that he preached, and the people should hear him, it was to be feared that the wickedness and craft of the Priests and Monks should be opened, which being made manifest, they knew plainly that it would be but a folly to resist, remembering what had happened lately before in Breme. This determination had, the Prior the next day early in the morning, (for he had not slept well all night for cares) went with great speed unto Heyda to speak with the 48. Precedents of the country: unto whom with great complaints he showed, how that a seditious fellow a Monk, was come from Breme, which would seduce all the people of Diethmar, as he had done the Bremers. 
The chief doers of thi● conspiracy.  There was moreover that did assist this Prior, master Gunterus, chancellor of that country, and Petrus Hannus, both enemies unto the Gospel. These two stoutly assisted the Prior, persuading the other 46. being simple and unlearned men, that they should obtain great favour and good will of the Bishop of Breme, if they would put this heretic monk to death. When these poor unlearned men heard these words, they decreed that this Monk should be put to death, neither heard, nor seen, much less convict.  
Furthermore, this Prior obtained letters from the 48. Precedents unto the parish priest, commanding him under great penalty, that he should put the Monk out of his house, and command him to departed without preaching. With these letters he came speedily unto Meldorphe, 
Nicolas Boys parish priest of Meldorph commanded to put away Henry.  and delivered the letters overnight unto the parish Priest, trusting that by their threatenings and commandment, the said Henry should be feared from preaching, diligently watching whether he did preach or not.  
When as the parish priest had read over the letters, he marveled not a little at that proud commandment, for that it had not been heard of before, that the xlviij. Precedents should meddle with Ecclesiastical matters, and that it had been of long time used, that the ruling thereof should be in the hands of the parish priest: and long time before it was decreed by the whole province, and customably used, that in every church the parish priest should have free liberty to receive or put out the preacher. These letters the parish priest delivered unto Henry: which when he had diligently looked over, he answered, that for so much as he was come, being sent for by the whole congregation to preach the Gospel of Christ, he would satisfy that vocation, because he saw it would be acceptable unto the whole congregation, and that he ought rather to obey the word of God, than man: Also that if it pleased God that he should lose his life in Diethmar, there was as near a way to heaven, 
The constancy of Henry in his vocation.  as in any other place, for that he doubted nothing at all, that once he must suffer for the Gospel's sake. Upon this courage and boldness, the next day Henry went up into the Pulpit, and made a Sermon, expounding the place of Paul, which is, Rom. 1. Testis est mihi Deus, etc. That is, God is my witness: and the Gospel of the day. After the Sermon was done, the whole congregation being called together, the Prior delivered the letters that were sent by the 48. Precedents, the tenor whereof was this: that they of Meldorph should be fined with a fine of a thousand gildrens', if they suffered the Monk to preach: and commanded moreover, that they should send ambassadors unto Heida, with full power and authority. When they heard these letters read, they were much moved, because they were so charged contrary to the custom of the country, for so much as every parish priest hath always had authority, according to his discretion, to choose or put away the preacher. Briefly they all determined with one voice, to keep Henry for their preacher, and to defend him: for when they had heard the Sermon, they were greatly offended with the Prior.  
After dinner Henry preached again, 
Henry preacheth at Meldorph. The Citizens of Meldorph writ in defence of their preacher.  expounding the place of S. Paul Rom. 15. Debemus nos qui potentes sumus, etc. We ought which are strong, etc. The next day the Citizens of Meldorphe sent their messengers unto Heyda, offering to answer in all causes before all men, for their preacher, whom they had received. Besides that, the messengers declared what christian & godly Sermons they heard him preach. The parish priest also wrote letters by the said Legates unto the 48. rulers, wherein he excused himself, that it was never his mind, nor the intent of the said Henry to move sedition, but only sincerely to preach the word of God, and offered himself ready to answer for the said Henry to all men, whensoever he should be called, most earnestly desiring them not to give credit unto the Monks, which being blinded with hatred & avarice, had fully determined to oppress the truth: saying moreover, that it was against all reason, that a man should be condemned, before the truth be tried out, and his cause declared, and if after due inquisition had, he should be convict, than he should suffer condign punishment. This submission with the public testimonial, was nothing esteemed or regarded, neither was there any answer given thereunto, but every man repined & murmured thereat. Last of all, one Peter Dethleves, one of the Seniors answered: 
Good counsel of Peter Dethleves.  that albeit there were divers dissensions in every place about the Christian faith; and that they as men ignorant, could not redress the same, yet this their sentence should be holden and ratified: which was, that the judgement of determining this dissension, should be reserved to the next Council, which by the report of master chancellor, was now in hand to be called and gathered. Also until all discord and dissension should be appeased, whatsoever was received and believed by their neighbours, he promised in the name of the rest, that they would willingly receive and believe the same: So that if the word of God hath not hitherto been clearly and sincerely preached (as they said) unto the people, and that there be now some which can teach and preach the same more sincerely, it is not their mind or intent to withstand or resist their good doings, but that the precedents would wish this one thing diligently to be taken heed of, that there be no occasion given by any man to move sedition, and in the mean time he commanded all men quietly to give over all matters until Easter next, and by that time it should be made evident what should be received, and what left undone. With this answer they were all very well contented, and the messengers returned again to Meldorphe with great joy and gladness, declaring to the whole congregation what answer was made, conceiving a sure hope that the matter would shortly come to pass.  
Upon S. Nicholas day, this Henry preached twice, first upon the Gospel Homo quidam nobilis, etc. A certain noble man, 
Luke 19  etc. Secondly upon this text, Plures facti sunt sacerdotes, etc. There are many made Priests, etc. with such a spirit and grace, 
Heb. 7.  that all men had him in admiration, praying God most earnestly that they might long have such a preacher. Upon the day of the conception of our Lady, he also made two Sermons upon the first chapter of Matthew, expounding the book of the generation, wherein he rehearsed the promises made by God unto our forefathers, and under what faith our fathers that then were, had lived, adding also that all respect of works being set apart, we must be justified by the same faith. All these things were spoken with such boldness of spirit, that all men greatly marveled at him, giving thanks to God for his great mercy, that had sent them such a Preacher, desiring him moreover that he would tarry with them all Christmas to preach, for they feared lest he should be sent for to some other place.  
In the mean space, the Prior and master john Schinke were not idle, 
The Prior and the Monks again conspired. against the Gospel.  for when the Prior perceived that his malicious enterprise took no good success, he adjoined unto him a companion, William, a Doctor of the jacobines, and so went up to Laudanum, to the Monks, franciscans, and Minors, for help and counsel. For those kinds of Friars above all other, are best instruct by their hypocrisy, to deceive the poor and simple people. These Friars streightwaies sent for certain of the rulers, which had all the rule and authority, and specially Peter Hannus, Peter Swine, and Nicholas Roden, unto whom they declared, after their accustomed manner, with great complaints, what an heretic Monk had preached, and how he had obtained the favour almost of all the simple people, which if they did not speedily provide for and withstand the beginnings, and put the heretic to death, it would come to pass, that shortly the honour of our Lady and all Saints, together with the two Abbeys, should utterly come to ruin and decay.  
When these simple & ignorant men heard these words, they were greatly moved. Whereunto Peter Swine answered thus, that they had before written unto the parish priest & to Henry, what was best to be done, notwithstanding if they thought good, they would write again. No, said the Prior, this matter must be attempted another way, for if you writ unto the heretic, he will by and by answer you again. And it is to be feared, lest the contagion of his heresy do also infect you, being unlearned men: for if you give him leave to speak, and to answer, there is no hope that you shall overcome him. 
The death of Henry conspired by the Monks and Friars.  Wherefore they finally determined to take this Henry by night, and burn him, before the people should know it, or he come to his defence to answer. This devise pleased all men, but specially the Franciscane Friars. Petrus Hannus the Priors chief friend, willing to get the chief praise and thanks of this matter, by the help of master Gunter, did associate unto him certain other rulers of the towns near adjoining, whose names are here not to be hidden, because they so much affected praise and glory. 
The names of the conspirators & persecutors.  The names of the Presidents were these, Petrus Hannus, Peter Swine's son, Hennicke Lundane, john Holneus, Laurence Hannemanus, Nicholas Weslingbourgus, Ambrose & john Brenthusius, Marquardus Kremmerus, Henstedanus Ludekus, johannes Weslingus, and Petrus Grossus, Precedent of Himmigstate. All these Presidents & all other that were of Council to this pretence, assembled together in the Parish of the new Church, in the house of master Gunter, where also the chancellor was consulting together with them, how they might burn the said Henry, secretly coming upon him without any judgement or sentence. They concluded the next day after the conception of our Lady, to meet at Henning, which is v. mile from Meldorphe, with a great band of husbandmen. This determination this made, they laid scouts in every place, that there should no news of their pretenced mischiefs come unto Meldorphe, commanding that as soon as it began to wax dark, they should all gather together. There assembled above v. C. men of the country, unto whom was declared the cause of their assemble, & also they were instructed what was to be done, for before no man knew the cause of the assemble, but only the Presidents. When the husbandmen understood it, they would have returned back again, refusing to do such a detestable and horrible deed. The Presidents with most bitter threats, kept them in obedience, 
A drunken murder.  & to the intent they should be the more courageous, they gave them three barrels of Hamborow beer to drink.  
About midnight they came in armour to Meldorphe. The jacobines and Monks prepared torches for them, that Henry should not slip away suddenly in the dark. They had also with them a false betrayer, named Hennegus, 
Hennegus the betrayer of the preacher.  by whose treason they had perfect knowledge of all things. With great violence they burst into the house of the Parish Priest, breaking & spoiling all things, as the manner of that drunken people is. If they found either gold or silver, they took it away. When they had spoiled all things, they violently fell upon the Parish Priest, & with great noise cried out, kill the thief, kill the thief. 
The parish priest violently taken in his house by night.  Some of them took him by the hear of the head and pulled him out into the dirt, forcing him to go with them as prisoner: other some cried out, saying that the Parish Priest was not to be meddled withal, for they had no commission to take him. After they had satisfied their lust upon the Parish Priest, with great rage and fury they ran upon Henry, and drawing him naked out of his bed, 
Henry Sutphen taken and carried away of the murderers.  bound his hands hard behind him: whom being so bound, they drew to and fro so long, that Peter Hannus, which otherwise was unmerciful & a cruel persecuter of the word of God, willed them that they should let him alone, for that without doubt, he would follow of his own mind. Then they committed the guiding of him to john Balco, who rather drew him by violence, than led him. When he was brought to Hemmingsted, they asked of him how and for what intent he came to Diethmar. Unto whom he gently declared the whole cause of his coming: but they all in a rage cried out. Away with him, 
Henry brought to Hemmingsted.  away with him, for if we hear him talk any longer, it is to be feared, that he will make us also heretics. Then he being marvelous weary and faint, required to be set a horseback, for his feet were all cut and hurt with the ice, because he was led all night barefoot. When they heard him say so, they mocked & laughed at him, saying, must we hire a horse for an heretic? He shall go a foot whether he will or no. Because it was night, 
The cruel handling of God's Martyr.  they carried him naked unto Heyda. Afterward they brought him to a certain man's house named Calden, & bound him there with chains in the stocks. The master of the house seeing the cruel deed, taking compassion upon Henry, would not suffer it to be done. Wherefore he was carried away to the priests house, the Officials servant of Hamburge, & shut up in a cupboard, & was kept by the rude people, which all the night mocked & scorned him. Amongst all other there came unto him, Simon in Altenuord, & Christian Parish Priest of the new Church, both alike ignorant & wicked persecutors of the word of God, demanding of him why he had forsaken his holy habit. Unto whom he friendly answered by the Scriptures, but those ignorant persons understood nothing what he said. Master Gunterus also came unto him, inquiring whether he had rather to be sent to the Bishop of Breme, or receive his punishment in Diethmar. Unto whom Henry answered, if I have preached any thing contrary to God's word, or done any wicked act, it is in their hands to punish me therefore. Gunterus answered. Hark I pray you friends, bark, he desireth to suffer in Diethmar. The common people all the night continued drinking and swilling.  
In the morning about viii. of the clock, they gathered together in the market place to consult what they should do. 
A drunken consultation. Crucifige. Crusifige.  There the rustical people boiling with drink, cried out, burn him, burn him, to the fire with the heretic. Without doubt, if we do it, we shall this day obtain great glory and praise both of God and man, for the longer he liveth, the more he will seduce with his heresy. What need many words? Sure he was to die, for they had condemned this good Henry without any judgement, (his cause not being heard) to be burned. At last they commanded the Crier to proclaim, that every man that was at the taking of him, should be ready in armour to bring him forth to the fire. 
The bloody brood of Friars, help forward.  Amongst all other, the Friar franciscans were present, encouraging the drunken rude people, saying, now ye go the right way to work. Then they bond the said Henry, hands, feet, and neck, and with great noise brought him forth to the fire. 
Henry brought for 〈◊〉 the fire.  As he passed by, a certain woman standing in her door, beholding that pitiful sight, wept abundantly. Unto whom Henry turning himself, said, I pray you weep not for me. When he came to the fire, for very weakness he sat down upon the ground. By and by there was present one of the Precedents named may, which was evidently known to be corrupted and bribed with money, to this purpose: he condemned the said Henry to be burned, pronouncing this sentence upon him.  

A false sentence of a corrupt judge.  For so much as this thief hath wickedly preached against the worship of our blessed Lady, by the commandment and sufferance of our reverend father in Christ, the Bishop of Breme, and my Lord, I condemn him here to be burned and consumed with fire. Unto whom Henry answered, I have done no such thing: and lifting up his eyes towards the heaven, he said, O Lord forgive them, for they offend ignorantly, not knowing what they do. Thy name, O almighty God, is holy.  

The tender compassion of a godly woman.  In the mean time, a certain woman, the wife of one junger, sister of Peter Hannus, offered herself to suffer a thousand stripes, and to give them much money, so that they would pacify the matter, and keep him in prison, until that he might plead his matter before the whole convocation of the country. When they heard these words, they waxed more mad, 
The tyranny & fury of the people against this blessed Martyr.  and threw the woman down under feet, and trod upon her, and beat the said Henry unmercifully. One of the rustical sort, strake him behind on the head with a sharp dagger. john Holmes of the new Church strake him with a Mace. Othersome thrust him in the back, and in the arms. And this was not done once or twice, but as often as he began to speak. Master Gunter cried out, encouraging them, saying: Go to boldly good fellows, truly God is with us present.  

Where the offence is not done to man, confession to man there needeth not.  After this he brought a Franciscane Friar unto Henry, that he should be confessed. Whom Henry demanded in this manner: Brother, when have I done you injury, either by word or deed, or when did I ever provoke you to anger? Never, said the friar. What should I then confess unto you, said he, that you think you might forgive me? The Friar being moved at these words, departed. The fire as often as it was kindled, would not burn. Notwithstanding they satisfied their minds upon him, 
The fire would not kindle.  striking & pricking him with all kind of weapons. The said Henry standing in the mean time in his shirt before all this rude people, at the last they having gotten a great ladder, bound him hard thereunto, and cast him into the fire. And when he began to pray, & to repeat his Creed, one strake him upon the face with his fist, saying, thou shalt first be burnt, and afterward pray & prate as much as thou wilt. 
The martyrdom of Hen. Sutphen.  Then another treading upon his breast, bound his neck hard to a step of the ladder, that the blood gushed out of his mouth and nose. This was done to strangle him withal, for they saw, that for all his sore wounds, he would not die.  
After he was bound to the ladder, he was set upright. Than one running unto him, set his halberd for the ladder to lean against (for those countrymen use no common hangman, but every man exerciseth the office without difference) but the ladder slipping away from the point of the halberd, caused that the halberd strake him through the body. Then they cast this good man with ladder and all upon the wood, which tumbling down, light upon the one side. Then john Holmeus ran unto him, & strake him with a mace upon the breast, till he was dead, and stirred no more. Afterward they roasted him upon the coals, for the wood as aften as it was set on fire, would not burn out. And thus this godly preacher finished his martyrdom, 
Ex Epist. Mart. Lut.  which was, ann. 1524. Ex Epist. Mart. Luth.  
About the same time, many other godly persons, & such as feared God, for the testimony of the Gospel, were thrown into the river of Rhine, and into other rivers, where their bodies afterward were found, 
divers Martyrs secretly drowned in rivers. john of Diethmar, Martyr.  and taken up. Also in the said Town of Diethmar, another faithful Saint of God, named john, suffered the like martyrdom. Thus these two blessed and constant Martyrs, as two shining lights set up of God, in testimony of his truth, offered up the sacrifice of their confession, sealed with their blood, in a sweet odor unto God.  
At the Town of Hala, likewise another preacher, named M. George, for ministering in both kinds, 
M. George of Hala preacher, in Saxony, Martyr.  was martyred and slain of a like sort of cutchrotes, set up by monks and friars to murder him, near to the town called Haschemburge. Ex Crisp. & Pantal.  
At prague also in Bohemia, another for changing his Monkery into Matrimony, did suffer in like manner. Ex Lud. Rab.  
Furthermore, in the same year of our Lord above mentioned 1524. and 22. of Octob. the Town of Miltenberge in Germany was taken and ransacked, 
The town of Miltenberge.  and divers of the inhabitants there slain, and many imprisoned for maintaining and keeping with them Carolostadius, to be their preacher. Ex Raba. & Pantal.  
In the same catalogue of holy Martyrs, likewise is to be placed Gaspar Tamber. Also another called Georgius, 
Gasper Tambar, George a Scrivener of Vienna, Martyrs.  a Scrivener, which both were burned at Uienna in Austria.    

¶ The lamentable martyrdom of john Clerk of Melden in France.  
MElden is a city in France x. miles distant from Paris, where john Clerk first was apprehended & taken, 
joh. Clerk of Melden Martyr.  ann. 1523. for setting up upon the Church door, a certain Bill against the Pope's pardons lately sent thither from Rome, in which Bill he named the Pope to be Antichrist. For the which his punishment was this, 
joh. Clerk scourged, for calling the Pope Antichrist.  that three several days he should be whipped, & afterward have a mark imprinted in his forehead, as a note of infamy. His mother being a christian woman, although her husband was an adversary, when she beheld her son thus piteously scourged, and ignominiously deformed in the face, 
joh. Clerk marked in the forehead.  constantly & boldly did encourage her son, crying with a loud voice. Blessed be Christ, and welcome be his prints and marks.  
After this execution and punishment sustained, the said john departed that town, and went to Roisie in Bry, & from thence removed to Metz in Lotharing, where he remained a certain space, applying his vocation, being a Wollecarder by his occupation. Whereas he, the day before that the people of that city should go out to the suburbs to worship certain blind idols near by (after an old use and custom amongst them received) being inflamed with the zeal of God, went out of the City to the place where the Images were, and braced them all down in pieces. The next morrow after, when the Canons, Priests, & Monks, keeping their old custom, had brought with them the people out of the City, to the place of Idolatry, to worship as they were wont, they found all their blocks and stocks almighty, lie broken upon the ground. At the sight whereof they being mightily offended in their minds, set all the City on a gog to search out the author thereof. Who was not hard to be found: for so much as this foresaid Clerk, besides that he was noted of them to be a man much addicted that way, he was also seen somewhat late in the evening before, to come from the same place into the City. Wherefore he being suspected, and examined upon the same, at first confessed the fact, rendering also the cause, 
joh. Clerk taken for casting down Images.  which moved him so to do. The people hearing this, and being not yet acquainted with that kind of doctrine, were moved marvelously against him, crying out upon him in a great rage. Thus his cause being informed to the judges, wherein he defended the pure doctrine of the son of God, he was condemned, and led to the place of execution, where he sustained extreme torments: 
The grievous torments of joh. Clerke▪  For first his hand was cut off from his right arm: then his nose with sharp pinsons was violently plucked from his face: after that both his arms, and his paps were likewise plucked and drawn with the same instrument. To all them that stood looking upon, it was an horror to behold the grievous and doleful sight of his pains: again to behold his patience, or rather the grace of God giving him the gift so to suffer, 
The Constancy of this blessed Martyr.  it was a wonder. Thus quietly and constantly he endured in his torments, pronouncing, or in a manner singing the verses of the 115. Psal. Simulacra eorum sunt argentum & aurum, etc. Their Images be silver and gold, the work only of man's hand, etc. The residue of his life that remained in his rend body, was committed to the fire, and therewith consumed: which was about the year of our Lord 1524. Ex Plant. & Crisp.  

john Castellane.  
THe year next ensuing, 
john Castellane Doctor & Martyr.  which was 1525. master john Castellane borne at Tourney, a Doctor of Divinity, after that he was called unto the knowledge of God, and became a true preacher of his word, and had preached in France, in a place called Barleduc, also at Uittery in Partoise, at Chalon in Champain, and in the town of Uike, which is the Chamber and Episcopal Seat of the Bishop of Metz in Lorraine, after he had laid some foundation of the doctrine of the Gospel in the town of Metz, in returning from thence he was taken prisoner by the Cardinal of Loraines servants, by whom he was carried from Gorze to the Castle of Nommeny: 

Doctor Castellane carried to the Castle of Nommenye.  
The zealous affection of the Citizens of Metz toward their preacher.   whereupon the citizens of Merz took no little displeasure and grievance, who being grievously offended to have their preacher so to be apprehended and imprisoned, within short space after took certain of the cardinals subjects, and kept them prisoners so long, until the Abbot of S. Antony's in Uiennois, called Theodore de Chaumont, vicar general, as well in causes spiritual, as temporal, through the jurisdiction both of the Cardinal, and Bishopric of Metz, Tollouse and Uerdune, being furnished with a letter & commission from the See of Rome, came to the said town of Metz, and after divers declarations made to the Provost, and the other justices and Counsellors of the City, he so wrought and brought to pass, that immediately the said subjects of the Cardinal were set at liberty. But john Castellane was kept still prisoner in the Castle of Nommeny, 
Whosoever escape, the Christians are sure to suffer.  and was most cruelly handled, from the time of the fourth day of May, until the twelfth day of january: during all which time he persevered constant in the doctrine of the son of God. Whereupon he was carried from Nommeny, 
Doctor Castellane constant in his doctrine.  to the town and Castle of Uike, always persevering constantly in the profession of the same doctrine, so that they did proceed unto the sentence of his degradation, that he might be delivered over unto the secular power, according to the custom and manner. And for so much as the form and manner of the sentence and process of disgrading is notable, and hath been reported unto us word for word, we have thought good here to annex the same, to declare the horrible blasphemies joined with gross and brutish subtlety, in those high mysteries which the enemies of the truth do use in their process against the children of God, whereby every man, even the most ignorant, may evidently perceive the horrible blindness, that these unshamefast Catholics are blinded withal.  

The sentence of the degradation.  

The sentence of his degradation. Ex actis episcopalibus.  COncerning the process inquisitorie, formed and given in form of accusation against thee john Castellane, priest and religious man of the friar Eremites of the order of S. Austin: understanding likewise thy confession which thou hast made of thine own good will, maintaining false and erroneous doctrine: and marking also besides this, the godly admonitions, and charitable exhortations which we made unto thee in the town of Metz, which thou like unto the serpent Aspis, hast refused, and given no ear unto: also considering thine answers made and reiterate unto our interrogatories, by means of thine oath, in the which devilishly thou hast hidden and kept back, not only the truth, but also following the example of Cain, hast denied to confess thy sins and mischievous offence: and finally hearing the great number of witnesses, sworn and examined against thee, their persons and depositions diligently considered, and all other things worthy of consideration, being justly examined: the reverend master Nicholas savin, doctor of divinity, and inquisitor of the faith, assistant unto us, hath entered process against thee, and given full information thereof: this our purpose and intent being also communicate unto divers Masters and Doctors both of the Civil and Canon laws here present, which have subscribed and signed hereunto, whereby it appeareth that thou john Castellane hast oftentimes and in divers places openly and manifestly spread abroad and taught many erroneous propositions, full of the heresy of Luther, contrary and against the Catholic faith, and the verity of the Gospel, and the holy Apostolic see, and so accursedly looked back, & turned thy face, that thou art found to be a liar before Almighty God. It is ordained by the sacred rules of the Canon law, that such as through the sharp darts of their venomous tongue, do pervert the Scriptures, and go about with all their power to corrupt and infect the souls of the faithful, should be punished and corrected with most sharp correction, to the end that others should be afraid to attempt the like, and apply themselves the better to the study of Christian concord, through the examples set before their eyes, as well of severity▪ as of clemency. For these causes and others rising upon the said process, by the Apostolic authority, and also the authority of our said reverend Lord the Cardinal, which we do use in this our sentence definitive, which we sitting in our judgement seat, declare in these writings, having God only before our eyes, and surely considering, that what measure we do meat unto other, the same shallbe measured to us again: 
True you say: for your measure is death definitive and therefore look you for the same measure again at God's hand  we pronounce and declare sententially and diffinitively, thee john Castellane, being here present before us, and judge thee because of thy deserts, to be excommunicate with the most great excommunication, and therewithal to be culpable of treason against the divine majesty, and a mortal enemy of the Catholic faith, and verity of the Gospel: also to be a manifest heretic, & a follower & partaker of the execrable 
* If Luther be to be noted of cruelty which teacheth all men and killeth no man: what then is to be noted in the Pope which killeth all God's children and teacheth none  cruelty of Martin Luther, a stirrer up of old heresies already condemned, and therefore, as thou oughtest to be deposed and deprived of all Priestly honour and dignity, of all thy orders, of thy shaving, & religious habit: also of thy Ecclesiastical benefices, if thou hast any, and from all privilege of the Clergy: so we here presently do depose, deprive, and separate thee as a rotten member, from the communion and company of all the faithful, and being so deprived, we judge that thou oughtest to be actually disgraded: that done, we leave thee unto the secular powers, committing the degradation and actual execution of this our sentence, unto the reverend Lord and Bishop here present, with the authority and commandment aforesaid.  
This sentence being thus ended, with their Catholic Sermon also, the said Bishop of Nicopolis sitting in his pontificalibus, in the judgement seat, being Suffragan of Metz, with the clergy, nobles and people about him, proceeded to the disgrading (as they call it) of the said master john Castellane. Thus the said master john Castellane being made ready to his degradation by the officers of the said Bishop, was appareled in his Priestly attire, and afterward brought forth of the Chapel by the Priests, which were thereunto appointed, with all his priestly ornaments upon him, and holding his hands together, he kneeled down before the Bishop. 
Doc. Castellane disgraded.  Then the officers gave him the chalice in his hands with wine & water, the patine, & the host: all which things the said bysh. which disgraded him, took from him, saying, we take away from thee, or command to be taken from thee, all power to offer sacrifice unto God, & to say Mass aswell for the quick, as the dead.  
Moreover, 
Priest's anointed fingers.  the Bysh. scraped the nails of both his hands with a piece of glass, saying: By this scraping we take away from thee all power to sacrifice, to consecrated, & to bless, which thou hast received by the anointing of thy hands. Then he took from him the Chesille, saying: by good right we do despoil thee of this priestly ornament, 
The Chesile.  which signifieth charity: for certainly thou hast forsaken the same, & all innocency. Then taking away the stole, he said: 
The Stole.  Thou hast villainously rejected & despised the sign of our Lord, which is represented by this stole: wherefore we take it away from thee, and make thee unable to exercise and use the office of Priesthood, & all other things appertaining to Priesthood. The degradation of the order of Priesthood being thus ended, they proceeded to the order of Deacon. 
The gospel book.  Then the ministers gave him the book of the Gospels, which the Bysh. took away, saying: we take away from thee all power to read the Gospels in the Church of God, for it appertaineth only to such as are worthy. After this he spoiled him of the Dalmatic, which is the vesture that the Deacons use, 
The Dalmatic  saying: we deprive thee of this levitical order: for somuch as thou hast not fulfilled thy ministery & office. 
The Stole behind his back.  After this the bysh. took away the stole from behind his back, saying: we justly take away from thee the white stole which thou hadst received undefiledly, 
The Epistle book.  which also thou oughtest to have borne in the presence of our Lord: and to the end that the people dedicate unto the name of Christ, may take by thee example, we prohibit thee any more to exercise or use the office of Deaconshyp. 
Bennet and Collet.  Then they proceeded to the disgrading of Subdeaconshyp, & taking away from him the book of the Epistles, & his Subdeacons vesture, deposed him from reading of the Epistles in the Church of God: 
Exorcist. Lectorship.  & so orderly proceeding unto all the other orders, disgraded him from the order of Benet and Collet, from the order of Exorcist, from the Lectorshyp, and last of all, from the office of Doorekeeper, taking from him the keys, 
doorkeeper.  & commanding him hereafter not to open or shut the Revestry, nor to ring any more bells in the Church. That done, 
The Church-door keys.  the bysh. went forward to disgrade him from his first shaving, & taking away his Surplice, said unto him, by the authority of God almighty, the father, the son, & the holy ghost, & by our authority, we take from thee all Clerkely habit, 

Ringing of Bells.  
The Surplice.   and despoil thee of all ornament of religion: Also we depose and disgrade thee of all order, benefit, & privilege of the Clergy, & as one unworthy of that profession, we commit thee to the servitude & ignominy of the secular estate. 
The Pope's Clergy accounteth the secular state ignominious & servile. The royal sign of priesthood.  Then the Bishop took the shears, and began to clip his head, saying in this manner, we cast thee out as an unthankful child of the lords heritage, whereunto thou wast called, and take away from thy head, the crown, which is the royal sign of Priesthood, through thine own wickedness and malice. The Bishop also added these words, that which thou hast sung with thy mouth, thou hast not believed with thy hart, nor accomplished in work, wherefore we take from thee the office of singing in the Church of God.  
The disgrading thus ended, the procurator fiscal of the Court and city of Metz, 
Singing in the Church.  required of the Notary an instrument or copy of the disgrading. Then the ministers of the Bishop turned him out of his clerkly habit, and put upon him the apparel of a secular man. That done, for so much as he which is disgraded, 
Pope Innocent author of disgracing.  according to the institution of Pope Innocent the third, aught to be delivered unto the secular court, the Bishop that disgraded him, proceeded no further, but said in this manner, we pronounce that the secular court shall receive thee into their charge, being thus disgraded of all clerkly honour and privilege.  
This done, the Bishop, after a certain manner, entreated the secular judge for him, 
Note here these persecutors, how they will seem outwardly to be lambs, but inwardly are ravening Wolves.  saying: My Lord judge, we pray you as heartily as we can, for the love of God, and the contemplation of tender pity & mercy, and for the respect of our prayers, that you will not in any point do any thing that shall be hurtful unto this miserable man, or tending to his death, or maiming of his body. These things thus done, the secular judge of the town of Uike, confirming the foresaid sentence, condemned the said master john Castellane, to be burned quick: which death he suffered the xii. day of january 1525. with such a constancy, that not only a great company of ignorant people were thereby drawn to the knowledge of the verity, but also a great number which had already some taste thereof, were greatly confirmed by that his constant and valiant death.  
* The burning of john Castellane.  
It would fill another volume to comprehend the acts & stories of all them, which in other countries at the rising of the Gospel, suffered for the same. But praised be the Lord, every Region almost hath his own history writer, which sufficiently hath discharged that part of duty, as every one in matters of his own country is best acquainted: wherefore I shall the less need to overstraine my travail, or to overcharge this volume therewith. Only it shall suffice me to collect iij. or iiij histories, recorded by Oecolampadius and the rest to bring into a brief table, & so returning, to occupy myself with our own domestical matters, here done at home.     

¶ The history of a good pastor, murdered for the preaching of the Gospel: written by I. Oecolampadius.  
IN the year of our Lord 1525. there was a certain good and godly minister, 
A good Priest for evil will  who had committed something in the Commotion there razed by the rustical clowns of the country, which they said that knew him, was but of small importance. He, because he had offended his prince before, not with any fact or crime, but with some word something sharply spoken, was therefore condemned to be hanged.  
After sentence was given, there was a Gentleman of a cruel hart, sent with a certain troop of men, to apprehend the said priest, and to hang him. Who coming into his house, saluted him friendly, pretending as though their coming had been to make good cheer: for he was a good housekeeper, and the Gentlemen of the Country thereabouts used oftentimes to resort unto his house familiarly. This priest made ready for them in short space, a very sumptuous banquet, whereof they did eat and drink very cheerfully. After dinner was ended, and that the Priest was yet at the table thinking no hurt, 
Ungentleness in a gentleman.  the Gentleman said to his servants, take ye this priest our host, and hang him, and that without delay, for he hath well deserved to be hanged for the great offence he hath committed against his Prince, the servants were marvelously astonished with his words, and abhorring to do the deed, said unto their master, God forbidden that we should commit any such crime, to hang a man that hath entreated us so gently: for the meat which he hath given us, is yet in our stomachs undigested. It wer● a wicked act for a noble man to render so great an evil, for a good turn: but especially to murder an innocent. Briefly, the servants sought no other occasion, but only to give him way to flee, that they might also avoid the execution of that wicked purpose.  
As the Gentleman and his servants were thus contending, the priest said unto them, I beseech you show no such cruelty upon me, rather lead me away captive unto my prince, where I may purge myself. I am falsely accused, and I trust to pacify his anger which he hath conceived against me. At least remember the hospitality which I have ever showed to you, and all Noble men at all times, resorting to my house. But principally speaking to the Gentleman, he advertised him of the perpetual sting which would follow upon an evil conscience: protesting that he had faithfully and truly taught them the doctrine of the Gospel, and that it was the principal cause why he had such evil will: which long time before he had foreseen would come to pass, for so much as he had oftentimes in the pulpit reproved sharply and openly the horrible vices of the Gentlemen, 
Many things ma● be pretended but religion is ever the cause why good men go to wrack.  which maintained their people in their vicious living, and they themselves were given unto blasphemy and drunkenness, whereas they should show example of faith, true religion, and soberness, but they had oftentimes resisted him, saying that it was not his part to reprove them, for so much as they were his Lords, and might put him to death if they would: that all things which they did was allowable, and that no man ought to gainsay it: also that he went about some things in his Sermons, that would come to an ill end.  
This good man, whatsoever he could say, could not make his matter seem good, for the Gentleman continued in his wicked enterprise, and pricked forth his servants still to accomplish their purpose, for it was resolved by the Prince, that he should be put to death, and turning himself unto the Priest, he said, that he could gain nothing by preaching in such sort, 
Kindness unkindly rewarded with unkindness.  but that he should fully determine himself to die, for the prince had given express commandment to hang him, whose favour he would not lose, for to save his life.  
At the last the servants, after great sorrow and lamentation, bound their host, & hanged him upon a beam in his own house, the Gentleman standing by, & looking upon.  
This good man seeing no remedy, spoke none other words, but only, jesus have mercy upon me. jesus save me. This is the truth of this most cruel act, which a Turk would scarcely have committed against his mortal enemy. Now let every man judge with himself, which of them have the greatest advantage, either they which commit the cruelty against the good, or the good men which do suffer the same unjustly. The first sort have a continual gnawing in their conscience, and the other obtain an immortal crown.   

¶ The like history of the death of a certain Minister, named M. Peter Spengler, which was drowned in the year of our Lord 1525. collected by Oecolampadius.  
IN a certain village named Schlat, in the country of Brisgois, there was a vigilant minister, a man very well learned in the Scriptures, of a good name, for that he lived a godly & a blameless life, having long time faithfully done his office and duty, being also courteous and gentle, 
A description of a good minister or curate.  and well beloved of men, but specially of the Bysh. of Constance, with whom he was in great authority, peaceable and quiet with all men that he had to do withal. He quieted discords and contentions with a marvelous prudency, exhorting all men to mutual charity & love. In all assembles wheresoever he came, he greatly commended honest life & amendment of manners. When the purity of the gospel began to shine abroad, he began to read with great affection the holy Scriptures, which long time before he had read, but without any understanding. When he had recovered a little judgement, and came to more understanding by continual reading, being also further grown in age, he begun to consider with himself, in how great darkness and errors the whole order of priests had been a long time drowned. O good God (said he) who would have thought it, that so many learned and holy men have wandered out of the right way, and could have so long time been wrapped in so great errors, or that the holy Scripture could have been so deformed with such horrible abuses, for he never well understood before (he said) that the Gospel was the verity of God, in that order wherein it is written, seeing it contained so much touching the Cross, persecution, and ignominious death, 
The cross discerneth between true Christians, and counterfeit.  and yet the Priests lived in great prosperity, and no man durst maintain any quarrel against them, without great danger? He also saw that the hour was come that the Gospel should be displayed, that persecution was at hand, that the enemies of the truth began now to rage, that the wicked and proud lifted up their heads on high, 
He that seeketh to live godly in Christ, shall suffer persecution.  and feared not to enterprise and take in hand all kind of mischief and wickedness against the faithful, that the Bishops which ought by their virtue and power to defend the word, were more barbarous and cruel than any tyrants had been before. He thus considering the present estate of the world, 
● Tim. 4.  put all doubt from his hart, and saw presently before his eyes, that jesus Christ had taught the truth, seeing so many bodies of the faithful were daily so tormented, beaten, exiled, and banished, drowned, and burned. For who can report the great torments which the innocent have endured these years passed, even by those which call themselves Christians, and for no other cause, but only for the true confession of jesus Christ? This good Pastor considering with himself the laws and doctrine of the church of Rome to serve from the truth of Christ, especially in restraining marriage: to the end that he would not defile himself with fornication, he married a maid of his, such a one as feared God, by whom afterward he had many fair children.  
About this time the people of the country had raised a great commotion, 
A commotion of the Bowers.  who in their rage went unto monasteries and priests houses, as if they had taken in hand some pilgrimage, and spared nothing that they could find to eat. That which they could not eat, they either cast underfeets, or carried it away with them. One company of this rustical sort, lodged themselves in the house of this good Priest, for they made no difference between the good & the bad. These roisters took from him all that they could find, leaving nothing behind them, in so much as they took away the very hose from his legs, for all that he could do: albeit that he gently entreated them, showing that it was theft, & a hanging matter that they did, yet they continued still in their madness like beasts.  
As they were departing out of the house, the good priest could not refrain himself from weeping, saying unto them, I tell you before, these your unordinate doings will redound to some great mischief to yourself. For what madness is this, what meaneth this rage and tumult, wherein you keep no order or equity, neither have any respect between friend and foe? Who thus stirreth you up? what counsel do you follow, or to what end do you this? Like thieves you spoil what so ever you can lay hands upon. And think you not but these things which you now rob, raven, and steal, you shallbe compelled hereafter to restore again, to your great detriment? What sedition did ever come to good end? 
Cruelty & sedition never cometh to good end.  You pretend the Gospel, and have no peace of the Gospel either in your mouths, or in your hearts. These excesses (said he) ye never learned of me, which ever have taught you the true word of God. This your Gospel (saith he) is rather the Gospel of the devil, then of God, which vexeth all the world with violence and wrong, spoiling and robbing without regard. 
The Gospel teacheth no rebellion.  The true Gospel of jesus Christ, teacheth you to do good unto all men, to avoid dissensions and perjury. This I say unto you, that in these your doings you offend God, and provoke his just vengeance to plague you, which will never suffer these evils to escape unpunished. You find written in the Gospel: That which thou wouldst not should be done to thee, do not to other. You offend also all the nobility, and your lawful magistrates, whom you are sworn and bound unto. It is no small matter I tell you, to raise up sedition, to stir up other, and to disturb the state of the common wealth: and when this tumult shall be ceased, what then shall your noble men do? shall they not rifle you as fast, & of your goods make themselves rich? and than shall one of you betray an other. These with such other words he stood preaching unto them, almost naked, but all this would not prevail with those men, who after all these gentle admonitions and fair words, departed out of his house giving him foul language, and calling him old Dotard. Amongst all other, one more wicked than the residue, said unto him in this manner: O master Curate, we have been long deceived by your selling of masses, by fearing us with Purgatory, by your Diriges and Trentals, and so have we been spoiled: wherefore we do nothing now, but require again the money which you rob us of, and so mocking & scorning him they departed.  
After that this sedition of the Peasants was partly appeased (their armour being laid away) and they taken unto grace: after that also divers of the principals of that conspiracy were taken here and there in the villagyes, and executed: this good pastor fearing no such thing, for the true and sincere preaching of the Gospel, whereat many took great indignation, was taken in the night by certain soldiers, which bond him hand and foot, with a great rope before his wife and children, and so set him upon a horse, 
Religion the cause only why good men be troubled of the wicked.  and led him away to Friburge. What grievous sighs, tears, sorrow, and lamentation was there? It would have moved any hart (were it as hard as a Flynt) to a doleful compassion, especially to see the barbarous and despiteful rebukes, taunts, and extreme cruelty showed by these proud Popish Soldiers against the innocent Priest. Such beastly tyrants the world is never without. Such Godly ministers we have had but a few.  
The people hearing this pitiful noise and lamentation in the night, came running out, not the men, but only the women, whom the soldiers willed to go home again, and that their men should come forth and keep the town, but their men durst not appear. Then from Friburge, shortly after they conveyed him to Ensissheim.  
After they had long kept this man in prison, and that he had endured most terrible torments, as well by the privy members, as in other parts, they judged him to death. If you will know the cause what they had to lay to his charge, it was only this, that he had married a wife secretly in his own house, with a few witnesses. 
Cruelty without cause.  Other crimes they had none to object against him, neither that he was a seditious and wicked man, or that he had committed any other offence albeit they had gathered divers wicked persons out of sundry places, to pick out of his Sermons, the order and manner of his behaviour. When he was led unto the place of execution, he answered gently and quietly unto all them that came to comfort him. But there were divers Monks and Priests which troubled him very sore with their foolish babbling, as he was striving in his spirit against the horror of death, and making his prayer unto almighty GOD, seeking nothing else but to turn him away from his hearty and earnest contemplation. But he desired them that they would hold their peace, saying that he had already confessed his sins unto the Lord jesus, nothing at all doubting but that he had received absolution and forgiveness of them all. And I (said he) shall this day be an acceptable sacrifice unto my Saviour jesus Christ, for I have done no such thing wherefore I am now condemned, which might displease my Lord God, who in this behalf hath given me a good and quiet conscience. Now therefore let them which thirst for innocent blood, and shed the same, diligently advise themselves what they do, and that they offend even him, unto whom it pertaineth truly to judge the hearts of men: for it is said: Vengeance is mine, and I will punish. 
Rom. 12.  And for so much as he was a very lean man, he added this moreover, saying: It is all one, for shortly I must have forsaken this skin which already scarcely hangeth to my bones, I know well that I am a mortal, and a corruptible worm, and have nothing in me but corruption. I have long time desired my latter day, & have made my request that I might be delivered out of this mortal body, to be joined with my Saviour Christ.  
I have deserved through my manifold sins committed against my Saviour Christ, my cross: and my Saviour Christ hath borne the cross, and hath died upon the cross: and for my part, I will not glory in any other thing, but only in the cross of jesus Christ.  
There were present by, 
This blessed Martyr drowned.  certain naughty persons which told not endure to hear this godly exhortation, but made a sign unto the hangman, to cast him down into the river. After he was thrown down, he moved by a certain space in the water, in such sort, that the river whereinto he was cast, was red with blood. This was a certain sign and token, that innocent blood was that day shed. They which were there present, beholding that which had happened, 
The water miraculously coloured with blood, where he was drowned.  were greatly amazed and astonied, considering with themselves what the staining of the water with the blood should signify. Every man returned home pensive and sad, marveling at the cruel deed that was done that day: notwithstanding no man durst open his mouth to speak one word, because that all things were exercised with such cruelty. This was done in the town of Ensissheim. an. 1525.  
These things I did understand by one which did behold them with his eyes. The Lord of his great grace be merciful unto us, and forgive us our sins. Ex Oecolam.  
Such was the wickedness then of those days, and yet is still, that who so ever was perceived to favour the Gospel, or any thing to dislike the doctrine of the pope's church, he was hated and despited of the Rulers, Lawyers, and all other Papists through the whole country about, but especially of priests, monks and friars. And though the life of the Gospelers were never so sound & upright, yet such was the hatred and malice of the Pope's friends against them, that they never ceased to seek all occasions, and devise matters how to bring them to death.  
It so happened a little before this present time, that there was a commotion of the rude and rustical people of the country, rising in armour inordinately, against their Rulers, to the great disturbance of the whole country of Germany, & no less to their own destruction: of whom were slain above 20000. At length when this rebellion was appeased, and all things quiet, such as were the pope's friends, to work their malice against the Gospel, took occasion thereby not long after, to accuse and entangle such as they knew to be Gospelers & Protestants. And although the said Gospelers were never so inculpable & clear from all rebellion, yet that sufficed not, for causes were made, false witnesses brought, corrupt judges suborned to condemn the innocent, & many were put to death, their cause neither being heard nor known. By reason whereof, a great number of good & innocent Christians were miserably brought to their end and martyrdom. In the number of whom was this poor man also, whose story by Oecolampadius is thus described.   

¶ An other history of a certain man of the country wrongfully put to death, collected by the said john Oecolampadius.  

Ex joan. Occolampadio.  THere was (saith he) a certain man of the country, which in my judgement was a good man, and lover of justice, and a mortal enemy of all the cruel exactions of the Gentlemen, which oppressed the poor people. This man, after the tumult and commotion of the country was appeased, was grievously vexed and tormented, because he had cried Alarm. when as a great number of horsemen ranged about the country to seek out those which had been the authors of that sedition. This poor man was taken by policy, & so upholden with fair promises, that they made him confess whatsoever they required. He thinking that they would not have put him to death, was cast in prison, whereas he was long time detained, & well cherished, to take away all suspicion from him: but after he had tarried a long time in prison, they put him to the Pinbank, laying divers and many grievous offences to his charge, where they kept him hanging in the truss of the cord, 
The truss of the cord is a certain hanging up by the hands behind, having a weighty stone fastened at their feet.  the space of six hours, hanging a great stone fastened at his feet.  
The sweat that dropped from his body for very pain and anguish, was almost blood. In this distress he cried out pitifully, but all that could not once move the torments hearts. When as all the power & strength in his body began to fail him, with great violence they let him fall down. There this poor man lay even as a stock, not moving any part or member of his body, but a little drawing his breath, which was a token that there was some life in him. Here the torments were in great doubt what to do with the man, whom they sought by all means to destroy, in what place they might put him, that he should not die of that torment.  
Amongst them there was one which brought vinegar and rose water, and rubbing him therewithal, they did somewhat recover him. After that they had caused him to eat and drink such as they had provided for him, they let him down into a deep dungeon, where he could see neither Sun nor Moon. All this was done to the intent to put him to more torment, when he had somewhat recovered his strength again. There they let him continue xviij. days: after which time they brought him again to examination, propounding certain articles unto him, which he constantly denied. They devised divers and sundry kinds of torments, to the intent they might even of force extort something of this poor man, which might seem worthy of death: yet for all that they were fain to departed without their purpose. The xx. day after, these tyrants hired a hangman (a man sure worthy of his office) which left no kind of cruelty unpractised. 
The innocent man again tormented.  Yet did he miss of his purpose also, and was constrained to leave his cruelty, and to pronounce even with his own mouth, that the man was innocent, in that he had so constantly endured so many horrible and grievous torments. Yet these tyrants came again the fourth time, 
False witness.  & suborned two witnesses against him, thus concluding that he was worthy of death, because he had cried Alarm, after the truce was taken, & would have moved a new sedition. The day was appointed when he should suffer, and they brought unto him the hangman, and a Friar into the prison.  
In the mean time this poor man thought with himself that they would have showed him the like cruelty as they had done the night before. They called him out of the dungeon where they had let him down, certifying him that they had things to tell him for his profit. This they did because he should not die in prison.  
Then they let down a cord and a staff, 
He had rather pine prison, i● to come in the papists hands.  but they could not persuade him to sit thereupon, saying that he would rather choose to die there, than he would endure any more such cruel torments: Notwithstanding, if they would promise him, not to put him any more to the truss of the Cord, nor to put him to death, but to bring him before just judges: on that condition he would come out, although he had fully determined never to have removed from thence, but to have ended his life in that dungeon. There were present certain counsellors which promised to perform his request. 
The false promises of the papists, not to be trusted.  And thereupon he was taken out of the dungeon. As soon as he saw the Friar, he cried out with a loud voice, saying: O miserable and wretched man that I am: now am I betrayed and deceived, for my latter hour is at hand. I see well the dream which I have dreamt this night will come to effect, 
The Christian poor man refuseth the friars wodder cross.  for they do handle me tyrannously & condemn me, not being heard. The friar broke him of from his purpose and pulling a wooden cross out of his sleeve, presented it unto him, declaring that he must be quiet, because they had already given sentence against him, & that he should gain nothing by so much talk. Poor man (said the Friar) thou hast had good and gentle judges, at the least thou shalt go to God, therefore confess thy sins in my care, and after thou hast received absolution at my hands, doubt not but this day thou shalt go strait to the kingdom of heaven. The poor man answered: Thou wicked friar, get thee away from me, for I have long since bewailed my sins and offences, & that before the face of my Lord jesus, who hath already forgiven me all that which I have committed against his majesty, wherefore I have no need of thy absolution, which thou thyself dost not understand. This is most certain, that long time since, thou shouldest have amended thine own wicked & hypocritical life. I know well enough what thou art, thou playest the Ape with me, but thou hast a subtle and crafty hart, which hath deceived much simple people. If thou hast any comfort or consolation out of the Gospel to comfort me withal, let me have it, if not, get thee away from me, with thy Portesse. The friar was so confused and amazed with these words, that he knew not what to do or say. The hangman being wiser than the friar, 
The Crucifix of wood falsely called a Saviour.  bade him read unto the poor man something of the Passion, wherein the poor man would take great pleasure. This foolish friar had no other consolation to comfort him withal, but to hold the Crucifix of wood before him, saying: Behold thy saviour which died for thee, look upon him, & thou shalt be comforted. Then said the poor man, I have an other Saviour this is none of my Saviour, get thee away from me thou naughty person: with thy marmoset of wood. My Saviour dwelleth in heaven in whom I trust that he will not deliver my soul to eternal death. The friar crossed himself, showing the semblance of a man that were very sorry & aggrieved, thinking with himself, that this poor man was fallen into desperation. Then he was led forth into the market place, whereas according to the custom, 
The innocent man condemned for ill will▪  openly before all the people, his confession was read with a loud voice which contained no other thing, but only that the man had been a seditious person, and that in the time of truce he had cried Alarm, even in the night, when all men were at rest.  
When he was come to the place where he should suffer, being compassed in with Gleves & halbards, hired for the purpose: after he had said the Lords prayer, the hangman bade him kneel down, but he refused so to do, declaring that he had yet some thing more to say before the people, thinking that he should not be denied to speak in that place, as he was before the wicked judges. Those (said he) which know me, shallbe sufficient good witnesses on my behalf, that from my youth upward: I have always lived in good name, fame, and honesty, being never before accused for any offence, sedition, or perjury.  
In an evil time have I happened into these cursed days, when as all ways both God and man are turned topsy turuy. I was adherent to the tumult & sedition of the m●n of the country, as many other were which dwell there about, but what then? are there not also many Gentlemen which followed the peasants army, and many strong towns which went also with them? I was not the author of any sedition, 
Nihil peccavit agnus, Sed Lupus esurijt.  which always I have mortally hated. I never gave counsel unto any man to move any broil or tumult in any place. We asked counsel of our Gentlemen what we should do, when the bands of the peasants were assembled in the fields: but they gave us neither counsel nor comfort. And to speak of myself, I did never understand or know what the articles were that were published, neither was there ever any man that told me wherefore they were published, neither did I know wherefore the bands of the countrymen were risen, neither wherefore every man moved his neighbour to put on armour. Wherefore then have ye taken me as a seditious man, and made me to endure so great torments. He continued a long time in declaring his innocency, but notwithstanding all his excuses & defences, the hangman drew his sword, & at the commandment of the judge, strake of his head, as he had made an end of his prayers. 
This blessed Martyr beheaded.  His tongue moved a long time afterward in his head, by means of the force of the words which he had before spoken.  
Thus this good man of the country ended his days. Against whom the false judges could find no crime or offence to object, albeit they had diligently sought by witnesses to have information of all his life & living. The Lord grant his spirit to all those which suffer for his name. Ex joan. Oecolampad.   

* Wolfgangus Schuch a German, in Lotharing, martyr.  

The story & Martyrdom of Wolfgangus Schuch.  WOfgangus Schuchus coming to a certain town in Lotharing, bearing the name of s. Hippolytus, & being received in the said town to be their Pastor, laboured by all means how to extirp out of the hearts of the people Idolatry and Superstition. Which through the grace of Christ working with him, he in short time had brought prosperously to pass, according to his desire: In so much that the observation of Lent, Images, and all Idols, with the abomination also of the Mass, in the same town was utterly abolished: So reformable God made the hearts of the people there, & such affection had they to their minister. It was not long but the rumour thereof came to the hearing of Duke Antony, prince of Lorraine (under whose dominion they were) through the swift report of the adversaries, 
False and pernicious tongues.  falsely belying these Hippolitans to the duke, as though they in relinquishing the doctrine and faction of the Pope, went about to reject and shake of all authority & power of princes, & all superior governors. By the means of which sinister report, they incensed the Prince to such displeasure and indignation, 
The Duke of Lorraine threateneth the town of S. Hippolytus.  that he threatened to subvert and utterly to destroy the Town with sword and fire. Wolfgangus having word of this, wrote unto the Duke his Epistle, in most humble & obedient wise, in defence both of his ministry, of his doctrine which he taught, & of the whole cause of the Gospel.  
In which Epistle first he excused the people to be innocent & blameless, 
The letter of Wolfgangus to the Duke.  & rather those slanderous reporters to be both worthy to be blamed, and also punished for their false rumours & forged slanders raised up against them. After that he opened and explained the cause and state of the Gospel, and of our salvation, consisting only in the free grace of God, through faith in Christ his son, comparing also the same doctrine of the Gospel, with the confused doctrine of the Church of Rome.  
That done, thirdly he proceeded to our obedience, honour and worship which first we own to God & to Christ: next under him, to Princes here and Potestates, whom God hath placed in his room, and endued with authority here in earth, unto whom they offered themselves now & at all times, priest and most ready to obey with all service & duty. etc.  
But with this Epistle Wolfgangus did nothing prevail, either for that it was intercepted by the way, or else for that the false accusations & wicked tongues of the adversary part took more effect to win credit with the Duke, then could the simple defence of verity. Whereupon Wolfgangus, when he saw no other remedy, rather than the town should come in any danger for his cause, the good man of his own accord came to the city of Nancey (which is the head town of Lorraine) there to render a confession of his doctrine, and also to deliver the town of S. Hippolyta out of peril, deriving all the danger upon himself.  
As soon as he was come thither, 
The Constancy of Wolfgangus unremovable.  incontinent hands were laid upon him, and he laid fast in a strait and stinking prison, where he was sharply and bitterly handled, under the custody of the churlish and cruel keepers. All this notwithstanding, Wolfgangus continuing in that prison the space of a whole year, yet would not be moved from his constancy neither with the straightness of the prison, nor with the hardness of his keepers, nor yet with the compassion of his wife & children, which he had about six or seven. 
Wolfgangus had to the Grey Friars.  Then was he had to the house of the Grey friars to profess there his faith: where he both wittyly and learnedly confuted all them that stood against him.  
¶ The martyrdom of Wolfgangus.  
As he was led to the place of execution, passing by the house of the Grey Friars, Bonaventure the great Cyclops sitting at the door, cried out to him: thou heretic do thy reverence here to God, and to our Lady, and to his holy Saints, showing to him the Idols standing at the friars gate. To whom Wolfgangus answered again: thou hypocrite, thou painted Wall, the Lord shall destroy thee, and bring all thy false dissimulation unto light. When they were come to the place of his martyrdom, first his books before him were thrown in the fire. Then they asked him whether he would have his pain minished or shortened: to whom he said no, bidding them to do their will: for (said he) as God hath been with me hitherto, so I trust now he will not leave me, when I shall have most need of him, concluding his words thus: that they should put the sentence in execution, 
Note the quiet and joyful death of this blessed Martyr.  & so beginning to sing the 51. Psalm he entered into the place heaped up with faggots and wood, continuing in his Psalm and singing till the smoke & the flame took from him both voice and life.  
The singular virtue, constancy, and learning of this blessed man, as it refreshed and greatly edified the hearts of many good men: 
The just punishment of God upon persecutors.  so it astonied as much the minds of his adversaries, and wrought to their confusion: For shortly after his death the Commendator of S. Antony of Uienna, who sat as spiritual judge over him, and gave sentence of his condemnation, fell suddenly down and died. Also his fellow, which was Abbot of Clarilocus, and suffragan to to the Bishop of Metz, suddenly at the coming of the Duchess of Denmark into the city of Nancy, strooken with sudden fear, at the crack of guns, fell down and died, as they which were present and saw it, have made faithful relation of the same. an. 1525. Ex Ludou. Rabo, & Pantal.   

¶ john Huglein Martyr.  
OF john Huglein Priest, mention is made in the Commentaries of john Sled. in Lib. 6. who the next year following. 
john Huglein, Martyr. Ex Comment. Sled lib. 6.  an. 1526. was burned at Merspurge by the bishop of Constance, for that he did not hold with the Bishop of Rome's doctrine in all points.  
Moreover, besides other matters in this year occurrent, 
Promise of marriage broken with john Fridericke Duke of Saxony.  here is also a Memorandum to be made to all posterity, that in this present year .1526. unto john Friderick son and heir to the Prince and elector of Saxony, was promised the Lady Katherine the emperors younger sister in Marriage, and writings made of the same. But when the alteration of religion was sent by God's providence in to saxony, 
The Pope's church keepeth no promise with heretics.  they swerved from their covenants, and Hawnart, which was then the emperors Ambassador in Germany, said plainly, that there was no promise to be kept with heretics: wherein they seemed to follow well the footsteps of the Council of Constance, as before you have partly heard in the story of john Hus, & of the Emperor Sigismond, pag. 593.587.   

¶ George Carpenter of Emering Martyr, burned in the town of Munchen in Bavaria.  
THe viii. day of February in the year of our salvation .1527. there happened a rare and marvelous example & spectacle in the town of Munchen in Baravia. which was this. 
George Carpenter, Martyr.  A certain man named George Carpenter of Emering was there burnt. When he was fet out of the prison called Falken Tower, and led before the Council, divers Friars and Monks followed him, to instruct and teach him. Whom he willed to tarry at home, & not to follow him. When he came before the Council, his offences were read, contained in four Articles.  
First that he did not believe that a Priest could forgive a man's sins. 
Articles laid against George Carpenter.   
Secondly that he did not believe, that a man could call God out of heaven.  
thirdly that he did not believe, that God was in the bread, which the Priest hangeth over the altar, but that it was the bread of the Lord.  
Fourthly, that he did not believe, that the very element of the water itself in Baptism, doth give grace.  
Which four Articles, he utterly refused to recant. Then came unto him a certain Schoolmaster of S. Peter's in the town of Munchen, 
George persuaded to recant.  saying: my friend George, dost thou not fear the death and punishment which thou must suffer? If thou were let go, wouldst thou return to thy wife and children? Whereunto he answered: If I were set at liberty, whither should I rather go, then to my Wife and well beloved children? Then said the Schoolmaster, revoke your former sentence and opinion, 
The love of God preferred before wife, children, and liberty.  and you shall be set at liberty. Whereunto George answered: my wife and my children are so dearly beloved unto me, that they can not be bought from me, for all the riches and possessions of the Duke of Bavaria: but for the love of my Lord God I will willingly forsake them. When he was led unto the place of execution, the schoolmaster spoke unto him again, in the midst of the market place, saying: good George, believe in the Sacrament of the altar: 
The Sacrament a sign of the Lords body.  do not affirm it to be only a sign. Whereunto he answered: I believe this Sacrament to be a sign of the body of jesus Christ, offered upon the Cross for us. Then said the Schoolmaster moreover, what dost thou mean, 
Baptism.  that thou dost so little esteem Baptism, knowing that Christ suffered himself to be baptized in jordane? Whereunto he answered, and showed what was the true use of Baptism, and what was the end why Christ was baptized in jordane, & how necessary it was that Christ should die and suffer upon the Cross, wherein only standeth our salvation. The same Christ (said he) will I confess this day before the whole world: for he is my Saviour, and in him do I believe.  
After this came unto him one Master Conrade Scheitter, the Vicar of the cathedral Church of our Lady in Munchen a preacher, saying: George, if thou wilt not believe the Sacrament, yet put all thy trust in God, and say: I trust my cause to be good and true: 
* Mark here these subtle Serpents, which whom they can not remove this good man from his faith, they go about to bring him in doubt thereof. The answers of George Carpenter to every particle of the lords prayer.  but if I should err, truly I would be sorry and repent. Whereunto George Carpenter answered: God suffer me not to err I beseech him. Then said the schoolmaster unto him, do not put the matter in that hazard, but choose unto you some good Christian brother, Master Conrade, or some other, unto whom thou mayst reveal thy hart: not to confess thyself, but to take some godly counsel of him. Whereunto he answered: Nay, not so, for it would be to long. Then master Conrade began the lords Prayer, Our Father which art in heaven. Whereunto Carpenter answered, truly thou art our Father and no other: this day I trust to be with thee. Then Master Conrade went forward with the prayer, saying: hallowed be thy name. Carpenter answered: O my God, how little is thy name hallowed in this world? Then said Master Conrade. Thy Kingdom come. Carpenter answered: let thy kingdom come this day unto me, that I also may come unto thy kingdom. Then said Conrade: Thy will be done in earth as it is heaven. Carpenter answered: For this cause O Father, am I now here, that thy will might be fulfilled and not mine. Then said Master Conrade: give us this day our daily bread. Carpenter answered: the only living bread jesus Christ shall be my food. Then said Conrade: And forgive us our trespasses, as we forgive them that trespass against us. Carpenter answered: with a willing mind do I forgive all men, both my friends and adversaries. Then said Master Conrade: And lead us not into temptation, but deliver us from all evil: Whereunto Carpenter answered: O my Lord, without doubt thou shalt deliver me, for upon thee only have I laid all my hope. Then he began to rehearse the belief, saying: I believe in God the Father almighty. Carpenter answered: O my God, in thee alone do I trust: in thee only is all my confidence, and upon no other creature, albeit they have gone about to force me otherwise. In this manner he answered to every word: which his answers, if they should be described at length, would be to long. This prayer ended, the schoolmaster said unto him: dost thou believe so truly and constantly in thy Lord and God with thy hart, as thou dost cheerfully seem to confess him with thy mouth? Hereunto he answered: 
The hearty confession of George Carpenter. Luke 12. Whatsoever a man loveth above God, that he maketh his Idol. George Carpenter Carpenter refuseth to be prayed for after his death.  It were a very hard matter for me, if that I which am here ready to suffer death should not believe that with my hart, which I openly profess with my mouth: For I knew before, that I must suffer persecution, if I would cleave unto Christ: who saith, where as thy hart is, there also is thy treasure, and whatsoever thing a man doth fix in his hart to love above God, that he maketh his Idol. Then said master Conrade unto him, George dost thou think it necessary after thy death, that any man should pray for thee, or say Mass for thee? He answered: so long as the soul is joined to the body, pray God for me, that he will give me grace and patience, with all humility, to suffer the pains of death with a true Christian faith: but when the soul is separate from the body, then have I no more need of your prayers. When as the hangman should bind him to the ladder, he preached much unto the people. Then he was desired by certain Christian brethren, that as soon as he was cast into the fire, he should give some sign or token, what his faith or belief was. To whom he answered: 
The constant behaviour of George Carpenter at his death.  this shall be my sign and token: that so long as I can open my mouth, I will not cease to call upon the name of jesus.  
Behold (good reader) what an incredible constancy was in this godly man, such as lightly hath not been seen in any man before. His face & countenance never changed colour, but cheerfully he went unto the fire. In the midst (saith he) of the town, this day will I confess my God before the whole world. When he was laid upon the ladder, and that hangman put a bag of gunnepouder about his neck, he said, let it so be, in the name of the Father, and of the Son, 
The death and martyrdom of George Carpenter.  and of the holy Ghost. And when as the two hangmen lifted him up upon the ladder, smiling he bade a certain Christian farewell, requiring forgiveness of him. That done, the hangman thrust him into the fire. He with a loud voice cried out jesus, jesus. Then the hangman turned him over: and he again for a certain space, cried jesus, jesus, and so joyfully yielded up his spirit.   

¶ Leonard Keyser.  
HEre also is not to be passed over the marvelous constancy of M. Leonard kaiser of the country of Bavaria, 
The history of Leonard Keyser.  who was burned for the Gospel. This kaiser was of the town of Rawbe .4. miles from Passaw, of a famous house. This man being at his study in Wyttemberge, was sent for by his brethren which certified him, that if ever he would see his father alive, he should come with speed: which thing he did. He was scarcely come thither, when as by the commandment of the Bishop of Passawe, he was taken by his mother & his brethren. The Articles which he was accused of, for the which also he was most cruelly put to death, & shed his blood for the testimony of the truth were these.  
That faith only justifieth.  
That works are the fruits of faith.  
That the Mass is no sacrifice or oblation.  
Item, for confession, satisfaction, the vow of chastity, Purgatory, difference of days, for affirming only two Sacraments, and invocation of Saints.  
He also maintaineth 3. kinds of confession.  
The first to be of faith, which is always necessary.  

Articles against Leonard Keyser.  The second of charity, which serveth when any man hath offended his neighbour, to whom he ought to reconcile himself again, as a man may see by that which is written in Math. 18.  
The third which is not to be despised, is to ask counsel of the ancient Ministers of the Church.  
And for so much as all this was contrary to the bull of Pope Leo, 
Vid. su. pag. 844.845.  and the Emperors decree made at Worms, sentence was given against him, that he should be disgraded and put into the hands of the secular power. The persecutors that sat in judgement upon him, 
Persecutors.  were the Bishop of Passaw: the Suffragans of Ratisbone, & of Passaw: also Doctor Eckius, being guarded about with armed men. His brethren and kinsfolks made great intercession to have his judgement deferred and put of, that the matter might be more exactly known. Also john Fridericke Duke of Saxony, and the Earls of Schawemburge, and of Schunartzen, wrote to the bishop for him, but could not prevail. After the sentence was given, he was carried by a company of harnessed men, out of the City again, to Schardingham .13. of August. Where Christopher Frenkinger the civil judge receiving him, 
Hasty judgement against Leonarde Keyser.  had letters sent him from Duke William of Bavaria, that forthwith tarrying for no other judgement, he should be burned alive. Whereupon the good and blessed Martyr early in the morning, being rounded and shaven and clothed in a short gown, and a black cap set upon his head all cut and jagged, so was delivered to the officer. As he was led out of the town, to the place where as he should suffer, he boldly and hardily spoke in the Almaigne tongue, turning his head, first on the one side, and then on the other, saying: O Lord jesus remain with me, sustain and help me, and give me force and power.  

The martyrdom of Leonard Keyser.  Then the wood was made ready to be set on fire, and he began to cry with a loud voice: O jesus, I am thine, have mercy upon me, and save me, and therewithal he felt the fire begin sharply under his feet his hands, and about his head: and because the fire was not great enough, the hangman plucked the body half burnt, with a long hook, from underneath the wood. Then he made a great hole in the body, through the which he thrust a stake, and cast him again into the fire, and so made an end of burning, This was the blessed end of that good man, which suffered for the testimony of the truth, the 16. day of August, in the year of our Lord. 1526. Ex 6. Tomo operum Lutheri.   

Wendelmuta widow and Martyr.  
IN Holland also the same year .1527. was Martyred and burned a good and virtuous widow, 
W●ndelmuta widow, Martyr.  named Wendelmuta, a daughter of Nicholas of Munchendam, This widow receiving to her hart the brightness of God's grace, by the appearing of the Gospel, was therefore apprehended and committed to custody in the Castle of Werden, & shortly after, from thence was brought to Hage the 15. day of November there to appear at the general sessions of that country: Where was present Hochstratus, Lord Precedent of the said county, who also sat upon her the 17. day of the foresaid month. divers Monks were appointed there to talk with her, to the end they might convince her, and win her to recant, but she constantly persisting in the truth, wherein she was planted, would not be removed. Many also of her kindred & other honest women were suffered to persuade with her. Among whom there was a certain noble matron, who loved and favoured dearly the said widow being in prison. This matron coming, and commoning with her in her talk said: My Wendelmuta, why dost thou not keep silence, & think secretly in thine hart, 
Religion would be professed as well with tongue as with hart. Rom. 10.  these things which thou believest, that thou mayest prolong here thy days and life? To whom she answered again: Ah (said she) you know not what ye say. It is written: With the hart we believe to righteousness, with tongue we confess, to salvation. etc. And thus she remaining firm & steadfast in her belief and confession, the 20. day of November was condemned by sentence given, as against an heretic, to be burned to ashes and her goods to be confiscate, she taking the sentence of her condemnation mildly and quietly.  
After she came to the place where she should be executed, 
Wooden Gods not to be worshipped.  and a Monk there had brought out a blind Cross, willing her many times to kiss and worship her God: I worship (said she) no wooden God, but only that God which is in heaven: and so with a merry and joyful countenance, she went to the stake, desiring the executioner, to see the stake to be fast, that it fall not: then taking the powder and laying it to her breast, she gave her neck willingly to be bound, with an ardent prayer commending herself to the hands of God. When the time came that she should be strangled, modestly she closed her eyes, & bowed down her head as one that would take a sleep: which done the fire than was put to the wood, and she being strangled, was burned afterward to ashes, in stead of this life to get the immortal crown in heaven. an. 1527. Ex Pantal.   

* Petrus Flistedius, and Adolphus Clarebachus put to death at Colen.  
IN the number of these German Martyrs, 
Petrus Flistedius. Adolphus Clarebachus, Martyrs.  are also to be comprehended Peter Flisteden and Adolphe Clarebach, two men of singular learning, & having ripe knowledge of God's holy word. Which two, in the year of our Lord. 1529. for that they did dissent from the papists in divers points, & specially touching the supper of the Lord, and other the pope's traditions & ceremonies, after they had endured imprisonment a year and a half, by the commandment of the Archb. and Senate, were put to death and burned in Colen, not without the great grief & lamentation of many good Christians, 
The blood of Martyrs spilled to stop the sweeting sickness at Colen.  all the fault being put upon certain Divines, which at that time preached that the punishment & death of certain wicked persons, should pacify the wrath of God, which then plagued Germany grievously with a new and strange kind of disease: For at that season, the sweeting sickness did mortally rage and reign throughout all Germany. Ex Commenta. joan. Sled Lib. 6.   

¶ A Preface to the Table following.  
IF thou well remember in reading this book of stories (loving reader) it was before mentioned & declared, pag. 842. how in the year of grace 1501. certain prodigious marks and prints of the lords passion, as the crown, cross, nails, scourges, & spear were seen in germany, upon the garments of men & women. Which miraculous ostent passing the ordinary course of natural causes, as it was sent of God, no doubt, to foreshow the great & terrible persecution, which afterward fell in the country of Germany and other regions beside, for the testimony of Christ: so if the number & names of all those good men & women, which suffered in the same persecution, with their acts & doings should be gathered & compiled together, it would ask a long time, & a large volume. Notwithstanding, partly to satisfy the history which we have in hand, partly also to avoid tedious prolixity, I thought briefly to contract the discourse thereof, drawing, as in a compendious Table, the names of the persecutors, & of the Martyrs which suffered, and the causes wherefore, in as much shortness as I may, referring the full tractation of their lives & doings to those writers of their own country, where they are to be read more at large. And to keep an order in the same Table, as much as in such a confused heap of matters I may, according to the order and distinction of the countries, in which these blessed Saints of Christ did suffer: I have so divided the order of the Table in such sort, as first to begin with them that suffered in Germany, then in France, also in Spain, with other foreign countries more, 
The dutch Martyrs. The French Martyrs. The Spanish Martyrs. The English Martyrs.  showing only the names with the principal matters of them, referring the rest to the further explication of their own Storywriters, from whence they be collected. The which Table being finished, my purpose is (Christ willing) to return to the full history of our own matters, & Martyrs which suffered here in England.  

¶ A Table of the names and causes of such Martyrs, which gave their lives for the testimony of the Gospel in Germany, France, Spain, Italy, and other foreign Countries, since Luther's time: In which Table first is contained within the first space between the lines, the Persecutors, next the Martyrs, and thirdly the causes.  
¶ The Martyrs of Germany. ¶ Of divers which suffered in Germany for the witness of the Gospel, partly some rehearsal is made before, as of Voes, and Esch, of Sutphen, john Castellanne, Pet, Spengler, with a certain Godly Minister, and an other simple man of the country mentioned in Oecolampadius: Also of them in Diethmar and Prage, of M. George of Hala, Gaspar, Tambert, Georgius of Vienna, Wolfgangus Schuch, john Huglius, George Carpenter, Leonard Keyser, Wendelmuta, P. Flistede, Adol. Clarebach, and other more. The residue follow in order of this Table here to be showed.  Persecutors. Martyrs. The causes. 

Charles the Emperor. 
Nicholas of Antwerp, Martyr.   
Two servants of a Butcher did apprehend.   
One Nicholas of Antwerp.  
At Antwerp.  
An. 1254.  The Curate of Melza by Antwerp, had used to preach to a great number of people without the town. The Emperor hearing thereof, gave leave to take the uppermost garment of all them that came to hear, and offered 30. gilders who so would take the Priest. afterward, when the people were gathered, and the Curate not there, this Nicholas stepped up in place and preached. Wherefore he being apprehended by these two servants of a Butcher, was put in a sack and drowned by the Crane at Antwerp. 1524. 

Margarete daughter of Maximilian, 
joannes Pistorius, Martyr.  Princes of Holland.  
M. Montane  
M. Rosemund.  
M. Anchusanus inquisitors.  
M. jodocus Lovering, Vicar of Mechlin.   
joan. Pistorius, a learned man of Holland, and partly of kin to Erasm Roterod.  
An. 1524.  The story of Pistorius, is largely set forth by Gnapheus. First he was a Priest, than he married: after that he preached, coming from Wyttenberge. He spoke against the Mass and pardons, and against the subtle abuses of Priests. He was committed unto prison with 10. malefactors, whom he did comfort, & to one being half naked and in danger of cold, he gave his gown. His father visiting him in prison, did not dissuade him, but bade him be constant. At last he was condemned, and disgraded, having a fools coat put upon him. His fellow prisoners at his death song Te Deum. Coming to the stake he gave his neck willingly to the band wherewith he was first strangled, and then burned, saying at his death: O death, 
1. Cor. 15.  where is thy victory? Sabastian Braitestein, Abbot. 
Mathias Weibell, Schoolmaster.  
In Suevia. An. 1525.  For saying somewhat against the Abbot's first Mass, and against carrying about the relics, 
Mathias Wiebell Martyr.  through the procurement of the abbot, he was hanged by Campidonium in Suevia. Certain noble men, after the commotion of the countrymen in Germany. 
A certain godly Priest.  
An. 1525.  This Priest being commanded to come and give good counsel to 16. countrymen that should be beheaded, 
A Priest, Martyr.  afterward was bid, himself to kneel down to have his head cut off, no cause nor condemnation further being laid against him, but only of mere hatred against the Gospel. Ex joan. Gastia. The name of the Persecutor appeareth not in the story. 
George Scherrer.  
At Rastat by Saltzeburge.  
An. 1528.  Ater that this George had instructed the people in knowledge of the Gospel in Rastat ten miles distant from Saltzeburge, 
George Scher●er, Martyr.  he was accused of his adversaries and put in prison, where he wrote a confession of his faith which Mathias Illiricus hath set out with his whole story. 
Ex Mat, Flat. Illyrica.  He was condemned to be burned a live: but means was made, that first his head should be cut of, and his body afterward be cast into the fire. Going toward his death he said, crying aloud: That you may know (said he) that I die a true Christian, 
A strange miracle of God in manifesting his Gospel.  I will give you a manifest sign, and so he did by the power of the Lord: For when his head was taken of from his shoulders, the body falling upon his belly, so continued the space while one might well eat an egg. After that, softly it turned itself upon the back, and crossed the right foot over the left, and the right hand over the left. At the sight whereof they which saw it were in a great marvel. The Magistrates which before had appointed to have burned the body after his beheading, seeing this miracle, would not burn it, but buried it with other Christian men's bodies, and many by the same examplr were moved to believe the Gospel. Thus God is able to manifest the truth of his Gospel, in the midst of persecution, who is to be blessed for ever. Amen. Balthasar, Official. 
Henry Fleming.  
At Dornick. 1225.  This Henry a Friar sometime of Flaunders, forsook his habit & married a wife. Who being offered life of Balthasar, if he would confess his wife to be an harlot, denied so to do, and so was burnt at Dornic. A Popish priest and a wicked murderer. 
A good priest dwelling not far from basil.  
1539.  

A good Priest martyred in his own house.  There was a certain wicked Priest, a notorious adulterer, a dycer, and a vile drunkard given to all wickedness and ungraciousness, without all fear, regarding nothing what mischief he did: moreover a man fit and ready to serve the affection of the papists at all turns. It chanced that this Priest was received and lodged in the house of an other Priest dwelling not far from basil, which was a good man and a sincere favourer of the Gospel.  
This drunken priest sitting at supper, was so drunk that he could not tell what he did, or else feigned himself so drunk of purpose, the better to accomplish his intended mischief. So it followed that this wretch, after his first sleep, rose out of his bed and broke all the glass windows in his chamber, threw down the stone, and rend all his hosts books that he found. The host awaking with the noise thereof, came to him, ask how he did: whether there were any thieves or enemies that he was in fear of, desiring him to show what he ailed. But assoon as the good host had opened his chamber door, the wicked cutthroat, ran at him with his sword and slew him. The host after the wound received, fell down and died. Upon this a clamour was made through all the street, and the neighbours came in, the murderer was taken and bound: and yet all the friends and kinsfolks that the good priest had, could not make that miserable caitiff that was the murderer, to be executed: the superior power did so take his part, saying that he should be sent to his bishop. The towns men did grievously cry out and complain, at the boulstering out of so manifest villainy. So did also the noble man that was the Lord of the Page, saying that so many good men and married priests were drowned and beheaded for such small trifles, without any regard had to the Bishop but a murderer might escape unpunished. It was answered to them again, that what the superior powers would do, they had nothing to do withal. The time was otherwise now, than it was in the commotion of the rustical people. The superior power had authority to govern as they would, said they: it was their parts only to obey: 
Ex joan Gastij.  And so was he sent bound to the bishop, and shortly after dismissed, having also a greater benefice given him for his worthy acre: for he so avaunted himself, that he had slain a Lutheran Priest. Ex tom. 2. Conuivalium Sermonum joan. Gastij. & ex. Pantal.  


Charles the emperors Procurator.  
Doctor Anchusanus, Inquisitor.  
Latomus.    
At Louane. An. 1543.  


XXviij. Christian men and women of Louane Paul a priest.  
Two aged women.  
Antonia.  
Two men.    
At Louane.  
1543.  
When certain of the City of Louane were suspected of Lutheranism, the Emperor's Procurator came from Bruselles thither to make Inquisition. After which Inquisition made, certain bands of armed men came & beset their houses in the night where many were taken in their beds, plucked from their wives and children, and divided into divers prisons. Through the terror whereof, many citizens revolted from the doctrine of the gospel, and returned again to idolatry. But 28. there were which remained constant in the persecution. Unto whom the Doctors of Lovan Anchusanus especially the Inquisitor, & Latomus sometimes, with other, came and disputed, thinking no less but either to confound them or to convert them. But so strongly the spirit of the Lord wrought with his Saints, that the other went rather confounded away themselves.  
When no disputation could serve that which lacked in cunning, they supplied with torments, by enforcing and afflicting them severally, every one by himself. Among the rest, there was one Paulus a Priest, upon the age of 60. years, whom the Rectors of the University, with their Colleagues, accompanied with a great number of bills and glaives, brought out of prison to the Austen friars, where after many foul words of the Rector, he was degraded. But at length for fear of death he began to stagger in some points of his confession, and so was had out of Louane, and condemned to perpetual prison which was a dark and stinking dungeon, where he was suffered neither to read nor write, 
Paulus a priest condemned to perpetual prison.  or any man to come at him, commanded only to be fed with bread and water. After that, other two there were, which because they had revoked before, were put to the fire and burnt, 
2. Martyrs burnt at Louane.  constantly taking their martyrdom.  Then was there an old man, and 2. aged women brought forth: 
An aged man Martyr.  of whom the one was called Antonia, borne of an ancient stock in that City. These also were condemned, the man to be headed, the 2. women to be buried quick, 
Antonia Martyr buried quick.  which death they received likewise very cheerfully. Certain of the other prisoners, which were not codemned to death, were deprived of their goods, commanded in a white sheet to come to the church, 
An aged woman Martyr buried quick.  and there kneeling with a Taper in their hand, to ask forgiveness: and they which refused so to do, and to abjure the doctrine of Luther, were put to the fire, Ex Francis. Encenate. The name of the persecutor appeareth not in the story. 
M. Persevall, Martyr.  
M. Persevall.  
At Louane.  
An. 1544.  Not long after this, was one M. Perseval in the same University of Louane, singularly well learned. Who for reprehending certain popish superstitions, and some thing speaking in commendation of the Gospel, was thrown into prison. Then being accused of Lutheranisme, because he stood to the same, and would not condesende to the pope's erroneous faction, he was adjudged to perpetual prison, there to be fed only with bread and water, which punishment he took patiently for Christ's sake. Nevertheless certain Citizens taking compassion of him sent him wine and bear. But his keepers being charged under a great penalty, durst let nothing come unto him. At last what became of him, no man could learn nor understand. Some judge that he was either famished for hunger, or else that he was secretly drowned. Et Franc. Encenate. Dorsardus● a Potestate in that country, 
Franciscus Encenas, prisoner.  and a great persecutor. 
justice Imbsberger.  
At Brusels.  
An. 1544.  
justus of Louane, Martyr.  justus: a skinner of Louane, being suspected of Lutheranism, was found in his house to have the new testament and certain sermons of Luther: For the which he was committed, and his jailor commanded, that he should speak with none. There were the same time, in the lower prison under them, Egidius, and Franciscus Encenas a Spaniard, who secretly having the doors left open, came to him and confirmed him in the cause of righteousness. Thus is the providence of the Lord never lacking to his Saints, in time of necessity. Shortly after came the Doctors and masters of Louane, to examine him of certain Articles touching religion as of the pope's supremacy, Sacrifice of the mass Purgatory, and of the sacrament. 
justus 〈◊〉 de terra.  Whereunto when he had answered plainly and boldly, after the Scriptures, and would in no wise be removed, he was condemned to the fire: but through the intercession made to the Queen, his burning was pardoned, and he only beheaded. Ex Franc. Encenate. The person of Brusels. 
Giles of Brusels.  
An. 1544.  This Gyles was borne in Brusels, 
Gyles, Martyr.  of honest parents. By his occupation he was brought up from his youth to be a Cutler: In the which occupation he was so expert and cunning, that he waxed thereby rich & wealthy. Coming to the years of 30. he began to receive the light of the Gospel, through the reading of the holy Scripture, and increased therein exceedingly. And as in zeal he was fervent, so was he of nature human, mild, and pitiful, passing all other in those parts. Whatsoever he had, that necessity could spare, he gave it away to the poor, and only lived by his science. Some he refreshed with his meat, 
Good works going with a lively faith.  some with clothing to some he gave his shoes: some he helped with household stuff: to other some he ministered wholesome exhortation of good doctrine. One poor woman there was brought to bed, and had no bed to lie in, to whom he brought his own bed, himself contented to lie in the straw. 
The said Egidius being detected by a Priest or person of Brusels, was taken at Louane for that religion, which the Pope doth call heresy. Where his adversaries extended great care and diligence to reduce him to their doctrine; and to make him abjure. But as he was a man well reasoned: and singularly witted, they went away many times with shame. Thus being detained 8. months in prison, he was sent to Brusels to be judged: 
The humble heart of Gyles.  where he comforted divers which were there in prison (among whom was also Fraunciscus Encenas) exhorting them to constancy of the truth unto the crown which was prepared for them. At the table he ministered to them all, being contented himself with the few scraps which they left. 
Fervency of prayer.  In this his prayers he was so ardent, kneeling by himself, in some secret place, that he seemed to forget himself. Being called many times to meat, he neither herd: nor saw them that stood by him, till he was lift up by the arms, & then gently he would speak unto them, as one waked out of a sweet sleep.  
Certain of the Grey Friars sometimes were sent unto him by two and two, to reduce him, but he would always desire them to departed from him, 
Blasphemy of Papists  for he was at a point, & when the Friars at any time did miscall him, he ever held his peace, at such private injuries: in somuch that those blasphemers would say abroad, that he had a dumb devil in him. But when they talked of any religion, there he spared not, but answered them fully by evidences of the Scripture in such sort, that divers times they would departed marveling. At sundry times he might have escaped, the doors being let open, but he would not for bringing his keeper in peril.  
At length about the month of january, he was brought to an other prison, to be constrained with torments to confess Purgatory, and to utter more of his fellows. But no forcement would serve. Wherefore upon the 22. of january he was condemned to the fire, but privily, contrary to the use of the Country, for openly they durst not condemn him for fear of the people: so well was he beloved. When tidings of the sentence came unto him, he gave hearty thanks to GOD, that the hour was come, when he might glorify the Lord.  
As he was brought to the place of burning, where he saw a great heap of wood pyled, he required the greater part thereof to be taken away, and given to the poor: a little (said he) would suffice him. Also seeing a poor man coming by, as he went, that lacked shoes he gave his shoes unto him. Better said he: so to do then to have his shoes burnt, and the poor to perish for cold. Standing at the stake the hangman was ready to strangle him before, but he would not saying, that there was no such need that his pain should be mitigated, for I fear not (said he) the fire, do therefore as thou art commanded. And thus the blessed Martyr, lifting up his eyes to heaven, in the middle of the flame, was extincted, to the great lamentation of all that stood by. 
The zeal of people against the bloody Friars.  After that time, when the friars of that City would go about for their alms the people would say, it was not meet for them to receive alms with bloody hands. This history you shall find more copiously described, in Franc. Encenas. Ex Franc. Encen.  Friars and priests of Flaunders. 
Great persecution in Gaunt & other parts of Flaunders.  
At Gaunt.  
An. 1543. 1544.  
As Charles the Emperor did lie in Gaunt the Friars and Doctors there obtained that the edict made against the Lutherans might be read openly twice a year. Which being obtained, great persecution followed, 
Persecution 〈…〉 & Bruzels.  so that there was no City nor town in all Flaunders, wherein some either were not expulsed, or headed, or condemned to perpetual prison, 
Ex Francisco Encenate.  or had not their goods confiscate neither was there any respect of age or sex. At Gaunt especially, many there were of the head men, which for religion sake were burned.  
Afterward the Emperor coming to Brusels, there was terrible slaughter, and persecution of God's people, namely in Brabant, Hennegow and Artoys, the horror and cruelty whereof is almost incredible: In so much that at one time as good as ij. hundredth men and women together, were brought out of the country about, into the City, of whom some were drowned, some buried quick, some privily made away, others sent to perpetual prison: whereby all prisons and towers there about were replenished with prisoners and captives, and the hands of the hangmen tired with slaying and killing, to the great sorrow of all them, which knew the Gospel, being now compelled either to deny the same, or to confirm it with their blood. The story hereof is at large set forth by Francis. Encenas, a notable learned man, who also himself was prisoner the same time at Bruzels: whose book written in Latin, I myself have seen and read, remaining in the hands of john Oporine at basil.  Franciscan Friars of Gaunt. 
Martynus Hoeurbloc, Fishmonger.  
At Gaunt.  
An. 1545.  This Martin ever almost to his latter age, 
Martin Hoeurblock Martyr.  was a man much given to all wickedness and fleshly life so long as he continued a follower of the pope's superstition and Idolatry. afterward (as God hath always his calling) through the occasion of a Sermon of his parish priest beginning to taste some working of grace, and repentance of his former life, went out of Gaunt for the space of iij. months, seeking the company of godly Christians, such as he heard to use the reading of the scriptures: by whom he being more groundly instructed, returned again to the City of Gaunt, where all his neighbours first began to marvel at the sudden change of this man. The franciscans, which knew him before so beneficial unto them, now seeing him so alterrd from their ways and superstition, and seeing him to visit the captives in prison, to comfort them in persecution, and to confirm them in the word of God which went to the fire, conspired against him: whereby he was detected and laid in bands. After that, with sharp and grievous torments they would have constrained him to utter other of the same Religion. To whom thus he answered, that if they could prove by the scripture, that his detecting and accusing of his brethren, whom they would afflict with the like torments, were not against the second Table of God's law, than he would not refuse to prefer the honour of God before the safeguard of his brethren. Then the friars examined him in the sacrament, ask him why he was so earnest, to have it in both kinds, seeing (said they) it is but a naked sacrament as you say, to whom he answered that the elements thereof were naked, but the Sacrament was not naked, for somuch as the said elements of bread and wine, being received after the institution of Christ, do now make a Sacrament and a mystical representation of the lords body, communicating himself with our souls. And as touching the receiving in both kinds, because it is the institution of the Lord, who is he (said Martyne) that dare alter the same? Then was he brought before the counsel of Flanders. The causes laid against him, were the Sacrament, Purgatory, and praying for the dead: for the which he was condemned and burned at Gaunt, in Uerle place, all his goods being confiscate. As he stood at the stake, a Franciscan Friar said to him (Martin unless thou dost turn, thou shalt go from this fire, to everlasting fire. It is not in you, said Martin again, to judge. For this the Friars after were so hated, that many bills and rhymes were set forth in divers places against them. Ex Pantal. The counsel of Flaunders. 


Nicholas Vanpole. 
Nicholas Danpole, john de Brucke and his wife, Martyrs.   
john de Brucke & his wife.    
At Gaunt. An. 1545.  The next day after the burning of Martin aforesaid, which was the 9 of may, these three also were burned for the same causes likewise, for the which the other was condemned & burned the day before, but only that the woman was burned alive. All which took their martyrdom joyfully & with much cheerfulness.  


Ursula.  
Maria, 
Mary and Ursula, two virgins, Martyrs.  Uirgines of noble stock.    
At Delden.  
An 1545.  Delden is a town in lower Germany, 3. miles from Daventry, where these two virgins of noble parentage were burned. Who after diligent frequenting of Churches and Sermons being instructed in the word of the Lord, defended, that seeing the benefit of our salvation cometh only by our faith in Christ, all the other merchandise of the pope, which he useth to sell to the peole for money, was needles. First Mary being the younger, was put to the fire, where she prayed ardently for her enemies, commending her soul to God. At whose constancy the judges did greatly marvel. Then they exhorted Ursula to turn, or if she would not, at least that she should require to be headed. To whom she said, that she was guilty of no error, nor defended any thing, but which was consonant to the scripture, in which she trusted to persever unto the end. And as touching the kind of punishment, she said, she feared not the fire, but rather would follow the example of her dear sister, that went before. 
A miraculous work of God in the dead bodies of these two virgins.  This was marvelous, that the executioners could in no wise consume their bodies with fire, but left them whole lying upon the ground white: which certain good Christians privily took up in the night and buried. Thus God many times, showeth his power in the midst of tribulations. Ex. Lud. Rab. Pantal. etc. 

The person of S. Catherines.  
Doctor Tapertus.  
William Clericken ruler of Mechlin.   


Andrea's Thiessen.  
Catherina, his wife.  
Nicholas Thiessen.  
France's Thiessen. brethren.    
At Mechlin.  
An. 1545.  Andrew Thiessen Citizen of Mechlin, 
Andrew Thiess●● his wife. Nichol●● Fraunc●● Thiessen their 〈◊〉 Martyr.  of his wife Catherine, had three sons and a daughter, whom he instructed diligently in the doctrine of the gospel, and despised the doings of Popery. Wherefore, being hated and persecuted of the Friars and Priests there, he went into England and there died. Frances and Nicholas his two sons went to Germany to study. Returning again to their mother and sister and younger brother, by diligent instruction, brought than to the right knowledge of God's Gospel which being not unknown to the Person there of S. Catherine he called to him Doctor Rupert, Tapert, & other Masters and Friars, who taking counsel together, with William Clericken the head Magistrate of the town of Mechlen, agreed that the mother with her four Children should be sent to prison, separated one from an other: where great labour was employed to reclaim them home unto their Church, that is, from light to darkness again. The ij. younger, to wit, the daughter with the younger brother, being yet not settled, neither in years nor doctrine, something inclined to them, and were delivered. The mother which would not consent, was condemned to perpetual prison. The other 2. Frances and Nicholas, 
Frances & Nicholas constant in Christ.  standing firmly to their confession, defended that the Catholic Church was not the Church of Rome: that the Sacrament was to be ministered in both kinds: that auricular confession was to no purpose: that Invocation of Saints was to be left: that there was no Purgatory. The Friars they called hypocrites, and contemned their threatenings. The Magistrates after disputations, fell to torments, to know of them who was their master and what fellows they had. Their master (they said) was Christ, which bore his cross before. Fellows (they said) they had innumerable, dispersed in all places. At last they were brought to the judges: their Articles were read, and they condemned to be burned. Coming to the place of execution, as they began to exhort the people, gagges or balls of wood were thrust in their mouths, which they through vehemency of speaking thrust out again, desiring for the Lord sake, that they might have leave to speak. And so singing with a loud voice, Credo in unum Deum. etc. they went, and were fastened to the stake, praying for their persecutors, and exhorting the one the other, they did abide the fire patiently. The one feeling the flame to come to his beard: Ah (said he) what a small pain is this, to be compared to the glory to come? Thus the patient martyrs committing their spirit to the hands of God, to the great admiration of the lookers on, through constancy, achieved the crown of martyrdom. Ex. Phillip Melanct. The names of their accusers appear not in the Authors. 
Marion wife of Adrian Taylor.  
At Dornic. An. 1545.  In the same persecution against Brulius and his company in Dornic, 
Adrian and Marion his wife, Martyrs.  was apprehended also one Adrian and Marion his wife. The cause of their trouble, as also of the others, was the Emperors decree made in the Council of Worms against the Lutherians, mentioned before, pag. 841. Adrian not so strong as a man, for fear gave back from the truth and was but only beheaded. The wife stronger than a woman did withstand their threats, and abide the uttermost, and being enclosed in an iron grate form in shape of a pasty, 
Marion buried quick.  was laid in the earth and buried quick, after the usual punishment of that country, for women. When the adversaries first told her, that her husband had relented, she believed them not: and therefore as she went to her death, passing by the Tower where he was, she called to him to take her leave, but he was gone before. Et Pant. lib. 4. The Magistrates of Dornic. or Tornay. 
M. Peter Bruly Preacher.  
At Dornic. An. 1545.  M. Peter Bruly was preacher in the French Church at Strausburgh. 
Peter Bruly, Martyr.  Who at the earnest request of faithful brethren came down to visit the lower countries about Artoys and Dornic in Flanders, where he most diligently preached the word of God unto the people in houses, the doors standing open. Whereupon, when the magistrates of Dornic had shut the gates of the town, and had made search for him three days, he was privily let down the wall in the night by a basket: and as he was let down to the ditch ready to take his way one of them which let him down leaning over the wall, to bid him far well, caused (unawares) a stone to slip out of the wall, which falling upon him, broke his leg, by reason whereof he was heard of the watchmen complaining of his wound, and so was taken, giving thanks to God by whose providence he was there stayed, to serve the Lord in that place. 
God's secret working in disposing the ways of his servants.  So long as he remained in prison, he ceased not to supply the part of a diligent preacher, teaching and confirming all them that came to him in the word of grace. Being in prison he wrote his own confession and examination, & sent it to the brethren. He wrote also an other Epistle to them that were in persecution: an other also to all the faithful: also an other letter to his wife, the same day that he was burned. He remained in prison 4. months. His sentence was given by the emperors Commissioners at Brussels, that he should be burneh to ashes, and his ashes to be thrown into the river. Although the friars and priests made the fire but small, 
The martyrdom of Brulius.  to multiply his pain, yet he the more cheerfully and constantly took his martyrdom and suffered it. The letters of Duke Frederick, and of the Landgrave came to entreat for him, but he was burned a little before the letters came. Ex Lud. Rab. Lib. 6. 

The Senate of Dornic.  
Doctor Hasardus, a Grey Friar.   


Peter Miocius.  
Bergiban.    
At Dornic. An. 1545.  The coming of M. Peter Bruly into the country of Flaunders, 
Pet. Mioce, Martyr.  did exceeding much good among the brethren, as appeared by divers other good men, and namely by this Peter Mioce, which was by his occupation a silk weaver. This Peter, before he was called to the Gospel, led a wicked life, given to much ungraciousness, & almost to all kinds of vice. But after the taste of the Gospel began to work in him, so clean it altered him from that former man, that he excelled all other in godly zeal and virtue. In his first examination he was asked whether he was one of the scholars of Peter Bruly. He said he was, and that he had received much fruit by his doctrine. Wilt thou then defend his doctrine, said they? Yea said he, 
Cruelty showed upon Ch●istes servants.  for that it is consonant both to the old Testament and to the new, and for this he was let down unto a deep dungeon under the castle ditch, full of toads and filthy vermin. Shortly after the Senate with certain Friars, came again to examine him, to see whether they could convert him. To whom he answered and said that when he before had lived such an ungodly life, they never spoke word against him: but now for savouring and favouring the word of God, they were so infest against him that they sought his blood. Among whom was one Doctor Hasardus, which asked him if he did not seem to himself more wicked now, then ever he was before: but he setting the Friar at light, bade him avaunt Friar, saying: that he had to talk with the Senate, and not with him. The Senate then began to examine him of certain Articles of Religion. To whom as be was about to answer boldly and expressly to every point, they interrupting him bade him say in two words, either, yea or nay. Then said he, if ye will not suffer me to answer for myself in matters of such importance, then send me to my prison again among my toads and frogs, which will not interrupt me, while I talk with my Lord my God. The boldness of whose spirit and courage, as it made some to gnash their teeth, so some it made to wonder, and ministered to some great confirmation. There was also one Bergiban the same time in prison, who had been a forward man, & a great doer in the Gospel, before the coming down of Brulius. Who being also sought for at the taking of Brulius, and being then not found at home, either by chance, not knowing, or else because he conveyed himself out of the way for fear, conceived thereof such sorrow in his mind, the afterward neither his wife nor children, nor any friend else, could stay him but he would needs offer himself to the judges, saying to the ruler, being asked why he came? The Magistrates came to seek me (said he) and now I am come to know, what they would. Whereupon the ruler being sorry of his coming, yet notwithstanding committed him to prison, where he remained constant a certain while. But after the Commissioners had threatened him with cruel torments and horror of death, he began by little and little to waver & shrink from the truth. At the fair words of the false Friars and Priests, to have his punishment changed, and to be beheaded, he was fain to grant unto their biddings and requests. Whereupon the adversaries taking their advantage, came to Miocius, and told him of Bergibans retractation, willing him to do the like. But he stoutly persisting in the truth, endured to the fire, where he having powder put to his breast was so put to death, and dispatched. The Friars hearing the crack of the powder upon his breast, told the people, that the devil came out of him and carried away his soul. Ex Rabo. & alijs. A certain Prince in Germany, about Hungary or the parts of Pannonia. A priest of Germany. johannes. Gastius Conuival. Serm. lib. 2. writeth of a certain Prince, 
The martyrdom of a good priest.  but doth not name him, which put out the eyes of a certain Priest in Germanye, for no other cause, but for that he said the mass to be no sacrifice, in that sense, as many priests do take it. Neither did the cruel prince immediately put him to death but first kept him in prison a long time, afflicting him with divers torments. Then he was brought forth to be degraded, after a barbarous and tyrannous manner. First they shaved the crown of his head, than rubbed it hard with salt, that the blood came running down his shoulders. After that they razed and pared the tops of his fingers with cruel pain, that no savour of the holy oil might remain. At last the patiented and godly martyr, four days after, yielded up his life and spirit. Ex. joan. Gastio. lib. 2. 

Alphonsus Diazius, a Spaniard.  
Petrus de Maluenda the pope's prolocutor at Ratisbone a Spaniard.  
The emperors confessor, a black Friar a Spaniard.  
Marquina.   joannes Diazius, a Spaniard martyr, killed of his own brother at Neoberg in Germany. An. 1546. 
The cruel murdering of john Diazius.  Of this john Diazius the full process and history is set forth in Latin wherein the whole circustaunce is debated at large, where of brief sum is this. john Diazius a spaniard borne, first being at Paris 13. years, from thence removed to Geneva: then to basil, & after to Strausburgh: from whence he was sent Ambassador with Bucer and other, to the Council of Ratisbone: where he talking with Peter Meluenda his countryman, the Pope's factor, so declared his religion unto him that Maluenda wrote to the Friar, which was the emperors confessor touching the said john Diazius: 
The emperors confessor.  at the opening and reading of which letters, one Marquina an other spaniard was present. Upon this it followed, 
Alphonsus Diazius come from Rome to kill his brother.  whether by this confessor, or by Marquina, that Alphonsus Diasius, brother to john Diazius: which was one of the Pope's Lawyers in Rome, had knowledge given him, of his brother john. 
When the communication of Ratisbone was dissolved & broken up. john Diazius, from Ratisbone went to the City of Neoberg, within the Dominion of Otto Henry Palatine, about the expedition of Bucers' book there to be printed. As john Diazius was there occupied, it was not long, but Alphonsus his brother was come from Rome to Ratisbone, where Maluenda was: bringing with him a pestilent cut-throat, a notorious ruffian or homicide belonging to the City of Rome, Maluenda & Alphonsus consulting together about the dispatch of their devilish purpose, first laboured to hunt out by the friends of Diazius where Diazius was, Whereof Alphon. & the homicide having knowledge by certain of his secret friends, pretending great matters of importance, came to Neoberg, where Diazius was printing of Bucers' book: where after long debating of matters of religion between the two brethren. Alphonsus' seeing the hart of his brother john to be so constantly planted on the sure rock of God's truth, that by no wise he could either be removed from his opinion, or persuaded to ride in his company (being otherwise counseled by Bucer and his friends) feigned himself friendly to take his leave of his brother and to departed but shortly after, secretly with his ruffenly murderer he returned again, and by the way they bought a certain hatchet of a carpenter.  
This done, Alphonsus sendeth his man being disguised, with letters unto his brother, he himself following after. As john Diazius in the morning was risen out of his bed, 
john Diazius slain by his own brother.  to read the letters, the wretched hangman, with the hatchet clove his head unto the brains, leaving the hatchet in his head, and so he with Alphonsus took them to their horse, which stood without the City gate, with as much speed as they might. They of Neoberge, hearing of the horrible act, sent out certain horsemen, making great iournyes after them. Who coming to Augusta, and hearing the murderers to be passed before, were out of hope to overtake them, and so returned. One in the company more zealous than the rest, 
God will have murder known.  would not return, but pursued them still, and in the City of Oeniponte, caused them to be stayed, and put in prison. Otto Palatine hearing of their taking writeth to the Magistrates of Oeniponte for judgement. Which Magistrates at first seemed very willing there to: but in conclusion, through the practice of papists, and crafty lawyers, the sentence judicial was so delayed from day to day, them from hour to hour, that the emperors letters came in posthaste requiring the matter to be stayed, and reserved to his hearing. And thus the terrible murder of Cain and his fellow was bolstered out by the Papists. The like whereof from the memory of men was never heard of, since the first example of Cain, 
Cain still killeth Abel.  which for religion slew his own brother Abel. But although true judgement in this world be perverted, yet such bloody cain's with their wilful murder, shall not escape the hands of him, who shall judge truly both the committers, and the bolsterers also of all mischievous wickedness. Ex Claudio Senarcleo.  
¶ An. 1546, Charles the Emperor held an armed Council at Augusta after his victory gotten in Germany. Where julius Pflug, Michael Sidonius and john Islebius going about to concord together the Gospel of Christ, with the traditions of the Pope, that is, to make a hodgebotch of them both, drew and framed out a new form of Religion called Interim. 
Interim.  Whereupon began a new matter of persecution in Germany. For the Emperor proceeded straightly against all them, which would not receive his Interim, intending thereby to have wrought some great mastery against the Gospelers, but the Lord disappointed his purpose.  
Among them which withstood this Spanish Interim, besides other, were also the Citizens of Constantia. For the which three thousand spaniards privily by night came against the Town of Constance, 
The assault of the Spaniards, against the City of Constance.  where they killed three of the watchmen of the Town, which watching in the suburbs, went forth to view the noise which they heard in the woods. The devise of the spaniards was in the morning when the citizens were at the Sermon, suddenly to set upon the City and take it, so (no doubt) intentending to have gone further. But as the Lord would something began to be suspected in the night by the watchmen in the suburbs, on the other side the water, whereby the Consul and Citizens had intelligence to be in readiness. When the morning came, the spaniards were ready at the gate to break into the City. But being driven from thence and their Captain Alphonsus slain, they went to the bridge which goeth over the Rhine. But being beaten also from thence, with shot and great pieces from the walls, and a great number of them drowned in the river, the spaniards breaking down the hinder part of the bridge, because the Citizens should not pursue them, they recoiled back into the suburbs, and burned them with the dead bodies also that were slain, so that the number of the spaniards that there were killed, could not be known: Only a hundredth of honest Citizens of Constance were missing Ex. joan. Sled. lib. 21.  
At the same time, many godly Ministers of the Churches in Germany were in great danger, especially such as refused to receive the Interim: of whom some were cast into prison. In which number of prisoners was Mart. Frectius superintendant of Ulmes, with four other preachers more: also his brother George, for coming but to his house to comfort him. For the which cause Musculus the same time, with other preachers more, went from Ausburge, Brentius from Hala, Blaurerus from Constance, Bucer from Strausburgh.  A Bishop in Hungary A godly priest in Hungary. In Hungary a certain godly priest preached, 
The martyrdom of a godly priest▪  that the eating of flesh is not prohibited in the Scripture: for the which the cruel bishop, after he had imprisoned him certain weeks, caused him to be brought out, & his body to be tied over with Hares, Geese, and Hens, hanging round about him: and so the beastly bishop made dogs to be set upon him, which cruelly rend and tore whatsoever they could catch. And thus the good minister of Christ, being driven about the City with the barking of dogs died, and was martyred. The sight whereof, as it was lamentable to the godly, so it seemed ridiculous to the wicked. But within few days after, the impious bishop by the stroke of God's just hand, fell sick and became horn mad, and so raving without sense or wit, miserably died. 
Just punishment of God upon a cruel persecutor.  Ex tomo. 2. Conuivalium Sermo. joan Gastij.  
john Fridericke of Saxony Elector. 
john Fridericke Duke of Saxony.   
An. 1547.  Among these godly and constant Saints of Christ, may well be recounted john Fridericke Duke of Saxony. Who when he had recovered again all his dominions (which Duke Maurice had taken from him before, being in Suevia with his army) and at last was taken prisoner of the Emperor at Albis, 24. of April. ann. 1547. yet could never be induced to yield to the Emperor in revoking his faith and doctrine of the Gospel wherein he stood: For the which he was detained from his wife and children, and bereaved of all his goods, and carried about with the Emperor, the space of five years. This admirable constancy of that duke was a wonder to all his adversaries. At last, in the year of our Lord. 1552. through the benefit of almighty God, he was set again at liberty & returning home to his wife & children continued in his religion till the hour of his death. Ex Sled lib. 19 Much like was the case also of Philip Landgrave of Hesse, 
The Landgrave of Hesse.  who likewise being taken and spoiled of the Emperor, continued the space of 5. years in the cruel custody of the spaniards, and albeit he had fined unto the Emperor, and was promised to be set free out of prison, the Emperor and his Counsel dallying with their promise, expounded his prisonment not to be perpetual. And though great labour & intercession was made for him: yet all would not help. For when the Emperor sent him away, then Mary the emperors sister took him by the way, finding cavillations against him: whereby he was again committed to the hands of spaniards, till at length, through the disposing of God's mercy first the Duke of Saxony, and then 6. days after the Landgrave also, were both freed out of long captivity, & sent home. Ex Comment. Sled. lib. 19.24. Charles. Emperor. 
Hermannus Archbishop of Colen. 
Hermannus Archb. of Colen.   
An. 1547.  With these holy Martyrs above recited, may also be numbered Hermannus archbysh. of Colen. Who a little before the Emperor had war against the Protestants, had reform his Church from certain papistical superstitions, using therein the aid and advise of Martin Bucer. Wherefore Charles the Emperor sent word to Colen, that he should be deposed, which he patiently did suffer. In his room was set Adolphus Earl of Schaunenburge. Ex Sled. lib. 18. The Precedent or Mayor of Dornic. 


M. Nicholas Frenchman. 
Nicholas Frenchman. Marion wife of Augustinus, Martyrs.   
Marion wife of Augustinus    
An. 1549.  M. Nicholas and Barbara his Wife: also Augustinus a Barber, and Marion his Wife borne about Hennegow, after they had been at Geneva a space, came into germany, thinking that way to pass over into England. By the way coming to Hennegow, Augustine desired M, Nicholas (because he was learned) to come to Bergis to visit and comfort certain brethren there, which he willingly did. From thence passing by Dornic (or Tornay) they held on their journey toward England. But in the way Austen and his wife being known, were detected to the lieutenant of Dornic, who in all speedy haste following after them, overtook them 4. miles beyond Donic, Augustine (how I can not tell) escaped that time out of their hands, and could not be found. The soldiers then laying hands upon Nicholas and the 2. women, brought them back again to Dornic. In returning by the way, when M. Nicholas at the table gave thanks (as the manner is of the faithful) the wicked Ruler scorning them, and swearing like a tyrant, said: Now let us see, thou lewd heretic, whether thy God can deliver thee out of my hand. To whom Nicholas answering again modestly, asked what had Christ ever offended him, that he with his blasphemous swearing did so tear him in pieces, desiring him, 
Blasphemy of a Papist.  that if he had any thing against Christ, rather he would wreak his anger upon his poor body, and let the Lord alone. Thus they being bound, hands & feet, were brought to Bergis, and there laid in the dungeon. Then duke Ariscote, accompanied with a great number of priests, and Franciscan Friars, and with a Doctor which was their warden, came to talk with them. Nicholas standing in the midst of them, being asked what he was, and whither he would: answered them perfectly to all their questions, and moreover so confounded the Friars, that they went away ashamed, saying that be had a devil, and crying: 
The Friars confounded.  to the fire with him lutheran. As they continued looking still for the day of their execution, it came to the rivers minds to ask of Nicolas in what house he was lodged, when he came to Bergis. Nicolas said he had never been there before, and therefore being a stranger he could not tell the name of the house. When Nicolas would confess nothing, Duke Ariscotus came to Barbara Nicholas his Wife, to know where they were lodged at Bergis, promising many fair words of delivery, if she would tell. 
Barbarn revolted.  She being a weak and a timorous woman, uttered all. By the occasion whereof great persecution followed, and many were apprehended. Where this is to be noted, that shortly, 
God's punishment upon persecutors.  even upon the same, the son of the said Duke Ariscotus, was slain and buried the same day, when Augustinus was burned. To be short, Nicolas shortly after was brought before the judges and there condemned to be burned to ashes. At which sentence giving, 
Nicholas condemned.  Nicolas blessed the Lord, which had counted him worthy to be a witness in the cause of his dear and well-beloved son. Going to the place of execution, he was commanded to speak nothing to the people, or else he should have a ball of wood thrust in his mouth. Being at the stake and seeing a great multitude about him, forgetting his silence promised, he cried with a loud voice: O Charles, Charles, how long shall thy hart be hardened? And with that, one of the soldiers gave him a blow. Then said Nicholas again: Ah miserable people, thou art not worthy to whom the word of God should be preached. And thus he spoke as they were binding him to the stake. The ●riers came out with their old song, crying that he had a devil. To whom Nicholas spoke the Verse of the Psalm: Depart from me all ye wicked, for the Lord hath heard the voice of my weeping. And thus this holy Martyr patiently taking his death, commended up his spirit unto God in the midst of the fire. Ex Lud. Rab. Pantal. et alijs.  
Marion Wife of Austen, above mentioned.  
At Bergis in Hennegow.  
An. 1549.  After the martyrdom of this M. Nicolas, Marion the wife of Austen was called for. 
The martyrdom of Marion.  With whom they had much talk about the manner and state of Geneva, ask her how the Sacraments were administered there, and whether she had celebrated there the lords Supper. To whom she answered that the Sacraments there were celebrated after the lords institution, of the which she was no Celebrator but a Partaker. The sentence of her condemnation was this, that she should be interred quick. When she was let down to the grave, 
Marion buried quick.  kneeling upon her knees, she desired the Lord to help her, and before she should be thrown down, she desired her face might be covered with a napkin or some linen cloth, who being so covered, and the earth thrown upon her face and her body, the hangman stamped upon her with his feet, till her breath was passed. Ibidem. The watchmen or soldiers of Bellimont. 
Augustine the husband of Marion.  
At Bellimont in Hennegow.  
An. 1549.  Ye heard before how Austen escaped before at the taking of Nicholas and the 2. women. After this he gave himself to sell spices & other pedlary ware from place to place. Who at length coming to the Town of Bellimont in Hennegow, there was known & detected to the Magistrate. Whereof he having some intelligence before, left his ware & ran away. And seeing moreover the house beset about with harnessed men, where he was hosted, he began to be more afeard and hid himself in a bush: for he was very timorous, and a weak spirited man. But the hour being come, which the Lord hath appointed for him, it happened that certain standing upon the town wall which might well see him go into the thicket or bush, gave knowledge thereof to the soldiers, 
Augustine again taken.  which followed him to the bush and took him. Being taken, he was had to Bergis, the head town of Hennegow, where being examined, valiantly standing to the defence of his doctrine, answered his adversaries with great boldness. Wherein here is to be noted and marveled to see the work of the Lord, 
Example of God's goodness in strengthening the weak hearted.  how this man being before of nature so timorous, now was so strengthened with God's grace, that he nothing feared the force of all his enemies. Among other, came to him the Warden of the Grey Friars, with a long Oration, persuading him to relent or else he should be damned in hell fire perpetually. To whom Austen answering again, said: prove that which you say, by the authority of God's word, that a man may believe you, you say much, but you prove nothing, rather like a Doctor of lies, then of truth. etc. At last he being there condemned to be burnt at Bellimont, was brought to the Inn where he should take horse: where was a certain Gentleman a stranger, who drinking to him in a cup of wine, desired him to have pity upon himself, and if he would not favour his life, yet that he would favour his own soul. To whom said Austen, after he had thanked him for his good will, what care I have (said he) of my soul, you may see by this, that I had rather give my body to be burned, then to do that thing, that were against my conscience. When he was come to the town of Bellimont where he should be burned, the same day there was a great burial of the Duke Ariscotus his son, which was slain a little before (as is before touched) by the occasion whereof many nobles and gentlemen were there present, 
The death and martyrdom, of Austen.  which hearing of this Austen, came to him and talked with him. When the day came of his martyrdom, the people being offended at his constancy, cried out to have him drawn at an horse tail, to the place of burning: but the Lord would not suffer that. In fine, being tied to the stake and fire set unto him, heartily he prayed to the Lord & so in the fire patiently departed. Ex Crisp. & alijs. The names of the persecutors be not expressed in the story. 
Ex joan Sled. lib. ●2.  
A certain woman of Auspurge.  
At Auspurge.  
An. 1550.  At Auspurge, a certain woman there dwelling, seeing a priest to carry the host to a sick person with Taper light (as the manner is) asked him what he meant so to go with candle light at noon day? For this she was apprehended, and in great danger, had it not been for the earnest suit and prayer of the women of that City, and at the intercession of Mary the emperors sister. Ex joan Sled. lib. 22.  
Two Virgins.  
In the Diocese of Bamberge.  
An. 1551.  In the diocese of Bamberge 2. maids were led out to slaughter, 
Two Virgins, Martyrs.  which they sustained with patiented hearts, and cheerful countenances. They had garlands of straw put on their heads. Whereupon one comforting the other going to their martyrdom: seeing Christ (said she) for us bore a Crown of thorn, why should we stick to bear a Crown of straw? No doubt but the lord will render to us again better than Crowns of gold, some said, that they were anabaptists. And it might be (said Melanct) that they had some fond opinion admixed withal? yet they did hold (saith he) the foundation of the Articles of our faith, and they died blessedly, in a good conscience and knowledge of the son of God: Few do live without errors. Flatter not yourselves, thinking yourselves so clear that you can not err. Haec Philip. Melancth. The names of the persecutors appear not in the story. 
The Christian City of Magdeburge.  
An. 1551.  When Charles the emperor had almost got all his purpose in Germany, 
Constancy to be noted in the city of Magdeburge.  in obtruding his Religion of Interim into all places, which was received of the most part of all the chief Princes and Cities, only the City of Magdeburge continuing in the constancy of their doctrine reform, refused to admit the same. Wherefore war was raised against them, their City besieged, and great violence used: so that many honest and religious Citizens for the Gospel's cause sustained great perils and danger of death. At last when they had manfully and constantly endured such great distress and calamity, the space of a whole year, thorough the blessed providence of almighty God (who about the same time sent war between the French king and the Emperor) honest reconciliation was made between them and the Emperor, whereby they were received into favour, and suffered to enjoy their former religion quietly. Ex joan. Sled. lib. 23. james Hesselius' Chamberlain of Gaunt, and the Friars there. 
Hostius other wise called George.  
At Gaunt.  
An. 1555.  This Hostius borne at Gaunt, 
Hostius, martyr.  was cunning in graving in armour, and in steel. He first was in the French Church here in England, during the reign of King Edward. After the coming of Queen Mary he went to Norden in Friesland, with his Wife and Children. From thence, having business, he came to Gaunt: where (after a certain space that he had there continued, instructing divers of his friends) he heard that there was a black Friar, which used to preach good doctrine to the people. Wherefore he being desirous to hear, came to his Sermon, where the Friar contrary to his expectation preached in defence of transubstantiation. At the hearing whereof, his hart was so full, that he had much a do to refrain, while the Sermon was finished. As soon as the Friar was come down, he burst out, and charged him with false doctrine persuading the people, as well as he could be heard, by the scriptures, that the bread was but a Sacrament only of the lords body. The Friar not willing to hear him, made signs unto him to departed. Also the throng of the people was such, that it carried him out of the doors. He had not gone far, but Hesselius the Chamberlain overtook him & carried him to prison. Then were Doctors and other Friars, as Pistorius and Bunderius, brought to reason with him, of the Sacrament, of Invocation of saints, and Purgatory. He ever stood to the trial only of the scripture: which they refused. Then was it agreed that he should declare his mind in writing: which he did. He wrote also to his wife at Emden: comforting her, and requiring her to take care, for Samuel, and Sara his children. When he was condemned, he was commanded not to speak to the people. Hesselius' the Officer made great haste to have him dispatched. Wherefore he mildly like a lamb, praying for his enemies, gave himself to be bound, patiently taking that they would do against him: whom first they strangled, & then consumed his body being dead, with fire. And this was the martyrdom of Hostius. Ex Lud. Rabo. lib. 6.  

john Frisius, Abbot.  joan. Frisius Abbot.  
In Bavaria.  
An. 1554.  joanne. Sled. Lib. 25. maketh record of one joan. Frisius Abbotte of Newstat within the Diocese of the B. Herbipolensis in Bavaria: who being suspected of Lutheranisme was called to account of his faith: and strongly persisting in his assertions, and defending the same by the scriptures, he was therefore displaced and removed from all his jurisdictions .25. of june. an. 1554. Ex Sled. 

The Bailiff of Hennegow, 
The piteous martyrdom of Bertrand le Blas.  governor of the town and Castle of Dornic.  
Peter De ventiere, lieutenant to the said Bailiff.  
Philip de Cordis, chief counsellor in criminal causes.  
Nic. Chambree.  
Pet. Rachelier.  
james de Clerke.  
Nicholas of Fernague.  
M. Hermes of Wingles, one of the counsel for the said Baliwicke.   
Bertrand le Blas.  
At Dornic.  
An. 1555.  The Story of Bertrand is lamentable, his torments uncredible, the tyranny showed unto him horrible, the constancy of the Martyr admirable. This Bertrand being a Sylkeweaver, went to weasel for the cause of religion. Who being desirous to draw his Wife and Children from Dornic to weasel, came thrice from thence to persuade with her to go with him thither. When she in no wise could be entreated, he remaining a few days at home, set his house in order, and desired his Wife and his Brother to pray that God would stablish him in his enterprise, that he went about. That done, he went upon Christenmas day to the high Church of Dornic, where he took the cake out of the priests hands, as he would have life it over his head at Mass, and stamped it under his feet, saying that he did it to show the glory of that God, and what little power he hath: with other words more to the people, to persuade them that the cake or fragment of bread was not jesus their Saviour. At the sight hereof the people being strooken with a marvelous damp stood all amazed. At length such a stir thereupon followed, that Bertrand could hardly escape with life. It was not long but the noise of this was carried to the Bailiff of Henegow, and governor of the Castle of Dornic, which lay sick the same time, of the gout, at Biesy. Who like a mad man cried out, that ever God would or could be so patient, to suffer that contumely, so to be trodden under the foot of such a miser: adding moreover, that he would revenge his cause in such sort, as it should be an example for ever to all posterity, and forthwith the furious tyrant commanded himself to be carried to the Castle of Dornic. Bertrand being brought before him, was asked whether he repented of his fact, or whether he would so do, if it were to be done again. Who answered, that if he were an hundredth times to be done, he would do it: and if he had an hundredth lives, he would give them in that quarrel. Then was he thrice put to the pynebanke, 
Bertrand thrice tormented.  tormented most miserably, to utter his setters on, which he would never do. Then proceeded they to the sentence, more like tyrants then Christian men. By the tenor of which sentence, this was his punishment: First he was drawn from the Castle of Dornic, to the market place, 
The miserable and tragical handling of Bertrand.  having a ball of iron put in his mouth. Then he was set upon a stage, where his right hand, wherewith he took the host, was crushed and pressed between two hot irons, with sharp iron edges fiery red, till the form & fashion of his hand was misshaped. 

The right hand & foot of Bertrand pressed of, with hot irons.  
The tongue of Bertrand cut of.   In like manner they brought other like irons for his right foot, made fire hot whereunto of his own accord, he put his foot, to suffer as his hand had done before, with marvelous constancy and firmness of mind. That done, they took the ball of iron out of his mouth, and cut of his tongue, who notwithstanding, with continual crying, ceased not to call upon GOD: whereby the hearts of the people were greatly moved: Whereupon the tormentors thrust in the iron ball into his mouth again. From thence they brought him down to the lower stage, he going to the same no less cheerfully and quietly, 
The burning and martyrdom of Bertrand.  then if no part of his body had been hurt. There his legs and his hands were bound behind him with an iron chain going about his body and so he was led down flat upon the fire: whom the foresaid governor there standing by and looking upon, caused to be let up again, & so down and up again, till at last the whole body was spent to ashes, which he commanded to be cast into the river, when this was done, the Chapel where this Massegod was so entreated, was locked up, and the board whereupon the Priest stood, was burnt: the marble stone whereupon the host did light, was broken in pieces. And finally for so much as the said Bertrand had received his doctrine at wessell, commandment was given, that no person, out of that country should go to Wesel, or there occupy under incurring the danger of the emperors Placard. Ex Crisp. Pantal. et Adriano.  
Two hundredth Ministers of Bohemia.  
An. 1555.  The same year 2. hundredth Ministers and Preachers of the Gospel, 
Persecution in Bohemia.  were banished out of Bohemia, for preaching against the superstition of the Bishop of Rome, and extolling the glory of Christ. Ex Comment. joan Sled. lib. 25.  The preachers of Locrane. Locarne is a place beyond the Alps, 
Persecution in Locarne.  yet subject to the Heluetians. When these also had received the gospel, and the five Pages of the Heluetians above mentioned, were not well pleased therewith, but would have them punished, and great contention was among the Heluetians about the same, it was concluded at length, that the Ministers should be exiled: Whom the Tygurines did receive. Ex. Pantal.  



France's Warlut, Alexander Dayken. Martyrs.  Frances Warlut.  
Alexander Dayken.    
At Dornic.  
An. 1562.  
After these two good men being borne in the lower parts of Germany, had been conversant in divers reformed churches in other countries, at last for conscience sake, they returned home again to do good in their own country of Dornic, & there about.  
So upon a time, as the people there resorted to a back field or wood without the city, with a certain preacher to hear the word of God and to pray, the adversaries having thereof some intelligence, so pursued them, that they took of them above 30. of whom these 2. among the rest, were apprehended, and thinking no less but that they should be burned, they began to sing psalms. At length being brought forth, first one, than the other, they were both beheaded. And where the judges had intended to quarter their bodies, and to set them up by the high ways, yet was it so provided, GOD working in the hearts of the people, that they were both committed to sepulture. Ex Lud. Rab.  Earl of Lalain. 


The father with his two sons and his daughter, martyred.  Gillotus Viver.  
james Faber, his father in law.  
Michael Faber, son of james.  
Anna wife of Gillotus, and daughter of james Faber.   
These in the cause of the Gospel suffered at Ualence.  
james Faber being an old man, said: that although he could not answer or satisfy them in reasoning, yet he would constantly abide in the truth of the Gospel.  
Anna his daughter being with child, was respited, after she was delivered, she followed her husband and father in the like martyrdom.   

〈◊〉 wife 〈◊〉 Clerk, ●●●tyr.  Michella Caignoucle  
At Balance.  
An. 1550.  Michella, wife of james Clerk which was before burned, when she was offered to be married, and to be carried out of the country to some reformed church, 
〈◊〉 james 〈◊〉 before was burned.  refused so to do, but would abide the adventure of her vocation, 
Godfride, a Tailor, martyr.  and so was condemned with Gillotus to be burned. Ex Crisp.  
Godfridus Hamelle.  
At Dornic.  
An. 1252.  This Godfryde a Tailor, was taken & condemned at Dornic or Tournay. When they had condemned him by the name of an heretic. Nay (said he) not an heretic, but a servant of jesus Christ unprofitable. When the hangman went about to strangle him to diminish his punishment, he refused it, saying that he would abide the sentence that the judges had given. Ex eod. 
☞ Besides these germans above specified, a great number there was both in the higher & lower countries of germany, which were secretly drowned, or buried, or otherwise in prison made away, whose names although they be not known to us, yet they are registered in the book of life. Furthermore, in the Dutch book of Adrian, divers other be numbered in the Catalogue of these German Martyrs, which likewise suffered in divers places of the lower country: the names of certain whereof be these. At Bergis or Berghen in Hennegow, were burnt 

john Malo.  
Damian Witroke.  
Weldrewe Calier.  
john Porceau.  
julian, van den Sword.  
Adrian Lopphen.  
Bawdwyne.   in the year of our Lord. 1555. john Malo, 
divers of the lower country's, martyre●.  Damian Witrocke, Weldrew Calier buried quick, john Porceau. At Aste suffered also one julian. an. 1541. and Adrian Lopphen. an. 1555. 
Ex 〈◊〉 hist. Adriano.  At Brussels. an. 1559. one Bawdwyne beheaded. An other called Gilleken Tielman buxnt. an. 1541. Add moreover to the same Catalogue of Dutch Martyrs burnt and consumed, in the lower countries under the emperors dominion: the names of these following. W. Swolle, burnt at Mechlin. an. 1529. Nico. Paul. at Gaunt beheaded. Robert Orguier, and joanne his wife, with Baudicon and Martin Orguier their children, which suffered at Lisle. an. 1556. M. Nicholas burnt at Mons. james Fosseau at Mons. Corniels Uolcart, at Brugis, an. 1553. Hubert the Printer, and Philippe jopner, at Brugis. an. 1553. A woman buried with thorns under her. Peter le Roux. at Brugis. an. 1552 At Mechlin suffered Frances, and Nicholas Thijs, ij. brethren. an. 1555. At Antwerp were burnt Adrian a Painter and Henry a Tailor. an. 155. Also Cornelys Halewyne Locksmith, & Herman janson the same year. M. john Champ. schoolmaster. an. 1557. with a number of other beside, which in the said book are to be seen and read.  
¶ An. 1525. we read also in the French history of a certain Monk, who because he forsook his abominable order and was married, was burnt at prague.  The Priests of Erford. A Preacher poisoned at Erford. In the Collections of Henry Pantalion, we read also of a certain godly preacher to be poisoned, for preaching the word of truth, by the Priests of Erford. Ex Elegia cuiusdam viri Docti. in Pantal. And here ceasing with these persecutions in Germany, 
A preacher at Erdphord poisoned.  we will now (Christ willing) proceed further to the French Martyrs, comprehending in a like Table, the names and causes of such as in that kingdom suffered for the word of God, and cause of righteousness, as in this brief Summary consequently hereunder ensueth.  

¶ An other Table of them which suffered in France for the like witness of the Gospel.  
* The French Martyr●.  persecutors. Martyrs. The Causes. Doctor Martial of Paris. 
james Pavane schoolmaster.  
At Paris.  
An. 1524.  THis james first being taken by the Bishop of Melden, 
james Pavane, Martyr.  or Meaux, was compelled to recant by Doctor Martial. afterward returning again to his confession, he was burnt at Paris. 1525. Ex. joan. Crisp.  
Dionysius de Rieux.  
At Melda, or Meaux.  
An. 1528.  
Dionysius de Rieux Martyr.  This Denys was one of them which were first burn at Melda, for saying, that the Mass is a plain denial of the death and Passion of Christ. He was always wont to have in his mouth the words of Christ: 
This Denys having a wooden cross put into his hands by the Friars, with his teeth cast it into the river, which made the Friars mad.  He that denieth me before men, him will I deny before my Father, and to muse upon the same earnestly. He was burnt with a slow fire, and did abide much torment. Ex Crisp. & alijs.  

joannes Cadurcus, Martyr.  joannes de Cadurco, Bachelor of the Civil law.  
An. 1533.  This john, first for making a Sermon or exhortation to his countrymen of Lunosin in France upon Alhallow day: and after, sitting at a feast where it was propounded, that every one should bring forth some sentence, for that he brought forth this: Christ reign in our hearts, and did prosecute the same by the Scriptures in much length of words, was thereupon accused, taken, and disgraded and after burned. At this degradation one of the black Friars of Paris preached, taking for his theme the words of S. Paul. 1. Tim. 4. The spirit speaketh, that in the latter days men shall depart from faith, giving heed to lying spirits, and doctrine of error. etc. And in handling that place, either be could not or would not proceed further in the text. Cadurcus cried out to him to proceed, and read further. The Friar stood dumb, and could not speak a word. Then Cadurcus taking the text, did prosecute the same, as followeth: Teaching false doctrine in hypocrisy, having their conscience marked with a hot iron, forbidding to marry, and to eat meats created of God, to be eaten with thanksgiving etc. Ex joan. Crispi. Promo●●●● of Paris. 

5. Martyrs burned.  Batthelmew Mylen, a lame cripple.  
john Burges, Merchant. The receiver of Names. Henry Poille of Co●beron. Cantella, a Scholemistres. Stephen de la Forge, Merchant.  
An. 1533.  These fine here specified, for certain Bills cast abroad and set up, sounding against the abomination of the Mass, and other superstitious absurdities of the Pope, were condemned and burned in the City of Paris. Henry of Couberon had his tongue bored through, and with an iron wire, tied fast to one of his cheeks: Who likewise with the other, was burned, as is aforesaid. Ex joanne Crisp.  
Alexander Canus priest, otherwise called Laurentius Crucens.  
At Paris. An. 1534.  For the sincere doctrine and confession of Christ's true religion, 
Alexander Canus, Martyr.  he was burned in Paris, having but small fire, and abydde much torment. Ex Henr. Pantal. 

The Grey Friars in Paris.  
Doctor Clerk, a Sorbonist.   
john Poynter, a Surgeon.  
At Paris.  
An. 1533.  This Surgeon being detected and accused by the Friars, 
john Poyntet, Martyr.  and such as he had cured before of the French pocks, 
In France the manner was, that the Martyrs coming by any Image as they went to burning, and would not worship the same, had their tongues cut out▪  was first condemned to be strangled, and then burned: but afterward, because he would not do homage to a certain Idol at the commandment of a Friar that came to confess him, his sentence was turned to have his tongue cut of, and so to be burned. Ex Crisp A certain Knight of Rhodes, Uncle to this Peter. 
Peter Gaudet, Knight sometimes of Rhodes.  
An. 1533.  This Peter being at Geneva with his wife, was trained out from thence by his uncle, 
Peter Gaudet, Martyr.  and put in prison for defence of the Gospel, and after long torments then sustained, was burned. vide Crisp.  
Quoquillard.  
An. 1534.  At Bezanson, in the county of Burgundy, 
Quoquillard, Martyr.  this Quoquillard was burned for the confession and testimony of Christ's gospel. Ex joan Crisp.  


Nicolas a Scrivener.  
john de Phoix.  
Stephen Burlet.    
An. 1534.  These three were executed and burned for the like cause of the Gospel, 
Nicholas a Scrivener. joan. de Poix, Steven Burlet, Martyrs.  in the City of Arras: namely, Nicholas a Scrivener, john de Poix, Stephen Burlet. Ex jonne Crisp. A Grey Friar in the City of Rochel. 
Marry Becandella.  
At Fountaynes·s  
An. 1534.  This Mary being virtuously instructed of her master where she lived, 
Marry Becaudella, Martyr.  and being afterward at a Sermon, where a Friar preached, after the Sermon, found fault with his doctrine, and refined the same by Scriptures. Whereat he disdaining, procured her to be burned at Fountains. Ibidem.  
john Cornon.  
An. 1535.  
john Cornon, Martyr.  john Cornon a husband man of Mas●on, and unlottered, but to whom God gave such wisdom, that his judges were amazed, when he was condemned by their sentence, and burned. Ex Crisp. 

George borel.  
jailor.  
The Procurator of the City of Grenoble in France.  
The Inquisitor.   
Martin Gonyn.  
In dolphin.  
An. 1236.  
Martin Gonyn Martyr.  This Martin being taken for a spy in the borders of France, toward the Alps, was committed to prison. In his going out, his jailor espied about him, letters of Farellus and of Peter Uiret. Wherefore being examined of the kings procurator, and of the Inquisitor, touching his faith, after he had rendered a sufficient reason thereof, he was cast into the river and drowned. Ex joan Crisp. 

The kinsfolks and friends of this Claudius.  
Mosinus, an Officer.   
Cladius painter a Goldsmith.  
At Paris.  
An. 1540  
Claudius' Painter, a Goldsmith, Martyr.  Claudius' going about to convert his friends and kinsfolks to his doctrine was by them committed to Morinus a chief captain, who condemned him to be burned: but the high Parliament of Paris, correcting that sentence, added moreover that he should have his tongue cut out before: and so to be burned. Ex joan Crisp. 

Gasper Augerius the Bishops Renter.  
Domicellus, a Franciscane and Inquisitor.   
Stephen Brune, a husbandman.  
At Rutiers.  
An. 1540  
Stephen Brune was persecuted of Augerius, 
Stephen Brune Martyr.  who after his confession given of his faith, was judged to be burned. Which punishment, he took so constantly, that it was to them a wonder. His adversaries commanded after his death, to be cried that none should make any more mention of him, under pain of heresy.  
Pantalion addeth moreover, that at the place of his burning called Planuol, the wind rose and blewe the fire so from him, as he stood exhorting the people, that he there continued about the space of an hour, in manner, not harmed or scarce touched with any flame: so that all the wood being wasted away, they were compelled to begin the fire again with new faggots, 
The Martyr not harmed with the fire.  & vessels of oil, and such other matter: and yet neither could he with all this, be turned, but stood safe. Then the hangman took a staff, and let drive at his head. To whom the holy Martyr being yet alive, said: When I am judged to the fire, do ye beat me with staves like a dog: With that the hangman with his pike, thrust him through the belly and the guts, and so threw him down into the fire & burned his body to ashes, throwing away his ashes afterward with the wind. Ex joan Crisp.   
Constantinus, a Citizen of Rhone with three other.  
An. 1542.  These four for defence of the Gospel, 
Constantine Northman, with three other, Martyrs.  being condemned to be burned, were put in a doungcart. Who thereat rejoicing, said that they were reputed here as excrements of this world, but yet their death was a sweat odour unto God. Ex joan Crisp.  
john du Beck, Priest.  
An. 1543.  For the doctrine of the Gospel he was disgraded, 
john Du Beck, Martyr.  and constantly abode the torment of fire in the chief City of champaign. Ex joan Crisp. 

The Parish Priest of the town of S. Faith in Angeow.  
Also other Priests of the same country.  
Riveracus and his servant.   
Aymond de Lavoy.  
Bourdeaux.  
An. 1543.  This Aymonde preached the Gospel at S. Faiths in Angeow, 
Aymondus a Via, Martyr.  where he was accused by the Parish Priest there, and by other priests more, to have taught false doctrine, to the great decay of their gains. Whereupon, when the Magistrates of Bourdeaux had given commandment, and had sent out their Apparitor to apprehend him, he having intelligence thereof, was willed by his friends, to fly and shift for himself: but he would not, saying that he had rather never to have been borne, then so to do. 
The office of a good shepherd to stand by his flock.  It was the office of a good shepherd (he said) not to fly in time of peril, but rather to abide the danger, lest the flock be scattered: or else lest peradventure, in so doing, he should leave some scruple in their minds, thus to think, that he had fed them with dreams and fables, contrary to the word of GOD. Wherefore beseeching them to move him no more therein, he told them, 
Act. 21.  that he feared not to yield up both body and soul in the quarrel of that truth, which he had taught: saying with S. Paul, that he was ready not only to be bound for the testimony of Christ, in the City of Bourdeaux, but also to die. To contract the long story hereof to a brief narration, the Sumner came, and was in the City three days: during which time Aymondus preached three Sermons. The people in defence of their Preacher, s●ew upon the Sumner, to deliver him out of his hands. But Aymond desired them not to stop his martyrdom: seeing it was the will of God that he should suffer for him, he would not (said he) resist. Then the Consuls suffered the Sumner, and so Aimond was carried to Bourdeaux. Where many witnesses, the most part being Priests, came in against him, with M. Riverack also, and his servant: Which Riveracke had said oftentimes before, that it should cost him a thousand crowns, but he would burn him. Many exceptions he made against his false witnesses, but that would not be taken. Al their accusation was only for denying Purgatory. 
About ix. months he remained in prison with great misery, bewailing exceedingly his former life albeit there was no man that could charge him outwardly with any crime. Then came down letters, whereupon the judges began to proceed to his condemnation, and he had greater fetters put upon him, which he took for a token of his death shortly to follow. After that, he was examined with torments. One of the head precedents came to him, & shaking him by the beard, bade him tell what fellows he had of his Religion. To whom he answered, saying: that he had no other fellows, but such as knew, and did the will of God his father, whether they were nobles, merchants, husbandmen, or of what degree so ever they were. In these torments he endured two. or iij. hours being but of a weak body, with these words comforting himself: This body (said he) once must die but the spirit shall live: the kingdom of God abideth for ever. 
Torments.  In the time of his tormenting he swooned. Afterward coming to himself again, he said, O Lord Lord, why hast thou forsaken me? To whom the precedent: Nay wicked Lutheran (said he) Thou hast forsaken God. Then said Aymondus: Alas good masters, why do you thus miserably torment me▪ O Lord I beseech thee forgive them, they know not what they do. See (said the Precedent) this Caitiff, how he prayeth for us, nevertheless so constant wash in his pains, that they could not force him to utter one man's name: saying unto them, that he thought to have found more mercy with men: Wherefore he prayed God that that he might find mercy with him.  
On the next Saturday following, sentence of condemnation was given against him. Then certain Friars were appointed to hear his confession. Whom he refused, choosing to him one of his own order, the parish priest of S. Christopher's, bidding the Friars depart from him, for he would confess his sins to the Lord. Do you not see (said he) how I am troubled enough with men? will ye yet trouble me more? Other have had my body, will you also take from me my soul? Away from me I pray you. At last when he could not be suffered to have the parish priest, he then took a certain Carmelite, bidding the rest to departed, with whom he having long talk, at last did convert him, unto the truth. Shortly after that came unto him the judges, Cassagnes, and Longa with other counsellors more, unto whom the said Aymondus began to preach and declare his mind, touching the lords supper: But Longa interrupting him: demanded of him thus.  The judge. 

Purgrtory.  First declare unto us your mind what you think of Purgatory.  The Martyr, 
In Scripture all these are one, to purge, to cleanse, & to wash. Whereof we read in Esay, in the Epistle of S. Paul, 
Hebr. 9 1. Pet. 1.  and of S. Peter. He hath washed you in his blood. Ye are redeemed not with gold, but with the blood of Christ. etc. And how often do we read in the Epistles of S. Paul, That we are cleansed by the blood of Christ from our sins. etc.  The judge. 
Those Epistles are known to every child.  The Martyr. 
To every child? Nay, I fear you have scarce read them yourself.  A Friar. 
M. Aymond, with one word you may satisfy them, if you will say, that there is place where the souls be purged after this life.  The Martyr. 
That I leave for you to say, if you please. What? would you have me damn mine own soul, and to say that which I know not?  The judge. 
Dost not thou think, that when thou art dead, thou shalt go to purgatory? And he that dieth in venial sin, that he shall pass straight into Paradise.  The Martyr. 
Such trust I have in my God, that the same day, when I shall die, I shall enter into Paradise?  another judge. 
Where is Paradise?  The Martyr. 
There, where the majesty and glory of God is.  The judge. 
The Canons do make mention of Purgatory, and you in your sermons have used always much to pray for the poor. 
This Friar taketh praying for the poor which be alive and those that be dead to be all one.   The Martyr. 
I have preached the word of God, & not the Canons.  The judge. 
Dost thou believe in the Church?  The Martyr. 
I believe as the Church regenerated by the blood of Christ, and founded in his word, hath appointed. 
The Church.   The judge. 
What Church is that?  The Martyr. 
The Church is a Greek word signifying as much as a congregation or assemble: and so I say, that when so ever the faithful do congregate together, to the honour of God, and the amplifying of Christian religion, the holy ghost is verily with them.  The judge. 
By this it should follow, that there be many Churches. And where as any rustical clowns do assemble together, there must be a Church.  The Martyr. 
It is no absurd thing to say that there be many Churches or congregations among the Christians: And so speaketh S. Paul: 
Galat. 1.  To all the Churches which are in Gallatia. etc. And yet all these congregations make but one Church.  The judge. 
The Church wherein thou believest, is it not the same Church, which our Creed doth call the holy Church?  The Martyr. 
I believe the same.  The judge. 
And who should be the head of that Church 
The head of the Church.   The Martyr. 
jesus Christ.  The judge. 
And not the Pope?  The Martyr. 
No.  The judge. 
And what is he then?  The Martyr. 
A Minister if he be a good man, as other bishops be: of whom S. Paul thus writeth: 1. Cor. 4. Let a man so esteem of us, as Ministers, and dispensers of the secrets of God. etc.  The judge. 
What then, dost not thou believe the Pope?  The Martyr. 
I know not what he is, 
The Pope what he is.   The judge. 
Dost thou not believe that he is the successor of Peter?  The Martyr. 
If he be like to Peter, and be grounded with Peter, upon the true rock Christ jesus, so I believe his works, and ordinances to be good,  
Then the judges leaving him with the Friars, departed from him, counting as a daned creature. Notwithstanding, Aymundus putting his trust in God, was full of comfort, saying with Saint Paul: Who shall separate me from the love of God? Shall the sword, hunger, or nakedness? No, nothing shall pluck me from him. But rather I have pity of you (said he) and so they departed. Not long after, he was brought to the place of execution, singing by the way, the Psalm. In exitu Israel de Aegipto. etc. 
Psalm. 114.  And as he passed by the place, where he before had been imprisoned, he called to his prison fellows, exhorting them to put their confidence in the Lord, and told them that he had spoken for them, and declared their miseries unto the Precedent. He thanked moreover the keeper, 
Aymond speaketh for his prison fellows.  and desired him to be good to his poor prisoners. And so taking his leave of them, and desiring them to pray for him, also giving thanks to the mistress keeper, for her gentleness showed to him, he proceeded forward toward his execution. As he came against the Church of Saint Andrew, they willed him to ask mercy of God, and of blessed S. Mary, and of Saint justice. I ask mercy, (saith he) of God and his justice, but the virgin, blessed S. Marry, I never offended, nor did that thing, for the which I should ask her mercy. From thence he passed forward to the Church of S. Legia, preaching still as he went. Then spoke one of the soldiers to the driver or carter, 
john 8. Filioli, custodite vos a simulachris. 1. john 5.  willing him to drive apase, for here is preaching, said he, enough. To whom said Aymond, He that is of God, heareth the words of God etc. In passing by a certain Image of our Lady great offence was taken against him, because he always called upon Christ jesus only, and made no mention of her. Whereupon he lifted his voice to God, praying that he would never suffer him to invocate any other, saving him alone. Coming to the place where he should suffer, he was tumbled out of the cart, upon the ground, testifying to the Magistrates & to the people standing by, that he died for the Gospel of jesus Christ & for his word. More he would have spoken, but he could not be suffered, by the tumultuous vexing of the officers, crying, dispatch, dispatch him, let him not speak. Then he speaking a few words softly in the ear of the little Carmelite, whom he had converted: was bid to step up to the stage. Where the people beginning to give a little audience, thus he said O Lord make haste to help me, tarry not, do not despise the work of thy hands. 
The words of Aymond to the students.  And you my brethren, the be students, & scholars, I exhort you to study and learn the Gospel, for the word of God abideth for ever: labour to know the will of God, and fear not them that kill the body, but have no power upon your souls. And after that, my flesh (said he) repugneth marvelously against the spirit, but shortly I shall cast it away. My good masters, I beseech you pray for me. O Lord my God, into thy hands I commend my soul. 
The death and martyrdom of Aymondus.  As he was oft repeating the same the hangman took and haled him upon the steps in such sort, that he strangled him. And thus the blessed Saint gave up his life. Whose body afterward was with fire consumed.   
Frances Bribard.  
An. 1144.  France's Bribard was said to be the secretary of the Cardinal of Bellay. 
France's Bribard.  Who being also for the Gospel condemned, after his tongue was cut off, did with like constancy sustain the sharpness of burning. Ibidem. 
The high Court of Rouen.  
A widow keeping a vitailing house, in the suburbs of Rouen.  
William Husson, an Apothecary.  
At Rouen.  
An. 1544.  William Hussan Apothecary, 
William Husson, Martyr.  coming from Bloys to Rouen, was lodged with a certain widow in the suburbs of the City. Who ask of her, at what time the Counsel or Parliament did rise, she said at x. of the clock About which time & hour he went to the Palace, and there scattered certain books concerning Christian doctrine, and the abuse of men's traditions. Whereat the counsel was so moved, that they commanded all the gates of the City to be locked, and diligent search to be made in all Inns and hostles, to find out the author. Then the widow told of the party which was there, and asked of the rising of the Counsel & shortly upon the same took his horse and road away. Then were posts set out through all quarters, so that the said William was taken by the way riding to deep, and brought again to Rouen. Who there being examined, declared his faith boldly, and how became of purpose to disperse those books in Rouen, and went to do the like at deep. 
The boldness of a constant Martyr.  
The week ensuing, he was condemned to be burned alive. After the sentence given, he was brought in a cart, accompanied with a Doctor a Carmelite Friar, before the great church, who putting a torch in his hand, required him to do homage to the Image of our Lady: 
Custodite vos a simulachris. john 5.  which because he refused to do, his tongue was cut out. The Friar then making a Sermon, when he spoke any thing of the mercies of God, the said William hearkened to him: but when he spoke of the merits of Saints, and other dreams he turned away his head. The Friar looking upon the countenance of Husson, lift up his hand to heaven: saying with great exclamation, that he way damned, and was possessed with a devil When the Friar had ceased his Sermon, this godly Husson had his hands and feet bound behind his back, & with a pulley was lifted up into the air and when the fire was kindled, 
Cruelty of the adversaries.  he was let down into the flame, where the blessed Martyr, with a smile and cheerful countenance looked up to heaven, never moving nor stirring, till he let down his head, and gave up his spirit. All the people there present were not a little astonied thereat, and were in divers opinions, some saying, that he had a devil other maintained the contrary, saying, if he had a devil, he should have fallen into despair.  
This Carmelite Friar abovesaid, 
Friar Delanda, converted.  was called Delanda, which after was converted, and preached the Gospel. Ex. galley. hist. joan. Crisp. Lib. 2.  

Three popish priests.  
The Duke of Loraine·   
james Cobard a Schoolmaster, and many other taken the same time.  
An. 1545.  This james, schoolmaster in the City of Saint Michael in the Dukedom of Barens in Lorraine, 
james Cobard, Martyr.  disputed with three priests that the sacrament of Baptism, and of the Supper did not avail, unless they were received with faith: which was as much to say, as that the Mass did profit neither the quick nor the dead. For the which and also for his confession, which he being in prison, sent of his own accord, by his mother unto the judge, he was burned, and most quietly suffered. Ex. joan. Crisp. 

The Franciscan Friars.  
The Doctors of Sorbone and others.   


Peter Clerk brother to john Clerk, burnt before.  
Stephanus Manginus.  
james Bouchbeck.  
john Brisebar.  
Henr. Hutinote.  
Tho. Honorate.  
john Baudovinus.  
john Flesch.  
john Picquere  
Peter Piquere.  
Io. Matheston.  
Philippe Little.  
Michael Caillow.  
France's Clerk.  
Couberon, a Weaver.    
At Meaux.  
An. 1546.  
These xiv. dwelled at Melda, 
Xiiij Martyrs.  a City in France x. miles from Paris. Where William Briconetus being there Bysh. did much good, 
Pet. Clerk, joh. Clerk, brethren and Martyrs.  brought to them the light of the Gospel, and reform the Church. Who straightly being examined for the same, relented: but yet these with many other remained constant. Who after the burning of james Pavane before mentioned, and seeing superstition to grow more and more, 
Xiiij blessed martyrs at Meaux.  began to congregate in Mangins house, & to set up a church to themselves, after the example of the French Church in Strausburgh. 
A French church set up in Meaux.  For their minister, they chose Peter Clerk. First they beginning with 20. or 30 did grow in short time to 3. or 4. hundredth. Whereupon the matter being known to the Senate of Paris, the chamber was beset, where they were, and they taken. Of whom 62. men and women were bound & brought to Paris, singing psalms, especially the psal. 79. To these it was chief objected, that they being lay men, would minister the sacrament of the body & blood of the Lord.  
Of these 62.14. chief did stand fast, which were condemned, and racked, to confess more of their fellows, but they uttered none: the rest were scourged and banished the country. These 14. were sent to sundry Monasteries to be converted: but that would not be. Then they being sent in a cart to Melda, or Meaux, to be burned, by the way, three miles from Paris, a certain Weaver, called Couberon, by chance meeting them, cried to them a loud, bidding them be of good cheer and to clean fast to the Lord: Who also was taken, and bound with them in the cart. Coming to the place of execution, which was before Mangins house, it was told them, that they which would be confessed, should not have their tongues cut out, 
Ex Lud.  the other should. Of whom seven. there were, which to save their tongues, confessed: other seven. would not. Of the first was Stephen Mangin, who having his tongue first cut, notwithstanding spoke so that he might be understand, saying thrice The lords name be blessed. As they were in burning, 
Rab. Lib. 6. Note how God maketh these adversaries with their own song, to praise the sacrifice of these holy Martyrs against their wills.  the people sung psalms. The priests seeing that, would also sing their songs: 
* O Salutaris hostia, id est, O wholesome sacrifice, is a song which the Papists use in praise of the sacrifice of their Mass.  O Salutaris hostia and Salue regina, while the sacrifice of these holy martyrs were finished. Their wives being compelled to see their husbands in torments, were after put in prison, from whence they being promised to be let go if they would say that their husbands were damned refused so to say.  

john Andre bookseller, promoter.  
Doctors Sorbonists M. Nicolas Clerici, Doctor of Divinity.  
Doctor john Picard  
Doctor Nicolas Maillaird.   
Peter Chapot.  
At Paris.  
An. 1546.  Peter Chapot first was a correcter to a Printer in Paris. After he had been at Geneva, to do good to the Church of Christ, like a good man, he came with books of holy scripture into France and dispersed them abroad, unto the faithful. Which great zeal of his, caused him to be apprehended of I. Andre, which was the common promoter to Liset the Precedent, & to the Sorbonistes. This good Chapot being taken and brought before the Commissaries, rendered promptly account of his faith unto whom he exhibited a supplication, or writing wherein he learnedly informed the judges, to do their office uprightly. Then were three Doctors of Sorbone assigned, Nicholas Clerici. john Picard, and Nicholas Maillard, to dispute with him. Who when they could find no advantage, but rather shame at his hands, they waxed angry with the judges, for letting them dispute with heretics. This done the judges consulting together upon his condemnation, could not agree: so that Chapot (as it seemed) might have escaped, had not a wicked person, the reporter of the process, sought & wrought his condemnation, which condemnation was at length concluded thus: that he should be burned quick, only the cuttynng of his tongue was pardoned. The Doctor appointed to be at his execution, was Mallaird, with whom he was greatly encumbered. For this Friar called upon him still, not to speak to the people, but he desired him that he might pray. Then he bade him pray to our Lady, & confess her to be his Advocate. He confessed, that she was a blessed virgin, & recited the Lords prayer and the Creed, and was about to speak of the Mass, but Maillard would not let him making haste to his execution, & said unless he would say ave Maria, he should be burnt quick. Then Chapot prayed: O jesus, son of David, have mercy upon me. Maillard then bade him say jesus, Maria, and so he should be strangled. Chapot again excused that he was so weak, he could not speak. Say, said Maillard, jesus Maria, or else thou shalt be burned quick. As Chapot was thus striving with the Friar, suddenly as it happened, jesus Maria, 
To give never so little to the adversaries is a great matter.  escaped out of his mouth. But he by and by repressing himself, O god said he, what have I done? Pardon me O Lord, to thee only have I sinned. Then Maillard commanded the cord to be plucked about his neck to strangle him: notwithstanding yet he felt something the fire. After all things done, Maillard all full of anger went to the counsel house, 
The cutting of tongues how and by whom it came, in France.  called Lafoy chamber Ardante, declaring what an uproar had there almost happened amongst the people, saying that he would complain upon the judges, for suffering those heretics to have their tongues. Whereupon immediately a decree was made that all which were to be burned, unless they recanted at the fire: should have their tongues cut of. Which law diligently afterward was observed. Ex joan. Crisp. Lib. 6. M. Peter Liset, Precedent of the counsel of Paris. 
Saintinus Nivet.  
At Paris.  
An. 1546.  After the burning of those 14. whose names be described before, this Saintinus (which was a lame cripple) with his wife removed out of Meaux, to Moutbeliard, where when he had continued a while in safe liberty of religion, and saw himself there to do no good, but to be a burden to the Church cast in his mind to return home to Meaux again, & so did. Where at last, as he was selling certain small wares in the fair, he was there known and apprehended. Whereof when information was given, he being examined, at the first confessed all, and more than they were willing to hear. In the time of this Inquisition, as they were examining him of certain points of Religion, and asked him whither he would stand to that he said or not: he gave this answer again, worthy to be registered in all men's hearts, saying: And I ask you again Lord judges, dare you be so bold to deny that is so plain and manifest by the open words of the Scripture? So little regard had he to save his own life, that he desired the judges, both at Meaux, and at Paris for God's sake, that they would rather take care of their own lives and souls, and to consider how much innocent blood they spilt daily in fight against Christ jesus, and his Gospel. At last, being brought to Paris, through the means of M. Peter Liset, a great persecutor, for that they of Meaux, thoulde take by him no encouragement, there he was detained, and suffered his martyrdom: where no kind of cruelty was sacking, which the innocent Martyrs of Christ jesus were wont to be put unto. Ex Henr. Pantal. &. hist Gallic. The names of his persecutors in the story be not expressed. 
Stephen Polliot, Martyr.  
Stephen Polliot.  
At Paris.  
An. 1546.  Stephen Polliot coming out of Normandy (where he was borne) unto Meaux, tarried not there long, but was compelled to fly, & went to a town called Fera: where he was apprehended, and brought to Paris, and there cast into a foul and dark prison. In which prison he was kept in bands and fetters a long space, where he saw almost nolight. At length being called for before the Senate, and his sentence given to have his tongue cut out, and to be burned alive, his satchel of books hanging about his neck, O Lord (said he) is the world in blindness and darkness still? For he thought being in prison so long, that the world had been altered from his old darkness, to better knowledge. At last, the worthy Martyr of jesus Christ having his books about his neck, was put into the fire, where he with much patience, ended this transitory life. Ex Henr. Pantal. The high Senate of Paris. 
john English.  
An. 1547.  He was executed & burned at Sens in Burgundy, 
joh. English, martyr.  being condemned by the high Court of Paris, for confessing the true word of God. Ex Crisp. & Adrian.  
Michael Michelote, a Tailor.  
An. 1547.  This Tailor being apprehended for the gospels sake, 
Michael Michelot, martyr.  was judged first if he would turn, to be beheaded: and if he would not turn, then to be burned alive. Who being asked whether of these two he would choose, answered, that he trusted that he which hath given him grace not to deny the truth would also give him patience to abide the fire. He was burned at Werden by Turney. Two false brethren. 
Leonardus de Prato.  
An. 1547.  This Leonard going from Dyion, to Bar, 
Leonardus de Prato, martyr.  a town in Burgundy, with two false brethren, and talking with them about religion, was bewrayed of them, and afterward burned.  


john Taffingnon. 
Seven. Martyrs.  joan his wife.  
Simon marshal.  
joan his wife.  
W. Michant.  
james Boulerau. james Bretany.    
An. 1547.  All these 7. being of the City of Langres, for the word and truth of Christ jesus, were committed to the fire wherein they died with much strength & comfort. But especially joanne, which was Simons wife, being reserved to the last place because she was the youngest, confirmed her husband and all the other, with words of singular consolation, declaring to her husband, that they should the same day, be married to the Lord jesus, to live with him for ever. Ex. Pantal. Crisp. & alijs. The Senate of paris. 


Mischaell.  
Ma●eschall.  
joh. Cam.  
Great john Camus.  
john Serarphin.    
An. 1547.  These also, the same year and about the same time, for the like confession of Christ's Gospel, were condemned by the Senate of Paris, & in the same City also with the like cruelty, were burned. Ex Pantal. Crisp. 

The host of Octovien, at Lions.  
Gabriel of Saconnex Presenteur.   
Octonien blondel, a Merchant of precious stones.  
At paris.  
An. 1548.  
This Octovien, as he was a great occupyer in all fairs & countries of France, 
Octovien, martyr.  and well known, both in Court, & else where: so was he a singular honest man, of great integrity, and also a favourer of God's word Who being at his hosts house in Lions, rebuked the filthy talk and superstitious behaviour, which there he heard & saw. Wherefore the host bearing to him a grudge, chanced to have certain talk with Gabriel of Sacconex Presenteur concerning the riches, and a sumptuous collar set with rich jewels, of this Octovien.  
Thus these two consulting together, did suborn a certain person to borrow of him a certain sum of crowns Which because Octovien refused to lend, the other caused him to be apprehended for heresy, thinking thereby to make attachment of his goods. But such order as was taken by Blondels friends, that they were frustrate of their purpose. Then blondel being examined of his faith, gave a plain and full confession of that doctrine, which he had learned, for the which he was committed to prison: where he did much good to the prisoners there. For some that were in debt, he paid their creditors and loosed them out. To some he gave meat, to other raiment. 
Faith joined with good works.  At length through the importune persuasions of his parents and friends, he gave over and changed his confession. Notwithstanding the Presenteur not leaving so, appealed him up to the high court of Paris. There Otovien being asked again, touching his faith, which of his two confessions he would stick to, he being before admonished of his fall, and of the offence given thereby to the faithful, said he would live & die in his first confession, which he defended to be consonant to the verity of God's word. Which done, he was condemned to be burned, and so hast was made to his execution, lest his friends in the court, might come between and save his life. Ex joan. Crisp. Lib. 6.   

Hubert Cheriet, Martyr.  Hubert Cheriet, alias Burr, a young man a Tailor.  
At Dyion.  
An. 1549.  Hubert being a young man of the age of nineteen. years, was burned for the Gospel at Dyion, who neither by any terroures of death nor allurements of his parents, could be otherwise persuaded, but constantly to remain in the truth, unto death. Ibid. peter Lisetus, precedent of the Counsel of paris, and other Sorbonistes. 
M. Florent Venote, 
Florent Venote, martyr.  priest.  
At paris.  
An. 1549.  This Florent remained in prison in Paris, 4. years and 9 hours. During which time, there was no torment, which he did not abide and overcome. Among all other kinds of torments, he was put in a narrow prison or brake, so straight that he could neither stand nor lie, which they call the hose or boot, ad Nectar Hippocratis, because it is straight beneath, and wider above, like to the instrument where with Apocatheries are wont to make their hippocras. In this he remaineth 7. weeks, where the tormentors affirm, that no thief nor murderer could ever endure xv. days, but was in danger of life, or madness. At last, when there was a great show in Paris at the kings coming into the City, and divers other Martyrs in sundry places of the City were put to death, he having his tongue cut off, was brought to see the execution of them all: and last of all, in the place of Maulbert, was put in the fire and burned the ix. of july at after noon. Ex joan Crisp.  
Anne Audebert, an apothecary's wife and widow.  
At Orleans.  
An. 1549.  She going to Geneva was taken & brought to Paris, 
Anne Audebert, martyr.  and by the Counsel there, judged to be burned at Orleans. When the rope was put about her, she called it her wedding girdle, wherewith she should be married to Christ. And as she should be burned upon a saturday, upon Michaelmas even: upon a saturday, said she, I was first married, and upon a Saturday I shall be married again. And seeing the dongcart brought wherein she should be carried, she rejoiced thereat, showing such constancy in her martyrdom, as made all the beholders to marvel. Ex. joan. Crisp. 

Henry. 2. French king.  
An Officer of the king's house.  
petrus Castellanus, Bishop Machonensis.   
A poor Tailor of paris, dwelling in the street of S. Antony.  
At Paris.  
An. 1549.  Among many other godly martyrs that suffered in France, 
A godly Tailor in Paris, martyr.  the story of this poor Tailor is not the least nor worst to be remembered. His name is not yet sought out in that french stories for lack of diligence in those writers, more is the pity. The story is this. Not long after the coronation of Henry two. the French king, at whose coming into Paris divers good Martyrs were there brought out, and burned for a spectacle: as is above said: a certain poor Tailor, who then dwelled not far from the kings Palace, in the street bearing the name of S. Antony, was apprehended of a certain officer in the kings house, for that, upon a certain holy day, he followed his occupation, and did work for his living. Before he was had to prison, the officer asked him, why he did labour and work, giving no observation of the holy day. 
To whom he answered, that he was a poor man living only upon his labour: and as for the day, he knew no other, but only the Sunday, wherein he might not lawfully work, for the necessity of his living. 
The tailor imprisoned f●r breaking a p●●●e of an holy day.  Then the Officer began to ask of him many questions, whereunto the poor Tailor did so answer, the eftsoons he was clapped in prison. After that, the Officer coming into the Court, to show what good service he had done for the holy Church declared to certain estates, how he had taken a lutheran, working upon the holy day, showing that he had such answers of him, that he commanded him to prison. When the rumour hereof was noised in the kings chamber, through the motion of them which were about the king, the poor man was sent for to appear, that the king might have the hearing of him.  
Whereupon the kings chamber being voided, save only a few of the chief Peers remaining about the king, the simple Tailor was brought. The king sitting in his chair, 
The tailor brought before the king.  commanded petrus Castellanus Bishop of Mascon (a man very fit for such Inquisitions) to question with him. The Tailor being entered, and nothing appaulled at the kings majesty, after his reverence done unto the prince, gave thanks to God, that he had so greatly dignified him being such a wretch, as to bring him, where he might testify his truth before such a mighty prince. Then Castellanus entering talk, began to to reason with him touching the greatest and chiefest matter of Religion. Whereunto the Tailor without fear or any halting in his speech, 
The present boldness of the tailor answering for his religion before the king.  with present audacity, wit and memory, so answered for the sincere doctrine and simple truth of God's Gospel, as was both convenient to the purpose, and also to his questions aptly and fitly correspondent.  
notwithstanding, the nobles there present, with cruel taunts and rebukes, did what they could to dash him out of countenance. Yet all this terrified not him, but with boldness of hart, and free liberty of speech, he defended his cause, or rather the cause of Christ the Lord, neither flattering with their persons not fearing their threats: which was to them all, a singular admiration to behold that simple poor artificer to stand so firm and bold, answering before a king, to those questions propounded against him. Whereat, when the king seemed to muse with himself, as one somewhat amazed, and which might soon have been induced at that present, to further knowledge: the egregious Bishop, 
Pestilent counsel about the king.  & other courteours, seeing the king in such a muse, said he was an obstinate & a stubborn person, obfirmed in his own opinion, and therefore was not to be marveled at, but to be sent to the judges, & to be punished: and therefore lest he should trouble the ears of the said Henry the king, he was commanded again to the hands of the officer, that his cause might be informed, and so within few days after, he was condemned by the high Stuard of the kings house, to be burned alive. And lest any deep consideration of that excellent fortitude of the poor man might further peradventure pierce the kings mind, 
A fumish comparison of a fiery Cardinal.  the Cardinals and Bishops were ever in the kings ear, telling him that these Lutherans were nothing else, but such as carried vain smoke in their mouths, which being put to the fire, would soon vanish. 
The death and martyrdom of this tailor.  Wherefore the king was appointed, himself to be present at his execution, which was sharp & cruel, before the Church of Mary the Virgin, where it pleased God to give such strength and courage to his servant, in suffering his martyrdom, that the beholding thereof, did more astonish the king, than all the other did before. Ex joan. Crisp. Ex Henr. Pantall. Lib. 7.   
Claudius Thierry.  
At Orleans.  
An. 1549.  The same year, & for the same doctrine of the Gospel, one Claudius also was burned at the said Town of Orleans, 
Claudius' Thierry, Martyr.  being apprehended by the way, coming from Geneva to his Country, Ex joan. Crisp.  
Leonard Galimard.  
At Paris-  
An· 1549.  This Leonard, for the confession likewise of Christ and his Gospel was taken and brought to Paris, 
Leonard Galimard, martyr.  and there by the sentence of the counsel, was judged to be burnt the same time as Florent Uenote, above mentioned, did suffer at Paris. Ex joan. Crisp.  
Macaeus Moreou.  
At Troy's. An. 1549.  He was burned in Troyes in Campaine (a Town in France) remaining constant to the end in the Gospel, 
Macaeus Moreau, martyr.  for the which he was apprehended. Ex eodem.  


joan Godeau.  
Gabriel Berandinus.    
An. 1550.  These two were of the Church of Geneva. afterward for their friendly admonishing a certain priest, which in his sermon had abused the name of God, 
joh. Godeau, Gabriel Berandine, martyrs.  they were taken at Chamberiace. Godeau standing to his confession was burned. Gabriel though he began a little to shrink for fear of the torments, yet being confirmed by the constant death of Godeau, recovered again, and standing likewise to his conclusion, first had his tongue cut out. Who notwithstanding, through God's might did speak so as he might be understand: whereupon the hangman being accused for not cutting of his tongue rightly, said that he could not stop him of his speech. And so these two, after they had confirmed many in God's truth, gave their life for Christ's Gospel. Ibidem. 

joan. Andrea's Promoter. 
Tho. Sanpaulinus, martyr.   
Peter Liset, Precedent of the Counsel of Paris.  
Mailardus, Doctor Sorbonius.  
Aubertus, Consiliarius.   
Thomas Sanpaulinus.  
At Paris.  
An. 1551.  This Thomas a young man of the age of 18. years, coming from Geneva to Paris, rebuked there a man for swearing. For the which cause he being suspected for a Lutheran, was followed and watched whether he went, and was taken and brought before the Counsel of Paris, and put in prison, where he was racked and miserably tormented to the intent he should either change his opinion, or confess other of his profession His torments and rackings were so sore through the setting on of Maillard and other Sorbonistes, that the sight thereof made Aubertus one of the counsel, a cruel and vehement enemy against the Gospel, to turn his back and weep. The young man when he had made the torments weary with racking, and yet would utter none, at last was had to Maulbert place in Paris, to be burned. Where he being in the fire, was plucked up again upon the gibbet, and asked whether he would turn. To whom he said, that he was in his way toward God, and therefore desired them to let him go. Thus this glorious martyr remaining inexpugnable. glorified the Lord with constant confession of his truth. Ibid.  
Mauricius Secenat.  
In Province.  
An. 1551.  He first having interrogations put to him by the lieutenant of that place, 
Mauryce Senenat, martyr.  made his answers thereunto, so as no great advantage could be taken thereof. But he being greatly compuncted and troubled in his conscience for dissembling with the truth, and called afterward before the Lord chief judge, answered so directly, that he was condemned for the same, and burned in Province. Ex eodem. A Citizen of Vzez. 
joannes Put, or de Puteo, surnamed Medicus.  
At Vzez in Province.  
An. 1551.  This Medicus being a Carpenter and unlettered, 
joannes de Puteo martyr.  had a controversy about a certain pit with a Citizene of the town of Uzez, where he dwelled. He to cast this Medicus in the law, from the pit, accused him of heresy, bringing for his witnesses, those labourers whom Meddicus had hired to work in his vineyard: wherefore he being examined of the Sacrament of the Lords Supper, was condemned and burned. At Uzez in Province, Ex eodem. 
The governor of Lions.  
The Official of the Archdeacon of Lions.  
Claudius' Monerius.  
At Lions.  
An. 1551.  This man being well instructed in the knowledge of God's word, for the which he was also driven from Auernia, came to Lions, 
Claudius' Monerius, martyr.  and there taught children. He hearing of the Lord Presidents coming to the city, went to give warning to a certain familiar friend of his, and so conducted him out of that town. In returning again to comfort the man's wife and children, he was taken in his house: and so he confessing that, which he knew to be true, and standing to that which he confessed, after much affliction in prison and doungeons, was condemned and burned at Lions. He was noted to be so gentle and mild of conditions, and constant withal, and also learned, that certain of the judges could not forbear weeping at his death. 
The said Monerius being in Prison, wrote certain letters, but one specially very comfortable, to all the faithful, which the Lord willing, in the end of these histories shallbe inserted. He wrote also the questions & interrogatories of the Official, with his answers likewise to the same, which summarily, we have here contracted as followeth.  Official. 
What believe you of the Sacrament? 
The Sacrament.  is the body of Christ in the bread or no?  The Martyr. 
I worship jesus Christ in heaven sitting at the right hand of God the Father.  Official. 
What say you by purgatory?  The Martyr. 
Forsomuch as there is no place of mercy after this life therefore no need there is of any purgation, but necessary it is, that we be purged before we pass hence.  Official. 

Supremacy.  Of the Pope what think you?  The Martyr. 
I say, he is a Bishop, as other Bishops are, if he be a true follower of S. Peter.  Official. 

Vows.  What say you of vows?  The Martyr. 
No man can vow to God so much, but the law requireth much more than he can vow.  Official. 

Praying to saints.  Are not Saints to be invocated?  The Martyr. 
They can not pray without faith, and therefore it is in vain to call unto them. And again, God hath appointed his Angels about us, to minister in our necessities.  Official. 
Is it not good to salute the blessed virgin with ave Maria?  The Martyr. 
When she was on this earth, she had then need of the Angels greeting, for than she had need of salvation, as well as other: but now she is so blessed, that no more blessing can be wished unto her.  Official. 

Images.  Are not Images to be had?  The Martyr. 
For that the nature of man is so prone to Idolatry, ever occupied and fixed in those things, which lie before his eyes, rather than upon those which are not seen, Images therefore are not to be set before Christians. You know, nothing is to be adored, but that which is not seen with eyes, that is God alone, which is a spirit, and him we must worship only in spirit and truth.  Official. 
What say you by the canonical or ordinary hours for prayer?  The Martyr. 
To hours and times, prayer ought not to be tied. But when so ever God's spirit doth move us, or when any necessity driveth us, them ought we to pray.  
Then the Official asked what he thought of holy oil, salt, with such other like. To whom the Martyr answered, that all these things were a mere 
* Maranatha is an Hebrew word, mentioned 1. Cor. l 6. and signifieth curse or malediction, to the loss of all that a man hath: and thereof cometh Matanismas, vid. Nic. Lyr. Renate Poyet, martyr.  Maranismus, that is, savoured of the law of Maranorun and of the superstition of the jews.   
Renate Poyet.  
At Salmure in France. An. 1552.  Renate Poyet, the son of William Poiet, which was Chancellor of France, for the true and sincere profession of the word of GOD, constantly suffered martyrdom, and was burned in the City of Salmure. an. 1552. Ex Crisp.  
john joyer, and his servant a young man. 
joh. joyer, with his servant, martyrs.   
At Tholouse.  
An. 1552.  These two coming from Geneva to their Country, with certain books were apprehended by the way, and at length had to Thoulouse. Where the master was first condemned. The servant being young, was not so prompt to answer them, but sent them to his master saying, that he should answer them. When they were brought to the stake, the young man first going up, began to weep. The master fearing lest he would give over, ran to him, and he was comforted, and they began to sing. As they were in the fire, the master standing upright to the stake, shifted the fire from him to his servant, being more careful for him then for himself: and when he saw him dead he bowed down into the flame, & so expired. Ex Crisp. & alijs.  
Hugonius Gravier, a schoolmaster and minister after of Cortillon, in the County of Newcastle.  
At Burge.  
An. 1552.  At Burge in Bresse, a days journey from Lions, 
Hugh Gravier martyr.  this Gravier was burned. He coming from Geneva to Newcastle, there was elected to be Minister. But first he going to see his wives friends at Mascon, there as he was coming away out of the town, was taken upon the bridge, with all his company: and in the end, he willing the women and rest of the company to lay the fault in him for bringing them out, was sentemced to be burnt, notwithstanding the Lords of Berne sent their Heralds to save his life, & also that the Official declared him to be an honest man, & to hold nothing, but agreeing to the scriptures. Ex joan Crisp. lib. 3. 

Tignacius the governor or deputy of Lions.  
Buatherius, Official to the Archb. of Lions.  
Clepierius chamberlain.  
Three orders of Friars.  
judge Melierus,  
Doct. Cunubanus, a grey friar.  
judge Vilard.  
Primatius, Official.  
Cortrerius judge,   


Martial Alba.  
Petrus Scriba.  
Bernard Seguine.  
Charles Faber  
Peter Navihere.    
At Lions.  
An. 1553.  These 5. Students, 
V students martyrs. Martial Alba.  after they head remained in the university of Lausanna a certain time, 
Petrus Scriba. Bernard Seguine.  consulted among themselves, being all French men to return home every one to his country, to the intent they might instruct their parents & other their friends in such knowledge as the Lord had given them. So taking their journey from Lausanna, 
Charles Faber. Peter Navihere  first they came to Geneva, where they remained a while. From thence they went to Lions. Where they sitting at the table of one that met them by the way, and desired them home to his house, were apprehended and led to prison: where they continued a whole year, that is, from the first day of May, to the 16. of the said month again. As they were learned and well exercised in the scriptures: so every one of them exhibited severally a learned confession of his faith, and with great dexterity, through the power of the lords spirit, they confounded the Friars, with whom they disputed: especially Peter Scribe or Scrivener, and Seguine. 
They were examined sonderly of the Sacrament of the lords body, of Purgatory, of confession, and Invocation, of free-will, and of the supremacy. etc. Although they approved their cause by good scripture, and refuted their adversaries in reasoning, yet right being overcome by might, sentence was given, and they burned in the said town of Lions. Being set upon the cart, they began to sing psalms. As they passed by the market place, one of them with a loud voice, saluted the people with the words of the last chap. to the Heb. The God of peace which brought again from death the great pastor of the sheep, in the blood of the eternal Testament. etc. Coming to the place, first the 2. youngest one after an other, went up upon the heap of wood to the stake, & there were fastened, and so after them the rest. Martial Alba being the eldest, was the last, who likewise being stripped of his clothes, and brought to the stake, desired this petition of the governor, which was that he might go about his fellows tied at the stake and kiss them. Which being granted, he went and kissed every one, saying: farewell my brother. Likewise the other four following the same example, bade each one farewell my brother. With that fire was commanded to be put unto them. The hangman had tied a rope about all their necks, thinking first to strangle them, but their faces being smeared with fat and brimstone, the rope was burnt before they were strangled. So the blessed Martyrs in the midst of the fire, spoke one to an other to be of good cheer, and so departed. Ex Crisp Pantal. etc.  
¶ Their examinations briefly touched.  The Friar. 
Thou sayest friend in thy confession that the Pope is not supreme head of the Church, 
Supremacy.  I will prove the contrary.  
The Pope is the successor of S. Peter.  
Ergo, he is supreme head of the Church.  The Martyr. 
I deny first your antecedent.  The Friar. 
The Pope sitteth in the place of S. Peter. Ergo, he is the successor of S. Peter  The Martyr. 
I will grant neither of both: First because that he which succeed in the room of Peter, aught to preach and teach, as Peter did: Which thing the pope doth not. 
The head of the Church.  Secondly, although he did so preach as Peter did, he might well follow the example of Peter, yet should he not therefore be the head of the Church, but a member only of the same. The head of men and Angels, whom God hath appointed, is Christ alone, 
Ephe. 1.  saith S. Paul.  The Friar. 
Although Christ be the head of the whole church militant and triumphant, yet his vicar here in earth is left to supply his room.  The Martyr. 
Not so, for the power of his divinity being so great to fill all things he needeth no vicar or deputy to supply his absence.  The Friar. 
I will prove that although Christ be king both of heaven and earth: yet he hath here in earth, many vicar's under him, 

Regiment civil.  
Regiment spiritual.   to govern his people.  The Martyr. 
It is one thing to rule in the civil state, another thing to rule spiritually. For in civil regiment, we have kings & princes ordained of God by the scriptures, for the observation of public society: In the spiritual regiment and kingdom of the Church it is not so.  Then another Friar. 
Thou sayest that S. Peter is not the head of the church: I will prove he is.  
Our Lord said to Peter: Thou shalt be called Cephas: Which Cephas is as much to say in latin as head. 
john 1. Cephas.  Ergo, Peter is head of the Church.  The Martyr. 
Where find you that interpretation? S. john in his first chap. doth expound it otherwise. Thou shalt be called Cephas, that is as much (saith he) as Petrus or stone  
Then the judge Uilardus calling for a new testament, turned to the place, and found it to be so. Where upon the Friar was utterly dashed and stood mute.  The Friar. 
Thou sayest in thy confession, that a man hath no free will. I will prove it. It is written in the Gospel, how a man going from Jerusalem to jericho, 
Luke 10.  fell among thieves, & was spoiled, maimed, & left half dead. etc. Thomas of Aquine expoundeth this parable to mean free will, which he saith is maimed: yet not so, but the some power remaineth in man to work.  The Martyr. 
This interpretation I do refuse and deny.  The Friar. 
What? thinkest thou thyself better learned then S. Thomas.  The Martyr. 
I do arrogate no such learning unto myself. But this I say: this parable is not so to be expounded, but is set forth for example, of the Lord, to commend to us charity toward our neighbour, how one should help an other.  The Friar. 
Thou sayest in thy confession, that we are justified only by faith. I will prove. that we are justified by works.  
By our works we do merit. 
justification.   
Ergo, by works we are justified.  The Martyr. 
I deny the antecedent.  The Friar. 
S. Paul. Heb. the last, saith: Forget not to do good and to distribute unto others: Talibus enim victimis promeretur Deus. 1. For by such oblations God is merited. We merit God by our works:  
Ergo, we are justified by our works.  The Martyr. 
The words of S. Paul in that place, be otherwise and are thus to be translated: Talibus enim victimis delectatur Deus. etc. 1. With such sacrifices God is delighted or is well pleased.  The judge Vilard. 
Vilard the judge turned the book, and found the place even to be so, as the prisoner said. Here the friars were marvelously appalled & troubled in their minds: of whom, one asked then what he thought of confession.  The Martyr. 
To whom the martyr answered, that confession only is to be made to God, & that those places which they allege for auricular confession, 
Confession.  out of S. james and other, are to be expounded of brotherly reconciliation between one another, and not of confession in the priests ear. And here again the friars stood, having nothing to say against it.  A black Friar. 
Dost thou not believe the body of Christ to be locally and corporally in the sacrament? I will prove the same. jesus Christ taking bread said: 
Transubstitiation.  this is my body. Ergo, it is truly his body.  The Martyr. 
The verb (est) is not to be taken here substantively in his own proper signification, as showing the nature of a thing in substance, as in Philosophy it is wont to be taken: but as noting the property of a thing signifying, after the manner & phrase of the Scripture: Where one thing is wont to be called by the name of an other, so as the sign is called by the name of the thing signified. etc. So is Circumcision called by the name of the covenant, and yet is not the covenant. So the Lamb hath the name of the passover, yet is not the same. In which 2. Sacraments of the old law, ye see the verb (est) to be taken, not as showing the substance of being, but the property of being, in the thing that is spoken of: And so likewise in the Sacrament of the new law.  The Friar. 
The Sacraments of the old law, & of the new do differ greatly: for these give grace, so did not the other.  The Martyr. 
Neither the sacraments of the old, 
Sacraments give no grace.  nor of the new law, do give grace, but showeth him unto us which giveth grace in deed. The minister giveth the sacraments, but jesus Christ giveth grace, by the operation of the holy Ghost: of whom it is said, This is he which baptiseth with the holy Ghost. etc.  The Friar. 
The fathers of the old Testament, 
john 2.  were they not partakers of the same grace and promises with us?  The Martyr. 
Yes, for S. Paul saith, that the fathers of the old Testament did eat the same spiritual meat, and did drink of the same spiritual drink, with us.  The Friar. 
jesus Christ saith, john. 6. Your Fathers did eat Manna in the desert, and are dead.  
Ergo, they were not partakers of the same grace with us, in the new Testament.  The Martyr. 
Christ here speaketh of them, which did not eat that Manna with faith, which was a type and figure of that bread of life, 
The true eating of Mamna.  that came from heaven: and not of them, which did eat the same with faith, as Moses and Aaron, josua Caleb, and such other, who under the shadows of the old Testament, did look for Christ to come. For so it is written of Abraham, that he saw the day of Christ, and rejoiced, not seeing it with his bodily eyes, but with the eyes of his faith.  
Here the doltish Doctor was at a stay, having no thing to say, but hear friend, be not so hot nor so hasty, tarry a while, tarry a while. At length after his tarrying, this came out.  The Friar. 
I will prove, that they of the old Testament were not partakers of the same grace with us. 
The fathers of the old Testament, how they were under the law, and how they were under grace.  The law (saith S. Paul) worketh anger: And they that are under the law, are under malediction. Ergo, they of the old law and Testament, were not partakers of the same grace with us.  The Martyr. 
S. Paul here proveth that no man by the law, can be justified, but that all men are under the anger and curse of God thereby, for so much as no man performeth that which in the law is comprehended, and therefore we have need every man to run to Christ, to be saved by faith, seeing no man can be saved by the law. For who so ever trusteth to the law, hoping to find justification thereby, and not by Christ only, the same remaineth still under malediction: not because the law is cursed, or the times thereof under curse: but because of the weakness of our nature, which are not able to perform the law.  The Friar. 
S. Paul. Rom. 7. declareth in the old Testament to be nothing but anger, and threatenings: and in the new Testament, to be grace and mercy, in these words where he saith: Wretched man that I am, who shall deliver me from the body of this death▪ The grace of god by jesus Christ.  The Martyr. 
S. Paul in this place, neither meaneth nor speaketh of the difference of times between the old and the new Testament: but of the conflict between the flesh and the spirit, so that, whereas the flesh is ever rebelling against the spirit: yet the spiritual man notwithstanding through the faith of Christ, hath the victory. Furthermore the true translation of the place, hath not, Gratia Dei: but Gratias ago Deo, per jesum Christum. etc.  Primacius the Official. 
The Official seeing the Friar almost here at a point, 
The Sacrament.  set in, & said: Thou lewd heretic, dost thou deny the blessed Sacrament?  The Martyr. 
No Sir, but I embrace and reverence the Sacrament, so as it was instituted of the Lord, and left by his Apostles.  The Official. 
Thou deniest the body of Christ to be in the Sacrament: and thou callest the Sacrament bread.  The Martyr. 
The Scripture teacheth us to seek the body of Christ in heaven, and not in earth: where we read Colos. 3. If ye be risen with Christ, seek not for the things which are upon the earth: but for the things which are in heaven, where Christ is sitting at the right hand of God. etc.  
And where as I affirm the Sacrament, not to be the body, but bread, speaking of bread remaining in his own substance, herein I do no other, but as S. Paul doth, which Cor. 11. doth call it bread likewise. 4. or 5. times together.  The Friar. 
jesus Christ said, that he was the bread of life.  The Official. 
Thou naughty heretic, jesus Christ said, that he was a vine, & a door. etc. Where he is to be expounded to speak figuratively. But the words of the Sacrament are not so to be expounded·  The Martyr. 
Those testimonies which you allege, make more for me, then for you.  The Official. 
What sayest thou lewd heretic? is the bread of the lords Supper, and the bread that we eat at home, all one, and is there no difference between them?  The Martyr. 
In nature and substance there is no difference: in quality and in use there is much difference. For the bread of the lords table though it be of the same nature & substance, with the bread that we eat at home, yet when it is applied to be a sacrament, it taketh an other quality, and is set before us to seal the promise of our spiritual and eternal life. And this was the effect of their examinations. Ex Crisp.  The name of his persecutor appeareth not in his story. 
Petrus Bergerius.  
At Lions.  
An. 1553.  About the same time, 
Petrus Bergerius, martyr.  when these 5. students above specified, were apprehended, this Bergerius also was taken at Lions, & with them examined, and made also the like confession with them together, & shortly after them, suffered the same martyrdom. He had been before an occupier or merchant of wines. He had wife and children at Geneva, to whom he wrote sweet and comfortable letters. In the dungeon with him was a certain Thief and Malefactor, which had lain there the space of seven or eight months. This Thief for pain and torment, cried out of God, and cursed his parents, that begat him, being almost eaten up with louse, miserably handled, and fed with such bread, as dogs, and horses had refused to eat. 
The notable conversion of a thief in prison.  So it pleased the goodness of almighty God, that through the teaching and prayers of this Bergerius, he was brought to repentance of himself, and knowledge of God, learning much comfort and patience by the word of the Gospel preached unto him. Touching his conversion he wrote a sweet letter to those 5. students above mentioned, wherein he praiseth God for them, and especially for this Bergerius, declaring also in the same letter, that the next day after, that he had taken hold of the Gospel, and framed himself to patience according to the same, his life (which he could pluck out before no less than 12· at once betwixt his fingers) now were so gone from him, that he had not one. Furthermore, so the alms of good men was extended towards him, that he was fed with white bread, and that which was very good. Such is the goodness of the Lord toward them that love and seek his truth. The name of this convert was john Chambone. Ex Epist. joan. Cambon. Ex Crisp. Pantal. etc.  


Stephanus Peloquinus.  
Dionysius Peloquinus.    
At Ville Franche about Lions.  
An. 1553.  Steven Peloquine, Brother to this Dionysius, 
Steven and Dionyse Peloquine, brethren and martyrs.  was taken about 2. or 3. years before, with Anne Audebert above mentioned, and also martyred for the testimony of the Gospel, at the same time, with a small fire. After whom followed Dyonise Peloquine, in the same steps of martyrdom, which was his Brother. This Dionise had been sometime a Monk, and changing his weed, took a Wife, with whom he lived a certain space at Geneva, in Godly order and modesty of life. Coming afterward to Uille Franche six miles from Lions, from thence he was had to Lions, where he remained in prison 10. months. From thence he was reversed to Uille Franche, where he was condemned, degraded, and burned. The Articles whereupon he was condemned, were for the Mass, the Sacrament, auricular confession, Purgatory, the virgin Mary, and the Pope's supremacy. He suffered in the year of our Lord. 1553. Septemb. 11. In his martyrdom such patience and fortitude God gave, that when he was half burned yet he never ceased holding up his hands to heaven, and calling upon the Lord, to the great admiration of them that looked on. Ex joan Crisp. 

The kings Lieutenant at Lions.  
The Official.  
The Friars.   


Lodovicus Marsacus.  
Michael Gerard his cousin.  
Steven Granot, Carpenter.    
At Lions.  
An. 1553.  At Lions the same year these 3. also were apprehended, and sacrificed. 
lodovic Marsac. Michael Gerard. Steven Granot, Martyrs.  Ludovicus had been of the order of the Dimilances▪ which served the king in his wars. afterward coming to Geneva, he was trained up in the knowledge and doctrine of the Lord. Upon divers Articles he was examined as invocation to Saints, and of the Uyrgyne Mary, free will, merits, and good works, auricular confession, fasting, the Lords supper. In his second examination they inquired of him, and also of the other 2. touching vows, the Sacraments, the Mass, and the vicar of Christ. In all which articles, because his and their judgement dissented from the doctrine of the Pope's Church, they were condemned. The answers of Marsac to the articles, are to be seen at large in the book of the French martyrs, set out by joan. Crisp. 

The blasphemies of the Papists.  The Lieutenant among other blasphemies, had these words: Of the iiij. Evangelists, but ij. were pure, Matthew and john. The other two, Mark & Luke were but gatherers out of the other. The Epistles of S. Paul, but that the Doctors of the church had authorised them, he would otherwise esteem them no better than the fables of Aesop.  
Item, the said Lieutenant said to M. Copes maid, 
Note what opinion the Papists have of the law of God, when it standeth not with their law.  speaking somewhat of the law: Cursed be the God of that law.  
When the sentence of condemnation was given against these three, they were so glad thereof, that they went out praising God, and singing Psalms. Which troubled the judges sore, to see them so little to esteem their death: in so much that the lieutenant caused them to be made to hold their peace, saying: shall these vile abjects so vaunt themselves, against the whole state of the realm: Then as Marsac, was going to a corner by, to pray, one of the soldiers would not suffer him. To whom he said, that little time which we have, will you not give us to pray? With that the soldier being astonished, went his way.  
As they should be brought out of prison to the stake, the hangman tied a rope about the necks of the other two. Marsac seeing himself to be spared because of his order and degree, called by the way to the lieutenant, that he might also have one of the precious chains about his neck, in honour of his Lord. The which being granted, so were these three blessed martyrs committed to the fire, where they with meek patience yielded up their lives to the hands of the lord, in testimony of his Gospel, Ex Crisp. Pantal.  


Matth. Dimoner, martyr.  The Lieutenant of Lions.  
Primacius Official.  
Buatherius, Official.  
Orus, Inquisitor.   
Matthaeus Dymonetus. merchant.  
At Lions.  
An. 1553.  This Merchant first lived a vicious & detestable life, full of much corruption and filthiness. He was also a secret enemy and a Searcher out of good men, when and where they convented together. Who being called notwithstanding by the grace of God, to the knowledge and savour of his word, shortly after was taken by the Lieutenant and Buatherius the Official, in his own house at Lions, and so after a little examination was sent to prison. Being examined by the Inquisitor and the Officials, he refused to yield any answer to them, knowing no authority they had upon him, but only to the Lieutenant, His answers were, that he believed all that the holy universal Church of Christ did truly believe & all the articles of the Creed. To the article of the holy Catholic Church, being bid to add also Romanam, that is the Church of Rome: that he refused. Advocates he knew none, but Christ alone. Purgatory he knew none, but the cross and passion of the lamb, which purgeth the sins of all the world. The true confession he said, aught to be made, not to the priest once a year, but every day to God, and to such whom we have offended. The eating of the flesh & blood of Christ, he took to be spiritual: and the Sacrament of the flesh and blood of Christ, to be eaten with the mouth, and that sacrament to be bread and wine under the name and signification of the body and blood of Christ, the mass not to be instituted of Christ, being a thing contrary to his word and will. For the head of the Church he knew none, but only Christ. Being in prison he had great conflicts with the infirmity of his own flesh, but especially with the temptation of his parents, brethren and kinsfolks, and the sorrow of his mother: nevertheless the Lord so assisted him, that he endured to the end. At his burning he spoke much to the people, & was heard with great attention. He suffered the 15. of july. an. 1553. Ex Cris. 

Legoux the Deane, Ilierensis.  
M. Simon Vigour, the Penetentiary of Eureux.   
William Neel, an Austen Friar.  
At Eureaux, in France.  
An. 1553.  Hen. Pantal. lib. 9 & Crisp. & Adrian, maketh mention also of one William Neel a Friar Augustine, who suffered in much like sort the same year, & was burned at Eureux in France. The occasion of his trouble rose first, 
William Neel, martyr.  for the rebuking of the vicious demeanour of the Priests there, and of the Deane named Legoux, for the which the Dean caused him to be sent to Eureux to the prison of the bishop. The story of this William Neel, with his answers to their Articles objected, is to be read more at large in the 9 book of Pantalion, and others. The Bailiff or steward of the City Dyion. 
Simon Laloe.  
At Dyion.  
An. 1553.  Simon Laloe a spectacle maker, coming from Geneva in to France for certain business, was laid hand of by the Bailiff of Dyion. Three things were demanded of him. 1 Where he dwelled. 2. What was his faith. 3. What fellows he knew of his Religion. His▪ dwelling he said, was at Geneva. His Religion was such, as was then used at Geneva. As for his fellows, he said, he knew none, but only them of the same City of Geneva, where his dwelling was. When they could get of him no other answer but this, with all their racking and torments, they proceeded to his sentence, and pursued the execution of the same, which was the 21. of November. an. 1553. The executioner who was named james Silvester, 
Simon Laloe, martyr.  seeing the great faith and constancy of that heavenly Martyr, was so compuncted with repentance, & fell in such despair of himself, that they had much ado with all the promises of the Gospel, to recover any comfort in him. 
The executioner converted.  At last through the mercy of christ, he was comforted, and converted, and so he with all his family, removed to the Church of Geneva. Ex joan Crisp.  
Nicholas Nail.  

Torments.  At Paris.  
An. 1553.  This Nicolas, shoemaker coming to Paris with certain ferdles of books, 
Nicholas nail martyr.  was there apprehended. Who stoutly in persisting in confessing the truth, was tried with sundry torments, to utter what fellows he had beside of his profession, so cruelly, that his body was dissolved almost one joint from an other: but so constant he was in his silence, that he would express none. As they brought him to the stake, first they put a gag or piece of wood in his mouth, which they bond with cords to the hinder part of his head, so hard, that his mouth on both sides gushed out with blood, and disfigured his face monstrously. By the way they passed by an Hospital, where they willed him to worship the picture of S. Mary standing at the gate. But he turned his back as well as he could, and would not. For the which the blind people were so grieved, that they would have fallen upon him. After he was brought to the fire, they so smeared his body with fat and brimstone, that at the first taking of the fire, all his skin was parched, & the inward parts not touched. With that the cords braced which were about his mouth, whereby his voice was heard in the midst of the flame, praising the Lord, and so the blessed Martyr departed. Ex joan Chrisp. 

A woman of Tolouse.  
The Official of the Bishop of Tolouse.  
The Inquisitor and chancellor of the Bishop of Cozeran.   
Peter Serre.  
About Tolouse.  
An. 1553.  
Peter Serre, martyr.  Peter Serre first was a Priest, then changing his religion, he went to Geneva, & learned the shoemakers craft, and so lived. Afterward upon a singular love he came to his brother at Tolouse, to the intent to do him good. His brother had a wife, which was not well pleased with his religion, and coming. She in secret Counsel told an other woman one of her neighbours, of this. What doth she, but goeth to the Official, and maketh him privy of all. The Official thinking to foreslacke no time, taking counsel with his fellows, laid hands upon this Peter, and brought him before the Inquisitor. To whom he made such declaration of his faith, that he seemed to reduce the Inquisitor to some feeling of conscience, and began to instruct him in the principals of true religion. Notwithstanding, all this helped not, but that he was condemned by the said Chancellor, to be degraded, & committed to the secular judge. The judge inquiring of what occupation he was, he said, that of late he was a shoemaker. Whereby the judge understanding that he had been of some other faculty before, required what it was. He said, 
Priest's craft a vile and a filthy act.  that he had been of another faculty before, but he was ashamed to utter it, or to remember it, being the worst & most vilest science of all other in the whole world beside. The judge and the people supposing that he had been some thief or cutpurse, inquired to know what it was, but he for shame and sorrow stopped his mouth, & would not declare it. At last through their importunate clamour, he was constrained to declare the truth, & said, that he had been a priest. The judge thereupon was so moved, that he condemned him, first enjoining him in his condemnation, to ask the king forgiveness, then judged him to have his tongue cut out, and so to be burned. From this sentence he appealed to the parliament of Tolouse: not for that he thought thereby to save his life, but because he was enjoined to ask the king forgiveness, whom he had never offended. Also because he was judged to have his tongue cut of, wherewith he would praise his God. Notwithstanding by the sentence of that parliament, he was likewise condemned to be burnt, only he was pardoned for ask forgiveness of the king, and the cutting of his tongue, so that he would say nothing against their religion. As he went to burning, he passed by the college of S. Martial, where he was bid to honour the picture of the virgin standing at the gate. Which because he refused, the judge commanded his tongue to be cut of, & so being put to the fire, he stood so quiet, looking up to heaven all the time of his burning, as though he had felt nothing, bringing such admiration to the people, that one of the Parliament said, 
Constancy notable.  that way not to be best, to bring the Lutherans to the fire, for that would do more hurt then good. Ex joan. Crisp. The governor of Marches. 


Steven king.  
Petrus Denocheus.    
At Chartres.  
An. 1553.  Steven king, after he had been at Strausburgh a while, returned again into his country, 
Steven king.  dwelling in atown bearing the name of S. George, 
Peter Denoche, martyrs.  not far from Chaustors, where he served in the place of a notary, and had under him, a Clerk named Peter Denoche, who also had been at Geneva, & was there zealous in instructing the ignorant & rebuking blasphemous swearers, and other offenders. These two were not long together, but they were suspected both of Lutheranism: and so were apprehended by the governor of the Marches, or Marshal, and so were carried to Chartres: where after the constant confession upon their examination made, they were enclosed in prison, and there sustained long & tedious endurance. During the which mean time, Steven king made many worthy songs and sonnets in the praise of the Lord, whereby to recreate his spirit in that doleful captivity. At length, when after long persuasions & fair promises of the Bishop and of other, they could not be revoked from the doctrine of their confession, they were condemned. From that condemnation, they appealed to the Court of Paris. But the Council there confirming their former sentence, returned them again to Chartres, from whence they came, where they were both executed with cruel punishment of fire. Ex hist. Gallic. per joan Crisp. Priests of Burges. 
Antonius Magnus, or Magnaeus.  
At Paris.  
An. 1554.  Antonius Magne, was sent by the five which were in prison, at Lions, above mentioned, and by other also that were in captivity at Paris, unto Geneva to commend them to their prayers unto GOD, for them. Who after certain business there dispatched, returned again into France, & there within 3. hours of his coming was betrayed and taken by certain Priests at Burges and there delivered by the said priests unto the Official. After a few days the kings justices took him from the Official, and sent him to Paris, where after great rebukes and torments, he suffered in the prison, and firmly persisting in the profession of the truth, by their capital sentence was adjudged to have his tongue cut out, & so was burned at Mulbert place in Paris. Ex joan. Crisp. False brethren. 
William Alencon bookeseller. 
William Alencon, martyr.   

A sherman, martyr.  A certain sherman.  
At Montpelliers. An. 1554.  
This Alencon did much good in the provinces of France, by carrying books. Coming to Montpelliers he was there circumvented by false brethren detected, and laid in prison. In his faith he was firm and constant to the end of his martyrdom, being burned the 7. of january. 1554.  
There was the same time at Montpelliers a certain sherman or clothworker, who had been long in durance for religion, but at length for fear, and infirmity, he revolted. To whom it was enjoined by the judges to make public recantation, and to be present also at the burning of Alencon aforesaid. At the beholding of whose death and constancy, it pleased God to strike into this man such boldness, that he desired the judges, that either he might burn with this Alencon, or else be brought again into prison, saying that he would make no other recantation, but so. Wherefore within three days after he was likewise condemned to the fire, and burned, in the town aforesaid. Ex joan Crisp.   

Paris Panier, martyr.  Paris Panier, a Lawyer.  
At Dola.  
An. 1554.  At Dola was beheaded a good & godly Lawyer named Paris Panier, for constant standing to the gospel of Christ. an. 1554. Ex Pantal.  

Peter du Val. martyr.  Peter du Val, shoemaker.  
At Nismes.  
An. 1554.  At newman's in Delphinate, Peter du Val sustained sore and grievous rackings & torments: wherewith his body being broken, dissolved, and maimed, yet he notwithstanding manfully abiding all their extremity, would name and utter none. Then was he had to the fire, & there consumed. ann. 1554. Ex joan. Crisp. 

giles le Pers, lieutenant for the marshal of S. Andrew, 
john Filieul, julian Leville, martyrs.  and Inquisitor for the province of Borbon.  
joh. Bergeronius, an other Inquisitor or counsellor.   


joannes, Filieul, or Filiolus Carpenter.  
julianus Leville, pointmaker.    
At Sanserre.  
An. 1554.  
These two blessed and constant martyrs, as they were going toward Geneva, with one of their sons and a daughter were apprehended by giles le Pers, who in the way overtaking them and most wickedly & judaslye pretending great favour to them, and to their religion, which he (as he said) supposed them to be of, with these and many other fair words circumvented and alured them to confess what was their faith, whither they went with their children, and also that their wives were at Geneva. When they had declared this, the wretched Traitor gave a sign to his horsemen, and so were these simple saints of Christ entrapped, and brought to the Castle of Niverne. Being in Prison, they were examined of many things: whereunto they answered uprightly, according to their faith.  
First touching the sacrament, 
Transubstantiation.  they affirmed the transubstantiation of the Bishop of Rome, to be against the Article of the Creed, which saith, that Christ is gone up to heaven, & there sitteth at the hand of God: and therefore the bread and wine must needs remain in their properties, bearing notwithstanding a Sacrament, 
A similitude between the bread, and the body of christ.  or a holy sign of the body & blood of the Lord. For like as by bread and wine the hart of man is comforted, so the body of Christ crucified, & his blood shed, spiritually hath the like operation in the souls of the believers.  
For the Mass, they said it was a thing most superstitious, and mere Idolatry. 
The Mass.  And if we put any part of salvation therein, they said, it was utterly a robbing of the Passion of Christ the son of God, & that it was not once to be named out of a Christian mouth. Also that they which say that Peter either was Pope, or Author of the said Mass, are far deceived. And as for turning bread into the body of Christ by the words of consecration, it was an error (they said) more of mad men, than any sad men: forasmuch as God is neither subject to men, nor to the tongues or exorcisms of men. Purgatory they denied to be any, save only the blood of Christ jesu.  
Furthermore as they would not bereft the saints of God of their due honour, 
Honour to God, not to saints.  so neither the Saints themselves (said they) will be contented to rob God of his honour only due to him.  
As touching confession, their opinion was, that the wounds and causes of conscience, belong to no man, but only to God.  
After these answers given and written, they were sent to the Monastery of Sanpeter, there to be disputed with. That done, the matter came to be debated amog the judges, what was to be done with them. Some would their goods to be taken by Inventory, and them to be banished. But Bergeronius at last caused to be determined, that they should be burned, and first to hear Mass. From that Court, they apppealed to the Court of Paris: but the matter there was nothing amended. Where behold the judgement of God: In the mean time, while they were at Paris, 
Note the just vengeance of God, upon a wicked persecutor.  the wretched Persecutor giles le Pers, was suddenly strooken mad, and died in a frenzy: which made many men to wonder, and especially the martyrs to be more constant.  
At last the decree of the sentence was read against them. First for speaking against the Sacrament: which they denied.  
Secondly for speaking against Baptism: which also they denied.  
Thirdly, for speaking contumely against the Saints: which they in like manner denied.  
After this, the officer to cause them to recant threatened them with torments, 
torments.  which they sustained very extreme, the space from after dinner, till three of the clock. When all that would not turn them, he sent to them a Friar Dominicke, a man captious & sophistical, to press them in disputation. But as he could do no hurt unto them, so could they do no good upon him. When the time of their execution did approach, the officer aforesaid put into their hands being tied, a wooden cross, which they took with their teeth, & flung it away: for the which the officer commanded both their tongues to be cut of. Wherein appeared an other marvelous work of the the Lord For nevertheless that their tongues were taken from them, to the intent they should not speak, yet God gave them utterance, their tongues being cut out, to speak at their death: saying, we bid sin, the flesh the world, and the devil far well for ever, with whom never we shall have to do hereafter. divers other words they spoke beside, which the people did hear and note. At last when the tormenter came to smiere them with brimstone and gunpowder: Go to, said Filiolus, salt on, salt on the rotten and stinking flesh. Finally as the flame came bursting up to their faces, they persisting constant in the fire, gave up their lives, and finished their martyrdom. Ex Io. Crisp. & Henr. Pantal. & alijs.  

Will. Langloys, under Sheriff. 
Denis vaire, priest and martyr.   
joh. Langloys, the kings procurator.   
Dionysius Vayre.  
At Rhoan.  
ann. 1554.  In the same year suffered at Rhoan, Denis Uayre, who first leaving his Popish priesthood, went to Geneva, where he learned the art of bookbynding, & brought many times books into France. After that in the reign of K. Ed. 6. he came to Gerzey, & there was minister, & preached. After the death of K. Ed. the time not serving him to tarry, thinking to return again to Geneva, he came into Normandy with his books, into a town, called Fueillie: Where as he going out to hire a cart. William Langloys, with john Langloys his brother came in and stayed his books, and him also which had the custody of them. Denis, albeit he might have escaped, yet hearing the keeper of his books to be in trouble, came, & presenting himself, was committed, the other was delivered. First after two months and a half imprisonment, he was charged to be a spy, because he came out of England. Then from that prison he was removed to the bishops prison, and then to Rhoan where sentence was given, that he should be burned alive, and thrice lifted up, and let down again into the fire. After the sentence given, they threatened him with many terrible torments, unless he would disclose such as he knew of that side. To whom he answered that the sounder part of all France, and of the Senate, was of that Religion: notwithstanding he would utter no man's name unto them. And as for their torments, he said he passed not, for if he were killed with racking, than he should not feel the burning of the fire. When they saw him so little to pass for their torments, they left that, and proceeded to his burning: and first they put a cross in his hands which he would not hold. Then because he coming by the Image of the virgin marry, would not adore the same, they cried, cut out his tongue: & so they cast him into the fire, where he should be thrice taken up but the flame went so high, that the hangman being not able to come near him, cried to the people standing by, to help, and so did the officers with their staves, lay upon the people, to help their torments, but never a man would stir. And this was the end and martyrdom of that blessed Denys. Ex Henr. Pantal. lib. 10. 
¶ There was a rich merchant of Paris, who said in jest to the Friars of S. Frances. You wear a rope about your bodies, because S. Frances once should have been hanged, & the pope redeemed him upon this condition, 
A Merchant hanged for ●esting against the Friars.  that all his life after he should were a rope. Upon this the Franciscan Friars of Paris caused him to be apprehended & laid in prison, and so judgement passed upon him, that he should be hanged: but he to save his life, was contented to recant, and so did. The Friars hearing of his recantation, commended him, saying if he continued so, he should be saved, and so calling upon the officers, caused them to make haste to the gallows, to hang him up, while he was yet in a good way (said they) lest he fall again. And so was this merchant, 
The judgements of God.  notwithstanding, his recantation, hanged for jesting against the Friars. Ex. Pantal. lib. 7.  
To this merchant may also be adjoined the brother of Tamer, who when he had before professed the truth of the gospel, and afterward by the counsel and instruction of his brother, was removed from the same, fell in desperation, and such sorrow of mind that he hanged himself. Ex joan. Manlio in dictis Phil. Melanct.   
Tho. Galbergne, a Coverlet maker.  
At Tourney.  
Ann. 1554.  This Tho. had copied out certain spiritual songs out of a book in Geneva which he brought with him to Tourna & lent the same to one of his fellows This book being espied, 
Thomas Galbergne, martyr.  he was called for of the justice, & examined of the book, which he said, contained nothing, but that was agreeing to the scripture, & that he would stand by Then he was had to the Castle, and after nineteen. days was brought to the town house, and there adjudged to the fire. Whereunto he went cheerfully singing psalms. As he was in the flame, the Warden of the friars stood crying: Turn Thomas, Thomas, yet it is time: remember him that came at the last hour. To whom he cried out of the flame with a loud voice, and I trust to be one of that sort, and so calling upon the name of the Lord, gave up his spirit. Ex Crisp. lib. 4. 
Nicholas Paul, martyr.  Add also to this, one Nicholas Paul beheaded at Gaunt. These two should have been placed among the Dutch Martyrs in the table before. 

Latrunculator, or under Marshal, or examiner of Dolphenie.  
The Lieutenant.  
His Attorney.  
His Scribe.   
Rich. Feurus a goldsmith.  
At Lions.  
An. 1554.  Feurus a Goldesmith borne at Rhoan first being in England, 
Richard Feurus, martyr.  and in London there received the taste and knowledge of God's word, as in his own Epistle he recordeth. Then he went to Geneva, where he remained 9 or 10. years. From thence returning to Lions, there was apprehended, and condemned. Then he appealed to the high court of Paris, through the motion of his friends. Where in the way as he was led to Paris, he was met by certain whom he knew not, and by them taken from his keepers, and so set at liberty, which was ann. 1551, 
After the continuing at Geneva, about the space of three years, he came upon business to the province of Dolphenie, and there as he found fault with the grace said in Latin, he wak detected and taken in his Inn in the night, by the undermarshal, or him which had the examination of malefactors. The next day he was sent to the justice, from him to the bishop, Who ridding their hands of him, than was he brought to the lieutenant, who sent his advocate with a notary to him in the prison, 
The examination of Richard Feurus.  to examine him of his faith. The whole process of his examinations, with his adversaries and the friars, in his story described, is long, the principal contents come to this effect.  Inquisitor. 

This Inquisitor was the Advocate which the Lieutenant sent with the Notary.  Dost thou believe the Church of Rome?  The Martyr. 
No, I do believe the Catholic and universal Church.  Inquisitor. 
What Catholic church is that?  The Martyr. 
The congregation, or communion of christians  Inquisitor. 

The church.  What congregation is that, or of whom doth it consist?  The Martyr. 
It consisteth in the number of Gods elect, whom God hath chosen to be the members of his son jesus Christ, of whom he is also the head.  Inquisitor. 
Where is the congregation, or how is it known?  The Martyr. 
It is dispersed through the universal world, in divers regions, and is known by the spiritual direction, wherewith it is governed that is to say, both by thy word of God, and by the right institution of Christ's Sacraments.  Inquisitor. 
Do ye think the Church that is at Geneva, Lausanna, Berne, and such other places, to be a more true Church than the holy church of Rome?  The Martyr. 
Yea verily, for these have the notes of the true Church.  Inquisitor. 

Difference between the church of Rome and the church of Christ.  What difference then make you between those Churches and the Church of Rome?  The Marytr. 
Much, for the Church of Rome is governed only with traditions of men, but those are ruled only by the word of God.  Inquisitor. 
Where learned you this doctrine first?  The Martyr. 
In England, at London.  Inquisitor. 
How long have ye been at Geneva?  The Martyr. 
About 9 or 10. years.  Inquisitor. 
Dost thou not believe the virgin Mary to be a mediatrix and advocate to God for sinners? 
The virgin Mary no advocate.   The Martyr. 
I believe as in the word of God is testified, jesus Christ to be only mediator and advocate for all sinners. Albeit the virgin Mary be a blessed woman yet the office of an advocate belongeth not unto her.  Inquisitor. 
The Saints that be in Paradise, have they no power to pray for us? 
Whether saints do pray.   The Martyr. 

The church of Rome, is not the church of christ.  No, but I judge them to be blessed, & to be contented with the grace & glory which they have, that is, that they be counted the members of the son of God.  Inquisitor. 
And what then judge you of them which follow the religion of the Church of Rome, think you them to be Christians?  The Martyr. 
No, for that church is not governed with the spirit of God, but rather fighteth against the same.  Inquisitor. 
Do you then esteem all them which separate themselves from the Church of Rome to be Christians?  The Martyr. 

Galat. 6.  I have not to answer for others, but only for myself, Every man (saith S. Paul) shall bear his own burden,  
And thus the advocate, when he had asked him whether he would put his hand to that he had said, and had obtained the same, departed to dinner.  
At the next examination was brought unto him a Franciscan friar, who first entering with him touthing the words that he spoke in his Inn, asked him why that grace might not be said in Latin? Because (said he) by the word of God, Christians are commanded to pray with hart and with spirit, and with that tongue which is most understanded, and serveth best to the edification of the hearers. Then the Friar bringing forth his Benedicite, Agimus tibi gratias, etc. Laus Deo, pax vivis, requies defunctis, etc. began thus to reason.  The Friar. 
God understandeth all tongues: and the church of Rome hath prescribed this form of praying, 
Praying strau●●● tong●●.  receiving the same from the ancient church and the fathers, which used then to pray in Latin. And if any tongue be to be observed in prayer, one more than an other, why is it not as good to pray in the latin tongue, as to pray in the Frencch?  The Martyr. 
My meaning is not to exclude any kind of language from prayer, whether it be in the Latin Greek Hebrew, or any other, so that the same be understanded, and may edify the hearers.  The Friar. 
When Christ entered the City of Jerusalem, the people cried, lauding him with Osanna filio David, and yet understood they not what they said, as Jerome writeth.  The Martyr. 
It may be, that Jerome so writeth, how they understood not the prophetical meaning, or the accomplishment of these words upon Christ's coming: but that they understood not the phrase of that speech or language which they spoke, speaking in their own language. Jerome doth not deny.  
Then the Friar declaring that he was no fit parson to expound the Scriptures, being in the Latin tongue, inferred the authorities of Counsels and doctors, & testimonies of men, which seemed to move the officer not a little: who then charging him with many things, 
The Sac●●●ment. john 6.  as with words spoken in contempt of the virgin Mary, and of the Saints: also with rebellion against princes and kings, came at last to the matter of the Sacrament, and demanded thus.  Inquisitor. 
Dost thou believe the holy host which the priest doth consecrate at the mass, or no?  The Martyr. 
I believe neither the host nor any such consecration.  Inquisitor. 
Why? dost thou not believe the holy Sacrament of the altar, ordained of Christ jesus himself?  The Martyr. 
Touching the sacrament of the lords supper, I believe, that when soever we use the same, according to the presentation of S. Paul, we are refreshed spiritually with the body and blood of our Lord jesus Christ, who is the true spiritual meat and drink of our souls.  The Friar. 
The Friar then inferred the words of S. joh. Gospel, saying: My flesh is meat in deed. etc. and said that the Doctors of the church had decided that matter already, and had approved the mass to be an holy memory of the death, and passion of our Lord jesus Christ.  The Martyr. 
The sacrament of the supper, I believe to be ordained of the Lord, for a memorial of his death, & for a stirring up of our thanks giving to him. In which Sacrament we have nothing to offer up to him, but do receive with all thanksgiving the benefits offered of God to us most abundantly, in Christ jesus his son.  
And thus the Advocate with the Friar, bidding the Notary to write the words that he had spoken departed. Who after eight days, being accompanied with the said Franciscan, and other friars more of the Dominickes, sent for the said Richard Feurus again to his house, and thus began to inquire  Inquisitor. 
Dost thou believe any purgatory?  The Martyr. 

Purgatory.  I believe that Christ with his precious blood hath made an end of all purgatory and purgation of our sins.  Inquisitor. 
And dost thou think then there is no place after this life, where souls of men departed remain so long till they have made satisfaction for their sins?  The Martyr. 
No: but I acknowledge one satisfaction once made for the sins of all men, by the blood & sacrifice of jesus Christ our Lord, which is the propitiation and purgation for the sins of the whole world.  The Friar. 

Math. 18.  In the xviij. chap. of S. Math. Christ speaketh by way o● a parable or similitude, of a certain cruel servant, who because he would not forgive his fellow servant, was cast in prison, and saith: That he shall not come out from thence before he hath paid the uttermost farthing. By the which similitude is signified unto us, a certain middle place, which is left for satisfaction to be made after this life, for sins.  The Martyr. 
First, the satisfaction for our sins by the death of Christ, 
Satisfaction for sins. Math. 11. joh. 10. joh. 13. Apoc. 13. Luke 23.  is plain and evident in the scriptures: as in these places: Come to me all you that labour, and be burdened, and I will refresh you. Math. 11. I am the door, he that entereth by me, shallbe saved. john 10. I am the way verity, and life. john 13. Blessed be they that die in the Lord, for they rest from their labours Apoc. 13. Also to the thief which hanged with the Lord it was said: This day thou shalt be with me in paradise, etc. Secondly as touching this similitude, it hath no other demonstration, but to admonish us of our duty in showing charity, and forgiving one an other, which v●●es we do, there is no mercy to be looked for at the hands of God.  The Friar. 
If this be true that you say, than it should follow that there is neither purgatory, 
Limbus.  nor any Limbus, which were against our Christian faith and our Crede, which saith: He descended into hell, & c  The Deputy. 
Dost thou not believe there is a Limbus?  The Martyr. 
Neither do I believe to be any such place, ney-doth the scripture thereof make any mention.  The Friar. 
Where were the old fathers then before the death of Christ?  The Martyr. 
In life (I say) eternal, which they looked for, being promised before to Adam, Abraham, and the patriarchs, in the seed to come.  The Deputy. 
Then the Deputy, what (saith he) dost thou believe that the pope hath any power?  The Martyr. 
Yea verily.  The Deputy. 

The power of the pope.  Dost thou believe that the pope, as the vicar of jesus Christ can here bind and lose?  The Martyr. 
That I do not believe.  The Deputy. 
How then dost thou understand the power of the pope?  The Martyr. 
I understand the power of the pope so, as saint Paul declareth two Thess. saying: That because the world refused to receive the love of the truth, unto salvation therefore God hath given to Satan, and to his ministers, power of illusions and errors, that men should believe lies, and set up to themselves pastors and teachers, such as they deserve.  The Friar. 

Christ's vicar in earth.  Christ gave to S. Peter power to bind & lose, whose successor and vicar of Christ is the pope, for the government of the church, that it might have one head in the world, as it hath in heaven. And though the Pastors do not live according to the word which they preach, yet their doctrine is not therefore to be refused, as Christ teacheth. Math. 23. 
Math. 23.   The Martyr. 
If the pope and his adherents would preach the word purely & sincerely, admixing no other inventions of their own, nor obtruding laws of their own devising, I would then embrace their doctrine, how soever their life were to the contrary: according as Christ doth tell us of the scribes & pharisees, admonishing us to follow their doctrine, & not their lives. Mat. 23. but there is great difference, 
Math. 23.  whether they that take the governance of the church, do sit in Moses chair, which is the seat of truth, or else do sit in the chair of abomination, spoken of by Daniel, & also by S. Paul where he saith: 
2. Thes. 2.  That the man of perdition shall sit in the temple of God, vaunting himself insolently above all that is called God. 2. Thes. 2.  
And as touching the keys of binding & losing, given to Peter, Christ therein assigned to Peter, 
The keys of binding & losing.  & other apostles, the office of preaching the word of the gospel, which they did also well observe, in preaching nothing else but only the word, in the which word is all the power contained of binding & losing Neither is it to be granted, the Church to have two heads, one in heaven, an other in earth. The head whereof is but one, which is jesus Christ, whom the father hath appointed to be head alone, both in heaven and earth, 
Ephes. 1. Colos. 1.  as S. Paul in many places of his Epistles doth teach. Ephes. 1. Colos. 1 etc.  The Friar. 
You have no understanding how to expound the Scriptures. But the old doctors have expounded the scriptures & holy Counsels, 
Auricular confession.  whose judgements are to be followed. But what say you to auricular confession?  The Martyr. 
I know no other confession, but that which is to be made to God, and reconciliation towards our neighbour, which Christ and his Apostles have commended to us.  The Friar. 
Have you not read in the Gospel, how Christ doth bid us to confess to the priest, where he commanded the leper being made whole to show himself to the priest?  The Martyr. 
The true church of the Lord jesus Christ never observed this strange kind of confession, to carry our sins to the priests ear. And though the church of Rome have intruded this manner of confessing it followeth not thereby, that is to be received. And as touching the leper, whom the Lord sent to the priest, he was not sent therefore to whisper his sins in the priests care, but only for a testimony of his health received, according to the law.  
Of the other confession which is to be made to God, we have both the examples and testimonies of the prophet David full in the psalms. 32.51.106. where he saith: 
Psal. 32.51.106.  That he confessed his sins unto the Lord, and received forgiveness of the same.  The Friar. 
After this the friar proceeding further to make comparison between the church of Rome, 
The Church of Rome and of Geneva, compared.  and the church of Geneva, would prove that the pope hath power to set laws in the Church, without any express word of God. For so it is written, (said he) That there were many other things beside, which are not written in this book. joan. 21. Also where Christ promiseth to his Disciples, to send unto them the holy ghost, which should induce them into all truth. Moreover such decres & ordinances which are in the church were decided (said he) and appointed by the doctors of the church, & by all the Counsels directed (no doubt) by the holy Ghost. Furthermore he inferred, that the church also of Geneva, had their ordinances and constitutions made without any word of God. And for example he brought forth the order of the psalms and service publicly observed and appointed upon wednesday in the church of Geneva, as though that day were holier than an other.  The Martyr. 
To this the martyr answered again declaring that the ordinance of those public prayers and psalms upon wednesday, in the church of Geneva, was not to bind conscience, or for any superstitious observation, or for any necessity, which either should bind conscience, or could not be altered at their arbitrement: but only for an order or commodity for public resort to hear the word of god, according as ancient kings & temporal Magistrates have used in old time to do, in congregating the people together, not to put any holiness in the day or to bind conscience to any observation (as the pope maketh his laws) but only for order's sake, serving unto commodity.  
And as touching that any thing should be left for doctors and counsels to be decided, without the express word of God, that is not so, for that all things be expressed and prescribed by the word, whatsoever is necessary either for government of the Church, or for the salvation of men, so that there is no need for doctors of the Church or Counsels, to decide any thing more than is decided already.  

Rom. 15. 2. john.  Paul saith, that he durst utter nothing, but that the Lord had wrought by him. Rom. 15. S. john speaking of the doctrine of Christ jesus, willeth us to receive no man, unless he bring with him the same doctrine. 2. joan. S. Paul warneth the Gallat. not to believe an angel from heaven, 
The Church ought to be governed only by the voice of the Lords word. 1. Pet. 5.  bringing an other doctrine than that which they had already received Gal. 2. Christ calling himself the good shepherd, noteth them to be his sheep which hear his voice, and not the voice of others. joh. 11 And S. Peter admonishing the pastors of the church forewarneth them to teach only the word of God, without any seeking of Lordship or dominion over the flock. From the which moderation how far the form of the pope's church doth differ, the tyranny which they use doth well declare,  The Friar. 
In the old church, priests and ministers of the church were wont to assemble together, for deciding of such things as pertained to the government and direction of the church, whereas in Geneva no such thing is used, as I can prove by this your own testament here in my hands, that you the better may understand what was then the true use and manner of the Church.  The Martyr. 

Church's may be instituted without the Pope.  What was the true order and manner that the Apostles did institute the church of Christ, I would gladly hear, and also would desire you to consider the same, and when you have well considered it, yet shall you find the institution and regiment of the Church of Geneva not to be without the public counsel and advisement of the magistrates, elders & ministrs of that church, with such care and diligence as Paul, and Silas took, in ordering the church of Thessalonica, Birrhea. etc. wherein nothing was done without the authority of God's word, as appeareth Act. 17. As likewise also in stablishing the Church of Antioch, when the Apostles were together in counsel for the same, there was no other law nor doctrine followed, but only the word of God, as may appear by the words of the Council: Quid tentatis Deum, jugum imponere, etc. And albeit the ministers of the church of Rome, and the pope were not called to the institution of the foresaid church of Geneva: yet it followeth not therefore, that there was no lawful order observed, either in stablishing that Church, or any other.  The Friar. 

Baptism in the pope's church, no necessary cause to follow all the Pope's errors.  You were first baptized in the Church of the Pope were ye not?  The Martyr. 
I grant I was, but yet that nothing hindereth the grace of God, but he may renovate and call to further knowledge whom he pleaseth.  A Counsellor. 
I would wish you not to stick to your own wisdom and opinion. Ye see the Churches in Germany, how they descent one from an other. So that if you should not submit your judgement to the authority of the General Counsels, 
Agreement in the principal points of doctrine, in the churches reform.  every day you should have a new Christianity.  The Martyr. 
To mine own wisdom I do not stick, nor ever will, but only to that wisdom which is in Christ jesus, although the world doth account it foolishness. And where ye say, that the churches of Germany dissent among themselves one from an other that is not so, for they accord in one agreement, altogether, touching the foundation and principal grounds of Christian faith. Neither is there any such fear, that every day should rise up a new christianity, unless the church be balanced with authority of the counsels, as you pretend. For so we read in the profit David psal. 33. and in other places of scripture more: 
Psal. 33.  that the Counsels of the nations and people shallbe overthrown and subverted of the Lord. etc. Wherefore the best is, that we follow the council of God and his word, and prefer the authority thereof before all other counsels and judgements of men, And thus doing, 
parvus Christianismus potior populoso Papatu.  I for my part had rather dwell and settle myself in this little Christianity, be it never so small, then in that populous papality, be it never so great in multitude.  
And thus was this godly Feurus commanded again by the deputy, to the Bishop's prison, and from thence shortly after removed to Lions, not by the open and beaten way, but by secret and privy iournyes, lest perhaps he should be taken from them again, as he was before.  
The martyrdom of Richard Feurus.  An Inquisitor monk. 
Nicholas du Chesne.  
At Gry by Bezanson.  
Ann. 1554,  The cause and occasion why this Nicolas came in trouble, 
Nicholas Chesne, martyr.  was for that he going from Lausamna (where he abode for his conscience) to fet his sister & her husband, & certain other of his friends, as he went from Bezanson, toward the town of Gry, did not homage to a certain cross in the way where a certain monk which was an inquisitor, 
False dealing in a papist.  overtook him, and thereby suspected him. He was guided by the same monk craftily dissembling his religion, to a lodging in Gry: where the justice of the place coming in, incontinent took him. Nicholas seeing how he was by the monk his conductor betrayed: O false traitor, (said he) hast thou thus betrayed me? Then after examination, he was condemned. Being carried to the place of martyrdom, by the way he was promised, that if he would kneel down and hear a mass, he should be let go as a passenger. But Nicolas armed with perseverance, said he would rather die then commit such an act. Who calling upon the name of the Lord, took his death patiently. Ex Crisp. Lib▪ 6. 

The seniors or Lords of Estnay and of Ciguongnes, dwelling by the town of Machenoir.  
Denys barbs, Counsellor of Bloys.   
john Bertrand a fo●●er or keeper of the forest of Marchenoir.  
At Bloys.  
Ann. 1556.  
john Bertrand, martyr.  For the religion & gospel of Christ, this john was apprehended by these persecutors here specified, and led bound to Bloys: where he was examined by Denys the counsellor, of divers points as whether he had spoken at any time against God, against the church & the he saints, & the she saints of Paradise Whereunto he said no. Item, whether at any time he had called the mass abominable, which he granted, for that he finding no mass in all the Stripture, was commanded by S. Paul, That if an angel from heaven would bring any other gospel beside that which was already received, he should account it accursed. After his condemnation, they would have him to be confessed, and presented to him a cross to kiss. But he bade the Friars with their cross depart. That is not the cross (said he) that I must carry. Entering into the cart before the multitude he gave thanks to God, that he was not there for murder, theft, or blasphemy, but only for the quarrel of our saviour. Being tied to the post, he sang the 25. psalm. Of age he was young his countenance was exceeding cheerful & amiable, his eyes looking up to heaven. O the happy journey, said he (seeing the place where he should suffer) & the fair place that is prepared for me. When the fire was kindled about them, O Lord cried he, give thy hand to thy servant: I recommend my soul unto thee, and so meekly yielded up his spirit. Whose patient and joyful constancy so astonied the people, that of long time before, nothing did seem to them so admirable. Ex Gallic. hist. per. Crisp. Lib. 6. A brother in law of this Peter. 
Peter Rouseau.  
An. 1556.  
Peter Rousseau, martyr.  Peter Rousseau coming from Geneva and Lausanna to his country, partly to communicate with certain of his acquaintance in the word of God, partly for other certain affairs, because he required his inheritance of his brother in law, was by him betrayed. Then being constant in his confession, which he offered up, he was put to the rack three times, which he suffered constantly with great torments. Afterward he had his tongue cut of, and a ball of iron put in his mouth. He was drawn upon a hurdle, 
Cruelty.  all broken and maimed, to the fire, where he was lifted up into the air, and let down three times: And when he was half burned, the ball fell from his mouth, and he with a loud voice called on the name of GOD, saying, jesus Christ assist me. And so this blessed Martyr gave up his life to God. Ex joan. Crisp. Antony de Lescure, the kings attorney. 


Arnauld Moniere.  
john de Cazes.    
At Bourdeaux.  
An. 1556.  After that Arnald Moniere was taken and examined of the justice, and so was laid in prison, john de Cazes resorting to the same town of Bordeaux, 
Arnauld Moniere, john de Cazes, martyrs.  and hearing of him, and being admonished moreover, that if he went to him, he should be appeached of heresy, notwithstanding went to comfort him, and so was also imprisoned. After many examinations, sentence was given upon them to be burned. When the time came of their martyrdom they were drawn through the dirt upon an hurdle, to the place accompanied with a number of bills, and glaives, and gunners, and trumpeters. Moreover, albeit there was no such cause (they being two simple poor men) yet the Magistrates commanded (upon what occasion I know not) all the gates of the City to be shut, and guarded with keepers. 
Trumpets brought in, to stop the hearing of God's Saints.  When the blessed martyrs were brought and bound to the post which was before the Palace, they much rejoicing that they were made worthy to suffer for Christ, made confession of their faith, and many earnest exhortations unto the people. But to stop the hearing of these saints, the trumpeters were commanded to sound, which during all the time of their suffering never ceased. The hangman preparing himself first to strangle Cazes, chanced to fall down from the top of the post, to the pavement and broke his head in such sort, as the blood followed in great quantity. Notwithstanding he recovering himself, went to Monier, and him he strangled, who patiently rendered up his life. Cazes which was the stronger of them both, being set on fire before the hangman came, suffered the extremity of the fire with great pains, but greater patience: for as his legs were almost half burnt, yet he endured, crying: My God my father, and so gave up his life. And further, to note the work of God that followed when these two mild & martyred saints were almost consumed in the fire to ashes suddenly without matter or cause, such a fear fell upon them, at the execution, that the justices and the people, 
Fear sent amongst God's enemies.  notwithstanding that they had the gates locked to them, & were defensed with all manner of weapons about them, not knowing wherefore, took them to their legs, in such haste fleeing away, that they overran one an other. The prior of S. Antony's fell down, so that a great number went over him. The judge Pontacke on his mule, with his red rob, fleeing as the other did, was overthrown with the press in the street called Poet●uin in such sort, 
Impius fugit et ne no persequitur.  that he was fain to be carried to Pichons' house a widow, and there cried within, Hid me, save my life, I am dead: I see even the like matter, as at the last commotion. My friends hide my mule, that no man see her nor know her. Briefly such was the fear which came from them, that every man shut up their houses. After the fear was past, every man asked what the matter was, but none could tell neither could the enemies of God's truth perceive, who was he that put them so to flight and fear, without any semblance of any adversary about them. This story is testified, and to be found both in the volume of the French martyrs, printed by john Crispin, lib. 6. also in the book of Dutch martyrs, written by Adrianus. 


Bertelmewe Hector, martyr.  A gentleman called Perriere.  
M. Bartholomew Eme, Precedent.  
M. Augustine de Eglise, Counsellor.   
Bartholomew Hector.  
At Thurin.  
Ann. 1556.  First this Hector was a travailer, about the country, and a seller of books, having his wife and children at geneva. As he came into the vale of Angroigne, in Piedmont to get his living with selling of books, he was taken by a certain gentleman, and there arrested & sent to Thurin: then examined, at last condemned. Being condemned, he was threatened, that if he spoke any thing to the people, his tongue should be cut of. nevertheless he ceased nothing to speak. After his prayers made, wherein he prayed for the judges, that God would forgive them, and open their eyes, he was offered his pardon at the stake, if he would convert, which he refused. Then he prepared himself to his death, which he took patiently. Whereat many of the people wept, saying, why doth this man die, which speaketh of nothing, but of God? Ex hist. Gal. per Crisp. lib. 6. The accusers appear not in the story. 

Philip Cene, james his fellow, martyrs.  

Philip Cene.  
james his fellow.    
At Dyion.  
An. 1557.  This Philip Cene was an Apothecary at Geneva. He was taken at Dyion, & there imprisoned, and in the same town of Dyion, he with one james his companion, was burned. As this Philip went to his death singing psalms, the Friar standing by, stopped his mouth with his hand. The most part of the people wept bitterly, saying, be of good courage brethren, be not afraid of this death. Which when one of the adversary part heard, he said to one of the magistrates. Do you not see how almost half part of the people is of their side, and doth comfort them? Ex joan Crisp. lib. 6.  


Archambant Seraphon.  
M. Nicolas du Russeau.    
At Dyion.  
Ann. 1557.  These two were in prison together with Philip, 
Archambant, M. Nicolas Russean, martyrs.  and james abovesaid, at Dyion Archambant going about with a packet of pedlerye ware, to get his living and coming towards his wife, heard of certain prisoners at Dyion, to whom he wrote to comfort them with his letters. The next day after he was searched at Aussone, and letters of certain scholars of Paris found about him: then he was brought to Dyion, where he with the other called M. du Rousseau, constantly suffered. The same Archambant had been also condemned three years before at Tule, and as he was led to Bourdeaux, he escaped. Ex eius Epist. ad uxorem, apud Crisp. lib. 6. The kings Attorney of Saints Ville. 
Philbert Hamlin.  
At Bordeaux.  
Ann. 1557.  Philbert Hamlin first was a priest, than he went to Geneva, where he exercised printing, 
Philbert Hamelin martyr.  and sent books abroad. After that he was made a minister at the town of Allenart in Saintonge: In which and in other places more, he did much good in edifying the people. At last he was apprehended at saints Uille, and with him his host, a priest, whom he had instructed in the gospel, and after confession made of his faith, he with the said priest was carried to Burdeeux before the Precedent. As he was in prison on a sunday, a priest came in with all his furniture, to say mass in the prison: whom Philbert seeing to be revested, came & plucked his garments from his back with such zeal and vehemency, that the mass garments, with the chalice & candlesticks fell down, and were broken, saying: Is it not enough for you to blaspheme God in churches, but you must also pollute the prison with your Idolatry? The jailor hearing of this, 
The zeal of Philbert.  in his fury laid upon him with his flaffe, and also complained of him: whereby he was removed to the common prison, and laid in a low pit, laden with great irons so that his legs were swollen withal, and there continued viii. days. A little before he perceiving the priest his host to decline from the truth, did what he could to confirm him in the same: but when he knew that he had flatly renounced Christ and his word, he said unto him. O unhappy and more than miserable, 
Philbert prophesieth.  is it possible for you to be so foolish as for saving of a few days, which you have to live by the course of nature, so to start away, and to deny the truth? Know you therefore, that although you have by your foolishness avoided the corporal fire, yet your life shallbe never the longer, for you shall die before me, and God shall not give you the grace, that it shall be for his cause, and you shallbe an example to all Apostates. 
The marvelous judgement of God against Apostates.  He had no sooner ended his talk but the priest going out of prison, was slain by two gentlemen which had a quarrel to him. Whereof when M. Philbert had heard, he affirmed that he knew of no such thing before, but spoke as pleased God to guided his tongue. Whereupon immediately he made an exhortation of the providence of God, which by the occason hereof, moved the hearts of many, and converted them unto God. At last the foresaid Philbert, after his condemnation, was had to the place of his martyrdom before the palace, and as he was exhorting the people, to the intent his words should not be heard, the trumpets blew without ceasing. 
Trumpets blown to stop the hearing of Philbert.  And so being fastened to the post, this holy martyr praying & exhorting the people, was strangled, and his body with fire consumed, on palm sunday even. Ex Gal. hist. Crisp. lib. 6. 


Ripet, a Secretary.  
Anthony Eschaux Baily.    
The kings Procurator.  
Micholas Startorius.  
At Ost by Piedmont. An. 1557.  Nicolaus Startorius of the age of 26. years, borne in Piedmont, came to the parts of Chamberye in Lent, 
Nicolas Startorius, martyr.  where a certain warden of the Friars in the town of Host had preached on good friday upon the passion. The report of which Sermon being recited to this Sartorius, by one that heard him, Sartorius reprehended the error and blasphemies thereof, which were against the holy scriptures. Shortly after, the party that told him, went to a secretary named Ripet, who covertly came to entrap Nicholas, demanding him of the friars Sermon: And did not our Preacher (said he) preach well? No, said Nicholas, but he lied falsely. Ripet entering further with him, demanded: And do not you believe the body of the Lord to be in the host? to whom Nicholas then answered again, that to be against our Creed, which saith, that he ascended up and sitteth. etc. Incontinent Ripet went to the Friar and his companions, to cause him to be apprehended. The friends of Nicolas perceiving the danger, willed him to avoid and save himself, and also accompanied him out of the town, about the space of three leagues. Then was great pursuit made after him to all quarters, who at length was taken at the town of S. Remy, at the foot of the mountain of great S. Bernard, where he was examined before Anthony Eschaux bailiff of the town, and other justices, before whom he answered with great boldness, for his faith. Then they brought him to the rack, & when the Sergeant refused to draw the cord, the Bailiff himself & the Receiver, with a Canon did rack him with their own hands. Notwithstanding that the Lords of Berne wrote for him to the town of Ost, requiring to have their own subject delivered unto them, they hastened the execution, and pronounced sentence, that he should be burned. Which sentence he received with such constancy, that neither the kings receiver, nor all the other enemies could divert him from the truth of the Gospel, which he manfully maintained while any spirit remained in his body. Ex joan. Crisp lib. 6. The accusers be not named in the story. 
A broderer of Tours, Martyr.  


George Tardif, 
George Tardif, Martyr.  with one of Tours, a Broderer.  
Nicholas, a Shoemaker of jenuile.    
At Tours.  
An. 1558.  
At jenuile.  
An. 1558.  
The Printer of the story of the french martyrs named Crispin, among othermoe, maketh also memorial of George Tardif, a Broderer of Tours, and Nicholas of jenuile, declaring that all these three together were in prison, and afterward were dissevered, to suffer in sundry places, one from the other: of whom first George Tardife was executed in Sens.  
The Broderer of Tours, as he was coming with 5. or 6. other out of a wood, being at prayer, was taken, and thereupon examined. Before he should be examined, he desired the judges, that he might pray. Which being granted after his prayer made, wherein he prayed for the judges, for the king, and all estates, & for the necessity of all Christ's Saints, he answered for himself, with such grace and modesty, that the hearts of many were broken unto the shedding of tears, seeking (as it seemed) nothing else but his deliverance. Notwithstanding he at last was sent unto Tours, and there was crowned with martyrdom.  The third which was Nicolas, being but young of years, and newly come from Geneva, 
Nicolas of jenuile, Martyr  to his country, for certain money: by means of a Lady there dwelling, was caused to be apprehended. When he was condemned and set in the cart, his Father coming with a staff, would have beaten him, but the officers not suffering it, would have strooken the old man. The son crying to the Officers, desired them to let his father alone, saying, that his father had power over him, to do with him what he would: and so going to the place where he should suffer, having a ball of iron put in his mouth, he was brought at length to the fire, in the town of jenuile, where he patiently took his death and martyrdom. an. 1558. Ex Typogra. Crisp. Lib. 6. 

The Priests of the College of plessis.  
The doctors of Sorbone  
Doctor Democrates.  
Cenalis, Bishop of Auranches.  
Martin the kings Attorney. The Cardinal of Lorrane.  
Maillardus.  
Henry the second french king.   
The congregation of Paris persecuted, to the number of three or four hundredth.  
At Paris.  
An. 1558.  AN. 1558. Sept. 4. a company of the faithful, to the number of 3. or 4. hundred, were together convented at Paris in a certain house, having before it, the college of Plessis in the street of S. james, & behind it, 
A terrible persecution at Paris against the Congregation.  the college of Sorbone. Who there assembled in the beginning of the night to the intent to communicate together the lords supper: but incontinent that was discovered by certain Priests of Plessis: who gathering together such as were of that faction, came to beset the house and made an outcry, that the watch might come and take them, so that in short time almost all the city of Paris was up in armour, thinking some conspiracy to have been in the city. Who then following the noise, & perceiving that they were Lutherans, a great part of them were in extreme rage, furiously seeking to have their blood, and therefore stopped the streets and lanes with carts, and made fires to see that none should escape. 
The fury of this world against the poor Christians.  The faithful albeit God hath given them leisure to finysh their administration & prayers, with such quetnes, as they never had better, seeing the suddenness of the thing, were strooken in great fear. Who then being exhorted by the governors of the congregation, fell to prayer. That done, through the counsel of some which knew the cowardly hearts of the multitude, this order was taken, that the men which had weapon, should adventure through the press: only the women and children remained in the house, and a few men with them, which were less bold than the other, to the number of six or seven score. Where appeared the admirable power of God in them that went out with weapon, 
One of the Congregation beaten down in the streets, and Martyred.  which notwithstanding that the lanes and passages were stopped, and the fires made, did all escape save only one, who was beaten down with stones, and so destroyed. Certain that remained in the house with the women, afterward leapt into gardens, where they were stayed, till the Magistrates came. The women (which were all Gentlewomen, or of great wealth, only six or seven excepted) seeing no other hope, and perceiving the fury of the people, went up to the windows, crying 
* Mercy here importeth no offence acknowledged, but to be saved from the rage of the people.  mercy and showing their innocent intent, required justice ordinary. Thus as they were enclosed about 6. or 7. hours, at last came Martin the kings Attorney, with force of Commissaries and sergeants. Who with much ado appeasing the courage of the people, entered into the house, where he viewing the women & children, and the other furniture there being prepared for that congregation, perceived testimonies sufficient of their innocency, in so much, that in considering thereof, for pity of hart, his eyes could not refrain from tears. Notwithstanding proceeding in his office, he had them all to prison within the little Castle. I omit here the furious usage of the people by the way, how despitefully they plucked and haled the women, tore their garments, thrust of their hoods from their heads, & disfigured their faces with dust and dirt. Neither were they better entreated in the Prison, than they were in the streets: for all the villains and thieves there, were let out of their holes and stinking caves, and the poor Christians placed in their rooms. 
Besides these manifold wrongs & oppressions done to these poor innocents, followed them (which was worst of all) the cruel & slanderous reports of the friars and priests, 
A false and malicious slander raised against the Congregation.  who in their railing sermons & other talk, cried out to the Lutherans, persuading the people most falsely, that they assembled together to make a banquet in the night, and there putting out the candles, they went together, jacke with jille (as the said) after a filthy and beastly manner. Adding moreover (to make the lie more likely) that certain Nuns also & Monks were with them. Also that they should conspire against the king, and other like heinous crimes, whatsoever their malice could invent, for defacing of the Gospel. With such like malicious misreports & slanders, Satan went about to extinguish the ancient church of Christ in the primitive time, accusing the innocent Christians then of incest, conspiracy, killing of infants, putting out of candles, 
Vid. supr. pag. 36  & filthy whoredom. etc. Vide supra. pag. 36. These sinister rumours, & cursed defamations were no sooner given out, but they were as soon received, and spread far, not only to them of the vulgar sort, but also among the states of the Court, and even to the kings ●ares. The Cardinal of Lorraine the same time bore a great sway in the court, who then procured a certain judge of the Castle, to come in declaring to the king that he found there lying in the floor of the foresaid house, divers couches & pallets, upon which they intended to commit their whoredom: also much other furniture and preparation appointed for a sumptuous feast or banquet: wherewith the king was mightily inflamed against them, neither was there any one person that durst contrary it.  
Here the enemies began highly to triumph, thinking verily that the gospel, with all the friends thereof, were overthrown for ever. On the other side, no less perplexity and lamentation was among the brethren, sorrowing not so much for themselves, as for the imprisonment of their fellows. Albeit they lost not their courage so altogether, but as well as they could, they exhorted one another, considering the great favour and providence of God, in delivering them so wonderfully out of the danger. Some comfort they took unto them, consulting together in this order, that first they should humble themselves to God in their own private families. Secondly to stop the running brutes of their holy assembles, they should write Apologies, one to the king, an other to the people. Thirdly, that letters of consolation should be written and sent to their brethren in prison.  
The first Apology was written to the king, and conveyed so secretly into his Chamber, 
The Apology of the Congregation against false reports.  that it was found, and read openly in the hearing of the king and of all his nobles. Wherein the Christians learnedly & discreetly both cleared themselves of those reports, and showed the malice of their enemies, especially of Satan, which ever from the beginning of the Church, hath and still doth go about to overturn the right ways of the Lord, declaring further by manifold examples and continual experience, even from the primitive time, how the nature of the Church hath ever been to suffer vexations and slanderous reports and infamation by the malignant adversaries etc. And lastly coming to the king, they craved that their cause might not be condemned before it had indifferent hearing. etc. Nevertheless, 
 this Apology to the king, served to little purpose, forsomuch as the adversaries incontinent denied all that was written to the king, making him to believe that all were but excuses pretenced, neither was there any person that durst reply again.  
But the other Apology to the people, did inestimable good, in satisfying the rumours, and defending the true cause of the gospel. Whereupon certain doctors of Sorbon began to write both against the Apology and the persons, 
Docto●●●●mochare● persec●●●●●  of whom one was called Demochares, who taking for his foundation, without any proof, that they were all heretics, cried out for justice, with bills, glaives, fire, and sword.  
An other Sorbonist more bloody than the first, not only exclaimed against them, for putting out the candles in their detestable concourses & assembles, but also accused them, as men which maintained that there was no God, and denied the divinity & humanity of Christ, the immortality of the soul, the resurrection of flesh, and briefly all the articles of true religion. 
Lying 〈◊〉.  And thus he charged them without any proof, moving both the king and people, without any form of law to destroy and cut them in pieces. etc.  
The third that wrote against them, was Cenalis, 
Cenalis' ●●●shop of A●●ranches persecutor.  bishop of Auranches, which debated the same martyr, but with less vehemency than the other, defending impudently, that their assembles were to maintain whoredom, complaining of the judges, because they were no sharper with them, saying that their softness was the cause why the number of them so much increased. Among other points of his book, this one thing he disputeth marvelous pleasantly, touching the signs & marks of the true Church: first presupposing this one thing which is true, 
Note 〈◊〉 the true notes of 〈◊〉 pope holy church.  that the true Church hath his signs, by the which it may be known from the false church: and therupon (making no mention at all, either of preaching or ministration of sacraments) thus he inferreth, that their church which was the catholic church, had bells, by the which their assembles be ordinarily called together: & the other church, which is of the Lutherans, hath claps of harquebuses & pistelets for signs, whereby they (as it is commonly bruited) are wont to congregate together. Upon this supposal, as upon a sure foundation, he grounding his matter, vaunted & triumphed as one having gotten a great conquest, and made a long Antithesis, or comparison, by the which he would prove that bells were the marks of the true church. The bells (said he) do sound, 
Bells to 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 of the true Church.  the harquebuses do crack or thunder. The bells do give a sweet tune and melodious, the signs of the Lutherans make a foul noise and terrible. The bells do open heaven, the other do open hell. Bells chase away clouds and thunder, 
The 〈◊〉. Bells in the Pope church.  the other gender clouds and counterfeit thunder: with many other properties more, which he brought out, to prove that the Church of Rome is the true Church, because it hath those bells. Mark, good Reader, the profound reasons and arguments which these great doctors had, either to defend their own church, or to impugn the Apologies of the Christians.  
Briefly, to finish the residue of this story: as the faithful Christians were thus occupied in writing their Apologyes, and in comforting their brethren in prison with their letters, the adversaries again with their faction were not idle, but sought all means possible to hasten forward the execution, giving diligent attendance about the prison and other open places, to satisfy their uncharitable desire with the death of them, whose religion they hated.  
Finally, the 17. day of September, commission was directed out by the king, and certain Presidents and counsellors appointed to oversee the expedition of the matter. Whereupon divers of the poor afflicted Gospelers were brought forth to their judgement and martyrdom, as anon (Christ willing) you shall hear.  
Henricus Pantal. lib. 11. partly touching this persecution of the Parisians, referreth the time thereof to the year of our Saviour .1557. which the French Chronicles do assign to the year .1558. and addeth moreover, that the Germans being the same time in a certain colloquy at worms, divers learned men resorted thither from Geneva, and other quarters, desiring of the princes & protestants there, that they by their Ambassadors sent by the French king, would become suitors unto him for the innocent prisoners, which for the cause abovesaid, were detained in hands at Paris: by the means of whose intercession (saith he) and especially for that the french king was then in war (as GOD provided) with Philip king of Spain, 
God's help in time of need.  a great part of the captives were rescued and delivered: albeit certain of the said number were executed before the coming of the German Ambassadors: the names and martyrdom of whom here under do ensue. Ex Crisp. & Pantal. Lib. 11.  

Priests of the College of Plessis.  
Doctor Maillard. 
Doc. Maillard confuted.  Sorbonist.   
Nicholas Clinet.  
At Paris.  
An. 1558.  Of this godly company thus brought to judgement and to martyrdom, 
Nicholas Clinet, senior of the church and martyr.  the first was Nicolas Clinet, of the age of 80. years, who first being a schoolmaster to youth at Sain●onge (where he was borne) was there pursued, & had his Image burned. From thence he came to Paris, where for his godly conversation he was made one of the Elders, or Governors of the Church. For his age he was suspected of the judges to be a minister, & therefore was set to dispute against the chiefest of the Sorbonistes, & namely Maillard, whom he did so confute both in the Scriptures, and also in their own sorbonical Divinity (wherein he had been well exercised & expert) in the presence of the Lieutenant civil, that the said Lieutenant confessed, that he never heard a man better learned, and of more intelligence. Doctor Maillard, 
Taurin gravel martyr.  Sorbonist. 
Taurin Gravelle, a Lawyer.  
At Paris.  
An. 1558.  Taurin Gravelle first was a student of the law at Toulouse: after that, he was made an advocate in the Court of Paris: lastly for his godliness he was ordained an Elder to the said congregation, with Clinet above mentioned. This Taurin having in his hands the keeping of a certain house of one M. Barthomier his kinsman, and seeing the congregation destitute of a room, received them into the house. And when he perceived the house to be compassed with enemies, albeit he might have escaped with the rest, yet he would not, but did abide the adventure, to the intent he would answer for the fact, in receiving the said assemble into the house. The constancy of this man was invincible, in sustaining his conflicts with the Sorbonistes. With Doctor Maillarde especially he was of old acquaintance, whom he did know so well, even from his youth upward, that whensoever the said Doctor would open his mouth to speak against the Saints for their nightly assembles, he again did approach him with so filthy acts of buggery and infamous Sodomitry, that neither they which heard, could abide it, neither yet could he deny it, being so notorious, that almost all the children in the streets did know it: and yet that sorbonical Doctor shamed not to impeach good men of whoredom, for their Godly assembles in the night. Whose life was so far from all chastity, as were there holy assembles clear from all impurity, 
Note the holy life of these sorbonical Doctors.  in ●ine these two Godly Elders in cruel pains of the fire, finished their martyrdom. 

The Lieutenant civil.  
Doctor Maillard, Sorbonist.  
Mosnior, Lieutenant.  
Evil neighbours.  
Bertrand, Lord keeper of the seal, and Cardinal of Sens.  
The Marquis of Tran.   
Philip de Luns', G●tlewoman.  
At Paris.  
An. 1558.  Next unto these abovesaid, was brought out mistress Philip, Gentlewoman of the age of 23. she came first from the parts of gascoigne with her husband (who was Lord of Gravoron) unto Paris, 
Philip de Luns' gentlewoman, and martyr.  there to join herself to the Church of God. Where her Husband also had been a Senior or Elder: who in the month of May before, was taken with an ag●e, and deceased, leaving this Philip a Widow, which nevertheless ceased not to serve the Lord in his Church, and also in the house was taken with the said compapany. Many conflicts she had with the judges, and the Sorbonistes, namely Maillard. But she always sent him away with the same reproach, as the other did before, & bade him avaunt Sodomyte, saying, she would not answer one word to such a villain. To the judges her answer was this, that she had learned the faith which she confessed, in the word of God, and in the same she would live and die. And being demanded, whether the body of Christ was in the Sacrament. 
The Sacrament.  How is that possible (said she) to be the body of Christ, to whom all power is given, & which is exalted above all heavens, when as we see the mice & rats, apes, and Monkeys play with it, and tear it in pieces? He● petition to them was, that seeing they had taken her sister from her, yet they would let her have a Bible o● Testament to comfort herself. Her wicked neighbours, although they could touch her conversation with no part of dishonesty, yet many things they laid to her charge, as that there was much singing of Psalms in her house, and that twice or thrice, an infinite number of persons were seen to come out of her house. Also when her husband was in dying, no Priest was called for, neither was it known where he was buried: Neither did they ever hear any word of their infant to be baptized, for it was baptized in the Church of the Lord. Among other her neighbours that came against her, two there were dwelling at S. Germain, in the suburbs, 
The just hand of God against false and bloody witnesses.  between whom incontinent rose a strife, wherein one of them sticked the other with a knife. The death of this gentlewoman was the more hastened of the Lord keeper of the Seal, Bertrand, Cardinal of Sens, and his son in law the Marquis of Tran, for to have the confiscation of her goods. 
These 3. holy martyrs above recited, 
The martyrdom of Clinet Gravelle, and Philip de Luns'.  were condemned the 27. of Sep. by the process of the commissioners and the lieutenant civil: and then being put in a Chapel together, certain Doctors were sent to them, but their valiant constancy remained unmovable. After that they were had out of Prison, and sent every one in a dung cart to the place of punishment, Clinet ever cried by the way, protesting that he said or maintained nothing, but the verity of God. And being asked of a Doctor, whether he would believe S. Austen, touching certain matters, he said: yea, and that he had said nothing, but which he would prove by his authority.  
The Gentlewoman seeing a Priest come to confess her, said, that she had confessed unto God, and had received of him remission: other absolution she found none in Scripture. And when certain Counsellors did urge her to take in her hands the wooden Cross, 
The cross.  according to the custom of them that go to their death, alleging how Christ commanded every one to bear his cross: she answerred, my Lords (said she) you make me in very deed to bear my Cross, condemning me unjustly, and putting me to death in the quarrel of my Lord jesus Christ. Who willeth us to bear our Cross, but no such Cross as you speak of.  
Gravelle looked with a smiling countenance, & showed a cheerful colour, declaring how little he passed for his condemnation: and being asked of his friends to what death he was condemned, I see well (said he) that I am condemned to death, but to what death or torment I regard not. And coming from the chapel, when he perceived they went about to cut out his tongue, unless he would return, he said, that was not so contained in the arrest, and therefore he was unwilling to grant unto it: but afterward perceiving the same so to be agreed by the Court, he offered his tongue willingly to be cut, and incontinent spoke plainly these words: I pray you pray to God for me.  
The Gentlewoman also being required to give her tongue: did likewise, with these words: Seing I do not stick to give my body, shall I stick to give my tongue? No, no. And so these three having their tongues cut out, 
Their tongues cut out.  were brought to Malbert place. The constancy of Gravelle was admirable, casting up his sighs and groanings unto heaven, declaring thereby his ardent affection in praying to God. Clinet was somewhat more sad than the other, by reason of the feebleness of nature and his age. But the Gentlewoman yet sermounted all the rest in constancy, which neither changed countenance, nor colour, being of an excellent beauty.  
After the death of her husband, she used to go in mourning weed, after the manner of the country. But the same day, 
Precious in the sight of God, is the death of his Saints.  going to her burning, she put on her French hood, and decked herself in her best array, as going to a new Marriage, the same day to be joined to her spouse jesus Christ. And thus these three with singular constancy, were burned, Gravelle and Clinet were burned alive. Philippe the Gentlewoman was strangled, after she had a little tasted the flame with her feet, and visage, and so she ended her martyrdom. Ex joan Crisp. lib. 6.  

The Lieutenant.  
Doctor Maillard.  
Counsellors.  
Friars.   


Nicolas Cene.  
Peter Gabert.    
At Paris.  
An. 1558.  
Of the same company was also Nicholas Cene a Physician, Brother to Phillippe Cene above mentioned and martyred of Dyion, & Peter Gabart: which two about five or six days after the other three before, 
Nicolas Cene, Pet. Gabart, martyrs.  were brought forth to their death. Octob. 2.  
Nicholas Cene was but new come to Paris the same day, when he was advertised of the assemble which them was congregate in the street of S. james? & (as he desired nothing more than to hear the word of God) came thither even as he was, booted, & was also with them apprehended, sustaining the causee of Gods holy Gospel unto death.  
The other was Peter Gabart a Solicitor of processes, about the age of 30. years, whose constancy did much comfort to the prisoners He was put among a great number of Scholars in the little Castle. Whom when he heard to pass the time in talking of Philosophy. No, no, (said he) let us forget these worldly matters, 
A wholesome lesson for all students.  and learn how to sustain the heavenly cause of our God, which lie here in defence of the kingdom of Christ jesus our saviour: and so he began to instruct them how to answer to every point of christian doctrine, so well, as if he had done no other thing in all his life, but only studied divinity: and yet was he but very simply learned. Then was he sent from them apart unto an other Prison, full of filthy stench and vermin: where notwithstanding, he ceased not to sing Psalms that the other might well hear him. He had a young nephew in an other prison by, being but a child, of whom he asked what he had said to the judges. He said that he was constrained to do reverence to a crucifix painted. O thou naughty boy (said he) have not I taught thee the commandments of God? 
Images forbidden.  Knowest thou not how it is written. Thou shalt not make to thyself no graven Image. etc. and so began to expound to him the Commandments: whereunto he gave good attention.  
In their examinations, many questions were propounded by the Doctors and Friars, touching matters both of religion, and also to know of them what Gentlemen and Gentlewomen were there present at the ministration of the Sacrament. Whereunto they answered in such sort, as was both sufficient for defence of their own cause, and also to save their other brethren from blame, saying that they would live and die in that they had said and maintained.  
When the time of their execution was come, they perceived that the judges had intended, that if they would relent, they should be strangled: if not, they should burn alive, and their tongues be cut from them. Which torments they being content to suffer for our Saviour jesus Christ, offered their tongues willingly to the hangman to be cut. Gabart began a little to sigh, 
Their tongues cut.  for that he might no more praise the Lord with his tongue. Whom then Cene did comfort. Then were they drawn out of prison in the dung cart, to the suburbs of S. German. Whom the people in rage and madness, followed with cruel injuries and blasphemies, as though they would have done the execution themselves upon them, Maugre the hangman. The cruelty of their death was such as hath not lightly been seen: 
Cruelty.  for they were holden long in the air, over a small fire, and their lower parts burnt of, before that the higher parts were much harmed with the fire. Nevertheless these blessed saints ceased not in all these torments, to turn up their eyes to heaven, and to show forth infinite testimonies of their faith & constancy. In the same fire many Testaments and Bible's the same time, also were burnt.  
Upon the sight of this cruelty, 
See here, how the whole power of the world was confederate together against the poor saints of God, according to the prophecy of the 2. Psalm. Astiterunt Reges terrae & principes convenerunt in unum, adversus Dominum. etc.  the friends of the other prisoners, which remained behind, fearing the tyranny of these judges, presented certain causes of refusal against the said judges, requiring other Commissioners to be placed. But the king being hereof advertised by his Solicitor, sent out his letters patents, commanding the said causes of refusal to be frustrate, and willed the former judges to proceed, all other letters and obstacles to the contrary notwithstanding: and that the Presidents should have power to choose to them other counsellors, according to their own arbitrement, to supply the place of such as were absent: amongst whom also the said Solicitor was received, in stead of the kings Procurator, to pursue the process. By the which letters patents it was decreed that these stubborn Sacramentaries (as they were called) should be judged accordingly, save only that they should not proceed to the execution, before the king were advertised. These letters aforesaid, stirred up the fire of this persecution not a little, for that the judges at this refusal took great indignation, and were mightily offended for that reproach. Notwithstanding so it pleased God, 
Albert Hartung delivered.  that a young man a German, called Albert Hartung, borne in the country of Brandeburge, and godson to Albert, Marquis of Brandeburge, by the kings commandment was delivered through the importune suit of the said Marquis. Ex joan. Crisp lib. 6.  

2. Presidents.  
25. Counsellors.  
The Lieutenant civil  
Doctors.  
Friars.  
Sorbonistes  
Benedictus jacobin.  
Demochares. Maillard.   


Fridericke Danuile.  
Frances Rebezies.    
At Paris.  
An. 1558.  
Mention was made above of certain young scholars and students which were in the little castle with Peter Gabart. Of the which number of Scholars were these two, Fridericke Danuile, and Frances Rebezies, neither of them being past twenty years of age. 
Fridericke Danuile, France's Rebezies, martyrs.  How valiantly they behaved themselves in those tender years, sustaining the quarrel of our Lord jesus Christ, what confession they made what conflicts they had, disputing with the Doctors of Sorbone, their own letters left in writing do make record: the effect whereof briefly to touch is this: And first touching Fridericke Danuile.  
The Lieutenant criminal, who before was half suspected, but now thinking to prove himself a right catholic, and to recover his estimation again, came to him beginning with these words of Scripture: Who so ever denieth me before men him will I deny before my father &c: 
Math. 10.  That done he asked him, what he thought of the Sacrament. To whom Friderick answered, that if he should think Christ jesus to be between the priests hands after the Sacramental words (as they call them) then should he believe a thing contrary to the holy Scripture, and to the Creed, which saith, 
Act. 2.  that he sitteth on the right hand of the Father. Also to the testimony of the Angels, which speak both of the ascending of Christ, and of his coming down again. Act. 1. After these questions with him touching Invocation of Saints, purgatory. etc. Whereunto he answered so that he rather did astonish the enemies, then satisfy them.  
Furthermore, the 12. of September, the said Fridericke again was brought before Benedictus jacobin, and his companion a Sorbonist, called Noster Magister. who thus began to argue with him.  The Doctor. 
Which think you to be the true Church: the Church of the Protestants, or the Church of Paris?  The Martyr. 
I recognise that to be the true Church, where the Gospel is truly preached, and the Sacraments rightly administered, so as they be left by jesus Christ, and his Apostles.  The Doctor. 
And is the Church (think you) of Geneva such a one as you speak of?  The Martyr. 
I so judge it to be.  The Doctor. 
And what if I do prove the contrary, will you believe me?  The Martyr. 
Yea, it you shall prove it by the Scripture.  The Doctor. 
Or will you believe S. Austen and other holy doctors innumerable?  The Martyr. 
Yea so they descent not from the scripture and the word of God.  The Doctor. 
By the authority of S. Austen, 
The Church.  the Church is there, where is the succession of Bishops: whereupon I frame this argument.  
There is the Church, where is the perpetual succession of Bishops.  
In the Church of Paris, is such succession of bishops.  
Ergo, the Church of Paris is the true Church.  The Martyr. 
To your Mayor I answer, that if S. Austen mean the succession of such as are true Bishops in deed, which truly preach the Gospel, and rightly administer the Sacraments, such Bishops I suppose to be at Geneva, where the Gospel is truly preached, and Sacraments duly ministered, and not in the Church of Paris. But otherwise, if S. Austen mean the succession of false Bishops, such as neither preach nor minster according to God's word, so is the same in no wise to be granted.  The Doctor. 
Calvin is there by his own thrusting in, & only by the choosing of the people.  The Martyr. 
And that soundeth more for him to be of God's divine election, for so much as by him the Gospel of God is preached truly: and from this no man shall bring me.  
After this disceptation, the 9 of the same month came against him an other Doctor with two Sorbonistes, who bringing forth a scroll out of his bosom, pretended that a certain scholar coming from Geneva, made his confession, wherein was contained, that in receiving of the bread and wine, the body and blood of Christ is received really. Whereupon they demanded of him whether he would receive the same confession.  The Martyr. 
Whatsoever I have said unto you, 
Really.  that will I hold. And as touching this word really, I know right well that they of Geneva do not take it for any carnal presence, as you do: but their meaning is, to exclude thereby only a vain imagination.  The Doctor. 
I marvel much that you so refuse the word really, and use only spiritually, seeing that Calvin himself doth use the same word really.  The Martyr. 
Calvin meaneth thereby no other thing but as we do.  The Doctor. 
What say you by confession auricular? 
Confession auricular.   The Martyr. 
The same that I said before to monseur lieutenant, that is, that I take it for a plantation not planted by God in his word.  The Doctor. 
The almains in their confession which they sent to our king to be approved, have these words: Confessionem auricularem non improbamus, est enim evangelium secretum: That is, we do not reject auricular confession, for it is a Gospel secret and privy. 
Melancthon in his common places, speaking of the popish confession, which consisteth in the enumeration of sins, saith that it is a snare of of conscience, & against the Gospel, and otherwise maketh there no mention of evangelium secretum: no more doth the confession of the Almains.  And also Melancthon in his book of common places doth call it evangelium secretum.  
another time the said Fridericke was called again before the Lords, the 20. of the said month, where they did nothing but demand of him certain questions where he was borne, and whether he had heard in his country at Oleron, that M. Gerard the Bishop there, did sing Mass. Yea said he. And why do not you also (said they) receive the same? He answered, because he did it to retain and keep his Bishopric. The Martyr for lack of paper, could proceed herein no further.  
¶ The examination of France's Rebezies.  
Rebezies' had iij. sundry examinations: The first with the lieutenant civil: the second with the Precedents and the Counsellors: 
The examination of Rebezies.  the third with the Friars. First the Lieutenant enquiring of his name Country, and Parents, asked whether he was at the communion, whether he received with them the bread and wine, and whether he was a serviture to M. Nicolas Cene senior of the Congregation. Whereunto he said, yea. Also whether he was a distributer of the tokens, whereby they were let in, that came. 
The second examination.  That he denied. Then he was brought into the Counsel Chamber, before two Presidents, and xxv. Counsellors, who after other questions about his country and Parents, demanded whether he was taken with them in the house. He answered: Yea. What he had to do there? To hear the word of God, and to receive with them. Who brought him thither? Himself. Whom there he knew? No man. How he durst or would enter, knowing no person there? Truth it was (said he) that he knew there 2. or 3. Who were they? M. Gravelle, Clinet, and john Sansot, feigning that name of himself. Whether he knew the preacher? That he denied. Whether he allowed the act there done to be good? Yea. Whether he did not better like to resort unto their beautified temples, 
Mass.  to hear Mass: or whether he did not take the Mass to be an holy thing, and ordained of God? He answered again contrary, believing that it was a great blasphemy against God, and a service set up of the devil. 
Purgatory.  Whether he did not acknowledge Purgatory? Yes, that Purgatory which is the death and Passion of Christ, which taketh away the sins of the whole world. The death of Christ is the principal (said they) but thou must also believe an other. Alas (said he) can we never content ourselves with the simplicity of the Gospel, but men always will be putting to something of his own brain? In so many places of the Scripture we see the blood of jesus Christ to be sufficient, as john. 1. Apocal. 5. Hebre. 9 Esay, 
john 1. Apoc. 5. Hebr. 9 Esa. 43. 2. Cor. 5. Math. 5.  43. Where the Lord himself saith. That it is he, who for his own sake putteth away our iniquities. etc. As S. Paul also saith: that God was in Christ, reconciling the world unto himself. etc. And contrary, when they objected the words of the parable. Mat. 5. Thou shalt not come out till thou hast paid the last farthing: To this he answered that the words of that parable had no such relation, but to matters civil: and this word (until) meaneth there, as much as never. After that, he was charged there by one, for reading the books of Calvin, Bucer, and Bullinger. The Precedent asked, if he were not afraid to be burned, as were the other before, and to bring his parents into such dishonour. He answered that he knew well, that all which would live godly in Christ jesus, 
2. Tim. 3.  should suffer persecution: and that to him either to live or to die, were advantage in the Lord. And as touching his parents Christ (said he) doth premonish himself, That who so ever loveth Father or mother more than him, 
Math. 10.  is not worthy to be his. etc. jesus Maria, said the Precedent, what youth is this now a days, which cast themselves so headlong into the fire? and so was he commanded away.  
Thirdly, he was brought before Benet, master of the Doctors of Forborn, 
The third examination.  and an other called jacobine, the 14. of October, where as he chancing to speak of the Lord, the Doctor began thus to object, as followeth.  The Doctor. 

The difference between the Lord, and our Lord.  See how you and all such as are of your company, simply name the Lord, without putting to the pronoun our. So may the devils well call the Lord, and tremble before his face.  The Martyr. 
The devils call the Lord in such sort as the pharisees did, when they brought the adoulteresse before him, and called him Master: yet neither attended they to his doctrine, nor intended to be his disciples: Whose case I trust is nothing like to ours, which know and confess (as we speak) him to be the true Lord with all our hart, so as true Christians ought to do.  The Doctor. 
I know you hold well the church to be, where the word is truly preached, 
The church.  and the Sacraments sincerely ministered, according as they are left of Christ and his Apostles.  The Martyr. 
That do I believe, and in that will I live and die.  The Doctor. 
Do not you believe that whosoever is without that church, cannot obtain remission of his sins?  The Martyr. 
Who soever doth separate himself from that church to make either sect, part, or division, cannot obtain as you say.  The Doctor. 
Now let us consider two churches, the one wherein the word is rightly preached and Sacraments administered accordingly as they be left unto us: 
2. Churches.  The other wherein the word & Sacraments be used contraryly. Which of these two ought we to believe?  The Martyr. 
The first,  The Doctor. 
Well said. Next is now to speak of the gifts given to the said Church: as the power of the keys, confession for remission of sins, after we be confessed to a Priest. Also we must believe the seven. Sacraments in the same Church, truly administered, as they be here in the Churches of Paris, where the Sacrament of the altar is ministered, and the Gospel truly preached.  The Martyr. 
Sir, now you begin to halt. As for my part, I do not receive in the Church, more than 2. Sacraments which be instituted in the same, for the whole communality of Christians. 
Power of the keys.  And as concerning the power of the keys and your confession. I believe, that for remission of our sins, we ought to go to none other, but only to God▪ as we read. 1. john. 1. 
Confession.  If we confess our sins, God is faithful and just: to pardon our offences, and he will purge us from all our iniquities. etc. Also in the Prophet David, Psal. 19 and 32. I have opened my sin unto thee. etc.  The Doctor. 
Should I not believe that Christ in the time of his Apostles, gave to them power to remit sins?  The Martyr. 
The power that Christ gave to his Apostles, if it be well considered, is nothing disagreeing to my saying: And therefore I began to say (which here I confess) that the Lord gave to his Apostles to preach the word, and so to remit sins by the same word.  The Doctor. 
Do you then deny auricular confession?  The Martyr. 
Yea verily I do.  The Doctor. 
Ought we to pray to Saints.  The Martyr. 
I believe no.  The Doctor. 
Tell me that I shall ask: jesus Christ being here upon the earth, was he not then as well sufficient to hear the whole world, & to be intercessor for all, as he is now?  The Martyr. 
Yes.  The Doctor. 
But we find, that when he was here on earth, 
Intercession of saints.  his Apostles made intercession for the people, & why may they not do the same as well now also?  The Martyr. 
So long as they were in the world, they exercised their ministry; and prayed one for an other, as needing human succours together: but now they being in Paradise, all their prayer that they make, is this: that they wish that they which be yet on earth, may attain to their felicity: but to obtain any thing at the father's hand, we must have our recourse only to his son.  The Doctor. 
If one man have such charge to pray for another may not he then be called an intercessor.?  The Martyr. 
I grant.  The Doctor. 
Well then, you say there is but one intercessor, Whereupon I infer, that I being bound to pray for an other, need not now to go to jesus Christ, to have him an intercessor, but to God alone, setting jesus Christ apart: and so ought we verily to believe.  The Martyr. 
You understand not sir, that if God do not behold us in the face of his own well-beloved son, then shall we never be able to stand in his sight. For if he shall look upon us, he can see nothing but sin. And if the heavens be not pure in his eyes, what shall be thought then of man so abominable and unprofitable, which drinketh iniquity like water, as job doth say?  
Then the other Friar seeing his fellow to have nothing to answer to this, inferred as followeth.  The Doctor. 
Nay (my friend) as touching the great mercy of God, 
Note this blasphemous doctrine, which maketh saints equal intercessors with Christ  let that stand, and now to speak of ourselves this we know, that god is not displeased with them which have their recourse unto his saints.  The Martyr. 
Sir, we must do not a●●er our own wills, but according to that which God willeth and commandeth. For this is the trust that we have in him, that if we demand any thing after his will, he will hear us. 1. joh. 5.  The Doctor. 
As no man cometh to the presence of an earthly king or prince, without means made by some about him: so, or rather much more, to the heavenly king above. etc.  The Martyr. 
To this earthly example I will answer with an other heavenly example of the prodigal son: who sought no other means to obtain his father's grace but came to the father himself.  
Then they came to speak of adoration, which the said Rebezies disproved by the scriptures. 
Worshipping of saints.  Act. 10.13.14. Apoc. 19 22. Heb. 10.14.12. Where is to be noted, that where the martyr alleged the 12. to the Heb. the Doctors answered, that it was the 11. chap. when the place in deed is neither in the 11. nor in the 12. But in the 14. chap. of of the Acts. So well seen were these Doctors in their divinity.  The Doctor. 
Touching the mass, what say you? Believe you not that when the priest hath consecrated the host, 
The presence of Christ in the host.  our Lord is there as well, and in as ample sort as he was hanging upon the cross?  The Martyr. 
No verily. But I believe that jesus Christ is sitting at the right hand of his father, as appeareth Heb. 10.1. Cor. 15. Colos. 3. and therefore (to make short with you) I hold your mass for none other, 
Mass.  but for a false and a counterfeited service set up by sathan, and retained by his ministers, by the which you do anhilate the precious blood of Christ, & his oblation once made, of his own body: & you know right well, that the same is sufficient, and ought not to be reiterated.  The Doctor. 
You deceive yourselves in the word reiteration: for we do not reiterate it so as you think, as by example I will show. You see me now in this religious garment, but if I should put upon me a soldiers weed, then should I be disguised, and yet for all that I should remain the same still, within my doublet that I was before in my friars weed. So is it with the sacrifice, 
Naturaliter.  we confess and grant that Naturaliter, that is naturally he was once offered in sacrifice and also is sitting Naturaliter, 
Supernaturaliter, or subscriptiuè.  that is, naturally, at the right hand of his Father: but Supernaturaliter, & subscriptive, that is supernaturally, we sacrifice the same, without reiteration. Supernaturaliter we sacrifice him: but that sacrifice is but only disguised, to understand that he is contained under that curtain and whiteness, 
The disguised sacrifice of the Papists.  which you see.  The Martyr. 
Sir this I say, that such a disguised Sacrifice is a diabolical sacrifice, and this you may take for a resolution.  The Doctor. 
And how is your belief touching the holy supper?  The Martyr. 
That if it be ministered unto me by the minister, in such usage, as it hath been left of Christ, and his Apostles, preaching also the word purely withal, 
The body of Christ spiritually received in the sacrament. Spiritually. Corporally.  I believe that in receiving the material bread & wine I receive with lively faith, the body and blood of jesus Christ spiritually.  The Doctor. 
Say corporally?  The Martyr. 
No sir for his words be spirit and life, and let this content you.  The Doctor. 
What say you? is it lawful for a priest to marry?  The Martyr. 
I believe it to be lawful for him in such sort, 
Matrimony of Ministers.  as the Apostle saith: Whosoever hath not the gift of continency, let him mary: For it is better to mary then to burn. And if this do not content you, further you may read what he writeth of bishops and Elders. 1. T. 3. and Tit. 1.  
And thus these Doctors affirming, that he denied priesthood, gave him leave to departed, saying, god have mercy on you. So be it, said he.  
After this, about 22. of October, the said Rebezies and Fridericke Danuile were brought up to a chamber in the Castle, to be racked, to the intent they should utter the rest of the congregation. In the which chamber they found three Counsellors, who thus began with them: Lift up thy hand, Thou shalt swear by the passion of jesus Christ, whose image here thou seest, showing him a great marmouset there painted in a paper. etc. Whereunto Rebezies answered, Mounsieur I swear to you by the passion of Christ, which is written in my hart. Why dost thou not swear to us, said the Counsellors, as we say unto thee? Because (said he) it is a great blasphemy against the Lord. Then the counsellors read their depositions, and first beginning with Rebezies' said will thou not tell us the truth, what companions thou knowest to be of this assemble? Rebezies' named, as he did before, gravel Clinet (which were already burnt) and john Sansot. To whom they said, that the court had ordained, that if he would give no other answer but so, he should be put to the torture or rack: and so he was commanded to be stripped to his shirt, 
The martyrs racked.  & having a Cross put in his hand, and being bid to commend himself to GOD and the virgin Mary: but he neither would receive the Cross, nor commend himself to the virgin Mary, saying, that God was able enough to guard him & to save him out of the lions mouth, & so: being drawn and stretched in the air, began to cry, Come Lord, and show thy strength that man do not prevail etc. But they cried, Tell truth, Frances & thou shalt be let down. Nevertheless he continued still in his Invocation and prayer to the Lord, so that they could have no other word, but that. And after they had thus long tormented him, the Counsellors said, wilt thou say nothing else? I have nothing else, said he to say. 
The constancy of these martyrs.  And so they commanded him to be loosed, and be put by the fire side. Who being loosed, said to them: Do you handle thus the poor servants of God? And the like was done to Frederick danvil also, his companion, of whom they could have no other answer (who at the same time was also very sick) but as of the other. So mightily did God assist and strengthen his servants, as ever he did any else by their own letters and confession as doth appear. Ex litteris Francis. Rebez. in Crisp. Lib. 6.  
These constant and true martyrs of Christ, after they had returned from the torture, unto their fellow prisoners, ceased not to thank and praise the Lord for his assistance. Fridericke did sigh oftentimes, & being asked of his fellows why he so did, he said it was not for the evil that he had suffered, 
Brotherly compassion.  but for the evils that he knew they should suffer afterward. Notwithstanding (said he) be strong brethren, and be not afraid, assuring yourselves of the aid of god which hath succoured us, and also will comfort you. Rebezies' with the rack was so drawn and stretched, that one of his shoulders was higher than the other, and his neck drawn on the one side, so that he could not move himself: and therefore desiring his brethren to lay him upon his bed, there he wrote his confession which hitherto we have followed. When the night came, they rejoiced together, and comforted themselves with meditation of the life to come, and contempt of this world, singing psalms togegether, 
The comfort of God's Saints.  till it was day. Rebezies' cried twice or thrice together, away from me Satan. Frederick being in bed with him, asked why he cried, and whether Satan would stop him of his course? Rebezies' said that Satan set before him, his parents, but by the grace of God, (said he) he shall do nothing against me.  
The day next following, they were brought once or twice before the counsellors, & required to show, what fellows they had more, of the said assemble. Which when they would not declare, the sentence was read against them, that they should be brought in a dung cart, to Maulbert place, and there having a ball in their mouths, to be tied, each one to his post, and afterward to be strangled, and so to be turned into ashes.  
Afterward came the Friars and Doctors, Democaries, Maillard and other, to confess them, and offering to them a Cross to kiss, which they refused, Then Democares by force made Rebezies to kiss it, whether he would or no: crying to them moreover, that they should believe in the sacrament. What said Frederick, will you have us to pluck Christ jesus out from the right hand of his father? Democares said, that so many of their opinion had suffered death before, and yet none of them all, ever did any miracles as the Apostles and other holy Martyrs did. Fridericke asked them, if they required any miracle. No said they, and so stood mute, save only that Democares prayed them to consider well what they had said unto them. 
Doct. Maillard gageth his soul.  Maillard also added, that he would gauge his soul to be damned, but it was true. Fridericke answered, that he knew it was contrary.  
At last being brought to the place of execution, a Cross again was offered them, which they refused Then a Priest standing by, bade them believe in the virgin Mary. Let God said they, reign alone. The people standing by ah mischievous lutheran said they. Nay a true Christian I am, said he. When they were tied to their stakes, after their prayers made, when they were bid to be dispatched: one of them comforting the other, said, be strong my brother, be strong: Satan away from us. As they were thus exhorting, one standing by, said: These Lutherans do call upon Satan. 
john Morel was afterward burned.  One john morel (which afterward died a martyr) then standing by at liberty, answered: I pray you let us hear (said he) what they say, and we shall hear them invocate the name of God. Whereupon the people listened better unto them to hearken, as well as they could, what they said: they crying still as much as much as their mouths being stopped could utter, 
The death and martyrdom of Ribezies and Danuile.  assist us O Lord: and so they rendering up their spirits to the hands of the Lord, did consummate their valiant martyrdom. Ex Crisp. Lib. 6.  
¶ After the martyrdom of these two abovesaid the intention of the judges was to dispatch the rest, one after an other, in like sort, and had procured already process against xii. or xiii. ready to be judged. But a certain gentlewoman than prisoner amongst them, had presented causes of exceptions or refusals against them, whereby the cruel rage of the enemies was stayed, to the month of july following. In the which mean time, as this persecution was spread into other countries, 
The Suitzers make supplication to the French king, for the martyrs.  first the faithful Cantons of Suitziers, perceiving these good men to be afflicted for the same doctrine which they preached in their Churches, sent their Ambassadors to the king to make supplication for them.  
The same time also, came letters from the county Palatine Elector, tending to the same end, to solicit the king for them, 
County Palatine maketh intercession to the French king, for the Christian prisoners.  the king standing the same time, in great need of the germans, for his wars, was contented at least, that they should proceed more gently with them, and so the fire for the same time, ceased. Most of them were sent to abbeys, where they were kept at the charge of the priors to be constrained to be present at the service of Idolatry, especially the young scholars: of whom some shrunk back, other being more loosely kept, escaped away. The most part were brought before the Official, to make their confession, and to receive absolution ordinary. divers made their confession ambiguous and doubtful. etc. Ex. joan. Crisp. lib. 6. Ex Pantal. lib. xi.   


René Seau.  
john Almaricke.    
At Paris.  
An. 1552.  These two young men were also of the company above specified, 
René Sea●▪ john Almaricke, died in prison.  and were in prison where they sustained such cruelty being almost racked to death that Almericke could not go when he was called to the court to be judged: and being upon the rack, he rebuked their cruelty, and spoke so freely, as though he had felt no grief (and as they said which came to visit him) he testified unto them, that he felt no dolour so long as he was upon it. Both these died in prison, continuing still firm and constant in the pure confession of Christ's church. Ibidem. Villegagnon a French captain. 


john Bordel. Math· Vermilion.  
Peter Bourdon.  
Andrew de Fou.    
At the country of bresil.  
Ann. 1558.  Mention is made in the French story of one Uillegaignon, 
john Bordell, Math. Vermilion, Pet. Burdom, martyrs.  lieutenant for the French king, who made a viage into the land of bresil, with certain French ships and took an Island near to the same adjoining, and made therein a fortress. After they had been there a while Uillegaignon, for lack of victuals (as he pretended) sent certain of them away in a ship to the river of Plate toward the Pole Antarctic, 
He sent them far enough, because they should never return, pretending that he lacked victual, but the cause was religion.  a thousand miles of: in the which ship were these four here mentioned: Who forsaking their ship by occasion of tempest, were carried back again, and so came to the land of bresil, and afterward to their own countryman. Uillegaignon being much aggrieved thereat, first charged them with departing without his leave. Moreover, being terrified in his mind with false suspicion and vain dreams, fearing and dreaming lest they had been sent as privy spies, by the Bresilians, because they came from them, and had been friendly entertained of them: he began to devise how he might put them to death undersome colour of treason: but the cause was religion: For albeit some time he had been a professor of the Gospel, yet afterward growing in some dignity, he fell to be an Apostata, and cruel persecutor of his fellows. But when no proof or conjecture probable could be found to serve his cruel purpose, he knowing them to be earnest protestants, drew out certain articles of religion for them to answer: and so entrapping them upon their confession, he laid them in irons and in prison, and secretly with one executor, and his page, he took one after an other, beginning with john Bordell, & first brought him to the top of a rock, and there being half strangled, without any judgement threw him into the sea, and after the like manner, ordered also the rest. Of whom 3. were thus cruelly murdered & drowned: to wit john Bordel, Mat. Uermeil, and Peter Burdon. The 4. which was Andrew de Fou, he caused by manifold allurements, somewhat to incline to his sayings, and so he escaped the danger, not without great offence taken of a great part of the Frenchmen in that country. Ex Crisp. lib. 6. & Ex Comment. Gallic. de statu Religionis & Reipub. The kings lieutenant. 
Geffrey Varagle. 
Geffrey Varagle, martyr.   
At Thurin in Piedmont  
Ann. 1558.  In the same year 1558. suffered also Gefreye Uaragle preacher in the Ualley of Angroigne, at the town of Thurin in Piedmont, who first was a monk● and said mass the space of xxvii. years. Afterward returning from Busque, toward Angroigne, to preach, as he had used before to do, sent by the ministers of Geneneva, and other faithful brethren: was apprehended in the town of Barges, & brought before the king's Lieutenant: Where he was questioned with, touching divers Articles of religion: as of justification, works of supererogation, free-will, predestination, confession, satisfaction, indulgences, images, purgatory, the pope. etc. Whereunto he answered again in writing, with such learning and reason, alleging against the pope's own distinctions, namely, Distinct 19 cap. Dominus. Distinct. 21. cap. In nono. Dist. 21. cap. omnes. & cap. Sacrosancta, that as the story reporteth, the court of Thurin marveling at his learning condemned him more for reproach of shame, then upon true opinion grounded of judgement. When he was brought to the place of execution, the people which stood by, and heard him speak, declared openly that they saw no cause, why he should die. A certain old companion of his, a priest, calling him by his name M, Geffrey, desired him to convert from his opinions. To whom he patiently answered again, desiring him, that he would convert from his condition. And thus after he had made his prayer unto God, and had forgiven his Executioner, and all his enemies, he was first strangled, and then burned. 
The report of a Dove flying about the Friar.  In the foresaid story, relation is made moreoover, concerning the said Geffrey, that at the time of his burning, a dove was seen (as was credibly reported of many) flying & fluttering divers times about the fire, testifying (as was thought) the innocency of this holy martyr of the Lord. But the story addeth, that upon such things, we must not stay and so concludeth he the martyrdom of this blessed man. Ex. Crisp. lib. 6. Pag. 897. 


Benet Romian, martyr.  Lanteaume Blanc.  
De Lauris, Counsalor and son in law, to Minors lord of oped, the cruel persecutor.  
Anthony Reuest, the Lieutenant.  
Barbosi judge, Ordinary of Draguignan.  
joachim Partavier, the kings Advocate.  
caval, and Cavalieri, Consuls.  
The Official  
Gasper Siguiere Officer in Draguignan.  
A Friar observant.   
Benet Romain a Mercer or Haberdasher.  
At Draguinan in Province.  
An. 1558.  The lamentable story of Benet Romain is described at large, among other french martyrs, by I. Crispin printer: the brief recital whereof, here followeth. This Benet having wife & children at Geneva, to get his living used to go about the country with certain Mercery ware, having cunning also among other things, how to dress Corals, As he was coming toward Marscile & passed by the town Draguignan, he happened upon one of the like faculty, named Lanteaume Blanc. Who being desirous to have of his Corals and could not agree for the price, also knowing that he was one of Geneva, went to a counsellor of the court of Aix, being then at Draguignan, whose name was de Lauris son in law to miners, Lord of oped, 
Of Miners the great persecutor, read in the story of merindol.  the great persecutor against merindol etc. Thus Lauris consulting together with the foresaid Blanc, & pretending to buy certain of his Coral which he saw to be very fair, and knowing also that he had to the worth of 300. crowns incontinent after his departing from him, he sent to the officer of the town to attach the said Benet, as one being the greatest lutheran in the world. Thus when he was arrested, for the king's prisoner Blanc and his fellows, which sought nothing but only the pray, were ready to cease upon his goods, and likewise of the other two men whom he hired to bear his merchandise. Then were these three poor men separated a sunder and Roman examined before the Consuls, and the kings Advocate and other Counsellors, where he kept his Easter, whether he received at the same Easter whether he was confessed before, & fasted the Lent: also he was bid to say his Pater noster, 
Interrogatories ministered to Romian.  the Creed & ave Maria, which two first he did, but denied to say ave Maria. Then was he asked for worshipping of saints, women saints, and men saints, and when he heard Mass: He said he would worship none but God alone. Mass he heard none these 4. years, nor ever would. Whereupon he was committed to a stinking house of easement, with iron chains upon his legs. Lauris thus having his will upon the poor man, sent for the lieutenant, named Antony Reuest, told him what he had done, and willed him to see the prisoner. The Lieutenant being angry that he did so usurp upon his office, denied to go with him to the prisoner, excusing the filthy savour of the place. Notwithstanding the same day, the lieutenant with an other went to the prison, and caused the said Roman to come before him: of whom he inquired many things, of his dwelling, of his name and age, his wife and children of his faculty, and cause of his coming, also of his religion, and all such points thereto belonging. Unto whom he answered again simply and truly in all respects, as lay in his conscience, 
Romian sealeth the confession of his faith.  and thereunto being required (because he could write) he put to his mark. After his confession, being thrice made, and his answer taken, certain faithful brethren of that place, found means to come to him, 
Romian refuseth to escape.  & counseled him that seeing he had sufficiently already made confession of his faith he would seek means to escape out from his enemies, which sought nothing but his death, & showed unto him what he should say to the Lieutenant but he refused so to do, willing there to render account of his faith, and contented to die for the same. 
Barbosi, persecutor.  
The fame of his constancy being known in the town, judge Barbosi, a man blind and ignorant, and no less deformed, came to see him, and asked: 
A gross question of a gross judge.  what? do they believe (said he) in any God, in Geneva? Roman looking upon him, what art thou said he) that so wretchedly dost blaspheme? I am (said he) the Ordinary judge of this place. And who hath put thee (said Romain) such a gross and deformed person, in such an office? Thinkest thou that we be infidels, and no christians? And if the devils themselves do confess a God, suppose you, that they of Geneva do deny their God? 
A free answer of a poor prisoner.  No no, we believe in God, we invocate his name, and repose all our trust in him. etc. Barbosi took such grief with this, departing from Romiane, that he ceased not to pursue him to death.  
The lieutenant then being urged and much called upon, and also threatened by this Barbosis, and other prepared to proceed in judgement against him taking to him such judges and Advocates, as the order there required. There was the same time, an observant Friar, which had there preached all the Lent. He being very eager and diligent to have the poor christian burned: & seeing the judges intentive about the business, to set the matter forward, said that he would go & say mass of the holy Ghost, 
Mass a common instrument for all things, and also to blow the fire.  to illuminate their intentes to have the said Romian condemned, and burned alive at a little fire. Moreover he procured caval and Cavalieri the Consuls, to threaten the lieutenant, that they would complain of him to the high Court of parliament, if he would not after that sort, condemn him to be burnt. In the mean time, the faithful Christians of that said town, fearing least by his racking, danger might happen to the brethren, sent to Romian again in the prison, certain instructions, and means how he might be aided, such as should not be against God. But when the lieutenant came, 
filii huius seculi prudentiores in sua generatione, quam filii lucis.  the poor man forgot his instructions: so simple he was, and ignorant of the subtleties of this world.  
When the time came that the judges were set, and the process should be read, Barbosi, with other whom the Friar had procured, had agreed before that he should be fired alive, and put to the rack, to disclose his fellows, & also gagged that he might not speak & infect the residue. On the other part, one there was of the advocates (albeit a man wholly superstitious) seeing the rage of the other, 
Good council of an Advocate.  gave contrary advise, saying that he should be sent home again, for that he was a town dweller of Geneva, neither had ●●ught there any kind of doctrine, nor brought any books, neither had they any informations against him: & that which he had spoken, was as a thing constrained by his oath forced by the justice. And as touching his opinion, it was no other, but as other young men did follow, which were either of the one part, or of the other: and therefore that here remained no more but only the lieutenant to give his verdict etc. Thus much being spoken, and also because the lieutenant was before suspected, and the time of dinner drew near, they arose for that time, differing the matter to an other season. 
The Friar still bloweth the coal of persecution.  The Friar observant, in this mean while was not idle, inciting still the Consuls and the people: who at the ringing of a bell, being assembled together, with the Official and the priests, in a great rout, came crying to the Lieutenant, to burn the heretic or else they would fire him and all his family: and in semblable wise, did the same to the other judges and Advocates: The Official moreover added that if it were not better seen to, then so, the Lutherans would take such courage, and so shut up their Church doors, that no man should enter in. Then, because the Lieutenant would not take to him other judges after their minds, in all posthast, the people contributed together, that at their own charge, the matter should be pursued at the parliament of Aix, and so compelled the Lieutenant to bring the process unto judgement, every man crying to the fire to the fire, that he may be burned  
The lieutenant being not able otherwise to appease the people, 
The cause of Romian removed to the parliament of Aix.  promised to bring the matter to the high court of Aix, and so he did. They hearing the information of the cause, commanded the lieutenant, and the other judges to deal no further therein, but to send up the process and the prisoner to them. This went greatly against the minds of them of Draguignan, which would fain have him condemned there. Whereupon Barbosi was sent out to the parliament of Aix, where he so practised and laboured the matter, that the cause was sent down again to lieutenant, and he enjoined to take unto him such ancient Advocates, as their old order required and to certify them again within 8. days. And so Romiane by the sentence of thoso old judges, was condemned to be burned alive, 
 if he turned not if he did, then to be strangled, and before the execution to be put upon the rack to the intent he should disclose the rest of his company. From the which sentence Romian then appealed, saying that he was no heretic. Whereupon he was carried unto Aix, singing the Commandments, 
Romian brought to Aix.  as he passed by the town of Draguignan. Which when the king's advocate did see, looking out of his window, he said unto him, that he was one of them that concluded his death: 
The kings Advocate repenteth▪  but desired God to forgive him. Romiane answered again and said: God will judge us all in the last day of judgement. After he was come to Aix, he was brought before the Counsellors, before whom he remained no less constant and firm, then afore. Then was a fumish Friar sent, who being three hours with him, and could not remove him, came out to the Lords, and said that he was damned: By reason whereof the sentence given before his condemnation was confirmed, and he sent back again from whence he came.  
At his return again from Aix, the Consuls of Draguignan sent abroad by Parishes, 
Romian returned again from Aix to Draguignan.  unto the Curates, that they should signify to their Parishners, the day of his death, to the end that they should come: also caused to be cried through the town, by the sound of a trump, that all good Christians should bring wood to the great market place, to burn the lutheran. The day being come which was saturday, the 16. day of May, the poor servant of God, first was brought to the rack or torture, where, at his first entre, were brought before him. The cords, irons, & weights to terrify him. Then said they, he must utter his complices & renounce his religion, or else he should be burned alive. He answered with a constant hart, that he had no other complices, nor companions, neither would he hold any other faith, but that which jesus Christ did preach by his apostles. Then was he demanded of his fellows taken with him, whether they did hold the faith of Rome, or whether he did ever communicate with them, or did know them in the town, or in province to be of his faith. He said no. Item, what he had to do in that town. He said, to sell his Coral. Item, who gave him counsel to appeal. God, he said, by his spirit.  
Upon this he was put upon the gynne or rack where he being torn most outrageously, 
Romian drawn most piteously upon the rack.  ceased not still to cry unto God, that he would have pity on him, for the love of jesus Christ his son. Then was he commanded to call to the virgin Mary: but that he would not. Whereupon his torture was renewed a fresh, in such cruel sort, that they thought they had left him for dead. For the which they sent him to the Barbers, and finding that he could endure no longer, were afraid lest he had been past, 
Romian broken with the rack & not able to go, was borne to the fire.  and hastened to bring him to the fire. So after they had assayed him by priests and Friars, as much as they could to make him revolt, they helped the hangman to bear him, all broken and dismembered, as he was unto the heap of wood: where they tied him to a chain of iron, which was let down upon the faggots. Romian seeing himself to be alone, lying upon the wood, began to pray to God. Whereat the friars being moved, ran to him again to cause him to say, ave Maria. Which when he would not do, 
Cruelty of Friars  they were so furious, that they plucked & tore his beard. In all these anguishes, the meek saint of God, had recourse still to God in his prayers, beseeching him to give him patience. Then left they him lying as dead. But so soon as they descended down from the wood he began to pray to God again, in such sort, as one would have thought, that he had felt no hurt. Then an other great Friar, supposing to do more with him then the rest, came up to the wood unto him, to admonish him. Romian thought at first that he had been a faithful Christian, by his gentle speech, but afterward, when he urged him to pray to the virgin Marry, he desred him to departed and let him alone in peace. As soon as he was departed. Romiane lifted up his head and his eyes on high, praying God to assist him in his great temptation. Then a certain father, a Warden, to bring the people in more hatred cried out and said: he blasphemeth, 
A slandering Friar.  he blasphemeth he speaketh against the blessed virgin Mary. Whereat Barbosi cried, stop his mouth, let him be gagged The people cried to the fire let him be burned. Then the hangman set fire to the straw, 

Crucifice, C●ucifige 〈◊〉.  
The cruel death and martyrdom of blessed Romian.   and little sticks that were about, which incontinent were set on fire. Romian still remained hanging in the air, till he died and was burned, all his neither parts well near, when he was seen to lift up his head to heaven, moving his lips without any cry: and so this blessed saint rendered his spirit to God.  
Of this assemble there were divers judgements & sundry bruits. Some said that if good men had been about him, it had gone better with him, & that those priests & monks, which were about him, were whoremasters & infamous. Other said that he had wrong: and that an hundredth of that company there were, which more deserved death than he, especially among them which condemned him. Other went away marveling, & disputing of his death and doctrine. And thus was the course finished of this valiant & thrice blessed martyr and servant of the Lord jesus the son of God. Ex Crisp. lib. 6, pag. 902.  

The Convent of the jacobin Friars at Dyion.  
A Priest of Dyion.   
France's Civaux.  
At Dyion.  
Ann. 1558.  
Frances Civaux, martyr.  This Fraunces Civaux was secretary to the French Ambassador here in England, in Queen Mary's time. Who afterward being desirous to hear the word of God, went to Geneva. Also he was placed to be Secretary to the Senate or counsel of Geneva: where he continued about the space of a year. Having then certain business, he came to Dyion. 
There was the same time, a priest that preached at Dyion such doctrine, where at the said France's being worthily offended, came friendly unto the priest and reasoned with him, touching his doctrine, showing by the Scriptures how and where he had erred. The priest excused himself, that he was not so well instructed to dispute, but he would bring him the next day, to a certain learned man, whom he knew there in the town, and desired the said Frances to go with him to breakfast, where he would be glad to hear them two in conference together: Whereunto when Frances had consented, the priest incontinent went to the jacobine Friars, where the matter was thus contrived, 
A privy judas.  that at the breakfast time, Frances there unawares, should be apprehended.  
When the next day came, the priest brought Frances, according to his appointment, to a jacobine friar, who pretending much fair friendship unto him, as one glad & desirous of his company, besought him to take a breakfast with him the next morrow, and there they would enter conference together. With this also Frances was content, & to prepare himself the better to that conflict, sat up almost all the night writing, with his fellow, The next morrow, as Frances with his fellow were preparing themselves toward the breakfast, the jacobin in the mean time, went to the justice of the town to admonish him to be ready at the time and place appointed. Thus, as the jacobin was standing at the justices door, the companion of France's seeing the Friar there stand, began to mistrust with himself, & told Frances, 
Frances admonished by his dream.  willing him to beware the Friar. Moreover, the same night Frances had in his dream, that the said Friar should commit him to the justice. But he, either not caring for his dreams, or else not much passing for the danger, committed himself to the hands of God, and went. As they were together disputing in the Covent of the jacobines, Frances thus betrayed of the priest, was apprehended, by the Officers, carried to Prison, and within seven days after, being Saturday before the Nativity of the Lord, was brought to the place of execution, where first he was strangled, and then burned. Ex scripto testimonio Senatus Genevesis.  
And as touching the fellow & companion of this Fraunces above mentioned, he was also apprehended with him and put in prison, but because he was but a young novice, and yet not fully confirmed, he recanted and was delivered.  

Priests of Rochel.  
Manroy, a priest.  
The lieutenant of Rochel.  
The Cardinal of Lorraine.  
Magistri.  
S. Andre.   
Peter Arondeau.  
At Paris.  
Ann. 1559.  The town of Rochel, 
Peter Arondeau, martyr.  as it is a place of great commodity because of the Sea: so was it not inferior to other good Towns in France, for nourishing and suporting the holy assembles of the Lord. Unto the which town, about the year of our Lord 1559. resorted one Peter Arondeau, a man of base condition, with a little packet of mercery ware, there to sell, who there being known, to adjoin himself to the church and congregation of the faithful, was demanded of certain Ministers of Antichrist, whether he would go to hear Mass, or no. 
The Mass.  He said that he had been there to host, to his great grief: and that since the time that the Lord had taken the veil from his eyes, he knew the Mass to be abominable, forged in the shop of the enemy of all mankind. They to whom he thus answered, were Priests amongst whom was one named Monroy, who taking the other there present, for witnesses, brought him strait to the lieutenant. The deposition being taken, and information made, it was decreed incontinent, that his body should be attached, And although by one of his friends he was admonished to save himself, & to avoid their danger yet he ceased not to put himself in his enemy's hands, & so was led prisoner. As he was in prison, many of the faithful came to comfort him: but rather he was able to comfort not only them, which came to comfort him, but also the other, which were there prisoners with him. The Priests left no diligence unsought, to stir up the lieutenant, which was of himself, to much inflamed in such matters. 
Arondeau, after many interrogations & threatening words, and also fair promises of his pardon still continued one man. Then the lieutenant seeing his constancy condemned him to death. Arondeau praising God for his grace given, 
Peter Arondeau condemned.  did not a little rejoice that he might suffer in that quarrel, & in token of rejoicing, did sing a Psalm, being fully resolved to accept that said condemnation, without any appeal. But his friends not pleased with his resolution, came to him, & so persuaded with him, not to give his life so good cheap, over to his enemy's hands, that he was turned from that, & made his appeal. The appeal being entered, the lieutenant, seeking to gratify the adversaries of the gospel, and especially the Cardinal of Lorraine, secretly, 
Peter Arondeau appealeth.  by that backside of the town & out of the high way, conveyed the poor prisoner unto Paris. Who being brought unto Paris, by privy journeys (as is said) was put into prison, committed to the custody of two Presidents: to wit, Magistri, & S. Andre. By the means of whom, the sentence of the Lieutenant was confirmed, & also put in execution, the 15. day of November in they year abovesaid: on the which day, the said Arondeau was burned quick at the place called S. john in grieve, at Paris. The constancy heroical which God gave him, & wherein he indureed victorious unto death, was a mirror or glass of patience to M. Anne du Bourge Counsellor in the Parliament of Paris, & to divers other than prisoners, & was to them a preparation toward the like death, which shortly after they suffered.  
Not long after the happy end of this blessed martyr, the forenamed Monroy, which was the principal accuser, & party against him, was strooken with a disease called 
* Apoplexia, is a sickness engendered in the brain by abundance of gross humours, which deprive them that have it, of speech, feeling, and moving Most commonly it assail 〈◊〉 gluttons, drunkards, and suifetters.  Apoplexia and thereupon suddenly died.  
By this and many other such like examples, the mighty judgement of God most evidently may appear: who albeit commonly he doth use to begin his judgement with his own household in this world: yet neither doth his adversaries always escape themselves the terrible hand of his justice. 
God's just vengeance upon the lieutenant a persecutor.   
Also the lieutenant, which was his condemner, tarried not long after the priest, but he was arrested personally to appear before the kings counsel, through the procurement of a certain Gentleman of Polony, called Anthony de Leglise, against whom the said lieutenant had given false and wrong judgement before. By reason whereof the foresaid Gentleman so instantly did pursue him, before the Lords of the counsel, that all the extortions & polinges of the Lieutenant were there openly discovered, and so he condemned to pay to the gentleman a thousand French crowns of the sun, 
Note.  which xiiii. days upon pain of double as much. Also he was deposed of his office, and there declared unworthy to exercise any royal office hereafter for ever, with infamy and shame perpetual. Ex Crisp. Lib. 6. pag. 907.  A priest of Valencienes. 
Thomas mustard.  
At Valenciennes.  
Ann. 1559.  In the town of Ualenciennes, not far from France, 
Thomas mustard, martyr.  the same year which was 1559. in the month of October suffered Tho. Moutard. Who first being converted from a disordered life, to the knowledge of the Gospel, is to us a spectacle of God's great gracious mercy toward his elected Christians. This mustard was attached for certain words spoken to a priest, saying thus, that his god of the host was nothing but abomination, which abuseth the people of God. These words were taken first as spoken in his drunkenness. 
Against the bodily presence of Christ in the host.  But the next day after, when the same words were repeated to him again, to know whether he would abide by the words there uttered, or no, he said, yea. For it is an abuse (said he) to seek jesus Christ any other where, then in heaven, sitting at the glory & right hand of God his father: and in this, he was ready to live & die. His process being made, he was condemned to be burned quick. But as he was carried from the town house, to the place of punishment, 
Constancy of a good conscience.  it was never seen a man with such constancy to be so assured in hart, & so to rejoice at that great honour, which God had called him unto. The hangman hasted as much, as was possible, to bind him, & dispatch him. The martyr in the midst of the flaming fire, lifting up his eyes unto heaven, cried to the Lord, that he would have mercy on his soul: and so in great integrity of faith and perseverance, he gave up his life to God. Ex joan. Crisp. Lib. 6. 
☞ This Dutch story should have gone before, with the Dutch Martyrs. But seeing Uallenciennes is not far distant from France it is not much out of order, to adjoin the same with the French martyrs: who altogether at length, shallbe joined in the kingdom of Christ: which day the Lord send shortly. Amen.  
¶ Thus have we (through the assistance of the Lord) deduced the Table of the French and also of the Dutch martyrs, unto the time and reign of Queen Elizabeth, that is, to the year .1560. Since the which time, divers also have suffered, both in France, & in the lower country of Germany, whose story shall be declared (the Lord willing) more at large, when we come to the time of Queen Elizabeth. In the mean season it shall suffice for this present to insert their names only, which here do follow.  
The residue of the French Martyrs.  
Arm du Burge, Counsellor of Paris. Andrew Coiffier, john Isabeau, john Indet, Martyrs of Paris, 
Martyrs.  Geoffrey Guerien, john morel, john Barbeville, Peter Chevet, Marin Marie, Margarite rich, Adrian Daussi, giles le Court Philip Parmentier, Marin Rosseau, Peter Milot, john Berfoy: Besides the tumult of Amboise, the persecution of Vassi, Austin Marlorat, Master Mutonis.  
The residue of the Dutch Martyrs.  
IAmes de Lo, of the isle of Flaunders, john de Buissons at Antwerp, Peter Petit, john Denys, Gymon Guilmin, 
Martyrs.  Simeon Herme of the isle of Flanders, john de Lannoy at Tournay. Andrew Michael, a blind man, at Tournay, Frances Varlut, at Tournay, Alexander Dayken of Bramchastle William Cornu, in Henault, Antony Charon of Cambray, Renaudine de Francuile, Certain suffered at Tournay, Michael Robilert of Aras, Nicaise de le Tomb at Tournay, Roger du Mont.  
¶ To the Catalogue of French Martyrs above rehearsed, the story of merindol and Cabriers, 
Touching the story of merindol, Vid. infr.  with the lamentable handling of them, were also to be annexed. But because the tractation thereof is prolix, and cannot well be contracted into a short discourse therefore we have deferred the same to a more convenient room, after the Table here following next of the Spanish and Italian Martyrs. Where better opportunity shallbe given, to prosecute more at full that Tragical persecution, the Lord so permitting.   

¶ A Table of such Martyrs, as for the cause of Religion, suffered in Spain. The Spanish Martyrs.  

Spanish merchants in Antwerp  
The Friars of Antwerp.   
Franciscus San Romanus.  
At Burges in Spain.  AN. 1540 This Frances was sent by certain Spanish Merchants of Antwerp, 
France's San Roman, martyr.  to Breme, to take up money due to be paid of certain Merchants there. Where he being at a Sermon, hearing M. jacobus, prior sometimes of the Austen friars of Antwerp, preach, was so touched & drawn (through the marvelous working of God's spirit) at the hearing thereof, albeit having no perfect understanding of the dutch tongue, that not only he understood all that there was said, but also coming to the preacher, 
The conversion of San Roman.  & accompanying him home (all his other worldly business set apart) there recited the whole contents of his Sermon, every thing, (as they said, which heard the said minister of Breme preach) in perfect form and order, as he had preached. After this little taste, and happy beginning, he proceeded further, searching and conferring with learned men, that in short space, he was grown in great towardness, & ripe knowledge in the word of life. The Minister marveling at the sudden mutation of the man, and also seeing the vehemency of his zeal joined withal, began to exhort him, how to temper himself with circumspection, and discretion, still more and more instructing him in the word and knowledge of the Gospel, which he so greedily did receive, as one that could never be satisfied: & so remained he with the minister 3. days together, committing his worldly business and message that he was sent for, unto his fellow which came with him. Thus being inflamed with an other desire, he ceased to seek for temporal trifles, seeking rather for such french or dutch books, which he could get, to read: and again, read the same so diligently, that partly by the reading thereof, partly by M. jacobus, and also by M. Machabeus (which was there the same time) he was able in short time, to judge in the chief Articles of our religion: In so much, that he took upon him to write letters unto his countrymen the Merchants of Antwerp, in that which letters, first he gave thanks to God for the knowledge of his holy word, 
France's writeth to the Merchants of Antwerp.  which he had received. Secondly he bewailed the great cruelty, & gross blindness of his countrymen, desiring God to open their eyes and ears, to see & understand the word of their salvation. Thirdly he promised shortly to come to them at Antwerp, to confer with them touching the grace of God, which he had received. Fourthly declareth to them his purpose in going also to Spain, intending there likewise to impart to his parents, and other friends at Burges, the wholesome Doctrine, which the Lord hath bestowed upon him. 
Beside this he addressed other letters also to charles the Emperor, 
Frances writeth to the Emperor.  opening to him the calamities and miserable state of Christ's Church, desiring him to tender the quietness thereof, especially that he would reform the miserable corruption of the Church of Spain. etc. Over and beside all this, he wrote there a Catechism, & divers other treatises in the spanish tongue. And all this he did in one months space,  
In the mean time the Spanish Merchants of Antwerp, understanding by his letters, both his change of religion, & also his purpose of coming to Antwerp, sent him letters again, pretending outwardly a fair countenance of much good will, but secretly practising his destruction. For at the day appointed of his coming, certain Friars were set ready to receive him, 
Frances betrayed by Spanish Merchants.  which took him coming down from his horse, rifled his books, had him into a merchants house near hand, where they examined him: with whom he again disputed mightily, and when they found him not agreeing to their faith they bond him hand and foot, crying out upon him, and calling him lutheran, & burned his books before his face, threatening to burn himself also. At this disputation within the house, divers Spaniards were present, which made the Friars more bold. Being demanded to show, 
The faith and confession of San Roman.  of what faith and religion he was: my faith (said he) is to confess and preach Christ jesus only and him crucified, which is the true faith of the universal Church of Christ through the whole world. But this faith and doctrine you have corrupted, taking an other abominable kind of life, and by your impiety have brought the most part of the world, into blindness most miserable: and to explain his faith to them more expressly, he recited all the Articles of the Creed.  
Which done, them the Friars asked whether he believed the Bishop of Rome to be Christ's vicar, and head of the Church, having all the treasures of the Church in his own power, being able to bind and lose: 
The Pope Antichrist.  also to make new articles, & abolish the old, at his own will & arbitrement. Hereunto Frances answered again, that he believed none of all this, but contrary did affirm, that the Pope was Antichrist, borne of the devil, being the enemy of jesus Christ, transferring to himself God's honour: & which more over being incited by the devil, turned all things up side down, & corrupted the sincerity of Christ's religion, partly by his false pretences beguiling, partly by his extreme cruelty destroying the poor flock of Christ. 
The Pope's crown and the friars bellies are not to be touched.  etc. With the like boldness he uttered his mind likewise against the Mass & Purgatory. The Friars could suffer him meanly well to speak, till he came to the pope, & began to speak against his dignity, & their profit: then could they abide no longer, but thundered against him words full of cruelty & terror. As they were burning of his books, and began also to cast the new testament into the fire. France's seeing that, began to thunder out against them again. The Spaniards then supposing him not to be in his right senses, conveyed him into a Tower 6. miles distant from Antwerp, 
Frances brought into prison.  where he was detained in a deep cave or dungeon, with much misery, the space of 8. months. In which time of his imprisonment, many grave, and discreet persons came to visit him, exhorting him that he would change his opinion, & to speak more modestly. France's answered again, that he maintained no opinion erroneous or heretical: & if he seemed to be somewhat vehement with the Friars, that was to be ascribed not to him so much, as to their own importunity: hereafter he would ●rame himself more tempora●●y. Whereupon the spaniards thinking him better come to himself, 
San Roman delivered out of prison.  discharged him out of prison. Which was about the time when the Emperor was in his counsel at Ratisbone. an. 1541.  
San Roman thus being freed out of Prison, came to Antwerp, where he remained above twenty days. From thence he went to Louane, unto a certain friend of his, named Franciscus Driander, 
Frances Dryander.  (who also afterward died a Martyr) with whom he had much conference, about divers matters of Religion: who gave him counsel not to alter the state or his vocation, being called to be a merchant, which state he might exercise with a good conscience, & do much good. And as touching Religion, his counsel was that he should say or do nothing, for favour of men, whereby the glory of God should be diminished: but so, that he required notwithstanding in the same, a sound and right judgement, conformed to the rule of God's word, lest it might chance to him, as it doth to many, who being carried with an inconfederate zeal, leave their vocations, & while they think to do good, and to edify, they destroy, & do harm, and cast themselves needles into danger. It is God (said he) that hath the care of his Church, and will stir up faithful Ministers for the same: neither doth he care for such, which rashly intrude themselves, into that function without any calling.  
This advertisement of Dryander, Frances did willingly accept, promising hereafter to moderate himself more considerately. But this promise was shortly broken, as you shall hear. For passing from Dryander, he went to Ratisbone, and there having time and opportunity convenient to speak to the Emperor, he stepped boldly unto him, 
The boldness of San Roman to the Emperor.  beseeching him to deliver his country and subjects of Spain, from false religion, and to restore again the sincerity of Christ's doctrine, declaring and protesting that the Princes and Protestants of Germany, were in the truer part, and that the Religion of Spain being drowned in ignorance and blindness, was greatly dissonant from the true & perfect word of God, with many other words pertaining to the same effect. The Emperor all this while, gave him gentle hearing, signifying that he would consider upon the matter, & so do, therein, as he trusted should be for the best. 
The emperors gentle answer▪  This quiet answer of the Emperor, ministered to him no little encouragement of better hope, albeit he might perceive there in the City, many examples to the contrary, yet all that discouraged not him, but he went the second, & also the third time, unto the Emperor: Who quietly again so answered him as before. And yet this our Frances not satisfied in his mind, sought with a greater ardency the fourth time, to speak to the Emperor, but he was repulsed by certain of the spaniards about the Emperor, who incontinent with out all further hearing or advising the cause, would have thrown him headlong into the river of Danubius, had not the Emperor stayd them, & willed him to be judged by the laws of the Empire. By which commandment of the Emperor, he was reserved & detained with other malefactors, in bands, till the Emperor took his voyage into afric. 
Frances San Roman brought into Spain.  Then Frances, with other captives following the Court, after that the Emperor was come into spain, was there delivered to the inquisitors: by whom he was laid in a dark prison under the ground. Oft & many times he was called for to examination, where he suffered great injuries and contumelies, but ever remained in his conscience firm and unmovable. The Articles whereupon he stood, and for which he was condemned were these. 
The articles of San Roman   
That life and salvation in the sight of God, c●●meth to no man by his own strength, works, or ●●rites: but only by the free mercy of God, in the blood and Sacrifice of his son our mediator.  
That the Sacrifice of the Mass, which 〈◊〉 Papists do recount available, Ex opere operato, for remission of sin, both to the quick and dead, is horrible blasphemy.  
That auricular confession, with the numbering up of sins, that Satisfaction, Purgatory, Pardons, invocation of Saints, worshipping of Images, be mere blasphemy against the living God.  
Item, that the blood of Christ is profaned and injuried in the same aforesaid.  
After the inquisitors perceived, that by no means he could be reclaimed from his assertions, they proceeded at last, to the sentence, condemning him to be burned for an heretic. Many other malefactors were brought also with him to the place of execution, but all they were pardoned & dismissed: 
Barrabas delivered, & Christ taken.  he only for the Gospel, being odious to the whole world, was taken & burned. As he was led to the place of suffering, they put upon him a Mitre of paper, painted full of devils, after the spanish guise.  
Furthermore, as he was brought out of the City gate to be burned, there stood a wooden cross by the way, whereunto Frances was required to do homage. Which he refused, answering that the manner of Christians is not to worship wood, 
The manner of Christians is not to worship wood.  and he was (said he) a Christian. Hereupon arose great clamour among the vulgar people, for that he denied to worship the wooden cross. But this was turned incontinent into a miracle. Such was the blind rudeness of that people, that they did impute this to the divine virtue, as given that Cross from heaven, for that it would not suffer itself to be worshipped of an heretic: 
A great Spanish miracle.  and immediately, for the opinion of that great miracle, the multitude with their sword, did hue it in pieces, every man thinking himself happy, that might carry away some chip or fragment of the said Crosse.  
When he was come to the place, where he should suffer, 
Frances constant to the death.  the Friars were busy about him, to have him recant: but he continued ever firm. As he was laid upon the heap of wood, and the fire kindled about him, he began a little, at the feeling of the fire, to lift up his head toward heaven: Which when the inquisitors perceived, 
The death and martyrdom of Frances San Roman.  hoping that he would recant his doctrine, they caused him to be taken from the fire. But when they perceived nothing less in him, the adversaries being frustrate of their expectation, will led him to be thrown in again, and so was he immediately dispatched.  
After that the martyrdom of this blessed man was thus consummate, the Inquisitors proclaimed openly that he was damned in hell, & that none should pray for him: yea and that all were heretics, whosoever doubted of his damnation. 
The Inquisitors of Spain take Christ's office to judge the quick and the dead.  Nevertheless certain of the Emperor's Soldiers gathered of his ashes. Also the English Ambassador procured a portion of his bones to be brought unto him knowing right well that he died a Martyr. Yet this could not be so secretly done, but it came to the ears of the Inquisitors & of the Emperor. Wherefore the soldiers going in great danger of life, were committed to prison, Neither did the Ambassador himself escape clear from the danger of the Pope's scourge: For he was upon the same sequestered from the court & commanded to be absent for a space. 
The English Ambassador banished the Spanish court.  And thus much concerning the notable martyrdom of this blessed San Roman▪ Ex Franc. Encena. Hispano, teste occulato.  An Inquisitor in Spain. 
Rochus.  
At San Lucar in Spain.  
An. 1545.  Rochus was borne in Brabant, his father dwelling in Antwerp. By his science he was a Carver or Graver of Images. 
Rochus martyr.  Who as soon as he began, first to taste the Gospel, he fell from making such Images as use to serve for idolatry in Temples, & occupied himself in making seals: save only that he kept standing on his stalle an Image of the virgin Mary artificially graven, for a sign of his occupation. It happened unhappily, that a certain Inquisitor passing by in the street, & beholding the carved Image, asked of Rochus what was the price thereof. Which when Rochus did set (not willing belike to sell it) the Inquisitor ●ad him scarce half the money. The other answered again that he could not so live of that bargain. But still the Inquisitor urged him to take his offer. To whom Rochus again, it shallbe yours (said he) if you give me that, which my labour and charges stand me in, but of that price I can not afford it: yet had I rather break it in pieces. Yea saith the Inquisitor? break it, let me see thee. Rochus with that took up a chisel, 
A carver burned for breaking 〈◊〉 own Image▪  and dashed it upon the face of the Image, wherewith the nose or some other part of the face was blemished. The Inquisitor seeing that, cried out as he were mad, and commanded Rochus forthwith into prison. To whom Rochus cried again, that he might do in his own works, what he listed. And if the workmanship of the Image were not after his fantasy, what was that to them? But all this could not help Rochus, but with in 3. days after, sentence was given upon him that he should be burned, and so was he committed to the executors. As Rochus was entering the place, there to be burned, he cried with a loud voice, asking among the multitude, which there stood by, if any man of Flaunders, were there. It was answered, yea: and also that there were 2. ships already fraught and appointed to sail to Flaunders. Then said he, 
The death and martyrdom of Rhocus.  I would desire some of them to signify to my Father dwelling in Antwerp, that I was burned here in this city, and for this cause which you all have heard. And thus after his prayers made to God, this good man being wrongfully condemned, after his godly life, made this blessed end. an. 1545. 
And least this so rare and strange example of cruelty shall seem to lack credit, in the fift book of the history of Pantaleon, there is recorded that a certain Spaniard coming to Antwerp, made diligent inquisition there among the Image makers to find out the parents of this Rochus, & signified to them what had happened toward their son, as hath been by his said parents and friends, declared: In so much that it is also testified, that his Father, at the hearing of the said message, for sorrow thereof, died shortly after. Ex Pantal. lib. 5.  
☞ Furthermore besides these above recited, 
divers good men & martyrs of Spain, died in prison.  and also before their time, I hear and understand by faithful relation, that divers other have been in the said country of Spain, whose hearts God had marvelously illuminate and stirred up, both before, and also since the coming in of the Inquisition, to stand in defence of his Gospel, and which were also persecuted for the same, and are said to have died in prison: Albeit their names as yet are unknown, for that the stories of that country be not yet come to light, but I trust shortly shall, as partly some intelligence I have thereof. In the mean time we will come now to the Inquisition of Spain, speaking something of the ceremonial pomp, and also of the barbarous abuse and cruelty of the same.  
¶ The execrable Inquisition of Spain.  
THe cruel and barbarous Inquisition of spain, 
The form and manner of the Inquisition of Spain.  first began by king Ferdinandus and Elizabeth his wife, and was instituted against the jews which after their baptism, maintained again their own ceremonies. But now it is practised against them that be never so little suspected to favour the verity of the Lord. The spaniards, 
The Spanish inquisition can not err.  and especially the great divines there do hold, that this holy & sacrate Inquisition cannot err, and that the holy Fathers the inquisitors cannot be deceived.  
Three sorts of men most principally be in danger of these Inquisitors. They that be greatly rich, 
Three sorts of men chief in danger of the inquisition.  for the spoil of their goods. They that be learned, because they will not have their misdealings and secret abuses to be espied and detected. They that begin to increase in honour and dignity, lest they being in authority, should work them some shame, or dishonour. The abuse of this Inquisition is most execrable. If any word shall pass out of the mouth of any, which may be taken in evil part: yea, & though no word be spoken, yet if they bear any grudge or evil will against the party, incontinent they command him to be taken, and put in an horrible prison, 
Example of the same well appeareth in Rochu● above mentioned.  and then find out crimes against him at leisure, and in the mean time no man living so hardy once to open his mouth for him. If the Father speak one word for his child, he is also taken and cast into prison, as a favourer of heretics. Neither is it permitted to any person, to enter to the prisoner: but there he is alone, in such a place, where he cannot see so much as the ground, where he is, and is not suffered either to read or write, but there endureth in darkness palpable, in horrors infinite, in fear miserable, wrestling with the assaults of death.  
By this it may be esteemed, what trouble and sorrow, what pensive sighs & cogitations, they sustain which are not thoroughly instructed in holy doctrine. 
The miserable handling of gods people in Spain.  Add moreover to these distresses and horrors of the prison, the injuries, threats, whippings and scourgings, irons, tortures, and racks, which they endure. Sometimes also they are borough out, & showed forth in some higher place, to the people, as a spectacle, of rebuke and infamy. And thus are they detained there, some many years, and murdered by long torments, & whole days together, entreated much more cruelly (out of all comparison) then if they were in the hangman's hands to be slain at once. During all this time, what is done in the process, no person knoweth, but only the holy fathers and the tormentors, which are sworn to execute the torments. All is done in secret, & (as great mysteries) pass not the hands of those holy ones. And after all these torments so many years endured in the prison, if any man shall be saved, it must be by guessing: For all the procedings of the Court of that execrable Inquisition is open to no man, but all is done in hugger mugger, & in close corners, by ambages, by covert ways, and secret counsels. The accuser secret, the crime secret, the witness secret: whatsoever is done, is secret, neither is the poor Prisoner ever advertised of any thing. If he can guess who accused him, whereof & wherefore, he may be pardoned peradventure of his life: but this is very seldom: and yet he shall not incontinent, be set at liberty, before he hath endured long time, infinite torments (and this is called their penitence) and so is he let go: and yet not so, but that he is enjoined, before he pass the Inquisitors hands, that he shall wear a garment with yellow colours, for a note of public infamy, to him, and his whole race. And if he can not guess right, showing to the inquisitors by whom he was accused, whereof, and wherefore (as is afore touched) incontinent the horrible sentence of condemnation is pronounced against him, that he shall be burned for an obstinate heretic: and so yet the sentence is not executed by and by, but after that he hath endured imprisonment in some heinous prison.  
¶ And thus have ye heard the form of the Spanish Inquisition. 
divers martyrs in Spain since the time of Queen Elizabeth.  By the vigour and rigour of this Inquisition, many good true servants of jesus Christ have been brought to death, especially in these latter years, since the royal and peaceable reign of this our Queen Elizabeth. The names and stories of whom, partly we will here recite, according as we have faithful records of such as are come to our hands by writing. The other which be not yet come to our knowledge, we will defer, till further intelligence and opportunity, by the Lord's aid and leave, shall serve hereafter.  
An. 1559. Maij 21. In the town of Ualedolid, where commonly the counsel of the Inquisition is wont to be kept, 
30. Christian prisoners brought before the council of the Inquisition.  the Inquisitors had brought together many prisoners, both of high and low estate, to the number of thirty. also the coffin of a certain noble woman, with her picture lying upon it, which had been dead long before, there to receive judgement and sentence. To the hearing of which sentence, they had ordained in the said town, 3. mighty Theatries or stages. Upon the first was placed Dame jane, sister to king Philip, 
Three stages.  and chief Regiment of his realms: also Prince Charles, king philip's son, with other Princes and States of Spain. Upon the other scaffold mounted the Archbishop de sevil, 
The ceremonial pomp of the Spanish Inquisition.  Prince of the synagogue of the Inquisitors, with the Counsel of the Inquisition: also other Bishops of the lands, and the kings counsel with them.  
After that the Princes, and other spiritual judges, & counsellors were thus set in their places, with a great guard of Archers, and Halberdiers, and harnessed soldiers: with 4. Heralds' also of arms, giving their attendance to the same, and the Earl of Buendia bearing the naked sword, all the market place where the stages were, being environed with an infinite multitude of all sorts of the world there standing, and gazing out of windows, & houses to hear & see the sentences & judgements of this Inquisition: then after all, were brought forth (as a spectacle and triumph) the poor servants and witnesses of jesus Christ, to the number (as is aforesaid) of thirty, clothed with their Sanbenito, 
The Spanish mantel of S. Benet of yellow colour with red crosses both before & behind, called Sanbenito.  as the Spaniards do call it, which is a manner of vesture, of yellow cloth coming both before them & behind them, spangled with read Crosses, & having burning Cierges in their hands: also before them was borne a Crucifix covered with black linen cloth, in token of mourning. Moreover, they which were to receive the sentence of death, had Mitres of paper upon their heads, which the Spaniards call Coracas. Thus they being produced, were placed in their order, one under an other, according as they were esteemed culpable: So the first of all, stood up Doctor Cacalla, an Austen Friar, a man notable & singular in knowledge of divinity, preacher sometime, to Charles the 5. Emperor, both in higher and lower Germany.  
These things thus disposed, them followed a Sermon, made by a Dominicke Friar, 
This Dominicke was M. Melchior Cano.  which endured about an hour. After the Sermon finished, the Procurator general, with the Archbishop, went to the stage, where the Princes and Nobles stood, to minister a solemn oath unto them upon the Crucifix painted in the massbook: the tenor of which oath was this. Your Majesties shall swear, that you will favour the holy Inquisition, & also give your consent unto the same: and not only that you shall, 
The oath given to the princes by the Inquisition of Spain.  by no manner of way, hinder and impeach the same, but also you shall employ the uttermost of your help & endeavour hereafter, to see all them to be executed, which shall swerver from the Church of Rome, & adjoin themselves to the sect of the Lutheran heretics, without all respect of any person or persons, of what estate, degree, quality, or condition soever they be.  
¶ And thus much for the first Article of the oath. The second was this, as followeth.  
Item, your majesties shall swear, that you shall constrain all your subjects, to submit themselves to the Church of Rome, and to have in reverence all the laws and commandments of the same: and also to give your aid against all them, whosoever shall hold of the heresy of the Lutherans, or take any part with them.  
In this sort and manner, when all the Princes & states every one in their degree, had received their oath, than the Archbishop lifting up his hand, gave them his benediction, saying: God bless your highnesses, and give you long life. This solemn Pageon thus finished, at last the poor captives and prisoners were called out, the Procurator fiscal, or the Pope's great collector, first beginning with Doctor Cacalla, and so proceeding to the other in order, as here under in this Table followeth with their names, & their judgements described.  

The inquisitors of Spain.  
The Pope's great Collector, or Procurator fiscal.  
The Archbishop of Senille.  
The bishop of Valence.  
The bishop of Orense.   1. Doctor Cacalla, a Friar Augustine. Before the Pope's great Proctor or Collector fiscal, first was called forth Doct. Austen Cacalla. This Doctor was a Friar of Austin's order, 
Doct. Cacalla, a Friar Augustine, preacher sometime to Charles 5. Martyr.  and Priest of the town of Ualledollid, and preacher sometimes to the Emperor Charles the 5. a man well accounted of for his learning. Who for that he was thought to be as the standert bearer to the Gospelers (whom they called Lutherans) and preacher and Doctor unto them, therefore they being first called for, was brought from his stage, nearer to the proctor fiscal, there to hear the sentence of his condemnation: which was, that he should be degraded, and presently burned, and all his goods confiscate, to the profit & advancement of justice.  2. France's de Bivero, 
Frances de Bivero, priest, and brother to Cacalla, martyr.  priest of Valledolid, and brother to the foresaid Cacalla. The second prisoner & next to Doctor Cacalla, that was called, was Frances de Bivero his brother, Priest also of Ualledolid, who received likewise the same sentence of condemnation. And to the intent he should not speak any thing to the prejudice, or against the abuse of the sacrate Inquisition, as he before had done both within and without the prison, with much boldness, & also because he was much favoured of the people: to the end therefore, that no commotion should come by his speaking, his mouth was so stopped & shut up, that he could not speak one word.  3. Dame Blanch de Bivero. The 3. was Dame Blanch, 
Dame Blanch sister to them, martyr.  Sister to the other two, aforesaid, against whom also was pronounced the like sentence, as upon her brethren before.  4. john de Bivero. 
john de Bivero, brother to the same martyr.  The fourth, was john de Bivero, brother to the same kindred, who was also judged an heretic, and condemned to perpetual prison, and to bear his Sanbenito all his life long: which is an habillement of dishonour.  5. Dame Constance de Bivero, 
Dame Constance de Bivero, an other sister, martyr.  sister to the same aforesaid. Dame Constance de Bivero was the fift, Sister to the other before specified, Widow of Ferdinando Ortis, dwelling sometime, at Ualledolid: who was also condemned with the like sentence with her brethren, to be burned. The inquisitors of Spain. 
Dame Leonore de Bivero, mother to these Martyrs above, burnt after her death.  6. The coffin with the dead corpses of Dame Leonore de Bivero, the mother of these aforesaid. The sixth thunderbolt of condemnation, was thundered out against a poor coffin, with the dead corpse of dame Leonore de Bivero, mother to these above named, being herself the sixth, & being already dead long before at Ualledolid. Above her coffin was her picture laid, which was also condemned with her dead corpses to be burned for an heretic: And yet I never herd of any opinion that this picture did hold, either with, or against the Church of Rome. This good Mother while she lived, was a worthy maintainer of Christ's gospel, with great integrity of life: and retained divers assemblies of the saints in her house, for the preaching of the word of god. In fine, her corpse and Image also being brought before the fiscal, was condemned likewise (as the Mother with her 7. children in the book of Maccabees) to be burned for a lutheran heretic, 
This good mother with her children, burned by Antichrist, resembled to the mother with her 7. children, burned in the book of Maccabees.  and all her goods to be seized to the behoof of the Superior powers, and also her house utterly to be razed & cast down to the ground: & for memorial of the same, a marible stone was appointed there to be set up in the house, wherein the said cause of her burning should be engraved.  7. Master Aflonse Perez Priest of Valence. In the seventh place was condemned master Aflonse Perez priest of Valence: 
M, Aflonse Perez, martyr.  first to be degraded, & after to be burned as an heretic, & all his goods likewise confiscate and seized, to the behoof of the superiority. ☞ When these 7. aforesaid had received their sentence, than the Bishop of Ualence, 
The degradation of Doct. Cacalla, Frances his brother, and Astonse.  in his pontificalibus, caused Doctor Cacalla, Frances his brother, and Aflonse Perez, to be appareled and revested in priestly vesture. Which done, he took from them, first the chalice out of their hands, and so all their other trinkets, in order, according to their accustomed solemnity. And thus they being degraded, and all their priestly unctions taken from their fingers, also their lips and their crowns razed, so were their yellow habits of Sanbenito put over their shoulders again, with their Mitres also of paper upon their heads. This done, Doctor Cacalla began to speak, praying the Princes and the Lords, 
Doct. Cacalla not suffered to speak.  to give him audience: but that being not granted to him, he was rudely repulsed, & returned again to his standing. Only thus much he protested clearly and openly, that his faith, for which he was so handled, was not heretical, but consonant to the pure and clear word of God. For the which also he was priest and ready to suffer death, as a true Christian, and not as an heretic: Besides many other worthy sentences of great consolation, which he there uttered in the mean space, while the judges were busy in their sentences, against the residue of the Martyrs. The inquisitors of Spain. 8. Don Peter Sarmiento Knight of the order of Alcantara. The viii. that was brought before the foresaid fiscal, was Don Peter Sarmiento knight of the order of Alcantara, dwelling at Ualence, and son of Marques de Poza, who was pronounced an heretic, 
Don Peter Sarmiento Knight, condemned for a perpetual prisoner.  & judged to bear the mark & habit of dishonour all his life, and condemned to perpetual prison, with the loss of his order & of all his goods: To whom moreover it was enjoined never to wear any more gold, silver, pearls or any precious stone about him.  9 Dame Mencia wife of the said Don Peter. 
Dame Men●ia, wife of Don Peter, condemned for a perpetual prisoner.  Ninthly after him was called dame Mencia de Figueroa, Wife of the foresaid Don Peter Sarmiento. Who likewise being proclaimed for an Heretic, was condemned to the same punishment as her husband was.  10. Don Louis de Roxas, son and heir of the Marquis de Poza. Next after her was called & brought out, Don Louis de Roxas, 
Don Louis ●e Roxas, condemned ●o bear a Sanbenito.  son & heir of the Marquis de Poza, who being also declared an heretic, for the great suit and labour which was made for him, was condemned only to bear his Sambenito, unto the town house, and his goods to be confiscate.  11. Dame Anne Henriques. 
Dame Anne Henriques, ●udged as an heretic to bear a Sanbenito.  After whom in the xi. place, followed dame arm Henriques, daughter of the marquess Alcanszes, and mother to the forenamed Marquis de Poza, & Wife to Lord Alfonsus de Fonseca: Who in like sort was declared an heretic and condemned to bear her Sambenito, to the town house, and her goods to be confiscate. The Inquisitors of Spain. 12. Christopher Dell. 
Christofer del, martyr.  Christopher Dell, citizen of Samora was the xii. who after he was declared an heretic, was judged to be burned, and his goods to be seized.  13. Christopher de Padilla. 
Christofer de Padilla, martyr.  The like sentence was also given upon Christofer de Padilla citizen of Samora.  
Antony de Huezuello, martyr.  14. Antony de Huezuello. The 14. was Antony de Huezuello bachelor of divinity dwelling at Toro. Who after he was proclaimed heretic, & his goods confiscate, was condemned to be burned, and moreover had his mouth stopped, for that he should not speak, & make confession of his faith unto the people.  15. Katherine Romain. 
Katherine Romain, martyr.  Then followed Katherine Romain, dwelling in Pedrosa, called from her standing who receiving the like sentence was condemned to be burned, & all her goods confiscate.  16. Frances Errem. 
Frances Errem, martyr.  The 16. was Fraunces Errem, borne in Pegnaranda, whom they condemned to be burned alive, and all her goods likewise confiscate.  17. Katherine Ortega. After her succeeded in the next sentence of martyrdom, 
Katherine Ortega, martyr.  Katherine Ortega dwelling in Ualledolid, daughter of Hernando Piazo fiscal, & widow of captain Louis, pronounced with the other to be an heretic: and forsomuch as she was reckoned to be a Schoolemaistres to the rest, she was judged to be burned, and her goods confiscate.  

18. Isabella Strada.  
19 jane Valesques.   In the 18. and 19 place, 
Isabella Strada, martyr. jane Valesques, martyr.  stood Isabella de Strara, and jane Ualesques, both dwelling in Pedrosa, which likewise were condemned to be burned & all their goods confiscate.  20. A Smith. A certain workman of white iron, or smith for entertaining assembles in his house, 
A Smith, martyr.  and for watching with them received also with them the like sentence, to lose both life & goods for the Gospel's sake.  21. A Iew. With these also was joined a Portugal, named Goncalo Uaes' of Lisbon, which was borne a jew, afterward baptized, & then returned again to his judaisme: Who for more shame to the other, was put also in the same tale and number, 
A jew burned.  as the 2. thieves were joined with Christ and was also with them condemned to be burned, & his goods seized. The Inquisitors of Spain 22. Dame jane de Sylva. After these, was called dame jane de silva, wife to john de Bivero, Brother to Doctor Cacalla: 
Dame jane de de silva, condemned for an heretic.  to whom it was enjoined to bear a mantle all her life, for penance & token of her trespass, & all her goods confiscate.  

23. Leonore de Lisueros, wife of Huezuelo.  
24. Marina de Saiavedra.  
25. Daniel Quadra.   
In like manner was called for, 
Leonore de Liveros. Marina de Saiavedra. Daniel Quadra, condemned to perpetual prison.  Leonore de Lisueros, wife of the foresaid Antony Huezuelo, bachelor of divinity.  
Item, Marina de Saiavedra, wife of Cysueras de Sareglio.  
Iten, Daniel Quadra borne at Pedrosa: All which 3. persons were pronounced heretics and condemned to do penance in perpetual Prison, with their mantles & confiscation of all their goods.   26. Dame Mary de Royas. Dame mary de Royas, 
Dame Mary de Royas, enjoined penance.  sister of Marquis of Royas, because she was in a cloister, & was come of a good house, was therefore judged to bear her mantle to the town house, and all her goods confiscate.  27. Antony Dominike. Antony Dominicke de Pedrosa being them brought out, 
Antony Dominicke, enjoined penance.  was judged and condemned to iij. years penance in prison, for his heresy, clothed with the mantle of yellow, and all his goods confiscate.  28. Anthony Basor, 
Antony Basor, an English man, enjoined penance.  an Englishman. Last of all was produced Antony Basor, who for that he was an English man, he was judged to bear his mantle of yellow to the town house in penance for his crime, & incontinent was thrust into a cloister for one year, to the intent he might there be instructed in the catholic ordinances of the church of Rome as they be called 
After these sentences being thus pronounced, they which were condemned to be burned with the coffin of the dead Lady, & her picture upon the same, were committed to the secular magistrate, and their executioners, which were commanded to do their endeavour. Then were they all incontinent taken, and every one set upon an Ass, their faces turned backward, with a great garrison of armed soldiers, unto the place of punishment, which was without the gate of the town called Del Campo.  
When they were come to the place, there were 14 stakes set up of equal distance one from an other, 
Xiiij Martyrs in Spain, burned.  whereunto every one severally being fastened according to the fashion of Spain, they were all first strangled, and then burned and turned to ashes, save only Antony Huezuelo. Who for so much as he had both within and without the prison, vehemently detested the pope's spiritualty, therefore he was burned alive, and his mouth stopped from speaking. And thus these faithful Christians, for the verity & pure word of God, were led to death, as sheep to the shambles: who not only most christianly did comfort one an other, but also did so exhort all them there present, that all men marveled greatly, both to hear their singular constancy, and to see their quiet and peaceable end.  
It is reported that besides these aforesaid, there remained yet behind 37. other prisoners, at the said town of Valledolid, reserved to an other Tragedy & spectacle of that bloody Inquisition. Ex quinta part Martyr. Gallic Impress pag. 474.  
¶ Furthermore, whereas the story of the said Inquisition being set out in the French tongue doth reckon the number of the martyrs above mentioned, to be thirty: and yet in particular declaration of them, doth name no more but xxviij. here is therefore to be noted, that either this number lacked two of thirty: or else that 2. of the said company were returned back without judgement, into the prison again.  
¶ And thus much for this present, touching the proceeding of the church of Spain, in their Inquisition against the Lutherans, that is, against the true and faithful servants of jesus Christ. Albeit there be other countries also besides Spain, subject unto the same Inquisition, as Neaples, and Sicily: in which kingdom of Sicily, I hear it credibly reported that every third year are brought forth to judgement and execution, a certain number after the like sort of christian martyrs, some times 12. some times 6. some times more, and some times less. Amongst whom there was one, much about the same year above mentioned. an. 1559. who coming from Geneva, unto Sicily, upon zeal to do good, was at last laid hand of, and being condemned the same time, to the fire, as he should take his death, 
A Christian martyr burned in Sicily.  was offered there of the hangman to be strangled, having the cord ready about his neck: but he notwithstanding, refused the same, and said that he would feel the fire: and so endured he, singing with all his might unto the Lord, till he was bereaved both of speech and life, in the midst of the flame: such was the admirable constancy and fortitude of that valiant soldier of Christ, as is witnessed to me by him, which being there present the same time, did both then see that which he doth testify, and also doth now testify that he then saw.  
¶ Now it remaineth further, according to my promise, in like order of a compendious table, to comprehend also such Martyrs, as suffered for the verity and true testimony of the Gospel, in the places and countries of Italy: which Table consequently here next ensueth to be declared.   

¶ A Table of such Martyrs as suffered for the testimony of the Gospel in Italy. * The Italian Martyrs.  Persecutors. Martyrs. The causes. Certain popish Spaniards. at Rome. 
N. Encenas otherwise called Dryander.  
At Rome.  
An. 1546.  THis Encenas, or Dryander, a spaniard borne at Burges, was brother to Franciscus Encenas the learned man, 
Encenas, or Dryander, martyr.  so oft before mentioned, & was also the teacher or instructor in knowledge of religion, to Diazius the godly martyr above recorded. He was sent of his superstitious parents, being young unto room. Who there after long continuance growing up in age & knowledge but especially being instructed by the lord in the truth of his word, after he was known to mislike the Pope's doctrine, & the impure doings at Rome, was apprehended and taken of certain of his own country men, and some of his own household friends at Rome at the same time, when he was preparing to take his journey to his brother Frances Encenas in Germany. Thus he being betrayed and taken by his countrymen, was brought before the Cardinals, and there committed strait to prison. Afterward he was brought forth to give testimony of his doctrine, which he in the presence of the Cardinals, and in the face of all the Pope's retinue, boldly and constantly defended. So that not only the Cardinals, but especially the spaniardes, being therewith offended, cried out upon him that he should be burned. The Cardinals, first before the sentence of death should be given, came to him, offering if he would take it (after the manner of the Spaniards) the badge of reconciliation, which hath the name of Sanbenites cloth, made in form of a mantle, going both before him and behind him, with signs of the red Crosse. But Encenas still constant in the profession of truth, denied to receive any other condition or badge, but only the badge of the Lord: which was to seal the doctrine of his religion, with the testimony of his blood. At last, the matter was brought to that issue, that the faithful servant and witness of Christ was judged and condemned to the fire, where he in the sight of the Cardinals, and in the face of the Apostolical sea pretenced, gave up his life for testimony of the Gospel. Ex Pantal. lib. 6. Ex Crisp. & alijs. ☞ And for so much as mention hath been made both in this story, 
The imprisonment and escape of Franciscus Encenas  and many other before of Franciscus Encenas his brother: here is not to be pretermitted, how the said Franciscus being a man of notable learning as ever was any in Spain being in the Emperor's Court at Brussels, offered unto the Emperor Charles the fift the new Testament of Christ translated into Spanish. For the which he was cast into Prison, where he remained in sorrowful captivity and calamity, the space of fifteen months, looking for nothing more, then present death. At last through the marvelous providence of almighty God, the first day of February. ann. 1545. at viii. of the clock after supper, he found the doors of the prison standing open, and he secretly was answered in his mind, to take the occasion offered, and to shift for himself: and so he issuing out of the prison without any hasty pace, but going as leisurely as he could, escaped from thence and went strait to Germany. Pope julius the third. 

Faninus, martyr.  Faninus.  
At Ferraria.  
An. 1550.  Faninus, borne in Faventia, a town in Italy through the reading of godly books translated into the Italian tongue (having no perfect skill in the Latin) was converted from great blindness to the wholesome knowledge of Christ, and of his word: Wherein he took such a sweetness and so grew up in the meditation of the same that he was able in short time to instruct other. Neither was there any diligence lacking in him to communicate, that abroad which he had received of the Lord: being so in his mind persuaded, that a man receiving by the spirit of God the knowledge and illumination of his verity, aught in no case to hide the same in silence, as a candle under a bushel: And therefore being occupied diligently in that behalf, albeit he used not publicly to preach, but by private conference to teach, he was at length by the pope's clientes espied, apprehended and committed to prison. Albeit he remained not long in the prison: For by the earnest persuasions and prayers of his wife, 
Faninus overcome by his wife and brethren,  his children, and other friends, he was so over come, that he gave over, and so was dismissed shortly out of prison. After this, it was not long, but he fell into horrible perturbation of mind: In somuch that unless the great mercy of God had kept him up, he had fallen in utter desperation, for slipping from the truth, and preferring the love of his friends and kindred, before the service of jesus Christ, whom he so earnestly before had professed. This wound went so deep into his hart, that he could in no case be quieted before he had fully fixed and determined in his mind to adventure his life more faithfully in the service of the Lord. 
Whereupon he being thus inflamed with zeal of spirit, went about all the country of Romaigna, publicly preaching the pure doctrine of the Gospel not without great fruit and effect in places as he went. As he was thus labouring it so fell out, that he was apprehended again, 
Faninus again imprisoned.  an. 1547. in a place called Bagnacavallo, where also he was condemned to be burned, but he said his hour was not yet come, and the same to be but the beginning of his doctrine, and so it was, for shortly after he was removed unto Ferraria, where he was detained ij. years. At last the inquisitors of the pope's heresies condemned him to death, an. 1549. and yet his time being not come, he remained after that to the month of September, an. 1550. In the mean time many faithful and good men came to visit him: for the which the pope commanded him to be enclosed in straighter custody: wherein he suffered great torments the space of 18. months and yet had suffered greater, if the Dominick Friars might have got him into their house, as they went about. Thus Faninus removed from prison to prison, many times changed his place, but never altered his constancy.  
At length he was brought into a prison, where were divers great Lords, Captains and noble personages there committed, for stirring up commotions and factions (as the country of Italy is full of such) who at first, hearing him speak, began to set him at light, and to deride him: supposing that it was but a melancholy humour that troubled his brain, whereupon, such as seemed more sage amongst them began to exhort him to leave his opinion, & to live with men as other men do, and not to vex his mind but to suspend his judgement, till the matter were decided in a general Council To whom Faninus again, first giving them thanks for their friendly good wills: wherewith they seemed to respect his well doing, modestly and quietly declared unto them how the doctrine which he professed was no humour nor opinion of man's brain, but the pure verity of God, founded in his word, and revealed to men in the Gospel of jesus Christ, and especially now in these days, restored: which verity he had fully determined in his mind never to renye to believe the lying fantasies of men. And as in his soul, 
The modest answer of Faninus to his fellow prisoners.  which was redeemed by the blood of the son of God, he was free from all bondage: so likewise as touching Counsels, he looked for no other sentence nor authority (he said) but that only which he knew to be declared to us by Christ jesus, in his Gospel, which both he preached with his word, and confirmed with his blood etc. With these and such other words he so moved their minds, that they were clean altered unto a new kind of life, having him now in admiration, whom they had before in derision, and recounted him for an holy person. To whom he proceeded still to preach the word of grace declaring and confessing himself to be a miserable sinner, but by the faith of the Lord jesus, & through the grace only of him, he was fully persuaded and well assured his sins to be forgiven: like as all their sins also shallbe remitted to them through their faith only in Christ, believing his Gospel.  
There were other also besides these, who having used before, a more delicate kind of life, could not well away with the sharpness and hardness of the prison These also received such comfort by the said Faninus, that not only they were quietly contented, 
Prisoners converted by Faninus.  but also rejoiced in this their captivity, by the occasion whereof they had received and learned a better liberty, than ever they knew before.  
When the prisonment of this Faninus was known to his parents and kinsfolk, his wife & sister came to him with weeping persuasions, to move him to consider and care for his poor family, To whom he answered again, that his Lord and master had commanded him not to deny him for looking to his family, and that it was enough for them that he had once for their sakes fallen into the cowardliness, which they knew: Wherefore he desired them to departed in peace, and solicit him no more therein for his end (he said) he knew to draw near, and so he commended them unto the Lord.  
About the same time died Pope Paulus the 3. and after him succeeded julius the 3. which then sent letters and commandment, 
Pope julius the thi●d.  that Faninus should be executed. Whereof, when one of the magistrates officers brought him word the next day, he rejoiced thereat, and gave the messenger thanks, and began to preach a long sermon to them that were about him, of the felicity and beatitude of the life to come. Then the messenger exhorted him, that in case he would change his opinion, he should save both this life, & enjoy that to come. An other asked him in what case he should leave his little children and his wife, or what stay should they be at, he so leaving them: wherefore he desired him to have respect both to himself, and to them. Faninus answered, that he had left them with an overseer, which would see unto them sufficiently. And being asked who he was, the Lord jesus Christ (said he) a faithful keeper and a conserver of all that is committed to him. 
Christ preferred before wife and children.  After that the messenger was thus departed from Faninus all full of tears and sorrow: the next day following he was removed into the common prison, and delivered to the secular magistrate. Who in all his ways, his words, his gestures and countenance, declared such constancy of faith, such modesty of manners, and tranquility of mind, that they which before were extreme against him, thinking him rather to have a devil, began now favourably to hearken to him, and to commend him. With such grace and sweetness he called, ever speaking of the word of God, that divers of the Magistrates wives in hearing him, could not abstain from weeping. The executioner also wept himself. One of the public Scribes than came to him and said, that if he would relent from his opinion, the Pope's pleasure was, that he should be saved: but that he refused. This was marvelous, 
Life refused.  that he having but small skill in the Latin yet recited so many and sundry places of the Scripture without book, and that so truly and promptly, as though he had studied nothing else. One seeing him so jocund and merry going to his death, asked why he was so merry at his death, seeing Christ himself sweat blood and water before his passion? Christ (said he) sustained in his body, 
How Christ feared death himself, & yet hath he taken away the fear of death from others.  all the sorrows and conflicts with hell and death, due unto us: by whose suffering we are delivered from sorrow and fear of them all. Finally, early in the morning he was brought forth where he should suffer. Who after his prayers most earnestly made unto the Lord, meekly & patiently gave himself to the stake, where with a cord drawn about his neck, he was secretly strangled of the hangman, in the City of Ferraria, three hours before day, to the intent the people should not see him, nor hear him speak: and after, about dinner time, his body in the same place was burned. At the burning whereof, such a fragrant and odoriferous scent came to all them there present, 
A miracle as it is reported.  and so struck their senses, that the sweetness thereof seemed to refresh them no less, than his words would have done, if they had heard him speak.  
The custom is of that city, that the bones and ashes which be left, 
The death and martyrdom of Faninus.  should be carried out of the city but neither the magistrate, nor the Bishop, nor his great vicar or Chancellor, nor any Divine else, would take any charge thereof, every man transferring that burden from themselves, to him which was the cause of his death. Whereby it may appear, what secret judgement and estimation, all they had of that good blessed man. At last the people took his burned bones, with the cinders, and carried them out of the street of the City. Ex Henri. Pantal, lib. 7. Ex joan Crisp. pag. 363.  The name of the persecutor in the story appeareth not. 
Dominicus de Basana. 
Dominicus de Basana, martyr.   
At Placentia.  
Ann. 1550.  The same year that the foresaid Faninus suffered in Ferraria, Dominicus also suffered in the City of Placentia. This Dominicus was Citizen in Basana, and followed the wars of Charles the Emperor in Germany: where he received the first taste of Christ's gospel. Wherein he increased more & more by conferring & reasoning with learned men, so that in short time he was able to instruct many, and so did, working and traveling in the Church till at length in the year 1550. he coming to the City of Naples, there preached the word, & from thence proceeding to Placencia, preached there likewise unto the people, of true confession, of purgatory, & of Pardons. Furthermore, the next day entreated of true faith & of good works, how far they are necessary to salvation, promising moreover the next day to speak of Antichrist and to paint him out in his colours. 
Antichrist can not abide to be detected.  When the hour came that he should begin his sermon, the magistrate of the city commanded him to come down from the chair in the market place, & delivered him to the officers. Dominicus was willing & ready to obey the commandment, saying that he did much marvel, that the devil could suffer him so long in that kind of exercise. From thence he was led to the bishop's Chancellor, and asked whether he was a priest, and how he was placed in that function. He answered that he was no priest o● the pope but of jesus Christ, by whom he was lawfully called to that office. Then was he demanded whether he would renounce his doctrine. He answered, that he maintained no doctrine of his own, but only the doctrine of Christ, which also he was ready to seal with his blood: and also gave hearty thanks to God, wbiche so accepted him as worthy to glorify his name with his martyrdom. Upon this he was committed to a filthy and stinking prison. Where after he had remained a few months, he was exhorted divers times to revoke: otherwise he should suffer: but still he remained constant in his doctrine. 
The martyrdom of Dominicus de Bassana.  Whereupon when the time came assigned for his punishment, he was brought to the market place, where he preached, and there was hanged. Who most heartily praying ●or his enemies, so finished his days in this miserable wretched world. Ex Pantal. lib. 7. The bishop of Santangelo, & his priests. 
Galeazius Trecius.  
At the City called Laus Pompeia, in Italy.  
Ann. 1551.  Santangelo is a certain fortress or castle in Italy, within Lombardy, 
Galeazius Trecius, martyr.  not far from the City called Laus Pompeia, belonging also to the same diocese In this sort of Santangelo was an house of Augustine Friars unto whom used much to resort, a certain friar of the same order dwelling at Pavia, named Maianardus, a man well expert in the study of scripture, and of a godly conversation. By this Maianardus, divers not only of the Friars, but also of other townsmen, were reduced to the love & knowledge of God's word, & to the detestation of the pope's abuses. Among whom was also this Galeazius, a gentle man of a good calling, & wealthy in worldly substance and very beneficial to the poor. Who first by conference with the friars, and also with his brother in law, began to conceive some light in God's truth, and afterward was confirmed more thoroughly by Caelius Secundus Curio, who then being driven by persecution, came from Pavia, to the said place of Santangelo. In process of time, as this Galeazius increased in judgement and zeal, in setting forward the wholesome word of God's grace: as a light shining in darkness, could not so lie hid, but at last, in the year of our Lord. 1551. certain were sent from the forenamed City of Laus Pompeia, to lay hands upon him, 
The injurious & fraudulent dealing of the Papists.  and brought him to the bishop's Palace, where he was kept in hands, having under him but only a pad o● straw. Although his wife sent unto him a good featherbed, with sheets to lie in, yet the Bishops chaplains and officers kept it from him, dividing the prey among themselves. 
When the time came that he should be examined he was thrice brought before the Commissioners, where he rendered reasons and causes of his faith, answering to their interrogatories, with such evidence of Scriptures, & constancy of mind, that he was an admiration to them that that heard him. Albeit not long after, through the importunate persuasions of his kinsfolks & friends, and other cold Gospelers, laying many considerations before his eyes: 
Galeazius relenteth.  he was brought at length, to assent to certain points of the pope's doctrine. But yet the mercy of God, which began with him, so left him not, but brought him again to such repentance, & bewailing of his fact, that he became afterward, according to the example of Peter, 
Galeazius repenteth.  and S. Cyprian, and other, doublewise more valiant in defence of Christ's quarrel: neither did he ever desire any thing more, than occasion to be offered, to recover again by confession, that he had lost before by denial: affirming that he never felt more joy of hart, then at the time of his examinations, where he stood thrice to the constant confession of the truth: and contrary that he never tasted more sorrow in all his life, then when he slipped afterward from the same, by dissimulation: Declaring moreover to his brethren, 
A sentence of a martyr, to be marked.  that death was much more sweet unto him, with testimony of the verity than life with the least denial of truth, and lose of a good conscience. Thus Galeazius mourning for his fall in prison, after he heard of his friends, that nothing was yet so far passed, but that he might recover himself again, and that his infirmity was not prejudicial, but rather a furtherance to God's glory, and admonition to himself to stand more strongly hereafter, took thereby exceeding comfort: And when they would have left with him a book of the new testament, for his comfort: he refused it, saying that he had it in his hart, whatsoever Christ there spoke to his Disciples: Also what happened both to Christ himself and to his Apostles, for confessing the word of truth.  
Furthermore, so comfortable was he after that, that they which talked with him, continued all the day without meat or drink, and would also have tarried all the night following, if they might have been suffered. As Galeazius thus continued in the prison looking for some occasion to recover himself again from his fall, it followed in short time, that the Inquisitors and priests repaired to him again in the prison, supposing that he would confirm now that which before he had granted to them, and required him so to do. Galeazius renying all that he had granted to them before, returned again to the defence of his former doctrine: with much more boldness of spirit, confessing Christ as he did before: and detested Images, affirming and proving the god only is to be worshipped, and that in spirit and verity: Also to be no more mediators but Christ alone, and that he only and sufficiently by his suffering, 
Galeazius returneth to his former confession of truth.  hath taken away the sins of the whole world: & that all they which depart hence in this faith, are ascertained of everlasting life: they which do not, are under everlasting damnation: with such other like matter, which was repugnant utterly to the pope's proceedings. With this confession made, as his mind was greatly refreshed, so the adversaries went away as much apaulled. 
Galeazius committed to the secular power.  Who at last perceiving that he in no case could be revoked, caused him to be committed to the secular judge to be burned.  
Thus Galeazius early in the morning, being brought out of prison to the market place, there was left standing bound to the stake till noon, as a gazing stock for all men to look upon. In the which mean time, many came about him, exhorting him to recant, & not so to cast away his life, where as with x. words speaking he might save it. And if he passed not for his life nor for his country where he should live nor for his goods and possessions, which should be confiscate, yet he should somewhat respect his wife whom he loved so well, and his young children: at least he should consider his own soul. This counsel gave they which more esteemed the commodities of this present life, them any true soul's health in the life to come. But to conclude, nothing could stir the setlet mind of this valiant Martyr. 
The death and decease of Galeazius.  Wherefore fire was commanded at last, to be put to the dry wood about him, wherewith he was shortly extincted without any noise or crying, saving only these words heard in the middle of the flame: Lord jesu. This was an. 1551. novemb. 24.  
Touching the story of this blessed Martyr, this by the way is to be given for a Memorandum. That a little before this Galeazius should be burned, there was a controversy between the Mayor of the city and the bishops clergy, for the expenses of the wood that should go to his burning. He hearing thereof, sent word to both the parties, to agree, for he himself of his own goods would see the cost of that matter discharged.  
another note moreover here is to be added, that while Galeazius was in captivity, certain of the Papists perceiving that Galeazius had great goods and possessions, practised with his wife, under colour to release her husband, that she should lay out a sum of money to be sent to the wife of the chief Lord of Milan (called Ferrarus Gonzaga) to the end that she should entreat both with her husband, and with the Senate for Galeazius life. Which money when they had thus juggled into their hands, so was the silly woman rob and defeated both of her husband, and also of her money. Ex Caelio.  

Cornelius, professor of Bononie.  
Campeius Cardinal.  
Cardinal de Capo.  
Bonaventura General.  
Vi. Cardinals.  
Pope julius the third.   


D. joannes Mollius, a grey Friar.  
A certain Weaver of Perusium.    
At Rome.  
Ann. 1553.  joan. Mollius Montilcinus, 
D. joan. Mollius, martyr.  being but 12. years old, with his brother Augustinus, was set of his parents in the house of the grey Friars, where he in short time having a fresh wit, far excelled his fellows in all tongues and liberal sciences. So growing up to the age of 18. he was ordained priest, & sang his first Mass. After that he was sent to Ferraria to study, where he so profited in the space of 6. years, that he was assigned by Uigerius, General of the order, to be Doctor and then reader in Divinity: who than with his sophistry opposed himself as an utter enemy against the gospel. From thence he went to Brixia, & the next year following to milan, where he read or professed openly. Again, from hence he was taken by Franciscus, Sfortia, and brought to the University of Papia, there openly to confess Philosophy. Where he remained four years. 
Laurentius Spatha, general of the grey Friars.  After that he was called to the University of Bononie by Laurentius Spatha, General of that order, whereas he was occupied in reading the books of Aristotle De Anima. In the mean time God wrought in his soul such light of his word, and of true Religion, that he waxing weary of professing Philosophy, began secretly to expound the Epistle of S. Paul to the Rom. to a few which being known, his auditors increased so fast that he was compelled to read openly in the Temple, Whereas the number of his audience daily augmented, so the eager fervency of their minds so mightily increased withal, that every man almost: came with his pen and ink to write, and great diligence was bestowed how to come betime, to take up the first places, where they might best hear, which was about the year of our Lord. 1538. There was the same time at Bononie, 
Cornelius and Cardinal Campeius, persecutors.  one Cornelius an arrogant babbler, who enueying the doings of this joannes, took upon him, at the request of Cardinal Campeius, to expound the said Epistle of Saint Paul confuting and disproving the explanation of the said john, and extolling the pope withal his traditions. Contrary, john extolled and commended only Christ, and his merits to the people. But the purpose of Cornelius came to small effect. For the auditors which first came to him, began by little to fall from him and the concourse of the other man's auditors, more and more increased. 
Which when Cornelius perceived, he persuaded Campeius, that unless he provided that man to be dispatched, the estimation of the Church of Rome would thereby greatly decay. But when they could not openly bring their purpose about, secretly this way was devised, that Cornelius & joannes should come to open disputation: which disputation endured till 3. of the clock after midnight. At length, when neither part could agree, joannes was bid to return home to his house. Who as he was come down to the lower steps, where the place was most straightest so that his friends could not come to rescue him (although by drawing their swords they declared their good wills) was their taken and laid fast in prison. When the day came, 
Mollius taken and imprisoned by Card▪ Campeius.  such tumult and stir was in the whole City, that Cornelius was driven to hide himself. Also Campeius the Cardinal, with the bishop there, were both contemned of the students. The next day, the Bishop of Bononie sent his chancellor to john in the prison, to signify unto him, that either he must recant, or else burn. But he being of a bold & cheerful spirit, would in no wise be brought to recant. This one thing grieved him, that he should be condemned, his cause being not heard.  
In the mean season, Laurentius Spatha above mentioned, being general of that order, in most speedy wise posted up to Rome, & there so practised with the Cardinal S. Crucis, the Proctor in the court of Rome, for the grey Friars, that the Pope wrote down his letters to Campeius, that he should deliver the said john out of prison: so that he notwithstanding, within 3. months after, should personally appear at Rome. 
Mollius delivered out of prison by means of Spatha the general.  Thus the 30. day of his imprisonment he was delivered: who but for coming of the pope's letters, had been burned within 3. days after. Moreover, with the said Mollius, Cornelius also was cited, to make his appearance likewise at Rome, and there was detained in prison by the Cardinal S. Crucis, till his cause should be decided. The friends of Mollius gave him counsel not to go to Rome, & offered him money to go to Germany: but he would not, saying that the Gospel must also be preached at Rome. After he was come to Rome, & appeared before Pope Paul 3. humbly he desired, 
Mollius appeareth before the Pope.  that the cause being so weighty, might come in public hearing, but that could not be obtained. Then was he commanded to write his mind in Articles, and to bring his proofs: which he diligently performed, entreating of Original sin, justification by saith, Free will, Purgatory and other such like: proving the said articles by the authority of the Scripture, and of ancient fathers, and so exhibited the same to the bysh. of Rome. Upon this, certain Cardinals and Bishops were assigned to have the cause in hearing, who disputed with him 3. days, & could not refel that which he had proved. At last, answer was made unto him thus, that it was truth which he affirmed, nevertheless the same was not meet for this present time, for that it could not be taught or published, without the detriment of the Apostolic sea: wherefore he should abstain hereafter from the 
* The Pope's church can not abide S. Paul's Epistles.  Epistles of S. Paul, and so return again safe to Bononie, & there profess 
* Paul's Epistles must give place to Philosophy.  Philosophy. Thus, as he was returned to Bononie, and all men there were desirous to know of his case, how he sped at Rome, openly in the pulpit he declared all things in order as they were done, and gave God thanks.  
Herewith Campeius being more offended then before, obtained of the Pope, that the general of the order should remove the said john Mollius from Bononie, and place him some other where. So Mollius from thence was sent to Neaples, 
Mollius in great danger at Neaples.  & there was appointed reader and preacher in the Monastery of S. Laurence. But Petrus the Uiceroy there, not abiding his doctrine, so nearly sought his death that he had much ado to escape with life, and so departing from thence, he went wandering into Italy from place to place, preaching Christ, wheresoever he came. Not long after this, when Cardinal Campeius was dead he was called again unto Bononie by a good Abbot named De Grassis. an. 1543. where he renewed again the reading of S. Paul's Epistle, after a secret sort, 
Mollius the second time apprehended for reading S. Paul's Epistles.  as he did before, but that could not be long undiscovered. Whereupon by the means of Cardinal de Capo, and by Bonaventura the general, he was apprehended the second time, and brought to Faventia, & laid there in a filthy & stinking prison, where he continued four years, no man having leave once to come to him. During which time of his endurance he wrote a Commentary upon the books of Moses but that labour by the malignity of the adversaries was suppressed. 
Mollius again delivered.  At length through the intercession of the Earl Petilianus, and of the foresaid good Abbot De Grassis, he was again delivered, and sent to Ravenna, where he made his abode a few months with the Abbot ad S. Vitalem, & there again taught the Gospel of Christ, as before: 
The 〈◊〉 ●eale of Mollius.  and whensoever he spoke of the name of jesus, his eyes dropped tears, for he was fraught with a mighty fervency of gods holy spirit.  
In process of time, when this Abbot was dead, his sureties began to be weary of their bond, and so was he again now the third time, reduced into prison by the pope's Legates. There were then 4. men of great authority, who being stirred up of GOD, had pity upon him, and bailed him out of prison. Of whom, one of the said sureties took the said Mollius home, to instruct his children in the doctrine of religion, and good letters. Furthermore, at the fame of this man, such a concourse of people came to see him, that the adversaries began to consult with themselves, to kill him, lest his doctrine should disparse farther abroad, to the detriment of the Church of Rome. Whereupon commandment was sent to the pope's Legates, to lay hands upon him and to send him up fast bound to Rome. Where again, 
Mollius the fourth time imprisoned.  now the fourth time, he was imprisoned in the Castle of Nome, and there continued 18. months, being greatly assaulted, sometimes with flattering promises, sometime with terrible threats, to give over his opinion, but his building could not be shaken, for it was grounded upon a sure rock. Thus Doct. Mollius being constant in the defence of Christ's Gospel, was brought, 
The constancy of Doct. Mollius and of the Weaver.  with certain other men (which were also apprehended for religion) into the Temple of S. Mary (called De Minerva) the 5. day of Septemb. an. 1553. either there to revoke, or to be burned There sat upon them 6. Cardinals in high seats, beside the judge: before whom preached a Dominicke Friar, which cruelly inveighing against the poor prisoners, incensed the Cardinals, with all the vehemency he might, to their condemnation. The poor men stood holding a burning taper in their hands: Of whom some for fear of death revolted. But this Doctor Mollius, with a Weaver of Perusium, remained constant. Then Mollius began an earnest sermon in the Italian tongue, where●● he confirmed the Articles of the faith, by the sacrete scriptures, declaring also that the pope was not the successor of Peter, but Antichrist: and his sectaries do figure the whore of Babylon. 
Doct. Mollius citeth the Pope to the tribunal seat of Christ.  Moreover he cited them up to the Tribunal seat of Christ, and threw away the burning taper from him. Whereupon they being replenished with anger, condemned him with the Weaver to the fire, and commanded them to be had away. So were they carried incontinent to the camp or field called Florianum. Where they remained cheerful and constant. First the Weaver was hanged. 
The martyrdom of Doct. Mollius and the Weaver.  Mollius then willing the hangman to execute his office likewise upon him, began to exhort the people to beware of Idolatry, & to have no other saviours but Christ alone: for he only is the mediator between God and man. And so was he also hanged commending his soul to God, and afterward laid in the fire and burned. The people having divers judgements upon him, some said he died an heretic, some said he was a good man. Ex Henr. Pantal. lib. 19 an. 1543.   
Two monks of the house of S. Austen in Rome.  
At Rome.  
Ann. 1554.  Furthermore, in the same City of Rome, 
Two Augustine Monks, Martyrs.  and about the same time, in the Monastery of Saint Austen, were found two Monks in their Cells with their tongues and their heads cut of, only for rebuking the immoderate & outrageous excess of the Cardinals, as witnesseth Manlius. Such was the cruelty then of the malignant adversaries. Ex joan. Manl. in dictis Phil. Melanct. The Senate of Milan. 
Franciscus' Gamba. 
Franciscus' Gamba, martyr.   
At the City of Comun in the diocese of Millian.  
Ann. 1554.  France's Gamba borne in the City of Brixia in Lobardie, after he had received the knowledge of the gospel, went to Geneva, to confer about certain necessary affairs with them that were wise & learned in that Church which was about the time, when the lords Supper there was administered at Penticoste: Who there also at the same time, did communicate with them. afterward in his returning home, as he was passing over the Lake of Come, he was taken & brought to Come, and and there committed to ward. During the time of which imprisonment, divers and sundry as well nobles, as others with Doctors also, especially priests and monks, resorted unto him, labouring by all manner of means, 
The blind judgement of the world in God's matters.  & most fair promises to reduce him from his opinions: which seemed to some but fantasies, coming of some humours, to some they seemed uncatholicke or heretical. But he constantly disputing with them by the manifest scriptures declared the opinions which he defended, not to be any vain speculations or imaginary fantasies of man's doting brain, but the pure verity of God, and the evident doctrine of Christ jesus expressed in his word, necessary for all men to believe, & also to maintain unto death: and therefore, for his part, rather than he would be found false to Christ, & his word he was there ready, not to deny, but to stand to Christ's Gospel, to the effusion of his blood. Thus when he could in no wise be reclaimed from the doctrine of truth, letters came from the Senate of Milan, that he should be executed with death. Which execution, as they of Comum were about to prepare, in the mean while came other letters from Geneva, written by the emperors Ambassador, and other nobles of Milan by the which letters his death was delayed for a time till at length, other letters were sent from the Senate again of Milan, requiring execution of the sentence. Nevertheless, through intercession of his friends, one weeks respite more was granted him, to prove whether he might be won again to the pope's Church, that is to say, lost from God. Thus he being mightily & long assailed both by friends, & by enemies terrified, 
Patience in persecution.  yet by no persuasions would be expugned, but gave thanks to God, that he was made worthy to suffer the rebukes of this world, and cruel death, for the testimony of his son, and so went he cheerfully unto his death. Then came certain Franciscan Friars to him, to hear his confession, which he refused. Also they brought in their hands, a cross for him to behold, to keep him from desperation, at the feeling of the fire. But his mind (he said) was so replenished with joy and comfort in Christ, that he needed neither their Cross, nor them After this, as he was declaring many comfortable things to the people, of the fruition of those heavenly joys above, which God hath prepared for his, because he should speak no more to the people, his tongue was bored through, and so immediately being tied to the stake, there was strangled till he was dead, every man there giving testimony, 
Frances Gamba his tongue bored through.  which saw his constancy, that he died a good man. Ex Epistola cuiusdam Nobilis Comensis apud Henr. Pantal. Lib. 10. & Celium. 

Pope Paulus the 4.  
The Magistrates of Venice.   
Pomponius Algerius.  
At Rome.  
Ann. 1555.  Pomponius Algerius borne in Capua, 
Pomponius Algerius, martyr.  a young man of great learning, was student in the University of Padua, where he not being able to conceal and keep close the verity of Christ's Gospel, which he learned by the heavenly teaching of God's grace, ceased not both by doctrine and example of life, to inform as many as he could, in the same doctrine, and to bring them to Christ. For the which he was accused of heresy, to Pope Paulus the fourth. Who sending immediately to the Magistrates of Venice, caused him to be apprehended at Puada, & carried to Venice, where he was long detained in prison & bands, till at last the Pope commanded the Magistrates there to send him up bound unto Rome: which the venetians eftsoons accomplished. After he was broughe to Rome, manifold persuasions and allurements were assayed to remove the virtuous and blessed young man, from his sentence. But when no worldly persuasions could prevail against the operation of God's spirit in him, than was he adjudged to be burned alive, which death most constantly he sustained to the great admiration of all that beheld him. Being in prison at Venice, he wrote an Epistle to the afflicted Saints, which for the notable sweetness & most wonderful consolation contained in the same, in showing forth the mighty operation of gods holy power working in his afflicted Saints, that suffer for his sake: I have thought good and expedient, to communicate, as a principal monument amongst all other Martyr's letters, not only with the other letters, which shallbe inserted hereafter (the Lord willing) in the end of the book, but also in this present place to be read, to the intent that both they which be, or shallbe hereafter in affliction, may take consolation also, and also that they which yet follow the trade of this present world, in comparing the joys & commodities thereof, with these joys here expressed, may learn and consider with themselves, what difference there is, between them both, and thereby may learn to dispose themselves, in such sort, as may be to their edification, and perpetual felicity of their souls. The copy of the letter, first written in Latin we have translated into English: the tenor whereof here under ensueth.  
¶ A comfortable letter of Pomponius Algerius an Italian Martyr.  
¶ To his most dearly beloved brethren, and fellow servants in Christ, which are departed out of Babylon, into Mount Zion: Crace, peace, and health, from GOD our Father, by jesus Christ our Lord and Saviour.  
TO mitigate your sorrow, which you take for me, I cannot but impart unto you some portion of my delectations and joys, which I feel and find, to the intent you with me, may rejoice, and sing before the Lord, giving thanks unto him. I shall utter that, which no man will believe when I shall declare it. I have found, a nest of honey and honey comb in the entrails of a lion. Who will ever believe that I shall say? or what man will ever think in the deep dark dungeon, to find a Paradise of pleasure? in the place of sorrow and death, to dwell in tranquility and hope of life, in a cave infernal, to be found joy of soul? and where other men do weep, there to be rejoicing? where other do shake and tremble, their strength and boldness to be plenty? Who will ever think, or who will believe this? in such a woeful state, such delectation? in a place so desolate, such society of good men? in strait bands and cold irons? such rest to be had? All these things, the sweet hand of the Lord (my sweet brethren) doth minister unto me. Behold, he that was once far from me, now is present with me. Whom once scarce I could feel, now I see more apparently: whom once I saw a far of, now I behold near at hand: whom once I hungered for, the same now approacheth and reacheth his hand unto me He doth comfort me, and heapeth me up with gladness, he driveth away all bitterness, he ministereth strength and courage, he healeth me, refresheth advanceth, and comforteth me. O how good is the Lord, which suffereth not his servants to be tempted above their strength? O how easy and sweet is his yoke? Is there any like unto the highest, who receiveth the afflicted, healeth the wounded, and nourisheth them? Is there any like unto him? Learn ye well-beloved, how amiable the Lord is, how meek and merciful he is, which visiteth his servants in temptations, neither disdaineth he to keep company with us in such vile and stinking caves. Will the blind and incredulous world (think you) believe this? or rather will it not say thus? No thou wilt never be able to abide long, the burning heat, the cold snow, and the pinching hardness of that place the manifold miseries, and other grievances innumerable: the rebukes, and frowning faces of men how will thou suffer? Dost thou not consider and revolve in thy mind thy pleasant Country, the riches of the world, thy kinsfolk the delicate pleasures, and honours of this life? Dost thou forget the solace of thy sciences, and fruit of all thy labours? Wilt thou thus lose all thy labours, which thou hast hitherto sustained? so many nights watched thy painful travails, and all thy laudable enterprises, wherein thou hast been exercised continually, even from thy childhood Finally, fearest thou not death, which hangeth over thee, and that for no crime committed? O what a fool art thou, which for one word speaking, mayest salve all this, and wilt not? What a rude & unmannerly thing is this, not to be entreated at the instant petitions and desires of such, so many and so mighty, so just, so virtuous, so prudent, and gracious senators, and such noble personages? etc.  
But now to answer, let this blind world hearken to this again: What heat can there be more burning, than that fire, which is prepared for thee hereafter? And likewise what snow can be more cold, than thy hart which is in darkness, and hath no light? What thing is more hard and sharp, or crooked, than this present life, which hear we lead? What thing more odious and hateful, than this world here present? And let these worldly men here answer me: what country can we have more sweet, than the heavenly country above? what treasures more rich or precious, then everlasting life? And who be our kinsmen, but they which hear the word of God? where be greater riches, or dignities more honourable, then in heaven? And as touching the sciences, let this foolish world consider, be they not ordained to learn to know God? whom unless we do know, all our labours, our night watchings, our studies, and all our enterprises serve to no use or purpose, all is but labour lost. Furthermore let the miserable worldly man answer me, what remedy or safe refuge can there be unto him, if he lack God, who is the life and medicine of all men? And how can he be said to fly from death, when he himself is already dead in sin? If Christ be the way, verity and life, how can there be any life then, without Christ? The sooly heat of the prison, to me is coldness: the cold winter to me is a fresh spring time in the Lord. He that feareth not to be burned in the fire, how will he fear the heat of weather? or what careth he for the pinching frost, which burneth with the love of the Lord? the place is sharp and tedious to them that be guilty, but to the innocent and guiltless, it is mellifluous. Here droppeth the delectable dew, here floweth the pleasant Nectar, here runneth the sweet milk, here is plenty of all good things. And although the place itself be desert and barren, yet to me it seemeth a large walk, and a valley of pleasure: here to me is the better and more noble part of the world. Let the miserable worldling say and confess, if there be any plot pastor, or meadow so delightful to the mind of man, as here? Here I see kings, princes, Cities, and people, here I see wars, where some be overthrown, some be victors some thrust down, some lifted up. Here is the mount Zion: here I am already in heaven itself. Here standeth first Christ jesus in the front. About him stand the old fathers, Prophets and Evangelists, Apostles, and all the servants of God. Of whom some do embrace & cherish me, some exhort me, some open the Sacraments unto me, some comfort me, other some singing about me And how then shall I be thought to be alone, among so many, & such as these be? The beholding of whom, to me is both solace, and example For here I see some crucified, some slain, some stoned, some cut a sunder and quartared, some roasted, some broiled, some put in hot caulderns, some having their eyes bored through, some their tongues cut out, some their skin plucked over their heads, some their hands and feet chopped off, some put in kilnes and furnaces, some cast down headlong, and given to the beasts, and fowls of the air, to feed upon, It would ask a long time if I should recite all.  
To be short divers I see, with divers and sundry torments excruciate: yet notwithstanding, all living and all safe. One plaster, one salve cureth all their wounds: which also giveth to them strength & life, so that I sustain all these transitory anguishes, & small afflictions, with a quiet mind, having a greater hope laid up in heaven. Neither do I fear mine adversaries which here persecute me and oppress me: For he that dwelleth in heaven shall laugh them to scorn, and the Lord shall deride them I fear not thousands of people, which compass me about. The Lord my God shall deliver me, my hope, my supporter, my comforter, who exalteth up my head. He shall smite all them that stand up against me without cause, & shall dash the teeth & jaws of sinners a sunder: for he only is all blessedness and majesty. The rebukes for Christ's cause make us iocant: for so it is written, If ye be rebuked & scorned for the name of Christ, happy be you, for the glory and spirit of God resteth upon you. 1. Pet. 4. Be you therefore certified, that our rebukes which are laid upon us, redound to the shame and harm of the rebukers. In this world there is no mansion firm to me, and therefore I travail up to the new jerusalem, which is in heaven, & which offereth itself unto me, without paying any fine or Income. Behold I have entered already in my journey, where my house standeth for me prepared, and where I shall have riches, kinsfolks delights, honours never failing. As for these earthly things here present, they are transitory shadows, vanishing vapours, and ruinous walls, Briefly all is but very vanity of vanities, where as hope, and the substance of eternity to come, are wanting, Which the merciful goodness of the Lord hath given, as companions, to accompany me, and to comfort me, and now do the same begin to work and to bring forth fruits in me. I have travailed hitherto, laboured and sweat early and late, watching day and night, & and now my travails begin to come to effect. Days and hours have I bestowed upon my studies. Behold the true countenance of God is sealed upon me, the Lord hath given mirth in my hart. And therefore in the same will I lay me down in peace and rest. Psal 4. And who then shall dare to blame this our age consumed, or say that our years be cut off? What man can now cavil, that these our labours are lost, which have followed & found out the Lord and maker of this world, and which have changed death with life? My portion is the Lord (saith my soul) & therefore I will seek & wait for him Now then, if to die in the Lord, be not to die but to live most joyfully: where is this wretched worldly rebel, which blameth us of folly, for giving away our lives to death? O how delectable is this death to me, to taste the Lords cup, which is an assured pledge of true salvation? for so hath the Lord himself forewarned us, saying: The same that they have done to me, they will also do unto you. Wherefore let the doltish world, with his blind worldlings (who in the bright sun shine, yet go stumbling in darkness, being as blind as beetles) cease thus unwisely to carp against us, for our rash suffering, as they count it. To whom thus we answer again with the holy Apostle: That neither tribulation, nor anguish, nor hunger, nor nakedness, nor jeopardy, nor persecution, nor sword, shallbe able ever to separate us from the love of Christ. We are slain all the day long, we are made like sheep ordained to the shambles. Rom. 8. Thus do we resemble Christ our head which said. That the Disciple cannot be above his master nor the servant above his Lord. The same Lord hath also commanded that every one shall take up his cross, and follow him Luc. 9 Rejoice, rejoice (my dear brethren, & fellow servants) & be of good comfort, when ye fall into sundry temptations. Let your patience be perfect on all parts. For so is it foreshowed us before, & is written: That they which shall kill you, shall think to do God good service. Therefore afflictions, & death be as tokens & sacraments of our election, & life to come. Let us then be glad, & sing to the Lord, when as we being clear from all just accusation, are persecuted & given to death. For better it is, that we in doing well, do suffer, if it so be the will of the Lord, then doing evil. 1. Pet. 3. We have for our example, Christ and the prophets, which spoke in the name of the Lord, whom the children of iniquity did quell and murder: and now we bless and magnify them, that then suffered, Let us be glad and joyous in our innocency, and uprightness. The Lord shall reward them that persecute us: let us refer all revengement to him.  
I am accused of foolishness, for that I do not shrink from the true doctrine & knowledge of God, & do not rid myself out of these troubles, when with one word, I may. O the blindness of man, which seethe not the sun shining, neither remembreth the Lords words. Consider therefore what he saith. You are the light of the world: A city builded on the hill cannot be hid: Neither do men light a candle, & put it under a bushel, but upon a candlestick, that it may shine, and give light to them in the house. And in an other place he saith: you shallbe led before kings & rulers, fear ye not them, which kill the body, but him which killeth both body and soul, Who soever shall confess me before men, him will I also confess before my father which is in heaven: And he that denieth me before men, him will I also deny before my heavenly father. Wherefore, seeing the words of the Lord be so plain, how or by what authority will this wise counsellor then approve this his counsel, which he doth give? God forbidden that I should relinquish the commandments of God, and follow the counsels of men. For it is written: Blessed is the man that hath not gone in the ways of sinners, and hath not stand in the counsels of the ungodly, and hath not sit in the chair of pestilence. Psal. 1. God forbidden that I should deny Christ, where I ought to confess him. I will not set more by my life, then by my soul: neither will I exchange the life to come, for this world here present. O how foolishly speaketh he, which here argueth me of foolishness?  
Neither do I take it to be a thing so uncomely or unseeming for me not to obey in this matter, the requests of those so honourable, just, prudent, virtuous and noble Senators, whose desires (he sayeth) were enough to command me. For so are we taught of the Apostles: That we ought to obey God before men. After that we have served and done our duty first unto God▪ then are we bound next to obey the Potestates of this world: whom I wish to be perfect before the Lord. They are honourable, but yet are they to be made more perfect in the Lord They are just, but yet Christ the seat of justice is lacking in them. They are wise, but where is in them the beginning of wisdom, that is, the fear of the Lord? They are called virtuous, but yet I wish them more absolute in Christian charity. They are good and gracious: but yet I miss in them the foundation of goodness, which is the Lord God, in whom dwelleth all goodness and grace. They are honourable, yet have they not received the Lord of glory, which is our Saviour most honourable and glorious. Understand you kings, and learn you that judge the earth. Serve the Lord in fear, and rejoice in him with trembling Harken to doctrine, and get knowsledge, lest you fall into God's displeasure, and so pearish out of the way of righteousness. What fret you, what fume, you O Gentiles? O you people, what cast you in your brains the cogitations of vanity? you kings of the earth, and you princes, why conspire you so together against Christ, and against his holy one? Psal. 2. How long will you seek after lies, and hate the truth? Turn you to the Lord, and harden not your hearts. For this you must needs confess, that they which persecute the lords servants, do persecute the Lord himself. For so he sayeth himself: Whatsoever men shall do to you, I will count it to be done, not as unto you, but to myself.  
And now let this carnal politic counsellor and disputer of this world, tell, wherein have they to blame me, if in mine examinations I have not answered so after their mind and affection as they required of me? seeing it is not ourselves that speak, but the Lord that speaketh in us, as he himself doth fore witness saying: When ye shall be brought before rulers and Magistrates, it is not you yourselves that speak, but the spirit of my father, that shall be in you▪ M. 10 Wherefore if the Lord be true and faithful of his word, as it is most certain, then is there no blame in me: for he gave the words that I did speak, and who was I, that could resist his will? If any shall reprehend the things that I said, let him then quarrel with the Lord, whom it pleased to work so in me. And if the Lord be not to be blamed, neither am I herein to be accused, which did that I purposed not, and that I forethought not of. The things which there I did utter and express, if they were otherwise then well, let them show it, and then will I say, that they were my words, and not the Lords? But if they were good, and approved, and such as can not justly be accused, then must it needs be granted, spite of their teeth, that they proceeded of the Lord: and then who be they, that shall accuse me? A people of prudence. Or who shall condemn me? Just judges. And though they so do, yet nevertheless, the word shall not be frustrate, neither shall the Gospel be foolish, or therefore decay: but rather the kingdom of God shall the more prosper and flourish unto the Israelites, and shall pass the sooner unto the elect of Christ jesus: And they which shall so do, shall prove the grievous judgement of God, neither shall they escape without punishment, that be persecutors and murderers of the just. My well be loved, lift up your eyes, and consider the counsels of God. He showed unto us a late, an Image of his plague, which was to our correction. And if we shall not receive him, he will draw out his sword, and strike with sword, pestilence, and famine▪ the nation that shall rise against Christ. These have I written to your comfort, dear brethren. Pray for me, I kiss in my heart, with an holy kiss, my good masters, silvius, Pergula, justus, also Fidel Rock, and him that beareth the name of Lelia, whom I know, although being absent. Iten, the governor of the University, Syndicus, & all other, whose names be written in the book of life. Farewell all my fellow servants of God: far ye well in the Lord, & pray for me continually. From the delectable horchyard of Leonine prison. 12. call. Aug. An. 1555.  
¶ It is written of one Thebrotus, that when he had read the book of Plato, De immortalitate animae, he was so moved and persuaded therewith, that he cast himself down headlong from an high wall, to be rid out of this present life. If those heathen Philosophers, having no word of God, nor promise of any resurrection and life to come, could so soon be persuaded by reading the words of Plato, to contemn this world and life here present: how much more is it to be required in Christians, instructed with so many evidences and promises of Gods most perfect word, that they should learn to cast of the carnal desires and affections of this miserable peregrination, and that for a double respect, not only in seeing, reading, and understanding so many examples of the miseries of this wretched world: but also much more in considering, and pondering the heavenly joys and consolations of the other world, remaining for us hereafter to come. For a more full evidence whereof, I thought good to give out this present letter of Algerius above prefixed, for the taste of the same, and a lively testimony for all true Christians to read and consider. Now let us proceed further (the Lord willing) in our Table of Italian Martyrs.  
Persecutors. Martyrs. The causes.  
joannes Aloisius.  
At Rome.  
An. 1559.  Of joannes Aloisius we find mention made in a letter of Symonne Florillus: which Aloisius was sent down from Geneva, to the parties of Calabria, there to be their minister, who afterward was sent for up to Rome, and there suffered. Ex Epist. D. Simonis Florilli.  
jacobus Bovellus.  
At Messina.  
An. 1559.  jacobus Bovellus was likewise sent from Geneva to the said parties of Calabria, with Aloisius, who also being sent for, up to Rome, was sent down to the City Messina, and there was martyred. Ibidem. Pope Pius the fourth. 
divers that suffered in the kingdom of Naples.  
At Neaples  
An. 1560.  After Pope julius the third, came Marcellus the second. After him succeeded pope Paul the fourth. This Paul being dead, followed Pope Pius the fourth. Who being advanced to the room, began hot persecution in all the territories of the Church of Rome, against them which were suspected for Lutherans. Whereupon ensued great trouble and persecution in the kingdom of Neaples, in such cruel sort, that many noble men with their wives, & others are reported there to be slain. Vide Pantali. lib. 11. Pope Pius the fourth. 
Lxxxviij. Martyrs in one day, with one butcherly knife, slain like sheep.  
1600. other, also condemned.  
At Calabria. An. 1560.  In Calabria likewise the same time, suffered a blessed number of Christ's well-beloved saints, both old and young, put together in one house, to the number of 88 people, all which, one after an other, were taken out of the house, and so being laid upon the butcher's stall, like the sheep in the Shambles, with one bloody knife, were all killed in order. A Spectacle most tragical, for all posterity to remember, and almost incredible to believe. Wherefore for the more credit of the matter, lest we shall seem either light of creadite, to believe that is not true, or rashly to commit to pen, things without due proof and authority, we have here annexed a piece of an Epistle, written by master Simon Florillus preacher of God's word at the City Clavenna, among the Rhetians, unto a certain friend of his, named Guliel. Gratalorus an Italian, and doctor of Physic, in the University of basil, which Gratalorus translated the same into the Latin tongue, and it is to be found in the 11. book of Pantal. pa. 337. the English whereof is this as followeth.  

* The end of a certain letter of master Simon Florellus, written in Italian, concerning a lamentable slaughter of 88 Christian Saints, in the parties of Calabria.  
AS concerning news, I have nothing to write, but only, that I send you a Copy of certain letters imprinted either at Rome, 
News out of Italy. anno. 1560.  or at Venice, concerning the martyrdom or persecution in two several Towns of Calabria, eight italian miles from the borders of Consentia: the one called saint Sixtus within two miles of Montalte, under the Signiory of the Duke of Montalte: the other called Guardia, situate upon the Sea coast, and 12. miles from S. Sixtus: the which two Towns are utterly destroyed, and eight hundred of the inhabitants there (or as some write from the City of Rome) no less than a full thousand. He that wrote the letter, was servant to Ascanius Caracciolus. The country and people there I well knew, to take the first Original of their good doctrine, & honest life, from the Valdenses. For before my departure from Geneva at their request, I sent them two Schoolmasters, 
joan. Aloisius Paschalis, james Bovell, preachers and Martyrs.  and two preachers. The last year the two preachers were Martyred: the one at Rome, named joannes Aloisus Paschalis, a Citizen of Cunium: he other at Messina, named james Bovel, both of Piedmont: This year the residue of that godly fellowship were Martyred, in the same place. I trust this good seed sown in Italy, will bring forth good and plentiful fruit.   
Now followeth the copy of the letters sent from Montalt, a town in Calabria 8. miles distant from Consentia, bearing Date the 11. of june. 1560. The writer of the which letters, as ye may perceive, was one of them which call themselves Catholics, and followers of the Pope. The words of the letter be these, as here under followeth.  

* Hear followeth the Copy of a letter sent from Montalte in Calabria, by a Romanist, to a certain friend of his in Rome, containing news of the persecution of Christ's people in Calabria, by the new Pope Pius the fourth.  
Hitherto, most noble Lord, have I certified you, what here daily hath been done about these heretics Now cometh next to signify unto your Lordship, 
Horrible persecution in Calabria. an. 1560.  the horrible judgement begon this present day, being the eleventh of june, to be executed very early in the morning against the Lutherans. Which when I think upon, I verily quake and tremble. And truly, the manner of their putting to death, was to be compared to the slaughter of calves and sheep. For they being all thrust up in one house together as in a sheepfold, the executioner cometh in, and amongst them taketh one and blindfeldeth him with a muffler about his eyes, & so leadeth him forth to a larger place near adjoining, where he commandeth him to kneel down, which being so done, he cutteth his throat, & leaving him half dead, and taking his butcher's knife and muffler all of gore blood (which the Italians call Benda) cometh again to the rest, 
The Christians killed like Calves.  & so leading one after an other, he dispatcheth them all, which were to the number of 88 This spectacle, to behold how doleful and horrible it was, I leave to your lordships judgement: for to write of it, I myself cannot but weep. Neither was there any of the beholders there present, which seeing one to die, could abide to behold the death of an other. But certes so humbly and patiently they went to death, as is almost uncreadible to believe. Some of them as they were in dying, 
88 Martyrs.  affirmed that they believed even as we do. Notwithstanding, as the most part of them died in the same their obstinate opinions. All the aged persons went to death more cheerfully, the younger were more timorous. I tremble and shake even to remember how the executioner held his bloody knife between his teeth, with the bloody muffler in his hand, and his arms all in gore blood up to the elbows, going to the fold, and taking every one of them, one after an other, by the hand, and so dispatching them all, no otherwise then doth a butcher kill his calves and sheep.  
It is moreover appointed (and the carts be come all ready) that all those so put to death, should be quartered, and so to be conveyed in the carts to the hithermost parts of Calabria, where they shallbe hanged upon poles in the high ways, and other places, even to the confines of the same country. Unless the Pope's holiness & the Lord Viceroy of Neaples shall give in commandment to the Lord Marquis of Buccianus, governor of the said province, to stay his hand, and go no further, he will proceed, with the rack and torture, examining all other, and so increase the number in such sort, that he will nigh dispatch them all.  
This day it is also determined that an hundredth of the more ancient women, should appear to be examined and racked, and after to be put to death, that the mixture may be perfect, for so many men, so many women. And thus have you that I can say of this justice. Now it is about two of the clock in the afternoon: Shortly we shall hear what some of them said, when they went to execution. There be certain of them so obstinate, that they will not look upon the crucifix, nor be confessed to the priest, and they shall be burned alive.  
The heretics that be apprehended and condemned, are to the number of 1600· but as yet no more but these foresaid 88 are already executed. This people have their original of the valley named Angronia, near to Subaudia, and in Calabria, are called Vltramontani. In the kingdom of Neaples there are 4. other places of the same people, of whom whether they live well or no, as yet we know not: For they are but simple people, ignorant, without learning, wood gatherers, and husbandmen: but as I hear, much devout and religious, giving themselves to die for religions sake. From Montealto, the 11. of june. And thus much writeth this Romanist.   
☞ Here moreover is to be noted, that the foresaid Marquis Buccianus above specified, had a son or brother, unto whom the said new Pope (Pius the fourth belike) is reported to have promised a Cardinalshippe at Rome, if all the Lutherans were extirped and rooted out in that province. And like enough that the same was the cause of this butcherly persecution and effusion of Christian blood, in the said country of Calabria, beyond Neaples in Italy.  
Besides these godly Italian Martyrs, in this Table above contained, many other also have suffered in the same country of Italy, of whom some before have been specified: some peradventure omitted. But many more there be, whose names we know not, whereof assoon as knowledge may be given unto us, we purpose God willing, to impart the same (loving reader) unto thee.  
☞ Now in the mean time it followeth (according to my promise made before) next after this lamentable slaughter of Calabria, here to insert also the tragical persecution & horrible murder of the faithful flock of Christ inhabiting in Merindole in France, and in other towns adjacent near unto the same, in the time of Franciscus .1. the french king. The furious cruelty of which miserable persecution, although it can not be set forth too muth at large, yet because we will not weary too much the reader, with the full length thereof, we have so contracted the same, especially the principal effect thereof we have comprehended in such sort, that as we on the one part have avoided prolixity: so on the other we have omitted nothing, which might seem unworthy to be forgotten. The story here followeth.   

A notable history of the persecution and destruction of the people of Merindol and Cabriers, the country of Province: where, not a few persons, but whole Villages and Towneships with the most part of all the foresaid country, both men, women, and children, were put to all kind of cruelty, & suffered martyrdom, for the profession of the gospel.  
THey that writ of the beginning of this people, say that about CC. years ago, 
The lamentable story of Merindoll·  they came out of the Country of Piedmont, to inhabit in Province, in certain Uillages, destroyed by wars, and other desert places: Wherein they used such labour and diligence, that they had abundance of corn, wine, oils, honey, almonds, with other fruits & commodities of the earth, and much cattle. Before they came thither, 
 Merindol was a barren desert and not inhabited. But these good people (in whom God always had reserved some little seed of piety) being dispersed, and separated from the society of men, were compelled to dwell with beasts, in that waste and wild desert, which notwithstanding, through the blessing of God, and their great labour and travel, became exceeding fruitful. Notwithstanding, the world in the mean time, so detested & abhorred them, and with all shameful rebukes and contumelies, railed against them in such despiteful manner, that it seemed they were not worthy that the earth should bear them. For they, of a long continuance and custom, had refused the Bishop of Rome's authority, and observed ever a more perfect kind of doctrine, than others, delivered to them from the father to the son, ever since the year of our Lord. 1200.  
For this cause they were often accused & complained of to the king, as contemners & despisers of the magistrates and rebels. Wherefore they were called by divers names according to the countries and places where they dwelt. For in the country about Lions, they were called the poor people of Lions: 
Paupe●es de Lugduno, Waldēs●●, Tu●●elupini. Chagnardi.  In the borders of Sarmatia & Livonia, and other countries towards the North, they were called Lolards: In Flanders, and Artoys, Turrelupius, of a desert where wolves did haunt: In Dolphin, with great despite, they were named Chagnardes', because they lived in places open to the Sun, and without house or harborough. But most commonly they were called Waldoys, of Waldo, 
Of Waldo read before, pag. 230.  who first instructed them in the word of God: which name continued until the name of Lutherans came up, which above all other, was most hated, and abhorred.  
Notwithstanding, in all these most spiteful contumelies and slanders, the people dwelling at the foot of the Alps, and also in Merindol & Cabriers, and the quarters thereabout, always lived so godly, so uprightly and justly that in all their life & conversation, there appeared to be in them a great fear of God. That little light of true knowledge which God had given them, they laboured by all means to kindle & increase daily more & more, sparing no charges whether it were to procure books of the holy Scripture, or to instruct such as were of the best and most towardly wits, in learning & godliness: or else to send them into other countries, yea even to the farthest parts of the earth, where they had heard that any light of the gospel began to shine.  
For in the year 1530. understanding that the gospel was preached in certain towns of Germany & Switzerland, they sent thither 2. learned men, that is, Georgius Maurellus borne in Dolphin, a godly preacher of their own, and whom they had of their own charges brought up in learning, & Petrus Latomus a Burgundian, to confer with the wise & learned ministers of the Churches there, in the doctrine of the gospel, and to know the whole form and manner which those Churches used in the service and worshipping of God: and particularly to have their advise also, upon certain points, which they were not resolved in. These 2. after great conference had with the chiefest in the Church of God, namely with Oecolampadius at basil: at Strausburgh, with Bucer and Capito: and at Berne, with Bartholdus Hallerus: as they were returning thorough Burgundy, homeward, Petrus Latomus was taken at Dyion, and cast into prison, Maurellus escaped & returned alone to Merindol, with the books and letters which he brought with him, from the churches of Germany, and declared to his brethren all the points of his commission, and opened unto them, how many and great errors they were in: into the which their old Ministers, whom they called 
* These were their ministers, for lack of better, until they came to more sincere knowledge: which instructed than most commonly by night abroad in caves and quarries, for fear of persecution. Of these Calabrians, Vide infra  barbs, that is to say, Uncles, had brought them, leading them from the right way of true Religion.  
When the people heard this, they were moved with such a zeal to have their Churches reform, that they sent for the most ancient brethren, & the chiefest in knowledge and experience, of all Calabria & Apulia, to consult with them, touching the reformation of the Church. This matter was so handled, that it stirred up the bishops, priests & monks in all Province, 
joan. de Roma, a wretched persecutor.  with great rage against them. Amongst other, there was one cruel wretch called john de Roma, a monk, who obtaining a commission to examine those that were suspected to be of the Waldois or Lutheran profession, forthwith ceased not to afflict the faithful with all kind of cruelty, that he could devise or imagine. Amongst other most horrible torments, 
The cruelty of a Papist.  this was one, which he most delighted in, and most commonly practised: He filled boots with boiling grece, & put them upon their legs, tying them backward to a form, with their legs hanging down over a small fire, and so he examined them. Thus he tormented very many, and in the end, most cruelly put them to death. 
Michelottus Serra. W. Melius, Martyrs.  The first whom he thus tormented, were Michelottus Serra, and W. Melius, with a number more.  
Wherefore Frances the French king being informed of the strange and outrageous cruelty of this hellish monk: sent letters to the high Court or Parliament of Province, the forthwith he should be apprehended, & by form of process and order of law, he should be condemned, & advertisement sent unto him with all speed, or his condemnation. The monk being advertised hereof by his friends, conveyed himself to Auinion, where he thought to enjoy the spoilings, which he, like a notorious thief, had gotten by fraud & extortion, from the poor Christians. But shortly after, he which had so shamefully spoiled other, was spoiled of altogether, by his own household servants: Whereupon, shortly after, he fell sick of a most horrible disease, strange and unknown to any Physician. 
The just judgement of God against a cruel persecutor.  So extreme were the pains & torments, wherewith he was continually vexed in all his body, that no ointment, no fomentation, nor any thing else, could ease him one minute of an hour. Neither was there any man that could tarry near about him: ne yet would any of his own friends come near to him: so great was the stinch that came from him. For the which cause he was carried from the jacobines, to an hospital, there to be kept. But the stench & infection, so increased, that no man durst there come near him: no nor he himself was able to abide the horrible stinch that issued from his body, full of ulcers and sores, and swarming with vermin, and so rotten, that the flesh fell away from the bones, by piecemeal.  
Whiles he was in these torments and anguish, he cried out oftentimes in great rage: Oh who will deliver me? who will kill and rid me out of these untolerable pains, which I know, I suffer for the evils and oppressions that I have done to the poor men? And he himself went about divers times, to destroy himself, but he had not the power. In these horrible torments and anguish, and fearful despair, 
A spectacle to all persecutors.  this blasphemer and most cruel homicide, most miserably ended his unhappy days and cursed life, as a spectacle to all persecutors, receiving a just reward of his cruelty by the just judgement of God. When he was dead, there was no man that would come near him to bury him: but a young novice newly come to his order, in stead of a more honourable sepulture, caught hold with a hook upon his stinking carian & drew him into a hole hard by, which was made for him.  
After the death of this cruel monster, the bishop of Aix, 
The Bishop of Aix, Perionet, his Official, Meiranus, cruel persecutors.  by his Official Perionet, continued the persecution & put a great multitude of them in prison: of whom some by force of torments, revolted from the truth: the others which continued constant after he had condemned them of heresy, were put into the hands of the ordinary judge, which at that time, was one Meiranus, a notable cruel persecutor: who with out any form of process or order of law, such as the Official had pronounced to be heretics, he put to death, with most cruel torments: But shortly after, he received a just reward of his cruelty, in like manner.  
After the death of the good Precedent Cusinetus, 
another example of God's terrible judgement upon a persecutor.  the Lord of Reuest being chief Precedent of the Parliament of Aix, put many of the faithful to death. Who afterward being put out of his office, returned to his house of Reuest, where he was strooken with such an horrible sickness, that for the fury and madness which he was in, his wife or any that were about him, durst not come near him, and so he dying in this fury and rage, was justly plagued for his unmerciful and cruel dealing.  
After him succeeded Barthol. Cassaneus, likewise a pestilent persecutor, 
another example of God's judgement upon Cassaneus, a bloody persecutor.  whom God at length stroke with a fearful & sudden death. In the time of this tyrant, those of Merindol, in the person often, were cited personally to appear before the kings attorney. But they hearing that the court had determined to burn them without any further process or order of law, durst not appear at the day appointed. For which cause the court awarded a cruel sentence against Merindol, 
A bloody decree against the Merindolians.  & condemned all the inhabitants, to be burned both men & women, sparing none, no not the little children & infants: the town to be razed, & their houses beaten down to the ground: also the trees to be cut down, as well olive trees, as all other, and nothing to be left, to the intent it should never be inhabited again, but remain as a desert or wilderness.  
This bloody arrest or Decree seemed so strange and wonderful, that in every place throughout all Province, there was great reasoning and disputation concerning the same, especially among the advocates, and men of learning & understanding: in so much that many durst boldly & openly say, that they greatly marveled, how that Court of parliament could be so mad, or so bewitched, to give out such an arrest, so manifestly iniucious & unjust, and contrary to all right and reason, yea to all sense of humanity: also contrary to the solemn oath, which all such as are received to office in Courts of Parliament, are accustomed to make, that is to say, to judge justly & uprightly, according to the law of God, and the just ordinances & laws of the realm, so that God thereby might be honoured, and every man's right regarded without respect of persons.  
Some of the advocates or lawyers, defending the said Arrest to be just and right, said: that in case of Lutheranism, the judges are not bound to observe either right or reason, 
Even so the Phariseis proceeded against Chr●st the son of God.  law either ordinance, and that the judges can not fail or do amiss, whatsoever judgement they do give, so that it tend to the ruin and extirpation of all such as are suspected to be Lutherans.  
To this the other lawyers and learned men answered, that upon their sayings it would ensue, that the judges should now altogether follow the same manner and form, in proceeding against the Christians accused to be Lutherans, which the gospel witnesseth that the Priests, Scribes, and Pharises followed, in pursuing and persecuting, and finally condemning our Lord jesus Christ.  
By these & such other like talks the said arrest was published throughout the country, and there was no assemble or banquet where it was not disputed or talked of: & namely within 12. days after the Arrest was given out, there was a great banquet in the town of Aix, 
The Bishop's banquet.  at the which banquet was present M. Barthelmew Chassanee, President, & many other counsellors and other noble personages and men of authority. There was also the Archb. of Aries and the bishop of Aix, with divers ladies and gentlewomen, amongst whom was one which was commonly reported to be the bishop of Aix his concubine. They were scarce well set at the table, but she began thus to talk. My Lord Precedent, 
There is no cruelty to the cruelty of an harlot.  will you not execute the arrest, which is given out of late, against the Lutherans of merindol? The Precedent answered nothing, feigning that he heard her not. Then a certain gentleman asked of her what Arrest that was. She recited it in manner and form, as it was given out, forgetting nothing, as if she had a long time, studied to commit the same unto memory: Whereunto they which were at the banquet gave diligent ear without any word speaking, until she had ended her tale.  
Then the lord of Alenc, a man fearing God, and of great understanding, 
The Lord of Alenc, a good man.  said unto her: gentlewoman, you have learned this tale, either of some that would have it so, or else it is given out by some parliament of women. Then the lord of Senas an ancient counsellor, said unto him, no, no, my L. of Alenc, it is no tale which you have hard this gentlewoman tell: for it is an arrest given out by a whole Senate, & you ought not thus to speak, except you would call the court of Province a parliament of women. Then the L. of Alenc began to excuse himself, with protestation, that he would not speak any thing to blemish the authority of that sovereign court, notwithstanding he could not believe all that which the said gentlewoman had told, that is to say, that all the inhabitants of merindol were condemned to die by the Arrest of the said court of parliament of Province, and specially the women & little children and infants: and the town to be razed, for the fault of 10. or 12. persons which did not appear before the said court at the day appointed. And the Lord Beavieu also answered, that he believed not the said court to have given out any such Arrest, 
The L. Beavieu.  for that (said he) were a thing most unreasonable, and such as the very Turks and the most tyrants of the world would judge to be a thing most detestable: and said further, that he had known a long time many of Merindol, which seemed unto him to be men of great honesty: and my L. Precedent (said he) can certify us well what is done in this matter, for we ought not to give credit unto women's tales. Then the gentlewoman which had rehearsed the arrest, stayed not to hear the Precedents answer, but suddenly looking upon the B. of Aix, said: I should greatly have marveled, if there had been none in all this company which would defend these wicked men, and lifting her eyes to heaven in a great womanly chafe and fume, said: would to God that all the Lutherans which are in Province, yea, and in all France, 
A Catholic wish of a priests harlot.  had horns growing on their foreheads, than we should see a goodly many of horns. To whom the Lord Beavieu suddenly answered, saying, would to God that all priests harlots should chatter like Pies. Then said the gentlewoman: ha my L. Beavieu, you ought not so to speak against our holy mother the church, for that there was never dog that barked against the crucifix, but that he waxed mad. Whereat the Bishop of Aix laughed, and clapping the gentlewoman on the shoulder, said, by my holy orders my minion, well said, I con you thank, She hath talked well unto you, my Lord Beavieu, remember well the lesson that she hath given you. Hear the Lord Beavieu being wholly moved with anger, said, I care neither for her school nor yours, for it would be long before a man should learn of either of you both, any honesty or honour: For if I should say that the most part of the bishops and priests are abominable adulterers, blind idolaters, deceivers, thieves, seducers, I should not speak against the holy church, but against a heap and flock of wolves, dogs, and filthy swine in speaking these things, I would think a man not to be mad at all, except he be mad for speaking of the truth.  
Then the Archbishop in a great jury answered, my L. Beavieu, you speak very evil, and you must give account when time and place serveth, of this your talk, which you have here uttered against the Church men. I would, said the Lord Beavieu that it were to do even this present day, and I would bind myself to prove more abuses & naughtiness in Priests than I have yet spoken. Then said the Precedent Chassinee, my Lord Beavieu, let us leave of this talk and live as our fathers have done, and maintain their honour. Then said he in a great anger, I am no priests son to maintain their wickedness and abuse. And afterward he said, I am well content to honour all true pastors of the church, and will not blame them which show good example in their doctrine and living: but I demand of you my Lord of Arles, and you my Lord of Aix, when as our Lord jesus Christ called the priests deceiving hypocrites, blind seducers, robbers and thieves, did he them any outrage or wrong? and they answered no, for the most part of them were such men. 
The Pope's churchmen worse than the old pharisees.  Then said the Lord Beavieu, even so is it with the bishops and priests which I have spoken of, for they are such kind of men, or rather worse: and I so abhor their filthy and abominable life, that I dare not speak the one half of that which I know, and therefore in speaking the truth, to cool the babbling of a harlot, I do them no injury.  
Then monsieur de Senas an ancient counsellor, said, let us leave of this contentious talk, for we are here assembled & come together to make good cheer. And afterward he said, monsieur de Beavieu, for the love and amity which I bear unto you, I will advertise you of 3. things, which if you will do, you shall find great ease therein.  
The first is, that you neither by word nor deed, aid or assist those which you hear to be Lutherans.  
Secondly, that you do not intermeddle, openly to reprove ladies and gentlewomen for their pastime and pleasures.  
Thirdly, that you do never speak against the life and living of 
* Churchmen be they never so evil, must not be spoken against. 1. Par. 16.  Priests, how wicked so ever it be, according to this saying: Do not touch mine anointed.  
To whom monsieur Beavieu answered, as touching the first point, I know no Lutherans, neither what is meant by this word Lutheranisme, except you do call them Lutherans, which profess the doctrine of the gospel. Neither yet will I ever allow any Arrest which shall be given out to death against men whose cause hath not been heard, especially, against women and young infants: and I am assured that there is no Court of parliament in all France which will approve or allow any such arrest. And where as you say that I should not meddle to reprove ladies or gentlewomen, if I knew any kinswoman of mine, which would abandon herself unto a priest or clerk, 
How priests harlots should be handled.  yea albeit he were a cardinal or bishop, I would not do her so much honour as to rebuke her therefore, but at the least I would cut of her nose. And as touching priests, as I am contented not to meddle with their business, so likewise I will not that they meddle with mine hereafter, or come from henceforth within my house: For as many as I shall find or take there, I will set their crowns so near their shoulders, that they shall need no more to wear any hoods about their necks. The like also said the Precedent Chassanee.  
Then the bishop of Aix his sweet heart, 
Well spoken and like an harlot.  which had begun the quarrel, said, I shall not be in quiet, except I speak yet one word more unto monsieur Beavieu. Do you think said she unto him, that all the Cardinals, bishops, Abbots, Priests, and all those holy religious men which go oftentimes to gentlemen's houses, and haunt the Castles and palaces of Princes and noblemen, that they go thither to commit wickedness? Also you must not think evil of all those ladies and gentlewomen, that go to Bishop's houses of devotion, and for to reveal those whom they know to be Lutherans, as it was commanded in the pulpit upon pain of Excommunication: If so be you will maintain those words, I will not cease to accuse you of crime, and also of Treason both to God and to man: for here be those in this company, which shall make you give an account thereof. She had not so soon ended her talk, but Monsieur Beavieu said unto her, avaunt O Herodias, 
As Heropias' wrought the death of john Baptist. ●o this str●●pe● seek the death of the Merindolians, two strumpet well compared together.  thou filthy and impudent harlot: is it thy part to open thy mouth to talk in this company? Dost thou well understand and know what treason to God and man meaneth? 
I●hn Baptist. so this strumpet seek the death of the Merindolians. two strumpet▪ will compared together.  Is it not sufficient for thee to be as thou art, but thou must solicit other to shed innocent blood? With these words the Gentlewoman was somewhat amazed. All men thought that this talk had been at an end, and every man began to invent some merry communication, that the former matter should be no more talked of.  
At the last, the gentlewoman advising herself, and thinking that she was to much injured, to be said, that she went about to shed the innocent blood, she broke of all their talk, and with a loud voice said, Monsieur Beavieu, if I were a man, 
God sendeth a 〈…〉 short 〈◊〉.  as I am a woman, I would offer you the combat, to prove that I am no such manner of woman as you say I am, that I desire to shed innocent blood. Do you call the blood of these wicked men of merindol, innocent blood? True it is that I desire and offer with my whole power, that these naughty packs of Merindol, & such like as they are, should be slain and destroyed, from the greatest even unto the least. 
The cruel hart of an harlot.  And for to see the beginning of this work, I have employed all my credit, and all my friends, and do not spare, neither body nor goods, to work the ruin & destruction of these people, and to raze out, and to deface their memory from amongst men. Do you then Monsieur Beavieu, call the slaughter of these Lutherans, the effusion of innocent blood? And say you what you will, I will not refrain for no man living, to go either by day either by night, unto the houses of Bishops, in all 
* The visor o● honesty on a harlot's face.  honesty and honour, for the devotion which I bear unto our holy 
* Like mother like daughter  mother the church, and also I will receive into my house, all religious men, to consult and devise the means how to put these Lutherans to death. But as Monsieur Beavieu took no more regard unto her talk, so likewise all that were at the table, dispraised her and were weary of her prating.  
Then there was a certain young gentleman, which merely jesting, said unto her: Gentlewoman, it must needs be that these poor people, unto whom you do wish this cruel death, 
Oderunt me gratis. john. 15.  have done you some great displeasure. Then said she, I may well take an oath, that I never knew one of those wretched people, neither (that I wots of) ever saw any of them. And I had rather to meet 10. devils, than one of those naughty knaves: for their opinions are so detestable, that happy and blessed are they, which never heard tell of them. And I was not then wrll advised, at what time. by curiosity I seeing the Bishop of Aix so much troubled and angry, that he could not eat nor drink, did desire him and constrain him to tell me the cause thereof. Then he perceiving that I would not be well contented if he should not tell me, 
The Pope's clergy cannot abi●e honest marriage to die for it▪  declared unto me some part of the cause: that is to say, that there was certain heretics, which spoke against our holy mother the church, and among other errors, they maintained, yea to death, that all Bishops, Priests, & pastors ought to be married, or else to be gelded: and hearing this, I was marvelously offended, and ever since I did hate them to the death. And also it was enjoined unto me by penance, that I should endeavour with all my power, to put these heretics to death. After these frivolous talks, there was great trouble and debate amongst them, and many threatenings, which were too long here to describe.  

Querebant Principes sacerdotum ●t scribae, que modo interficerent jesum. Luke. 22.  Then the Precedent Chassance, and the counsellors parted aside, and the Gentlemen went on the other part. The Archbishop of Arles, the Bishop Aix, and divers Abbots, Priors, and others, assembled themselves together, to consult how this Arrest might be executed with all speed, intending to raise a new persecution, greater than that of john the jacobine Monk of Rome: For otherwise (said they) our state and honour is like to decay. We shall be reproved, contemned, and derided of all men. And if none should thus vaunt and set themselves against us, but these pesantes, and such like, it were but a small matter: but many Doctors of Divinity, and men of the religious order, divers Senators and Advocates, many wise and well learned men: also a great part of the nobility (if we may so say) and that of great renown, 
Note howthe Pope's church is led not with any conscience of truth, but only with love of livings.  yea even of the chiefest Peers in all Europe, begin to contemn and despise us, counting us to be no true pastors of the church: so that except we see to this mischief, and provide for remedy betime, it is greatly to be feared, lest not only we shall be compelled to forsake our dignities, possessions and livings, which we now wealthily enjoy, but also the church being spoiled of her pastors and guides, shall hereafter come to a miserable ruin and utter desolation. This matter therefore now requireth great diligence and circumspection, and that withal celerity.  
Then the Archbishop of Arles, not forgetting his Spanish subtleties and policies, gave his advise, as followeth. Against the nobility we must (said he) take heed that we attempt nothing rashly: but rather, we must seek all the means we can, how to please them, for they are our shield, our fortress and defence. And albeit we know that many of them do both speak & think evil of us, and that they are of these new gospelers, yet may we not reprove them to exasperate them in any case: but seeing they are too much bend against us already, we must rather seek how to win them, and to make them our friends again, by gifts and presents: and by this policy, we shall live in safety under their protection. But if we enterprise any thing against them, sure we are to gain nothing thereby, as we are by experience already sufficiently taught.  
It is well said, saith the Bishop of Aix: but I can show you a good remedy for this disease. 
A butcherly religion which worketh all by blood.  We must go about withal our endeavour, power, and policy, and all the friends we can make, sparing no charges, but spending goods, wealth and treasure, to make such a slaughter of the Merindolians, and rustical pesantes, that none shallbe so bold hereafter, what soever they be, yea although they be of the blood royal, once to open their mouths against us, or the Ecclesiastical state. And to bring this matter to pass, we have no better way, then to withdraw ourselves to Auinion, in the which City we shall find many Bishops, Abbots, and other famous men, which will with us, 
Cathedra Pestilentie.  employ their whole endeavour, to maintain and uphold the majesty of our holy mother the Church. This counsel was well liked of them all. Whereupon the said Archbishop of Arles and the Bishop of Aix, went withal speed, to Auinion, there to assemble, out of hand, the Bishops and other men of authority and credit, to entreat this matter. In this pestilent conspiracy the Bishop of Aix, a stout champion and a great defender of the traditions of men, taking upon him to be the chief Orator, began in manner as followeth.  
O Ye fathers and brethren, 

An oration of Catiline, that is, the oration of the Bishop of Aix, seditious, & bloody.  
Your oblations be against the Scripture. Your pilgrimage is Idolatry.  
Your charity is gone in deed, when ye seek so the blood of your brethren. Your estimation is Pharisaical. Your jurisdiction is tyrannical. Your ordinances serve not to Christ's glory but your own.   ye are not ignorant that a great tempest is raised up against the little bark of Christ jesus, now in great danger and ready to pearish. The storm cometh from the North, whereof all these troubles proceed. The seas rage, the waters rush in on every side, the winds blow & beat upon our house, and we, without speedy remedy, are like to sustain shipwreck, and loss of altogether. For oblations cease, pilgrimage and devotion waxeth cold, charity is clean gone, our estimation and authority is abased, our jurisdiction decayed, and the ordinances of the church despised. And wherefore are we set and ordained over nations and kingdoms, but to root out and destroy, to subvert and overthrow, whatsoever is against our holy mother the Church? Wherefore let us now awake let us stand stoutly in the right of our own possession, that we may root out from the memory of men for ever the whole rout of the wicked Lutherans: those Foxes (I say) which destroy the vineyard of the Lord: those great Whales, which go about to drown the little bark of the son of God. We have already well begun, and have procured a terrible Arrest against these cursed heretics of merindol: now then resteth no more but only the same to be put in execution. Let us therefore employ our whole endeavour, that nothing happen which may let or hinder that we have so happily begun, and let us take good heed, that our gold and silver do not witness against us at the day of judgement, if we refuse to bestow the same, 
The day shall come when men shall think they do a good sacrifice to God, in putting you to death. john. 16.  that we may make so good a sacrifice unto God. And for my part, I offer to wage & furnish of mine own costs and charges, a 100 men well horsed, with all other furniture to them belonging, and that so long, until the utter destruction and subversion of these wretched and cursed caitiffs, be fully performed and finished.  
This Oration pleased the whole multitude, saving one doctor of divinity, a friar jacobine, named Bassinet, who then answered again with this Oration.  
This is a weighty matter (said he) and of great importance: 
The oration of Bassinet answering to the Bishop of Aix.  We must therefore proceed wisely and in the fear of God, and beware that we do nothing rashly. For if we seek the death and destruction of these poor and miserable people wrongfully, when the King and the Nobility shall hear of such an horrible slaughter, we shall be in great danger, lest they do to us as we read in the Scriptures, was done to the priests of Baal. For my part, I must say and unfeignedly confess, that I have too rashly and lightly signed many processes against those, which have been accused of heretical doctrine: but now I do protest before God, which seethe and knoweth the hearts of men, that seeing the lamentable end and effect of mine assigments, I have had no quietness in my conscience, considering that the secular judges, at the report of the judgement and sentence, given by me, and other Doctors my companions, have condemned all those unto most cruel death whom we have judged to be heretics. 
The godly repentance of Bassinet.  And the cause why in conscience I am thus disquieted, is this, that now of late since I have given myself more diligently to the reading & contemplation of the holy scriptures: I have perceived that the most part of those Articles which they that are called Lutherans do maintain, are so conformable and agreeing to the Scriptures, 
The testimony of Bassinet for Lutherans.  that for my part, I can no longer gainsay them, except I should even wilfully and maliciously resist and strive against the holy ordinances of God. Al be it hitherto, to maintain the honour of our holy mother the Church, and of our holy father the Pope, and of our order, I have consented to the opinions, & doings of the other Doctors, as well through ignorance, as also because I would not seem to attempt any thing against the will and pleasure of the Prelates and vicars general: But now it seemeth unto me that we ought not any more to proceed in this matter, as we have done in time past. It shall be sufficient to punish them, with fines or to banish them, which shall speak too intemperately, or rashly against the constitutions of the Church, and of the Pope: and such as shall be manifestly convicted by the holy Scriptures, to be blasphemers or obstinate heretics, to be condemned to death according to the enormity of the crimes or errors, or else to perpetual prison. And this my advise and counsel I desire you to take in good part.  
With this counsel of Bassinet, all the company was offended, but especially the bishop of Aix, who lifting up his voice above all the rest, said thus unto him: O thou man of little faith, 
God and the Pope, and the obedience to them two compared together.  whereof art thou in doubt? Dost thou repent thee of that thou haste well done? Thou haste told here a tale that smelleth of faggots and brimstone. Is there any difference (thinkest thou) between heresies and blasphemies spoken and maintained against the holy Scriptures: and opinions holden against our holy mother the Church, and contrary to our holy father the Pope, a most undoubted and true God in earth? 
john. 3.  Art thou a master in Israel, and knowest not these things? Then said the Bishop of Arles, could any man entreat better of the little Bark of Christ jesus, than my Lord of Aix hath done? Then stood up Bassinet again, and made this Oration.  
It is true, that my Lord the Bishop of Aix hath very well set out the manners and state of the Clergy, 
another Oration of Bassinet.  and hath aptly reproved the vices and heresies of this present time: and therefore so soon as mention was made of the ship of Christ jesus, it came in my mind first of all, of the high Bishop of Jerusalem, the Priests, the Doctors of the law, the Scribes and Pharisees, which sometime had the governance of this ship, being ordained pastors in the Church of God. But when they forsook the law of God, and served him with men's inventions and traditions, he destroyed those Hypocrites in his great indignation: and having compassion and pity upon the people, which were like sheep without a shepherd, he sent diligent fishers to fish for men: faithful workmen into his harvest, and labourers into his vineyard, which shall all bring forth true fruits in their season. Secondly, considering the purpose and intent of the reverent Lord Bishop of Aix, I called to mind the saying of the Apostle in his ●. Epistle and 4. chapter unto Timothe: That in the latter days, some shall fall away from the faith, following after deceitful spirits, and the doctrine of devils. And the Apostle giveth a mark whereby a man shall know them. Likewise our Lord jesus Christ, in the 7. chapter of Matthew, sayeth, That the false Prophets shall come, clothed in sheeps skins, but inwardly they are ravening Wolves: and by their fruits they shall be known. By these two and divers such other places, it is easy to understand, who are they that go about to drown this little bark of Christ. 
False pastors in Christ's church described.  Are they not these which fill the same with filthy and unclean things? With mire and dirt? with puddle and stinking water? Are they not those which have forsaken jesus Christ, the fountain of living water, and have digged unto themselves pits or cisterns which will hold no water? Truly even those they are, which vaunt themselves to be the salt of the earth, and yet have no savour at all: which call themselves pastors, & yet are nothing less than true pastors, for they minister not unto the sheep the true pasture and feeding, neither divide and distribute the true bread of the word of life. And (if I may be bold to speak it) would it not be at this present, as a great wonder to hear a Bishop preach, as to see an Ass fly? Are not they cursed of God which glory and vaunt themselves to have the keys of the kingdom of heaven, and neither enter in themselves, 
Math. 23.  nor suffer them that would enter, to come in? They may be known right well by their fruits: for they have forsaken faith, judgement and mercy, & there is no honest, clean, or undefiled thing in them, but their habit, their rochet, & their surplice and such other: Outwardly they are exceeding neat and trim, but within they are full of all abomination, ravin, gluttony, 
Take heed of those that come to you in sheeps skins, but inwardly they are ravening Wolves.  filthy lust, and all manner of uncleanness. They are like painted sepulchres, which outwardly appear beautiful & fair, but within they are full of filth and corruption. A man shall know (I say) these ravening Wolves, by their fruits, which devour the quick and the dead, under the pretence of long prayer: and for so much as I am enforced to give place to the truth, and that you call me a Master in Israel, I will not be afraid to prove by the holy Scriptures, that your great Pilot and patron the Pope, 
Math. ●. The Pope● Pilots in Christ's ship art become Pirates.  and the Bishops the mariners, and such others, which have impudently forsaken the ship of Christ jesus, to embark themself in Pinnaces and Brigandines, are pirates and robbers of the Sea, false Prophets, deceivers and not true pastors of the Church of jesus Christ.  
When Doctor Bassinet had thus freely and boldly uttered his mind: the whole multitude began to gather about him, and spitefully railed at him. But the bishop of Aix above other, raging and crying out, as he had been mad: get thee out said he, from amongst us, thou wicked Apostata: thou art not worthy to be in this company. We have burned daily a great many, which have not so well deserved it, as thou hast. We may now perceive that there is none more steadfast and fervent in the faith, than the doctors of the canon law. And therefore it were necessary to be decreed in the next general council, 
A commedation for Doctors of the Canon law.  that none should have to do in matters of religion, but they alone: For these knaves and beggarly Monks and Friars will bring all to nought. Then the other doctors of the same order, boldly reproved the bish. of Aix, for the injury that he had done unto them: After this, there rose a great dissension amongst them: in so much that there was nothing at that time determined. After dinner all these reverent prelate's assembled together again, but they suffered neither Friar nor Monk to be amongst them except he were an Abbot. In this assemble they made a general composition, confirmed with an oath, that every man should endeavour himself, that the said Arrest of Merindol should be executed withal expedition, every man offering to furnish out men of war, according to his ability. 
The bishop of Aix, Archcaptain of this persecution.  The charge whereof was given to the Bishop of Aix and to the Precedent of the Canons, to solicit the matter, and to persuade by all means possible, the precedents and Counsellors of the said Court of Parliament, without fear or doubt, to execute the said Arrest, with drums, ensigns, displayed, artillery, and all kind of furniture of war.  
This conspiracy being concluded and determined, the Bishop of Aix departed incontinent from Auinion, to go unto Aix, to perform the charge, which was given to him. Notwithstanding they desired him to be the next day after the Counsel was holden, at a banquet which should be made at the house of the Bishop of Rieux. To this banquet such as were known to be the fairest and most beautiful women in all Auinion, were called to refresh and solace these good Prelates, after the great pains and travail which they had taken for our holy mother the Church. After they had dined, they fell to dancing, playing at dice, and such other pastimes as are commonly wont to be frequented at the banquets and feasts of these holy Prelates. After this, they walked abroad to solace themselves, and to pass the time till supper.  
As they passed thorough the streets, every one leading his Minion upon his arm, they saw a man which sold bawdy Images and pictures, 
Ex fructibus eorum cognoscetis eos.  with filthy rhymes and Ballets annexed to the same, to move and stir up the people to whoredom, and knavery. All these goodly Pictures were bought up by the Bishops: which were as many as a Mule could well carry. And if there were any obscure sentence, or hard to understand, in those rhymes or ballets, the same these learned Prelates did readily expound, and laughed presently thereat. In the same place, as they walked along, there was a bookeseller which had set out to sale, certain Bibles in French and Latin, with divers other Books, which when the Prelates beheld, 
Bawdy pictures received, God's book rejected.  they were greatly moved thereat, and said unto him: Darest thou be so hardy to set out such merchandise to sell here in this town? Dost thou not know that such books are forbidden? The bokeseller answered, is not the holy Bible as good as these goodly pictures, which you have bought for these Gentlewomen? He had scarce spoken these words, but the bishop of Aix said, I renounce my part of Paradise if this fellow be not a lutheran. Let him be taken (said he) and examined what he is, and incontinently the bookeseller was taken and carried unto prison, and spitefully handled: For a company of knaves and ruffians, which waited upon the Prelates, began to cry out, a lutheran, a lutheran, to the fire with him, to the fire with him, and one gave him a blow with his fist, another pulled him by the hear, & other by the beard, in such sort, that the poor man was all imbrued with blood, before that he came unto prison.  
The morrow after he was brought before the judges, in the presence of the bishops, whereas he was examined in this form as followeth. Hast not thou set forth to sale the Bible and the new Testament in French? The prisoner answered, that he had so done. And being demanded whether he understood or knew not that it was forbidden throughout all Christendom, to print or sell the Bible in any other language, then in Latin: he answered, that he knew the contrary, and that he had sold many Bibles in the French tongue, 
Christian constancy in a good bookeseller.  with the Emperors privilege, and many other printed at Lions: also new testaments, imprinted by the king's privilege. Furthermore he said, that he knew no nation throughout all Christendom, which had not the holy scriptures in their vulgar tongue: and afterward with a bold courage thus he spoke unto them. O you inhabitants of Auinion, are you alone in all Christendom? those men which do despise and abhor the Testament of the heavenvly father: Will you forbid and hide that which jesus Christ hath commanded to be revealed and published? Do you not know that our Lord jesus Christ gave power unto his Apostles, to speak all manner of tongues, to this end, that his holy Gospel should be taught unto all creatures, in every language? And why do you not forbid those books and pictures, which are full of filthiness and abomination, to move & stir up the people to whoredom, and to uncleanness, and to provoke God's vengeance and great indignation upon you all? what greater blasphemy can there be, then to forbid Gods most holy books which he ordained to instruct the ignorant, and to reduce and bring again into the way such as are gone astray? What cruelty is this, to take away from the poor silly souls their nourishment and sustenance? But my Lords, you shall give an heavy account, which call sweet sower, and sour sweet, which maintain abominable and detestable books and pictures, and reject that which is holy.  
Then the Bishop of Aix and the other Bishops, began to rage, and gnashed their teeth against this poor prisoner. What need you (said they) any more examination? let him be sent strait unto the fire, without any more words. But the judge Laberius and certain others were not of that mind, neither found they sufficient cause, why to put him to death, but went about to have him put unto his fine, and to make him confess & acknowledge the Bishop of Aix and other his companions, to be the true pastors of the Church. But the bookeseller answered, that he could not do it with a good conscience, forsomuch as he did see before his eyes, that these Bishops maintained filthy books and abominable pictures, rejecting and refusing the holy books of God, and therefore he judged them rather to be the Priests of Bacchus and Venus, than the true pastors of the Church of Christ. Whereupon he was immediately condemned to be burned, and the sentence was executed the very same day: 
A godly bookeseller with two Bibles about his 〈◊〉, burned in Auinion.  And for a sign or token of the cause of his condemnation, he carried two Bible's hanging about his neck, the one before, & the other behind him: but this poor man had also the word of God in his hart & in his mouth, and ceased not continually by the way, until that he came to the place of execution, to exhort and monish the people to read the holy Scriptures: in so much that divers were thereby moved to seek after the truth. The Prelates seeing a great dissension amongst the people of Auinion, and that many murmured and grudged against them for the death of this good man, and also for the dishonour which they had done unto the holy Testament of God, minding to put the people in a fear, they proceeded the next day to make a proclamation by the sound of a Trumpet, 
Proclamation against French Bibles.  throughout the whole town and County of Venice, that all such as had any books in the French tongue entreating upon the holy Scriptures, should bring them forth, and deliver them into the hands of the Commissioners, appointed for that purpose: contrariwise, they which had any such books found about them, should be put to death.  
Then after that these Prelates had taken advise to raise great persecution in Venice, the Bishop of Aix returned to prosecute the execution of the arrest against Merindol, traveling earnestly with the Precedent Cassaneus, to that effect: 
The Bishop of Aix stirreth up Cassaneus the Precedent to persecution. The answer of Cassaneus to the Bishops for merindol.  declaring unto him the good will of the Prelates of Auinion and Province, & the great affection they bore both to him and his, with many fair promises, if he would put the Arrest in execution. The Precedent answered him, that it was no small matter to put the Arrest of merindol in execution. Also that the saiyd Arrest was given out more to keep the Lutherans in fear, which were a great number in Province, then to execute it in effect, as it was contained in the said Arrest. Moreover, he said that the arrest of merindol was not definitive, and that the laws and statutes of the realm, did not permit the execution thereof, without further process. Then said the Bishop, if there he either law or statute which doth hinder or let you, we carry in our sleeves to dispense therewithal. The Precedent answered, it were a great sin to shed the innocent blood. Then said the Bishop, the blood of them of merindol be upon us and upon our successors. Then said the Precedent. 
Sanguis eius super nos & filios nostros. Math. 27.  I am very well assured that if the Arrest of merindol be put in execution, the king will not be well pleased to have such destruction made of his subjects. Then said the Bishop, although the king at the first, do think it evil done, we will so bring it to pass, that within a short space, he shall think it well done: For we have the Cardinals on our side, & specially the most reverent Cardinal of Tournon, the which will take upon him the defence of our cause, 
The Cardinal of Tournon the organ of Antichrist.  and we can do him no greater pleasure, then utterly to root out these Lutherans: so that if we have any need of his counsel or aid, we shall be well assured of him: And is not he the principal, the most excellent & prudent adversary of these Lutherans, which is in all Christendom?  
By this & such other like talk, the Bishop of Aix persuaded the Precedent & counsellors of the Court of Parliament, to put the said Arrest in execution, and by this means through the authority of the said Court, the drum was sounded throughout all Province, that Captains were prepared with their Ensigns displayed, 
The pope's army setteth forward toward merindol.  and a great number of footmen and horsemen, began to set forward & marched out of the town of Aix, in order of battle, well horsed and furnished against merindol, to execute the Arrest. The inhabitants of merindol being advertised hereof, and seeing nothing but present death to be at hand, with great lamentation, commended themselves & their cause unto God by prayer, making themselves ready to be murdered and slain as sheep led unto the butchery.  
Whiles they were at this grievous distress piteously mourning and lamenting together, 
The army again retired by the means of the Lord of Alenc.  the father with the son, the daughter with the mother, the wife with the husband, suddenly there was news brought unto them, that the army was retired, and no man knew at that time, how or by what means: notwithstanding afterward it was known, that the Lord of Alenc, a wise man & learned in the Scriptures & in Civil law, being moved with great zeal and love of justice, declared unto the Precedent Chassanee, that he ought not so to proceed against the inhabitants of merindol by way of force of arms, contrary to all form and order of justice, without judgement or condemnation, or without making any difference between the guilty & the unguilty. And furthermore he said, I desire you my Lord Precedent, call to remembrance the counsel which you have written in your book, 
A story of excommunycating the Rats for eating up the corn.  entitled Catalogus gloriae mundi, in the which book you have entreated and brought forth the processes which were holden against the Rats, by the officers of the Court and jurisdiction of the Bishop of Authun. For as it happened, there was almost through out all the Bailiwyke of Laussois, such a great number of Rats, that they destroyed and devoured all the corn of the country. Whereupon they took counsel to send unto the Bishop of Authuns Official, for to have the Rats excommunicate. Whereupon it was ordained & decreed by the said Official, after he had heard the plaintiff of the Procurator fiscal, that before he would proceed to excommunication, they should have admonition, and warning, according to the order of justice. For this cause it was ordained, that by the sound of a trumpet, & open proclamation made throughout all the streets of the town of Authun, the Rats should be cited to appear within three days: and if they did not appear: then to proceed against them.  
The three days were passed, & the Procurator came into the Court against the rats, & for lack of appearance, obtained default: by virtue whereof he required that they would proceed to the excommunication. Whereupon it was judicially acknowledged, that the said Rats being absent, should have their Advocate appointed them to hear their defence, for somuch as the question was for the whole destruction & banishing of the said Rats. 
The Precedent Chassane chosen Advocate for the Rats.  And you my Lord Precedent being at that time the kings Advocate at Authun, were then chosen to be the Advocate to defend the Rats. And having taken the charge upon you in pleading the matter, it was by you there declared that the citation was of no effect, for certain causes & reasons by you there alleged. Then was it decreed that the said Rats should be once again cited, throughout the Parishes whereas they were. Then after the citations were duly served, the Procurator came again into the Court as before, & there it was alleged by you my Lord Precedent, how that the term of appearance given unto the Rats was to short, & that there were so many Cats in every Town and village as they should pass through, that they had just cause to be absent. 
The persuasion of the Lord of Alenc, to Chassane, to return his army from merindol.   
Wherefore my Lord Precedent, you ought not so lightly to proceed against these poor men, but you ought to look upon the holy Scriptures, and there you shall find how you ought to proceed in this matter: and you my Lord, have alleged many places of the Scripture concerning the same, as appeareth more at large in your said book, and by this plea of a matter which seemeth to be but of small importance, you have obtained great fame and honour, for the upright declaration of the manner & form, how judges ought gravely to proceed in criminal causes. Then my Lord Precedent, you which have taught others, will you not also learn by your own books? the which will manifestly condemn you, if you proceed any further, to the destruction of these poor men of merindol. For are not they Christian men? and ought you not as well to minister right and justice unto them, as you have done unto the Rats? By these and such like demonstrations, the Precedent was persuaded, and immediately called back his commission which he had given out, and caused the army to retire, the which was already come near unto merindol, even within one mile and a half.  
Then the Merindolians understanding that the army was retired, gave thanks unto God, comforting one another, with admonition and exhortation, always to have the fear of God before their eyes, to be obedient unto his holy commandments, 
The Lord's providence for the Merindolians.  subject to his most holy will, and every man to submit himself unto his providence, patiently attending and looking for the hope of the blessed, that is to say, the true life and the everlasting riches, having always before their eyes for example our Lord jesus Christ the very son of God, who hath entered into his glory by many tribulations. Thus the Merindolians prepared themselves to endure and abide all the afflictions, that it should please God to lay upon them: and such was their answer to all those that either pitied or else sought their destruction. Whereupon the brute and noise was so great, as well of the Arrest, 
France's the French king sendeth Mounsieur Langeay, to inquire better of the Merindolians.  as of the enterprise of the execution, and also of the patience and constancy of the Merindolians, that it was not hidden or kept secret, from King Frances, a King of noble courage, and great judgement: Who gave commandment unto the noble and virtuous Lord, Mounsieur de Langeay, which then was his Lieutenant in Thurin, a City in Piedmont, that he should diligently inquire and search out the truth of all this matter. Whereupon the said Mounsieur de Langeay, sent unto Province two men of fame and estimation, giving them in charge, to bring unto him the copy of the Arrest, and diligently to inquire out all that followed and ensued thereupon: and likewise to make diligent inquisition of the life and manners of the said Merindolians, and others, which were persecuted in the country of Province.  
These deputies brought the copy of the Arrest, and of all that happened thereupon, unto the said Mounsieur de Langeay, declaring unto him the great injuries, polings, extortions, exactions, tyrannies, & cruelties, which the judges, 
A testimony in the commenda-of the Merindolians.  as well secular as Ecclesiastical, used against them of merindol and others. As touching the behaviour and disposition of those which were persecuted, they reported that the most part of the men of Province affirmed them to be men given to great labour and travail, and that about 200. years passed (as it is reported) they came out of the country of Piedmont to dwell in Province, and took to tillage and to inhabit, many hamlets & villages destroyed by the wars, and other desert and waste places: which they had so well occupied, that now there was great store of wines, 
The godly conversation of the Merindolians.  oils, honey, and cattle, wherewith strangers were greatly relieved and holpen. Besides that, before they came into the country to dwell, the place of merindol, was taxed but at four crowns, which before the last destruction, paid yearly unto the Lord for taxes and tallages, above 350. crowns, beside other charges.  
The like was also reported of Lormarin, and divers other places of Province, whereas there was nothing but robbery before they came to inhabit there, so that none could pass that way, but in great danger. Moreover, they of the country of Province, affirmed that the inhabitants of merindol and the other that were persecuted: were peaceable & quiet people, beloved of all their neighbours, men of good behaviour, constant in keeping of their promise, and paying of their debts, without traversing or pleading of the law. That they were also charitable men, giving of alms, relieving the poor, and suffered none amongst them to lack or be in necessity. Also they gave alms to strangers, and to the poor passengers, harbouring, nourishing, and helping them in all their necessities, according to their power. Moreover, that they were known by this, throughout all the country of Province, that they would not swear, or name the devil, or easily be brought to take an oath, except it were in judgement, or making some solemn covenant. They were also known by this, that they could never be moved nor provoked to talk of any dishonest matters, but in what company soever they came, where they heard any wanton talk, swearing of blasphemy, to the dishonour of God, they strait way departed out of that company. Also they said that they never saw them go unto their business, but first they made their prayers. The said people of Province furthermore affirmed, that when they came to any fairs or markets, or came to their cities by any occasion, they never in a manner were seen in their Churches: and if they were, when they prayed they turned away their faces from the images, and neither offered candles to them, nor kissed their feet. Neither would they worship the relics of Saints, nor once look upon them. And moreover, 
Crimes laid against the Merindolians.  if they passed by any cross or Image of the crucifix or any other Saint, by the way as they went, they would do no reverence unto them. Also the Priests did testify, that they never caused them to say any Masses, neither diriges, neither yet De profundis: neither would they take any holy water, and if it were carried home unto their houses, they would not say once God a mercy, yea they seemed utterly to abhor it. To go on pilgrimage, to make any vows to Saints, to buy pardons or remission of sins with money, yea though it might be gotten for a halfpenny, they thought it not lawful. Likewise when it thundered or lightened, they would not cross themselves, but casting up their eyes to heaven, fetch deep sighs. Some of them would kneel down & pray, without blessing themselves with the sign of the cross, or taking of holy water. Also they were never seen to offer, 
Man's law preferred before God's law  or cast into the basin, any thing for the maintenance of lights, brotherhoods, churches, or to give any offering either for the quick or the dead. But if any were in affliction or poverty, those they relieved gladly, and thought nothing too much.  
This was the whole tenor of the report made unto Mounsieur de Langeay, touching the life and behaviour of the inhabitants of merindol, and the other which were persecuted: also as touching the Arrest and that which ensued thereupon. Of all those things, the said Monsieur de Langeay, according to the charge that was given him, advertised the king: who understanding these things, as a good prince moved with mercy and pity, sent letters of grace & pardon, 
The kings pardon procured & sent down for the Merindolians.  not only for those which were condemned for lack of appearance, but also for all the rest of the country of Province, which were accused and suspected in like case: expressly charging and commanding the said parliament that they should not hereafter proceed so rigorously as they had done before, against this people, but if there were any that could be found or proved by sufficient information, to have swarned from the christian religion, that then he should have good demonstration made unto him by the word of God, both out of the old and of the new Testament: and so as well by the gentleness as by the rigour of the same, he should be reduced again unto the Church of Christ: declaring also that the king's pleasure was, that all such as should be convict of heresy in manner aforesaid, should abjure: forbidding also all manner of persons, of what estate or condition soever they were, to attempt any thing against them of merindol or other that were persecuted, by any other manner of means, or to molest or trouble them in person or goods: revoking and disannulling all manner of sentences and condemnations, of what judges soever they were, and commanding to set at liberty all prisoners which either were accused or suspected of Lutheranisme.  
By virtue of these letters, they were now permitted to declare their cause, and to say what they could, in defence thereof. Whereupon they made a confession of their faith: the effect whereof you shall see in the end of the story. This 
* This most godly and Christian confession you shall find more largely set out in Hen. Pantaleon and also in the French story, entreating of the destruction of merindol, and Cabriers: also touching the●● faith and confession, you shall partly see hereafter. pag. 917.  confession was presented first to the Court of Parliament, and afterward being declared more at large, with Articles also annexed thereunto, it was delivered to the Bishop of Cavaillon, who required the same. Also to Cardinal Sadolet, Bishop of Carpentras, with the like Articles, and also a supplication to this effect: That the inhabitants of Cabriers in the County of Venice, most humbly desired him that he would vouchsafe to receive & read the confession and declaration of their faith and doctrine, in the which they, and also their fathers before them, had been of a long time, instructed and taught, which they were persuaded to be agreeable to the doctrine contained in the old and new Testament. And because he was learned in the holy Scriptures, they desired him that he would mark such articles as he thought to be against the Scriptures: and if he should make it to appear unto them, that there was any thing contrary to the same, they would not only submit themselves unto abjuration, but also to suffer such punishment as should be adjudged unto them, even to the loss, not only of all that they had, but also their lives. And more over, if there were any judge in all the county of Venice, which by good and sufficient information, should be able to charge them that they had holden any erroneous doctrine, 
〈◊〉 Merindolians require the judgement of Cardinal Sadolet, touching their articles.  or maintained any other religion than was contained in the articles of their confession, they desired him that he would communicate the same unto them, and with all obedience, they offered themselves to whatsoever should be thought just and reasonable. Upon this request Cardinal Sadolet answered by his letters written by his Secretary, and signed with his own hand, the tenor whereof here ensueth.  
I have seen your request, and have red the Articles of your confession, 
The answer of Cardinal Sadolet, to the Merindolians.  wherein there is much matter contained, and do not understand that you are accused for any other doctrine, but for the very same, which you have confessed. It is most true, that many have reported divers things of you, worthy of reproof, which after diligent inquiry made, we have found to be nothing else but false reports and slanders. As touching the rest of your Articles, it seemeth unto me, that there are many words therein, which might well be changed without prejudice unto your confession. And likewise it seemeth to me that it is not necessary that you should speak so manifestly against the Pastors of the Church. For my part, I desire your welfare, and would be sorry that you should be so spoiled or destroyed, as they do pretend. And to the end you shall the better understand my amity and friendship towards you, shortly I will be at my house by Cabriers, whether ye may resort unto me either in greater or smaller number, as you will, and return safely without any hurt or damage, and there I will advertise you of all things that I think meet for your profit and health.  

The Bishop of Cavaillon seeketh the destruction of Cabriers.  About this time, which was the year of our Lord 1542. the Uicelegate of Auinion assembled a great number of men of war at the sure of the B. of Cavaillon, to destroy Cabriers. When the army was come within a mile of Cabriers, the Cardinal Sadolet went with speed unto the Uicelegate, and showed him the request of the inhabitants of Cabriers, with the Articles of their confession, and the offers that they made: so that for that present, the army retired without any damage or hurt done unto the inhabitants of Cabriers. 
Card. Sadolet returned back the army coming against Cabriers.  After this the Cardinal Sadolet went unto Rome: but before his departure he sent for divers of Cabriers, and certain farmers of his own, whom he knew to be of the number of those which were called Lutherans, and told them that he would have them in remembrance, as soon as he came unto Rome, and communicate their Articles and confession unto the Cardinals, 
The promise of Sadolet to his tenants of Cabriers.  trusting to find a mean to have some good reformation, that God should be thereby glorified, & all Christendom brought to an unity and concord: at the least, nothing at all doubting, but that the foulest abuses should be corrected and amended, advertising them in the mean time to be wise and circumspect, to watch and pray for that they had many enemies. With this Oration of Cardinal Sadolet, they of Cabriers were greatly comforted, trusting that at the suit of Cardinal! Sadolet they should have answer of their confession. But at his return, they understood that he found all things so corrupt at Rome, that there was no hope of any reformation there to be had, but rather mortal war against all such as would not live according to the ordinances of the Church of Rome. Likewise said the Treasurer of Carpentras, 
The treasurer of Carpentras a privy friend to them of Cabriers.  who albeit he paid out money to furnish soldiers that were hired for the destruction of Cabriers, notwithstanding he did aid them secretly all that he might. Howbeit he could not do it so secretly, but that it came to the knowledge of the Legate: whereupon he was constrained to withdraw himself.  
On the other part, the Bishop of Aix and Cavaillon pursued still the execution of the arrest of merindol. Then it was ordained by the court of parliament, that according to the king's letters john Durand counsellor of the Court of parliament, with a Secretary: and the Bishop of Cavaillon with a doctor of divinity, should go unto merindol, and there declare unto the inhabitants the errors and heresies which they knew to be contained in their confession, and make them apparent by good and sufficient information, and having so convicted them by the word of God, they should make them to renounce & abjure the said heresies. And if the Merindolians did refuse to abjure, than they should make relation thereof, that the Court might appoint how they should further proceed. After this decree was made, the Bishop of Cavaillon would not tarry until the time which was appointed by the Court, for the execution of this matter: but he himself with a Doctor of Divinity, 
The Bishop of Cavaillon cometh again to merindol,  came unto merindol to make them to abjure. Unto whom the Merindolians answered that he enterprised against the authority of the Parliament, and that it was against his commission so to do. Notwithstanding, he was very earnest with them that they should abjure, & promised them, if they would so do, to take them under his wings & protection, even as the hen doth her chickens, & that they should be no more rob or spoiled. Then they required that he would declare unto them what they should abjure. 
The Pope's Bishops will come to no reasoning.  The Bysh. answered that the matter needed no disputation, & that he required but only a general abjuration of all errors, which would be no damage or prejudice to them: For he himself would not stick to make the like abjuration. The Merindolians answered him again, that they would do nothing contrary to the decree & ordinance of the Court, or the kings letters, wherein he commanded that first the errors should be declared unto them, whereof they were accused: wherefore they were resolved to understand what those errors & heresies were, that being informed thereof by the word of God, they might satisfy the kings letters: otherwise it were but hypocrisy & dissimulation, to do as he required them. And if he could make it to appear unto them by good & sufficient information, that they had held any errors & heresies, 
The Bishops condemn the Merindolians for heresy, and yet can show no heresies in them by the word of God▪  or should be convict thereupon by the word of God, they would willingly abjure: or if in their confession there were any word contrary to the Scriptures, they would revoke the same. Contrariwise, if it were not made manifest unto them, that they had holden any heresies, but that they had always lived according to the doctrine of the Gospel, and that their confession was grounded upon the same: they ought by no means, to move or constrain them, to abjure any errors which they held not, & that it were plainly against all equity and justice so to do.  
Then the Byshyp of Cavaillon was marvelously angry & would hear no word spoken of any demonstration to be made by the word of God, 
The bishop so●e aggrieved to have heresy tried by God's word.  but in a fury cursed and gave him to the devil that first invented that mean. Then the Doctor of Divinity whom the Bishop brought thither, demanded what Articles they were, that were presented by the inhabitants of merindol, for the Bishop of Cavaillon had not yet showed them unto him. Then the bishop of Cavaillon delivered the Doctor the confession. Which after he had read, the Bishop of Cavaillon said, what? will you any more witness or declaration? this is full of heresy. Then they of merindol demanded in what point. Whereunto the Bishop knew not what to answer. Then the Doctor demanded to have time to look upon the Articles of the confession, and to consider whether they were against the Scriptures or no. Thus the Bishop departed, being very sore aggrieved that he could not bring his purpose to pass.  
After viii. days the Bishop sent for this Doctor, to understand how he might order himself to make those heresies appear, which were in the said confession. 
The articles of the Merindolians approved by the Doctor.  Whereunto the Doctor answered, that he was never so much abashed: for when he had beholden the Articles of the confession, and the authorities of the Scripture that there were alleged for the confirmation thereof, he had found that those Articles were wholly agreeable and according to the holy Scriptures, and that he had not learned so much in the Scriptures all the days of his life, as he had in those viii. days, in looking upon those Articles and the authorities therein alleged.  
Shortly after, the Bysh. of Cavaillon came unto merindol, & calling before him the children both great & small, gave them money, & commanded them with fair words, to learn the Pater noster & the Creed in Latin. 
The answer of the children of merindol to the Bishop.  The most part of them answered that they knew the Pater noster, & the Creed already in Latin, but they could make no reason of that which they spoke, but only in the vulgar tongue. The Bysh. answered, that it was not necessary they should be so cunning, but that it was sufficient that they knew it in Latin, & that it was not requisite for their salvation, to understand or to expound the Articles of their faith: for there were many Bishops, Curates, yea & Doctors of Divinity, whom it would trouble to expound the Pater noster, 
The answer of the bailiff of merindol to the Bishop.  & the Creed. Here the Bailiff of merindol, named Andrew Mainard, asked to what purpose it would serve, to say the Pater noster and the Creed, & not to understand the same: for in so doing, they should but mock & deride God. Then said the Bishop unto him, do you understand what it signified by these words, I believe in God? 
The Pater noster in 〈◊〉.  The Bailiff answered, I should think myself very miserable, if I did not understand it, & then he began orderly to give account of his faith. Then said the Bishop. I would not have thought there had been so great Doctors in merindol. The Bailiff answered: 
The children of merindol to good for the Bishop  the least of the inhabitants of merindol, can do it, yet more readily than I: but I pray you, question with one or two of these young children, that you may understand whether they be well taught or no. But the Bishop either knew not how to question with them, or at the least, would not.  
Than one named Pieron Roy said, Sir, one of these children may question with another, if you think it so good: and the Bishop was contented. Then one of the children began to question with his fellows, with such grace and gravity, as if he had been a Schoolmaster, and the children one after another, answered so unto the purpose, that it was marvelous to hear: For it was done in the presence of many, among whom there were four religious men that came lately out of Paris, 
The youth of merindol well b●ought up.  of whom, one said unto the Bishop, I must needs confess that I have often been at the common schools of Sorbone in Paris, where I have heard the disputations of the Divines: but yet I never learned so much as I have done by hearing these young children. Then said William Armant: did ye never read that which is written in xj. Chapter of S. Matthew, where it is said: O father, 
Manth. 11.  Lord of heaven and earth, I render thanks unto thee, that thou hast hidden these things from the sage and wise men of the world, and hast revealed them unto young infants. But behold O father, such was thy good will and pleasure. Then every man marveled at the ready and witty answers of the children of merindol.  
When the Bishop saw that he could not thus prevail, he tried another way, and went about by fair & flattering words, to bring his purpose to pass. Wherefore, causing the strangers to go apart, he said that he now perceived they were not so evil as many thought them to be: Notwithstanding, for the contentation of them, which were their persecutors, it was necessary that they should make some small abjuration, which only the bailiff, with two officers, might make generally in his presence, in the name of all the rest, without any Notary to record the same in writing, 
The Merindolians are moved to abjure.  and in so doing they should be loved and favoured of all men, and even of those which now persecuted them: and that they should sustain no infamy thereby, for there should be no report thereof made, but only to the Pope, and to the high Court of Parliament of Province: And also if any man in time to come, would turn the same to their reproach, or allege it against them to their hurt or damage, they might utterly deny it, and say they made no abjuration at all, because there were no records made thereof, or witnesses to prove the same. For this purpose he desired them to talk together, to the end there might be an end made in this matter, without any further business.  
The bailiff and the two officers, with divers other Ancients of the town, answered, that they were fully resolved, not to consent to any abjuration, howsoever it were to be done, except that (which was always their exception) they could make it appear unto them by the word of God, that they had holden or maintained any heresy: marveling much that he would go about to persuade them to lie to God and the world. And albeit that all men by nature are liars, yet they had learned by the word of God, that they ought diligently to take heed of lying in any matter, were it never so small. Also that they ought diligently to take heed, 
In matters of faith and religion, aught to be no dissimulation.  that their children did not accustom or use themselves to lie, and therefore punished them very sharply, when as they took them with any lie, even as if they had committed any robbery: for the Devil is a liar and the father of lies. Hear the Bishop rose up in great anger and indignation, and so departed.  
Within a while after, the Bishop of Aix solicited master john Durandus councillor of the Court of the Parliament of Province, to execute the commission which was given him, that is, to go unto the place of merindol, together with the Secretary of the said Court, 
Durandus stirred up by the Bishops to execute the commission against the Merindolians.  and there, in the presence of the Bishop of Cavaillon, accompanied with a Doctor of Divinity, to declare the errors and heresies which the Bishops pretended the inhabitants of merindol to be infected and entangled withal, and according to their duty, to make it appear by the word of God, and so being convict, to make them abjure and renounce the said heresies. Whereupon the said Counsellor Durandus, certified the day that he would be present at merindol, to the end & purpose that none of the inhabitants should be absent. At the day appointed, the said Counsellor Durandus, the Bishop of Cavaillon, 
Durandus the commissioner cometh to merindol.  a Doctor of Divinity, & a Secretary, came unto merindol, where as was also present, divers Gentlemen and men of understanding, of all sorts, to see this commission executed. Then they of merindol were advertised, that they should not appear all at once, but that they should keep themselves apart, and appear as they should be called, in such order & number, as should be appointed unto them. After that Durandus, the Bishop of Cavaillon, the Doctor of Divinity, and the Secretary were set in place where justice was accustomed to be kept, there was called forth Andrew Maynard, the bailiff of merindol, jenon Roman, and Michelin Maynard 
* Syndics, is a Greek word, and signifieth as much as an advocate o● patron, o● deputy, sent to plead our cause. The words of Durandu● to the Merindolians.  Syndiques, john Cabrie, and john Palene, ancients of merindol, and john Bruneroll underbaylife. After they had presented themselves with all due reverence, the Counsellor Durandus spoke thus unto them.  
You are not ignorant that by the Arrest given out by the high Court of Province, you were all condemned to be burned, both men, women, and children: your houses also to be beaten down, and your town to be razed and made desolate, etc. as is more largely contained in the said arrest. Notwithstanding, it hath pleased the King our most gracious Prince, to send his letters unto the said Court, commanding that the said arrest should not so rigorously proceed against you: but if it could, by sufficient information be proved, that you or any of you had swerved from the true Religion, demonstration should be made thereof unto you by the word of God, whereby you might be reduced again to the flock of Christ. Wherefore it was determined in the said Court of Parliament, that the Bishop of Cavaillon, with a Doctor of Divinity, should in my presence, declare unto you the errors and heresies wherewith they say, you are infected: and after good demonstration made by the word of God, you should publicly and solemnly renounce and abjure the said heresies, and in so doing, should obtain the grace and pardon contained in the King's letters: Wherefore show yourselves this day, that you be obedient unto God, the King, and the Magistrates. When he had thus spoken, what answer you (said he) to that which I have propounded?  
Then Andrew Maynard the Bailiff, desired that they would grant them an Advocate to answer according to the instructions, which they would give him, 
The Merindolians denied to give answer by counsel or writing.  for so much as they were men unlearned, and knew not how to answer, as in such a case was requisite. The Counsellor answered that he would hear their answer neither by Advocate nor by writing, but would hear them answer in their own persons: Notwithstanding he would give them leave to go apart and talk together, but not to ask any counsel, but only amongst themselves: and then to answer one after another. Upon this determination, the Bailiff and the two Syndiques, with other two ancient men, talked together a while, and determined that the two Syndiques should speak first, and after them the Bailiff, than the two ancient men, every man according as God should give them grace, and by and by, presented themselves. Whereat the Counsellor Durandus was greatly abashed, 
The answer of the Merindolians to Durandus.  to see that they had agreed and determined so speedily. Then Michelin Maynard began to answer, desiring the Counsellor and the Bishop, with the other assistance, to pardon him if that he answered overrudely, having regard that they were poor, rude, and ignorant men. His answer here followeth.  
We are greatly bound (saith he) to give God thanks, that besides other his benefits bestowed upon us, 
The Bailiff of 〈◊〉 answereth.  he hath now delivered us from these great assaults, and that it hath pleased him to touch the hart of our noble King, that our cause might be entreated with justice, and not by violence. In like manner are we also bound to pray for our noble King, which following the example of Samuel & Daniel, hath not disdained to look upon the cause of his poor subjects. Also we render thanks unto the Lords of the Parliament, in that it hath pleased them to minister justice according to the King's commandment. Finally, we thank you my Lord Durandus, Commissioner in this present cause, that it hath pleased you in so few words, to declare unto us the manner and order how we ought to proceed. And for my part, I greatly desire to understand and know the heresies and errors, whereof I am accused, and where as they shall make it appear unto me, that I have holden any errors or heresies, I am contented to amend the same, as it shall be ordained and provided by you.  
After him answered jenon Roman the other Syndique, a very ancient father, approving all that which his fellow before had said, giving God thanks that in his time, even in his latter days, he had seen and heard so good news, that the cause of Religion should be decided and debated by the holy Scriptures, and that he had often heard ancient men say, that they could never obtain of the judges in all their persecution, to have their cause debated in such sort.  
Then Andrew Maynard the Bailiff answered saying: that God had given to those two Syndiques the grace to answer so well, that it was not necessary for him to say or add any more thereunto. Notwithstanding it seemed good that their answers were put in writing, which was not done by the Secretary, that had done nothing else, but mock and gyre at all that had been said: wherefore he required the Commissioner to look unto the matter. Then the Commissioner was very angry and sharply rebuked his Secretary, commanding him to sit nearer and to write their answers word for word, and he himself with a singular memory, repeated their answers, and oftentimes asked if it were not so. The said answers being thus put in writing, the Commissioner asked the bailiff if he had any more to answer, saying that he had done him great pleasure to show him his Secretary's fault, willing him to speak boldly, what he thought good for the defence of their cause. Then the Bailiff said, for somuch as it hath pleased you to give me audience & liberty to speak my mind freely: I say moreover, that it seemeth unto me, that there is no due form of process in this judgement: for there is no party here that doth accuse us. 
The proceeding with the Merindolians not after form of law.  If we had an accuser present, which according to the rule of the Scripture, either should prove by good demonstration out of the old and new Testament, that whereof we are accused, or if he were not able, should suffer punishment due unto such as are heretics: I think he would be as greatly troubled to maintain his accusations, as we to answer unto the same.  
After that the Bailiff had made this answer, john Palenc, 
john Palemc answereth.  one of the ancients of Merindol, said that he approved all that had been said by the Syndiques, and that he was able to say no more than had been said by them before. The Commissioner said unto him: you are (I see) a very ancient man, and you have not lived so long, but that you have some thing to answer for your part, in defence of your cause. And the said Palenc answered: seeing it is your pleasure that I should say something, it seemeth unto me unpossible that (say what we can) we should have either victory or vantage: for our judges be our enemies.  

The under Bailiff of merindol answereth.  Then john Bruneroll underbaylife at merindol, answered, that he would very feign know the authority of the Counsellor Durandus, Commissioner in this cause, for as much as the said Counsellor had given them to understand, that he had authority of the high Court, to make them abjure their errors, which should be found by good and sufficient information, and to give them so doing, the pardon contained in the King's letters, and quite them of all punishment and condemnation. 
Durandus the Commissioner, required to show his Commission.  But the said Commissioner did not give them to understand, that if they could not be found, by good and sufficient information, that they were in error, he had any power or authority to quite and absolve them of the said sentence and condemnation: Wherefore it seemed that it should be more vantage for the said Merindolians, if it should appear that they were heretics, then to be found to live according to the doctrine of the Gospel. For this cause he required, that it would please the said Commissioner to make declaration thereof: concluding that if it did not appear by good and sufficient information against them, that they had swerved from the faith, or if there were no accuser that would come forth against them, they ought to be fully absolved, without being any more troubled either in body or goods.  
These things were thus in debating from seven of the clock in the morning, until xj. Then the Commissioner dismissed them till after dinner. At one of the clock at after noon, they were called for again, and demanded whether they would say any thing else, 
The Bailyfe & Sindickes, of Merindol appear the second time.  touching that which was propounded in the morning, by the said Commissioner. They answered, no. Then said the Commissioner, what do you conclude for your defence? The two Syndiques answered: we conclude that it would please you to declare unto us the errors and heresies, whereof we are accused. Then the Commissioner asked the Bishop of Cavaillon, what informations he had against them. The Bishop spoke unto him in his ear, and would not answer aloud. This talk in the ear continued almost half an hour, that the Commissioner and all other that stood thereby, were weary thereof. In the end, the Commissioner said unto them, that the Bishop of Cavaillon had told him, that it was not needful to make it apparent by information, for such was the common report. Hereunto they answered: that they required the causes and reasons alleged by the Bishop of Cavaillon, against them, should be put in writing. The Bishop was earnest to the contrary, 
They that do the works of darkness hate the light.  and would have nothing that either he said or alleged, to be put in writing.  
Then john Bruneroll required the Commissioner, that at the least, he would put in writing, that the Bishop would speak nothing against them, that they could understand, and that he would not speak before the Commissioner but only in his ear. The Bishop on the contrary part, defended that he would not be named in process. There was great disputation upon this matter, and continued long. Then the Commissioner asked the Merindolians if they had the Articles of their confession, which they had presented to the high Court of Parliament. Then they required that their confession might be read, and by the reading thereof they might understand whether it were the doctrine, which they held, & the confession which they had presented, or no. Then the confession was read publicly before them, 
The confession of the Merindolians, exhibited and read.  which they did allow and acknowledged to be theirs. This done the Commissioner asked the Doctor if he did find in the said confessions, any heretical opinions, whereof he could make demonstration by the word of God, either out of the old or the new Testament. Then spoke the Doctor in Latin a good while. After he had made an end: Andrew Mainard the Bailiff desired the Commissioner, according as he had propounded, to make the errors and heresies that they were accused of, 
What were the articles & doctrine of their confession, read Sled. Lib. 16.  apparent unto them by good information, or at the least, to mark those Articles of their confession, which the Bishop & the Doctors pretended to be heretical, requiring him also to put in Register, their refusal, aswell of the Bishop as of the Doct. of whom the one spoke in his ear, and the other in Latin, so that they of merindol could not understand one word. Then the Commissioner promised them to put in writing all that should make for their cause. And moreover he said that it was not needful to call the rest of the Merindolians, if there were no more to be said to them, than had been said to those, which were already called. And this is the sum of all that was done at the after noon.  
Many which came thither to hear these disputations: supposing that they should have heard some goodly demonstrations, were greatly abashed to see the Bishop and the Doctor so confounded: which thing afterward turned to the great benefit of many: for hereby they were moved to require the copies of the confession of their faith: by means whereof they were converted and embraced the truth, and namely iij. Doctors, who went about divers times to dissuade the Merindolians from their faith: whose ministry God afterwards used in the preaching of his Gospel. 
Three Doctors converted by the confession of the Merindolians.  Of whom one was Doctor Combaudi Prior of S. Maximin, afterwards a Preacher in the territory of the Lords of Berne. An other was Doctor Somati, who was also a Preacher in the Bailiwycke of Tonon. The other was Doctor Heraudi, pastor and Minister in the County of Newcastle.  
After this the inhabitants of merindol were in rest and quietness for a space, in so much that every man feared to go about to trouble them, seeing those which persecuted them, did receive nothing but shame and confusion: as it did manifestly appear, 
The sudden death of a persecutor.  not only by the sudden death of the Precedent Chassanee, but also many other of the chiefest Counsellors of the Parliament of Province, whose horrible end terrified many, but specially the strange and fearful example of that bloody tyrant john de Roma, set out as a spectacle to all persecutors whereof we have spoken before.  
Thus the Lord repressing the rage of the adversaries for a time, stayd the violence and execution of that cruel sentence or Arrest given out by the Parliament of Province, against the Merindolians, until john Miniers, an exceeding bloody tyrant, began a new persecution. This Miniers being Lord of oped near to merindol, 
Minerius a pestilent persecutor without all reason and measure.  first began to vex the poor Christians by pilling and polling, by oppression & extortion, getting from them what he could, to enlarge his signory or Lordship, which before was very base. For this cause he put v. or vi. of his own tenants into a Cistern under the ground, 
6. Martyrs of oped.  and closing it up, there he kept them, till they died for hunger, pretending that they were Lutherans, and Uaudoys, to have their goods and possessions. By this and such other practices, this wretch was advanced in short space, to great wealth and dignity, & so at length became not only the chief Precedent of the high Court of Parliament, but also the kings Lieutenant general in the country of Province, 
Minerius made the kings Lieutenant of Province.  in the absence of the Lord Grignan, then being at the Council of Worms in Germany. Now therefore seeing no opportunity to be lacking ●o accomplish his devilish enterprise, he employed all his p●wer, richesse, & authority not only to confirm and to revive that cruel Arrest given out before by the Court of Parliament: but also (as a right minister of Satan) he exceedingly increased the cruelty thereof, which was already so great, that it seemed there could nothing more be added thereunto. And to bring this mischief to pass, he forged a most impudently, 
False accusations and crimes forged upon the innocent Christians▪  giving the king to understand that they of merindol & all the country near about, to the number of twelve or fiveten thousand, were in the field in armour with their Ensign displayed, intending to take the Town of Marseille, and make it one of the Cantons of the Swissers: And to stay this enterprise, 
The king abused by wicked counsel.  he said it was necessary to execute the Arrest manu militari, and by this means he obtained the King's letters patents, through the help of the Cardinal of Tournon, commanding the sentence to be executed against the Merindolians, notwithstanding that the King had before revoked the said sentence, and given strait commandment that it should in no wise be executed, as before is mentioned.  
After this he gathered all the Kings armey, which was then in Province ready to go against the Englishmen, and took up all beside, that were able to bear armour, in the chiefest Towns of Province, and joined them with the armey which the Pope's Legate had levied for that purpose, in Auinion and all the country of Venice, and employed the same to the destruction of merindol, Cabriers, and other Towns and Uillages, to the number of xxij. giving commission to his soldiers to spoil, ransack, burn, and to destroy altogether, and to kill man, woman and child, without all mercy, sparing none: no otherwise then the Infidels and cruel Turks have dealt with the Christians, as before in the story of the Turks, you may read.  
For as the Papists and Turks are like in their Religion, so are the said Papists like, or rather exceed them, in all kinds of cruelty that can be devised. But this Arch-tyrant before he came to merindol, ransacked and burnt certain towns, namely Lafoy Roche, S. Stephens, Uillelaure, Lormarin, La Motte, Cabrierettes, S. Martin, Pipin, 
8. towns with the most part of the people destroyed for true religion.  and other places more, notwithstanding that the Arrest extended but only to Merindol. Where the most of the poor inhabitants were slain and murdered without any resistance: women and maidens ravished: women with child and little infants borne and to be borne, were also most cruelly murdered: 
Horrible cruelty upon women & young infants.  the paps of many women cut off, which gave suck to their children, which looking for suck at their mother's breast being dead before, died also for hunger. There was never such cruelty and tyranny seen before.  
The Merindolians seeing all on a flaming fire round about them, left their houses and fled into the woods, and remained that night at the village Sanfales and thereabouts, in wonderful fear and perplexity: for the Bishop of Cavaillon, deputy to the Bishop of Rome's Legate, had appointed certain Captains to go and slay them. The next day they went a little further, hiding themselves in woods, for there was danger on every side, and Miniers had commanded under pain of death, that no man should aid them by any means, but that they should be slain without pity or mercy, wheresoever they were found. The same Proclamation was of force also, in the Bishop of Rome's dominions thereby: and it was said that the Bishops of that country did find a great part of the army. Wherefore they went a tedious and a painful journey, carrying their children upon their shoulders, and in their arms, and in their swaddling clothes, and many of them also being great with child, were constrained so to do. And when they were come to the place appointed, thither was already resorted a great number which had lost their goods, and saved themselves by flight.  
Not long after, it was showed them how that Miniers was coming with all his power, to give the charge upon them. This was in the evening, and because they should go through rough and cumbersome places, and hard to pass by, they all thought it most expedient for their safeguard to leave behind them, all the women and children, with a few other, and among them also, certain Ministers of the Church: the residue were appointed to go to the town of Mussie. And this did they upon hope that the enemy would show mercy to the multitude of women and children, 
A lamentable separation of the Merindolians from their wives and children.  being destitute of all succour. No tongue can express, what sorrow, what tears, what sighing, what lamentation there was at that woeful departing, when they were compelled to be thus separated asunder, the husband from his dear wife, the father from his sweet babes and tender infants, the one never like to see the other again alive. Notwithstanding, after the Ministers had ended their ordinary Sermons, with evening Prayers and exhortations, the men departed that night, to avoid a greater inconvenience.  
When they had gone all the night long, and had passed over the great hill of Libron, they might see many villages and farms set on fire. Miniers in the mean time, had divided his army into two parts, marching himself with the one, towards the Town of merindol, and having knowledge by espial whether the Merindolians were fled, he sendeth the other part to set upon them, and to show their accustomed cruelty upon them. Yet before they came to the place where they were, some of Miniers army, either of good will, or moved with pity, privily conveyed themselves away, and came unto them, to give them warning that their enemies were coming: and one from the top of an high rock, where he thought that the Merindolians were underneath, casteth down two stones, and afterward, although he could not see them, he calleth unto them; that they should immediately fly from thence. But the enemies suddenly came upon them, 
The Merindolians overtaken of their enemies.  finding them all assembled together at prayers, and spoiled them of all that they had, pulling off their garments from their backs: some they ravished: some they whipped and scourged: some they sold away like cattle, practising what cruelty and villainy soever they could devise against them. The women were in number about five hundredth.  
In the mean time Miniers came to merindol, where he found none but a young man named Maurice Blanc, who had yielded himself to a soldier, promising him for his ransom, two French crowns. Miniers would have had him away by force, but it was answered that the soldier ought not to lose his prisoner. Miniers therefore paying the two crowns himself, took the young man, and caused him to be tied to an Olive tree, and shot through with harquebuses, and most cruelly martyred. 
Vile cruelty showed upon a young man of merindol.  Many Gentlemen which accompanied Miniers against their wills, seeing this cruel spectacle, were moved with great compassion, and could not forbear tears. For albeit this young man was not yet very well instructed, neither had before dwelled at merindol, yet in all his torments having always his eyes lifted up to heaven, with a loud voice, he ceased not still to call upon God: and the last words that he spoke, were these: Lord God, these men take away my life full of misery, but thou wilt give unto me life everlasting, by thy son jesus Christ: to whom be glory. So was merindol without any resistance, valiantly taken, ransacked, burnt, razed, 
The town of Merindol destroyed of the Papists.  and laid even with the ground. And albeit there was no man to resist, yet this valiant Captain of oped armed from top to toe, trembled for fear, and was seen to change his colour very much.  
When he had destroyed merindol, he laid siege to Cabriers, and battered it with his ordinance, 
The town of Cabriers falsely taken▪  but when he could not win it by force, he with the Lord of the Town, and Poulin his chief Captain, persuaded with the inhabitants, to open their gates, solemnly promising, that if they would so do, they would lay down their armour, and also that their cause should be heard in judgement with all equity and justice, and no violence or injury should be showed against them. Upon this, 
Oath and promise broken of the Papists.  they opened their gates, and let in Miniers with his Captains and all his army. But the Tyrant when he was once entered, falsified his promise, and raged like a beast. For first of all he picked out about thirty men, 
30. men, Martyrs.  causing them to be bound and carried into a meadow near to the Town, and there to be miserably cut and hewn in pieces of his soldiers.  
Then, because he would leave no kind of cruelty unattempted, 
40. Women, Martyrs.  he also exercised outrage and fury upon the poor selly women, and caused forty of them to be taken, of whom divers were great with child, and put them into a barn full of straw and hey, and caused it to be set on fire at four corners. And when the silly women running to the great window, where the hey is wont to be cast into the barn, would have leapt out, they were kept in with pikes and halberdes. Then there was a soldier which moved with pity at the crying out and lamentation of the women, opened a door to let them out, but as they were coming out, the Tyrant caused them to be slain and cut in pieces, opening their belies, that their children fell out, whom they trod under their feet. Many were fled into the wine-cellar of the Castle, 
Cruelty Neronicall, or rather fury diabolical.  and many hid themselves in caves, whereof some were carried into the meadow, and there stripped naked, were slain: othersome were bound two and two together, and carried into the hall of the Castle, where they were slain by the Captains, rejoicing in their bloody butchery and horrible slaughter.  
That done, this Tyrant, more cruel than ever was Herode, commanded Captain john de Gay with a band of ruffians, to go into the Church (where was a great number of women, children and young infants) to kill all that he found there. Which the Captain refused at the first, to do, saying: that were a cruelty unused among men of war. Whereat Miniers being displeased, charged him upon pain of rebellion, and disobedience to the King, to do as he had commanded him. The Captain fearing that might ensue, entered with his men, and destroyed them all, sparing neither young nor old.  
In this mean while certain soldiers went to ransack, the houses for the spoil: where they found many poor men that had there hidden themselves in sellers and other privy places, flying upon them and crying out: kill, kill. The other soldiers that were without the town, killed all that they could meet with. The number of those that were so unmercifully murdered, 
Above a ●000. Martyrs of Cabriers.  were about M. persons of men, women, and children. The infants that escaped their fury, were baptized again of their enemies.  
In token of this jolly victory, the Pope's Officers caused a pillar to be erected in the said place of Cabriers, in the which was engraven the year and the day of the taking and sacking of this Town, by john Miniers Lord of oped, & chief Precedent of the Parliament of Province, for a memorial for ever, of the barbarous cruelty, the like whereof was yet never heard of. Whereupon we withal our posterity, have to understand what be the reasons and arguments wherewith the Antichrist of Rome, is wont to uphold the impious seat of his abomination: Who now is come to such excess and profundity of all kinds of iniquity, 
The arguments whereupon the doctrine of the pope's church standeth.  that all justice, equity and verity being set a side, he seeketh the defence of his cause, by no other thing, then only by force and violence, terror and oppression, and shedding of blood.  
In this mean while the inhabitants of merindol and other places thereabout, were among the mountains and rocks, in great necessity of viccualles, and much affliction: who had procured certain men, which were in some favour and authority with Miniers, to make request for them unto him, that they might departed safely, whether it should please God to lead them, with their wines and children, although they had no more but their shirts to cover their nakedness. 
Antichrist here playeth the devil.  Whereunto Miniers made this answer: I know what I have to do: not one of them shall escape my hands. I will send them to dwell in hell among the devils.  
After this there was a power sent unto Costa, which likewise they overcame, & committed there great slaughter. 
The town of Costa, destroyed.  Many of the inhabitants fled away and ran into an orchard, where the soldiers ravished the women and maidens, and when they had kept them there enclosed a day and a night, they handled them so beastly, that those which had great bellies, and the younger maidens died shortly after. It were impossible to comprehend all the lamentable and sorrowful examples of this cruel persecution against the Merindolians and their fellows: 
Martyrs of-Costa.  In so much that no kind of cruel Tyranny was unpractised. For they which escaped by woods, and went wandering by mountains, were taken and set in galleys, or else were slain outright.  
Many which did hide themselves in rocks and dark caves, some were famished with hunger, some were smothered with fire, and smoke put unto them. All which may more fully be understand by the records of the Court, and by the pleas between them and their adversaries in the high Consistory of the Court of Paris: Where all the doors being set open, and in the public hearing of all the people, the case of this trouble and persecution was shortly after, solemnly debated between two great lawyers: the one called Aubrius, which accused Minerius the precedent committed to prison, and the other called Robertus, who was the defendant against him. 
When the Merindolians were slain, their cause was pleaded.  The cause why this matter of Merindol was brought in plea and judgement to be decided by the law, was this:  
Henry the second French king, which newly succeeded Frances his father above mentioned, considering how this cruel and infamous persecution against his own subjects and people, was greatly misliked of other Princes, and also objected both against him and his father, as a note of shameful Tyranny, by the Emperor himself, Charles the fift, 
France's the French king, noted of tyranny by Charles 5. Emperor. The cause of the Merindolians after their death pleaded 50. times in the Court. Minerius loosed out of prison.  and that in the public Council of all the states of Germany, for so murdering & spoiling his own natural subjects, without all reason and mercy: he therefore to the intent to purge and clear himself thereof, caused the said matter to be brought into the Court, and there to be decided by order of justice.  
Which cause, after it was pleaded to and fro, in public audience, no less than fifty times, and yet in the end, could not be determined, so it broke of and was passed over, and at length Minerius being loosed out of prison, was restored to his liberty and possessions again, upon this condition and promise made unto the Cardinal, Charles of Lorraine, that he should banish and expel these new Christians (terming so the true professors of the Gospel) out of all Province.  
Thus Minerius being restored, returned again into Province, where he began again to attempt greater tyranny, than before. 
The just stroke of God upon cruel Minerius.  Neither did his raging fury cease to proceed, before the just judgement of God lighting upon him, brought him by a horrible disease, unto the torments of death, which he most justly had deserved. For he being strucken with a strange kind of bleeding at the lower parts, in manner of a bloody flux, and not being able to void any urine, thus by little and little his guts within him rotten: and when no remedy could be found for this terrible disease, and his entrails now began to be eaten of worms, a certain famous surgeon named La Motte, which dwelled at Arles, a man no less godly than expert in his science: was called for, who after he had cured him of this difficulty of making water, and therefore was in great estimation with him, before he would proceed further to search the other parts of his putrefied body, and to search out the inward cause of his malady, he desired that they which were present in the chamber with Minerius, 
Good counsel given to Minerius of his Surgeon.  would departed a little a side. Which being done, he began to exhort Minerius with earnest words, saying how the time now required that he should ask forgiveness of God by Christ, for his enormous crimes and cruelty in shedding so much innocent blood, and declared the same to be the cause of this so strange profusion of blood coming from him. 
Minerius seeketh the blood of his Surgeon.   
These words being heard, so pierced the impure conscience of this miserable wretch, that he was therewith more troubled then with the agony of his disease: in so much that he cried out to lay hand upon the Surgeon, as an heretic. La Motte hearing this, eftsoons conveyed himself out of sight, and returned again to Arles. notwithstanding it was not long, but he was sent for again, being entreated by his friends, 
The wretched end of wretched Minerius the persecuter.  and promised most firmly, that his coming should be without any peril or danger: and so with much ado, he returned again to Minerius, what time all now was past remedy: and so Minerius raging and casting out most horrible and blaspheming words, and feeling a fire which burned him from the navel upward, with extreme stinch of the lower parts, finished his wretched life. Whereby we have notoriously to understand that God through his mighty arm, at length confoundeth such persecutors of his innocent and faithful servants, & bringeth them to nought: to whom be praise and glory for ever.  
Moreover, besides this justice of God showed upon Minerius, here also is not to be forgotten which followed likewise upon certain of the other, which were the chief doers in this persecution under Minerius aforesaid, namely jews de Vain, brother in law to the said Precedent, and also the brother, and the son in law to Peter Durant, 
The just plague of God upon 3. persecutors.  master butcher of the Town of Aix: the which three did slay one an other upon a certain strife that fell among them. And upon the same day the judge of Aix, who accompanied Minerius in the same persecution, as he returned homeward, going over the River of Durance, was drowned. Ex Hist. Gallica. Henr. Pantal, & alijs.   

Notes upon the story of merindol above recited.  
THus hast thou heard (loving Reader) the terrible troubles, & slaughters committed by the Bishops and Cardinals against these faithful men of Merindol, which for the heinous tyranny and example of the fact most unmerciful, may be comparable with any of the first persecutions in the primitive Church, done either by Decius, or Dioclesianus.  
Now, touching the said story and people of Merindol, briefly by the way is to be noted, 
The Gospelers of merindol came first of the Waldenses.  that this was not the first time that these men of this country, were vexed, neither was it of late years, that the doctrine and profession of them began. For (as by the course of time, and by ancient Records it may appear) these inhabitants of Province, and other coasts bordering about the confines of France, and Piedmont, had their continuance of ancient time, and received their doctrine first from the Waldenses, or Albigenses, which were (as some say) about the year of our Lord 1170. or (as other do reckon) about the year of our Lord 1216. whereof thou hast (gentle reader) sufficiently to understand, 
Vid. supra pag. 230. etc.  reading before, pag. 230. Item, pag. 260 Item, pag. 267. etc.  
These Waldenses, otherwise called Pauperes, de Lugduno, beginning of one Petrus Waldus, Citizen of Lions, as is before showed, 
Vid. supra pag. 231.  pag. 231. by violence of persecution being driven out of Lions, were disparkled abroad in divers countries, of whom some fled to Massilia, some to Germany, some to Sarmatia, Livonia, Bohemia, Calabria, and Apulia, divers strayed to the Countries of France, especially about Province, and Piedmont, of whom came these Merindolians, above mentioned, and the Angrognians with others, of whom now it followeth likewise (God willing) to discourse. 
Waldenses how and of whom they first began.  They which were in the country of Tolouse, of the place where they frequented, were called Albij, or Albigenses. Against the which Albigenses, Friar Dominicus was a great doer, labouring and preaching against them 10. years together, and caused many of them to be burned, for the which he was highly accepted, and rewarded in the Apostolical Court, and at length by Pope Honorius the 3. was made Patriarch of the black guard of the Dominicke Friars. 
Dominicus Patriarch of the black Friars, enemy to the Waldenses.  Ex Antonino part. 3. tit. 19 cap. 1.  
These Albigenses, against the Pope of Rome, had set up to themselves a Bishop of their own, named Bartholomaeus, remaining about the coasts of Croatia, and Dalmatia, as appeareth by a letter of one of the Pope's Cardinals, above specified, pag, 261. For the which cause the Sea of Rome took great indignation against the said Albygenses, 
Vid. s●pra pag. 261.  and caused all their faithful Catholics and obedienciaries to their Church to rise up in armour, and to take the sign of the holy cross upon them, to fight against them. An. 1206 by reason whereof great multitudes of them were pitifully murdered, not only of them about Tolouse, & Auinion in France (as is afore to be seen, pag. 273.) but also in all quarters, miserable slaughters and burnings of them long continued, from the reign of Fridericke 2. Emperor, almost to this present time, through the instigation of the Roman Popes.  
Paulus Aemylius the French Chronicler in his 6. book, writing of these Pauperes de Lugduno, 
Ex Paul. Aemylio lib. 6  and Humiliati, and dividing these two orders from Albigenses, reporteth that the two former orders were rejected of Pope Lucius 3. And in their place, other two orders were approved, to wit, the order of the Dominicke Friars, and of the franciscans. Which seemeth not to be true, for somuch as this Pope Lucius was 20. years, before Innocent 3. and yet neither in the time of Pope Innocent, the order of the Dominicke Friars was approved, but in the time of Pope Honorius the 3. who was 40. years after Pope Lucius. Again, Bernardus Lutzenbergensis, in Catal. haeret affirmeth, that these Pauperes de Lugduno, 
Ex Bernard Lutzenberg.  or Waldenses began first. an. 1218. Which if it be true, then must the other report of Aemylius be falls, writing of the sect of Pauperes Lugdunenses, to be refused by Pope Lucius the 3. who was long before this in the year of our Lord. 1181.  
Among other authors which write of these Waldenses, joan. Sleidan. Lib. 16. entreating of their continuance and doctrine, 
See the story of Sleidan.  thus writeth of them. There be (sayeth he) in the French Province a people called Waldoys. These of an ancient trade and custom among them, do not acknowledge the Bishop of Rome, and ever have used a manner of doctrine somewhat more pure, than the rest, but especially since the coming of Luther, they have increased in more knowledge and perfection of judgement. Wherefore they have been oftentimes complained upon to the king, as though they contemned the Magistrate, and would move rebellion, with other such matter falsely surmised against them, more of despite and malice, then of any just cause of truth. There be of them certain Towns and Villages, among which merindol is one. Against these Merindolians sentence was given, five years past, at Aix, being the high tribunal seat or judgement place of Province, that all should be destroyed without respect of age or person, in such sort, as that the houses being plucked down, the Village should be made plain, even with the ground, the trees also should be cut down, and the place altogether made desolate and desert. All beit, though it were thus pronounced, yet was it not then put in execution, by the means of certain that persuaded the king to the contrary, namely one William Bellay, who was at the same time, the king's Lieutenant in Piedmont. But at the last, the 12. day of April. an. 1545. john Minerius Precedent of the Counsel of Aix, calling the Senate, read the king's letters, commanding them to execute the sentence given etc.  

This confession worthy of perpetual memory, you shall see more largely set out, in Henr. Pantaleon, writing of the destruction of Cabriers and merindol, and also in the French story.  Moreover, concerning the confession, and the doctrine of the said Merindolians received of ancient time from their forefathers the Waldenses, thus it followeth in the said book and place of john Sleidan.  
At last (sayeth Sleidan, after he had described what great cruelty was showed against them) when the report hereof was bruited in Germany, it offended the minds of many: and in deed, the Suitzers, who were then of a contrary Religion to the Pope, entreated the King, that he would show mercy to such as were fled. Whereunto the said king Frances, made answer in this wise: pretending that he had just cause to do, as he did, inferring moreover, that they ought not to be careful, what he did within his dominions, or how he punished his offenders, more than he was about their affairs. 
Ex joan. Sledano. ●ib. 16.  etc., Thus hard was the king against them notwithstanding (sayeth Sleydan) that he, the year before, had received from the said his subjects of merindol, a confession of their faith and doctrine. The Articles whereof, were, that they, according to Christian faith, confessed, first God the father, creator of all things: The son, the only Mediator and Advocate of mankind The holy spirit, the comforter, and instructor of all truth. They confessed also the Church, which they acknowledged to be the fellowship of Gods elect, whereof jesus Christ is the head. The ministers also of the Church they did allow, wishing that such which did not their duty, should be removed.  
And as touching Magistrates, they granted likewise the same to be ordained of God, to defend the good, 
The confession & faith of the Waldenses in merindol.  & to punish the transgressors. And how they own to him, not love only, but also tribute, and custom, and no man herein to be excepted, even by the example of Christ, who paid tribute himself. etc.  
Likewise of Baptism, they confessed the same to be a visible, and an outward sign, that representeth to us the renewing of the spirit, and mortification of the members.  
Furthermore, as touching the lords Supper, they said and confessed the same to be a thanksgiving, and a memorial of the benefit received through Christ.  
Matrimony they affirmed to be holy and instituted of God, and to be inhibited to no man.  
That good works are to be observed & exercised of all men, as holy Scripture teacheth.  
That false doctrine, which leadeth men away from the true worship of God, aught to be eschewed.  
Briefly, and finally, the order and rule of their faith, they confessed to be the old and new Testament, protesting that they believed all such things as are contained in the Apostolic Crede: Desiring moreover, the King to give credit to this their declaration of their faith, so that whatsoever was informed to him to the contrary, was not true, and that they would well prove, if they might be heard.  
And thus much concerning the doctrine and confession of the Merindolians out of Sleidan: and also concerning their descent and offspring from the Waldenses.   

* The History of the persecutions and wars against the people called Waldenses or Waldois in the valleys of Angrongne, Luserne, S. Martin, peruse, and others, in the country of Piedmont, from the year 1555. to the year of our Lord. 1561.  
Persecutors. Martyrs. The Causes. 

The Parliament of Thurin.  
The Precedent of S julian.  
jacomell Monk, an Inquisitor.  
Monsieur de la Trinity.  
The Gentlemen of the Valleys.  
Charles Truchet.  
Boniface Truchet.  
The Collateral of Corbis  
The Collateral de Ecclesia.  
The Duke of Savoy.  
Monks of pignerol, and many other more, enemies of God, and ministers of Satan.   


The Martyrs of the valley of Angrogne.  
The Martyrs of the valley of Luserne.  
The Martyrs of S. Martin.  
The Martyrs of peruse, and others.    
In the country of Piedmont.  
From the year 1555. unto 1561.  TO proceed now further in the persecution of these Waldois, 
Persecution in the valley of Angrongne, Luserne, S. Martin, peruse, in Piedmont.  or Waldenses, you have herd hitherto, first how they dividing themselves into divers Countries, some fled to Province, and to Tolouse, of whom sufficient hath been said. Some went to Piedmont, and the valley of Angrogne, of whom it followeth now to entreat God willing. Thus these good men by long persecution, being driven from place to place, were grievously in all places afflicted, but yet could never be utterly destroyed, nor yet compelled to yield to the superstitious and false religion of the church of Rome: but ever abstained from their corruption and Idolatry, as much as was possible, & gave themselves to the word of God, as a rule both truly to serve him, and to direct their lives accordingly. They had many books of the old and new Testament translated into their language. Their ministers instructed them secretly, to avoid the fury of their enemies, which could not abide the light: all be it they did not instruct them with such purity as was requisite. They lived in great simplicity, and with the sweat of their brows. They were quiet and peaceable among their neighbours, abstaining from blasphemy, and profaning of the name of God, by oaths, and such other impiety: from lewd games, dancing, filthy songs and other vices and dissolute life, and conformed their life wholly to the rule of God's word. Their principal care was always that God might be rightly served, and his word truly preached: In so much, that in our time, when it pleased God to set forth the light of his gospel more clearly, they never spared any thing, to establish the true and pure ministry of the word of God and his Sacraments. Which was the cause that Satan with his ministers, did so persecute them of late more cruelly than ever he did before, as manifestly appeareth by the bloody & horrible persecutions which have been, not only in Province, against those of Merindol & Cabriers: also against them of prague and Calabria (as the histories afore written do sufficiently declare) but also against them in the Country of Piedmont, remaining in the Ualley of Angrongne, and of Lucerne, and also in the Ualley of S. Martin, and peruse, in the said country of Piedmont. Which people of a long time, were persecuted by the Papists, and especially within these few years, they have been vexed in such sort, and so diversly, that it seemeth almost incredible: and yet hath God always miraculously delivered them, as hereafter shall ensue.  
Albeit the people of Angrongne had before this time, certain to preach the word of God, and minister the sacraments unto them privately: yet in the year of our Lord 1555. in the beginning of the month of August, the Gospel was openly preached in Angrongne. The ministers and the people intended at the first, to keep themselves still, as secret as they might: but there was such concourse of people from all parties, that they were compelled to preach openly abroad. For this cause they built them a Church in the mids of Angrongne, where assembles were made, and Sermons preached. It happened about that time, that one john Martin of Briqueras, a mile from Angrongne, which vaunted every where, 
The just hand of God upon john Martin, a persecutor.  that he would slit the ministers nose of Angrogne, was assaulted by a Wolf, which bit of his nose, so that he died thereof mad. This was commonly known to all the towns thereabout.  
At this season the French king held these foresaid valleys, & they were under the jurisdiction of the Parliament of Thurin. In the end of December following, news was brought, that it was ordained by the said Parliament, that certain horsemen and footmen should be sent to spoil and destroy Angrongne. Whereupon some which pretended great friendship to this people, counseled them not to go forward with their enterprise: but to forbear for a while, and to wait for better opportunity. But they notwithstanding, calling upon God, determined with one accord, constantly to persist in their religion, and in hope and silence, to abide the good pleasure of god: so that this enterprise against Angrongne, was soon dashed. The same time they began also openly to preach in Luserne.  
In the month of March, An. 1556. the Ministers of the Ualley of S. Martin, preached openly. At that time certain Gentlemen of the Ualley of S. Martin, took a good man, 
Barthelmew a Bookebinder martyr.  named Barthelmew a book binder, prisonner, as he passed by the said Ualley, the which was sent by and by, to Thurin, and there with a marvelous constancy, after he had made a good confession of his Faith, he suffered death: In so much that divers of the parliament were astonished and appalled at his constancy. Yet they of the said Parliament, being sore incensed against the Uandois, sent one named the Precedent of S. julian, 
The Precedent of S. julian and other, sent to the Angrongnians.  associating unto him, one called de Ecclesia, and others, for to hinder their enterprise. These coming first to the Ualley of peruse, where as yet no preachers were, but they were accustomed to resort to the Sermons at Angrongne, very much troubled and feared the poor people there.  
From thence they went to the Ualley of S. Martin, and remained there a good while, tormenting the poor people, and threatening their utter ruin and destruction. After that they came to Luserne, troubling and vexing the people there, in like manner. From thence they went to Angrongne, accompanied with many Gentlemen, and a great rabble of Priests, of the said Country: but by the way, the Precedent inquired for one dwelling at S. john's near to Angrongne, and examined him whether he had not baptized his child at Angrongne, and wherefore he had so done. 
Note here how the Papists play the A●abaptistes.  The poor simple man answered, that he had baptized his child at Angrongne, because Baptism was there ministered according to the institution of Christ. Then the Precedent in a great rage, commanded him in the king's name, to Baptizm his child again, or else he should be burnt. The poor man desired the Precedent that he might be suffered to make his prayer to God, before he should make answer thereunto. Which, after, 
Example of good prayer  he had done in the hall before all the company there present: he required the Precedent that he would write and sign the same with his own hand, that he would discharge him before God of the danger of that offence, if he should baptise his child again, and that he would take the peril upon him and his. The Precedent hearing this, was so confounded, that he spoke not one word a good while after. 
The Precedent confounded at the poor man's answer.  Then said he in a great fury, away thou villain, out of my sight: and after that he was never called again any more.  
After they were come to Angrogne, the Precedent having visited the two Temples, caused a Monk to preach in the one, the people being there assembled, who pretended nothing else, but only to exhort them to return to the obedience of the Sea of Rome. The Monk with the Precedent & all his retinue, kneeled down twice, and called upon the virgin Mary: 
The people would not kneel to pray to our Lady.  but the ministers and all the people stood still, and would not kneel, making no sign or token of reverence. Assoon as the Monk had ended his Sermon, the people requested instantly, that their Minister might also be suffered to preach, affirming that the said Monk had spoken many things, which were not according to the word of God. But the Precedent would not grant their request. After that, the said Precedent admonished them in the name of the king, and the Parliament of Thurin, 
The people of Angrongne threatened with destruction.  that they should return to the obedience of the Pope, upon pain of loss of goods and life, and utter destruction of their town: and withal he recited unto them, the piteous discomfiture of their brethren and friends, which had been done before in merindol and Cabriers, & other places in the country of Province. The ministers and the people answered that they were determined to live according to the word of God, and that they would obey the king and all their superiors in all things, 
The Angrongnians desired to be tried by the word of God.  so that God were not thereby displeased: And furthermore, if it were showed unto them by the word of God, that they erred in any point of Religion, they were ready to receive correction, and to be reform. This talk endured about six hours together, even until night. In the end, the Precedent said there should be a disputation appointed for those matters. Whereunto the people gladly agreed. But after that there was no more mention made thereof.  
Hear he remained 14. days, daily practising new devices, to vex and torment them, 
The Syndiques were as Shrieves counsellors or Advocates.  with new Proclamations, now calling to him the Syndiques and head officers, now severally and now altogether, that so for fear he might make them to relent: causing also assembles to be made in every Parish, by such as he appointed, thinking thereby to divide the people. Notwithstanding he nothing prevailed with all that he could do: but still they continued constant. In somuch that they with one accord, presented a brief confession of their Faith, with an answer to certain interrogatories made by the Precedent, in the which they confessed:  
That the Religion wherein both they and their Elders had been long instructed & brought up, was the same, 
The Articles & confession of the Angrongnians exhibited, to the Precedent.  which is contained both in the old and new Testament, the which is also briefly comprised in the 12. Articles of the Christian belief.  
Also, that they acknowledged the Sacraments instituted by Christ, whereby he distributeth abundantly his graces and great benefits, his heavenly riches and treasures, to all those which receive the same, with a true and a lively faith.  
Furthermore, that they received the Creeds of the four general Counsels, that is to say, of Nice, Constantinople, Ephesus and Chalcedon, and also the Creed of Athanasius, wherein the mystery of the Christian faith and religion is plainly and largely set out.  
Item, the ten Commandments expressed in the 20. chapped. of Exod. and in the 5. of Deut. in the which the rule of a godly & holy life, and also the true service which God requireth of us, is briefly comprised: and therefore following this article, they suffered not by any means (said they) any gross iniquities to reign among them, as unlawful swearing, perjury, blasphemy, cursing, sclandering, dissension, deceit, wrong dealing, usury, gluttony, drunkenness, whoredom, theft, murder, sorcery, witchcraft, or such like: but wholly endeavoured themselves to live in the fear of God, and according to his holy will.  
Moreover, they acknowledged the superior powers, as princes and magistrates, to be ordained of God, & that who so ever resisteth the same, resisteth the ordinance of God: and therefore humbly submitted themselves to their superiors, with all obedience, so that they commanded nothing against God.  
Finally, they protested, that they would in no point be stubborn, but if that their forefathers or they had erred many one jot concerning true religion, the same being proved by the word of God, they would willingly yield, and be reform.  

Their Interrogatories.  The interrogatories, were concerning the Mass, auricular confession, baptism, marriage, and burials, according to the institution of the Church of Rome.  

Their answers to the Interrogatories. Mass.  To the first they answered, that they received the lords supper, as it was by him instituted, and celebrated by his Apostles: but as touching the mass, except the same might be proved by the word of God, they would not receive it.  
To the second touching auricular confession, they said, that for their part, they confessed themselves daily unto God, acknowledging themselves before him, to be miserable sinners, desiring him of pardon and forgiveness of their sins, as Christ instructed his, in the prayer which he taught them: 
1. john. 1.  Lord, forgive us our sins. And as S. john sayeth: If we confess our sins to God, he is faithful and just to forgive us our sins, and to cleanse us from all unrighteousness. And according to that which God himself sayeth by his Prophet: O Israel, if thou return, return unto me. And again, O Israel, it is I, it is I, which forgiveth thee thy sins. So that, 
jere. 4. Esa. 43.  seeing they ought to return to God alone, and it is he only that forgiveth sins, therefore they were bound to confess themselves to God only, 
Auricular confession.  and to no other. Also it appeareth, that David in his Psalms, and the Prophets, and other faithful servants of God have confessed themselves, both generally and particularly unto God alone: Yet if the contrary might be proved by the word of God, they would (say they) with all humbleness receive the same.  

Baptism.  Thirdly, as touching Baptism, they acknowledged and received that holy Institution of Christ, and administered the same with all simplicity, as he ordained it in his holy Gospel, without any changing, adding, or diminishing in any point, & that all this they did in their mother tongue, 
1. Cor. 14.  according to the rule of S. Paul, who willeth that in the church every thing to be done in the mother tongue, for the edification of our neighbour. But as for their conjurations, oiling, and salting, except the same might be proved by the sacred Scripture, they would not receive them.  
Fourthly, as touching burials, they answered, that they knew there is a difference between the bodies of the true Christians, 
The manner of burials.  and the Infidels, for as much as the first are the members of jesus Christ, temples of the holy ghost, and partakers of the glorious resurrection of the dead, and therefore they accustomed to follow their dead to the grave reverently, with a sufficient company, and exhortation out of the word of God, as well to comfort the parents and friends of the dead, as also to admonish all men, diligently to prepare themselves to die. But as for the using of candles or lights, prayers for the dead, ringing of bells, except the same might be proved to be necessary, by the word of God, and that God is not offended therewith, they would not receive them.  
Fifthly, as touching obedience to men's traditions, they received and allowed all those ordinances, 
Obedience to men's traditions.  which (as S. Paul saith) serve for order, decency, & reverence of the ministery. But as for other Ceremonies, which have been brought into the Church of God, either as a part of his divine service, either to merit remission of sins, or else to bind men's consciences, because they are mere repugnant to the word of God, they could by no means receive them.  
And whereas the Commissioners affirmed the said traditions to have been ordained by counsels: 
councils not to be preferred before God's word.  first they answered, that the greatest part of them were not ordained by counsels. Secondly, that Counsels were not to be preferred above the word of God, which saith: If any man, yea or Angel from heaven, should preach unto you, otherwise then that which hath been received of the Lord jesus, 
Galat. 1.  let him be accursed. And therefore (said they) if Counsels have ordained any thing dissenting from the word of God, they would not receive it.  
Finally, they said, that the Counsels had made divers notable decrees concerning the election of Bishops, and Ministers of the Church: concerning Ecclesiastical discipline, as well of the Clergy, as of the people: also concerning the distribution of the goods and possessions of the Church. 
councils not kept of the Papists in many points.  And further, that all pastors which were either whoremongers, drunkards, or offensive in any case, should be put from their office. Moreover, that whosoever should be present at the mass of a priest which was a whoremonger, should be excommunicate. And many such other things, which were not in any point observed. And that they omitted to speak of many other things, which were ordained by divers Counsels, very superstitious, and contrary to the holy Commandments of God, as they would be ready to prove (said they) if they should have occasion and opportunity thereunto.  
Wherefore they required the Commissioners, 
Disputation required.  that a disputation might be had (as by the said Precedent was pretended) publicly and in their presence, and then if it might be proved by the word of God, that they erred either in doctrine, or conversation and manner of living, they were content, with all humbleness to be corrected, and reformed, as they had before said: beseeching them to consider also that their religion had been observed & kept from their ancestors, until their time, 
For the antiquity of these Waldoys, see before pag.  many hundred years together: and yet for their parts, being convicted by the infallible word of God, they would not obstinately stand to the defence thereof: Saying moreover, that they, together with the said Lords Deputies, confessed all one God, one Saviour, one Holy Ghost, one Law, one Baptism, one hope in Heaven: and in Sum, they affirmed that their faith and religion was firmly founded and grounded upon the pure word of God, wherefore it is said, That blessed are they which hear the same, and keep it.  
To be short, seeing it is permitted to the Turks, 
Turks and jews find more favour with the Papists, than the true Christians.  Saracens, & jews (which are mortal enemies to our Saviour Christ) to dwell peaceably in the fairest Cities of Christendom, by good reason they should be suffered to live in the desolate mountains & valleys, having their whole religion ●ounded upon the holy Gospel, and worshipping the Lord jesus: and therefore they most humbly besought them, to have pity and compassion upon them, and to suffer them to live quietly in their deserts, protesting that they and theirs would live in all fear & reverence of God, with all due subjection and obedience to their Lord and prince, and to his Lieutenants and officers.  
The Precedent and the rest of the Commissioners perceiving that they laboured in vain, returned to Thurin, with the notes of their proceed, the which immediately were sent unto the king's court, & there the matter remained one year, 
A breathing time given of God to the Ang●onians.  before there was any answer made thereunto: during which time, the Waldoys lived in great quietness, as God of his infinite goodness is wont to give some comfort & refreshing to his poor servants, after long troubles and afflictions. The number of the faithful so augmented, that throughout the valleys, God's word was purely preached, & his sacraments duly administered, and no mas●e was song in Angrongne, nor in divers other places. The year after, the Precedent of S. julian with his associates, returned to pignerol, & sent for thither, the chief Rulers of Angrongne, & of the valley of Luserne, that is, for six of Angrongne, and for two of every parish beside, and showed unto them, how that the last year they had presented their confession, the which by a decree made by the parliament of Thurin, was sent to the king's court, 
Persecution again beginneth against the Angronians.  & there diligently examined by learned men, & condemned as heretical. Therefore the king willed and commanded them, to return to the obedience of the Church of Rome, upon pain of loss both of goods and life: enjoining them moreover, to give him a direct answer within 3. days. From thence he went to Luserne, & caused the householders, with great threatenings to assemble themselves before certain by him appointed: 
The Angronians require trial by God's word.  but they with one assent persisted in their former confession. And lest they should seem stubborn in the defence of any erroneous doctrine, they desired that their confession might be sent to all the Universities of Christendom, and if the same in any part, by the word of God were disproved, it should be immediately amended: but contrariwise, if that were not done, than they to be no more disquieted.  
The Precedent not contented with this, the next morning sent for six of Angrongne by him named, & for two out of every other parish, the which he and the Gentlemen of the country threatened very sore, 
The Angronians required to bring in their ministers and Schoolmasters.  and warned twelve of the chief of Angrongne, and certain of the other parishes, to appear personally at the Parliament of Thurine, and to bring before the judges of the said Parliament, their ministers and schoolmasters, thinking if they were once banished the country, that then their enterprise might soon be brought to an end. To the which it was answered, that they could not, nor ought not to obey such a commandment.  
A little while after, Proclamation was made in every place, 
Proclamation made at Angrongne.  that no man should receive any preacher coming from Geneva, but only such as were appointed by the Archbishop of Thurin, and other his officers, upon pain of confiscation of their goods, and loss of their lives, and that every one should observe the ceremonies, rites, & religion used in the Church of Rome. Furthermore, if any of the foresaid preachers of Geneva came into those quarters, that they should immediately be apprehended, and by no means their abode there by any one to be concealed, upon the pain aforesaid. And furthermore, the names of those which should disclose any one of them, should be kept secret, and also for their accusation, they should have the third part of the goods confiscated, with a full pardon, if that the said accusers were any of those which privily did keep or maintain the said ministers: and that they and all other, which would return to their mother the Church, might freely and safely come and recant before the said Commissioners.  
At the same season the Princes of Germany, and certain of the Suitzers sent unto the French king, 
The Germans make supplication for the Angronians.  desiring him to have pity on the foresaid Churches, and from that time until three years after, the people of the foresaid valleys were not molested by any of the king's officers: but yet they were sore vexed by the monks of pignerol, and the Gentlemen of the valley of S. Martin.  
About that time a minister of Angrongne named Geffrey Uarialla, borne in Piedmont, a virtuous and learned man, 
Geffray Varialla Martyr.  and fearing God, went to visit certain churches in those quarters where he was borne, and coming homeward, was taken at Berge, and from thence led to Thurin where he after he had made a good confession of his faith, to the confirmation of many, and the terror of the adversaries, most constantly suffered.  
A few days after, a minister of the valley of Luserne, returning to Geneva, was taken prisoner at Suse, & soon after sent to Thurin, and with an invincible constancy made his confession before those of the Parliament, and in the end was condemned to be burnt. The hangman at the time of execution feigned himself to be sick, 
A notable example of a good hangman.  and so conveyed himself away. And so likewise an other served them, being appointed by the foresaid Court, to execute the poor minister. It is credibly reported, that the hangman which executed certain Germans a little afore, would by no means do this execution. Whereupon the minister was sent to prison again, where after long & painful endurance, seeing the prison door open, he escaped, and returned to his cure.  
Now four years being past, in such manner as we have hitherto touched in this story, in the year following, which was 1559. there was a peace concluded between the French king, and the king of Spain. Whereupon the country of Piedmont, (certain towns excepted) was restored to the Duke of Savoy: under whose regiment the foresaid Churches, and all other faithful people in Piedmont, continued in great quietness, and were not molested: and the Duke himself was content to suffer them to live in their religion, knowing that he had no subjects more faithful and obedient than they were. But Satan hating all quietness, by his ministers stirred the Duke against the said Churches of Piedmont, 
The Pope stirreth up the Duke of Savoy against the Angronians.  his own natural subjects. For the Pope and the Cardinals seeing the good inclination of the Duke towards this people, incensed him to do that, which otherwise he would not. The Pope's Legate also which then followed the Court, and other that favoured the Church of Rome, laboured by all means to persuade the Duke, that he ought to vanish the said Waldoys, which maintained not the Pope's religion: alleging that he could not suffer such a people to dwell within his dominion, without prejudice and dishonour to the Apostolic Sec. Also that they were a rebellious people against the holy ordinances and decrees of their holy mother the Church. And briefly, that he might no longer suffer the said people, being so disobedient & stubborn against the holy father, if he would in deed show himself a loving and obedient son.  
Such devilish instigations were the cause of these horrible and furious persecutions, wherewith this poor people of the valleys and the Country of Piedmont was so long vexed. And because they foresaw the great calamities which they were like to suffer: to find some remedy for the same (if it were possible) all the said Churches of Piedmont, with one common consent wrote to the duke, declaring in effect, that the only cause why they were so hated, and for the which he was by their enemies so sore incensed against them, was their religion: which was no new or light opinion, but that wherein they and their ancestors had long continued, being wholly grounded upon the infallible word of God, contained in the old and new Testament. Notwithstanding, if it might be proved by the same word, that they held any false or erroneous doctrine, they would submit themselves to be reform, with all obedience. But it is not certain whether this advertisement was delivered unto the Duke, or no: for it was said, that he would not hear of that Religion. But how so ever it was, in the month of March following, there was great persecution raised against the poor Christians, which were at Carignan. Amongst whom there were certain godly persons taken, & burnt within four days after, that is to say, one named Mathurine, and his wife, 
Mathurin & his wife john de Carquignan, Martyrs.  and john de Carquignan, dwelling in the valley of Luserne, taken prisoner as he went to the market at Pignerol. The woman died with great constancy. The good man, john de Carquignan had been in prison divers times before for religion and was always delivered by God's singular grace and providence. But seeing himself taken this last time, incontinent he said, he knew that God had now called him. Both by the way as he went, and in prison, and also at his death, he showed an invincible constancy, and marvelous virtue, aswell by the pure confession which he made touching the doctrine of salvation, as also in suffering with patience the horrible torments which he endured both in prison, & also at his death. Many at that time fled away: others being afraid of that great cruelty, and fearing man also more than God, looking rather to the earth, then unto heaven, consented to return to the obedience of the Church of Rome.  
Within few days after, 
Persecution beginnerh in the Valleys.  these Churches of the said Waldoys, that is to say, Le Larch, Meronne, Mean, and Suse were wonderfully assaulted. To recite all the outrage, cruelty, and villainy that was there committed, it were too long: for brevities sake we will recite only certain of the principal and best known. The Churches of Mean & Suse suffered great afflictions. Their minister was taken amongst other. Many fled away, and their houses and goods were ransacked and spoiled. 
The Minister of Mean, Martyr.  The Minister was a good & a faithful servant of God, and endued with excellent gifts and graces, who in the end was put to most shameful and cruel death. The great patience which he showed in the mids of the fire, greatly astonished the adversaries. Likewise the Churches of larch and Meronne were marvelously tormented and afflicted. For some were taken and sent to the galleys, other some consented & yielded to the adversaries, and a great number of them fled away. It is certainly known, 
God's secret judgements upon them that shrink from his truth.  that those which yielded to the adversaries, were more cruelly handled then the others which continued constant in the truth. Whereby God declareth how greatly he detesteth all such as play the Apostates, and shrink from the truth.  
But for the better understanding of the beginning of this horrible persecution against the Waldoys, here note, that first of all proclamations were made in every place, that none should resort to the Sermons of the Lutherans, but should live after the custom of the Church of Rome, upon pain of forfeiture of their goods, and to be condemned to the Galleys for ever, or lose their lives. Three of the most cruel persons that could be found, 
Cruel persecutors. Thomas jacomell a cruel Apostata.  were appointed to execute this commission. The first was one Thomas jacomel, a Monk, and Inquisitor of the Romish faith, a man worthy for such an office, for he was an Apostata, and had renounced the known truth, and persecuted mortally and maliciously the poor Christians, against his own conscience, and of set purpose, as his books do sufficiently witness. He was also a whoremonger, and given over to all other villainies and filthy living, and in the horrible sin of Sodomitry, which he commonly used, he passed all his fellows. Briefly, 
The rigorous handling of the Waldoys.  he was nothing else but a misshapen monster both against God and nature. Moreover, he so afflicted and tormented the poor captives of the said Waldoys, by spoiling, robbery, and extortion, that he deserved not only to be hanged, but to be broken upon the wheel a hundred times, and to suffer so many cruel deaths, if it were possible: so great, so many, and so horrible were the crimes that he had committed.  
The second was the Collateral Corbis, who in the examination of the prisoners, was very rigorous & cruel, for he only demanded of them whether they would go to the mass, or be burnt within three days, and in very deed executed his sayings. But it is certainly reported, 
Martyrs.  that he seeing the constancy, and hearing the confession of the poor Martyrs, feeling a remorse, and tormented in conscience, protested that he would never meddle any more.  
The third was the Provost de la justice, a cruel and crafty wretch, accustomed to apprehend the poor Christians either by night, or early in the morning, or in the high way going to the market, and was commonly lodged in the valley of Luserne, or there abouts. Thus the poor people were always as the silly sheep in the Wolves jaws, or as the sheep which are led unto the slaughter house.  
At that season one named Charles de Comptes, of the valley of Luserne, and one of the Lords of Angrongne, wrote to the said Commissioners, to use some levity towards them of the valley of Lusern. By reason whereof, they were a while more gently entreated then the rest. At that season the monks of Pignerol, & their associates tormented grievously the churches near about them. 
The cruel Monks of pignerol.  They took the poor Christians as they passed by the way, and kept them prisoners within their abbey. And having assembled a company of Ruffians, they sent them to spoil those of the said churches, and to take prisoners, men, women & children, and some they so tormented, that they were compelled to swear, to return to the mass, other some also they sent to the galleys, and other some they burned cruelly. They which escaped, were afterwards so sick, that they seemed to have been poisoned. 
Martyrs.  The same year there were two great earthquakes in Piemonte, and also many great tempests and horrible thunders.  
The Gentlemen of the valley of S. Martin, entreated their tennauntes very cruelly, threatening them, and commanding them to return unto the Mass, also spoiling them of thayr goods, imprisoning them, and vexing them by all the means they could. 
Charles Trutchet and Boniface, his brother, two cruel persecutors.  But above all the other, two especially, that is to say, Charles Truchet and Boniface his brother, the which the 2. day of April before day, with a company of Ruffians, spoiled a village of their own subjects, named Renclaret, the which assoon as the inhabitants of the said village perceived, they fled into the mountain covered with snow, 
A minister of Calabria burnt.  naked and without victual, and there remained until the third night after. In the morning certain of his retinue took a minister of the said valley prisonner, which was come out of Calabria, & was going to visit the poor people of Renclaret, and led him prisoner to the Abbey, where soon after he was burnt, with one other of the valley of S. Martin.  
The third night after, they of Pragela having pity upon the poor people of Renclaret, 
God's people rescued.  sent about iiij. C. to discomfit the company of the Truchets, and to restore those which were fled to their houses. They were furiously assaulted by the shot of their enemies, who notwithstanding in the end were put to flight, and but one of the four hundred hurt.  
About a year before, the said Truchet being accompanied with a company of ruffians, arrested prisoner the minister of Renclaret, as he was at his Sermon. But the people was so moved by this outrageous dealing, & specially the women, that they had almost strangled the said Truchet, and the rest of them were so canvased, that they had no list to come there again any more. By reason whereof he so vexed them by process, that they were compelled to agree with him, and to pay him xvi. C. crowns.  
Soon after the lords of the said valley took another minister of the same valley, 
A minister of the Valley of Renclaret, taken and wounded.  as he was going to preach in a parish, a mile from his house: but the people perceiving that, speedily pursued him, and took him. The enemies seeing that they were not able to lead him away, wounded him so sore, that they left him for dead. Whereupon they so persecuted the poor people, that they were almost destroyed.  
Hear is not to be forgotten, that the same night in the which the company of Truchet was discomfited, was so stormy and terrible, and the Gentlemen of that Country were so terrified, that they thought they should have been all destroyed. Wherefore they used more gentleness towards the people then before, except Charles Truchet, & his brother, 
False complaints brought to the Duke▪ against the Waldoys.  the which went to the Duke, and made grievous complaints against the Waldoys, not only for that which was done and passed, but also persuaded the duke, that they went about to build three Fortresses in the mountains, and also intended to maintain certain garrisons of strangers: charging them further with divers other crimes, of the which they were in no point guilty. The Duke being moved by these false surmises, gave in charge to the said accusers, and the Fortress of the valley of S. Martin, the which about twenty year before was razed by the French men, should be built again, and that therein should be placed a perpetual garrison, and that the people should make so plain and wide the rugged ways, that horsemen might easily pass, with divers such other things: and all this to be done at the costs & charges of those that would not submit themselves to the abedience of the Roman Church. 
What cruel report●r● do.   
This commission being sealed, the Gentlemen caused the Fortress to be built again, and put therein a garrison, and proclaimed the commission. The poor people being thereat amazed, withstood the Commissioners, and sent certain to the Duke: and immediately after the Commissioners returned to the Duke's Court, being at Nice, to inflame his anger more against them. But God soon prevented this mischief: For the Truchets being at Nice, went to the Sea, with divers noble men, and immediately they were taken prisoners by the Turks, put into the Galleys, sore beaten with ropes, and so cruelly handled, that it was commonly reported that they were dead: and long time after denying their nobility, were sent home, 
The just judgement of God upon the Truchets, so cruelly vering, spoiling and accusing of these poor Waldoys.  having paid 400. crowns for their ransom. Some say, that the Duke himself was almost taken, but it is sure that he fell sick soon after.  
In the month of April next following, the Lord of Raconis was present at a Sermon, in a place near unto Angrongne. The sermon being ended, he talked with the ministers, and having discoursed as well of the Duke's sickness, as also of his clemency and gentleness, he declared to them, that the persecution proceeded not of him, and that he meant not that the commission should have been so rigorously executed. After that he demanded of them, what way they thought best to appease the Duke's wrath. They answered, that the people ought not to be moved to seek by any means, how to please & appease the Duke, which might displease God. But the best way they knew, was the same, wherewith the ancient servants of God, used to appease the pagan Princes and Emperors, 
By what means the christians in times past, have appeased the fury of pagan princes.  in the time of the great persecutions of the church, that is to say, to give out and present unto them in writing, the confession of their faith, and defence of the religion which they professed: trusting that for as much as the fury of divers profane and Ethnic Emperors and princes have been heretofore appeased by such means, the Duke being endued with such singular virtues, as they said he was, would also be pacified by the like means: And for that cause the poor people had before sent a supplication, with a Confession of their faith unto the Duke, but they were not certain whether he had received it, or no. Wherefore they desired him to present the same unto the said Duke himself. Whereunto he agreed & promised so to do. Whereupon they sent three supplications: one to the Duke, the second to the Duchess, 
The Angronians send forth three supplication.  and the third to the dukes counsel, wherein they briefly declared what their religion was, and the points thereof, which they and their ancestors had of a long time observed, being wholly grounded upon the pure word of God: and if by the same word it should be proved, that they were in error, they would not be obstinate, but gladly be reformed, and embrace the truth. After this the persecution seemed to be somewhat assuaged for a little while.  
In the end of june next following, the Lord of Raconis, and the Lord of Trinity came to Angrogne, there to qualify (as they said) the sore persecution. and caused the chief rulers and ministers to assemble together, propounding divers points of Religion concerning Doctrine, the calling of Ministers, the Mass, and obedience towards Princes and Rulers: and furthermore declared unto them that their confession was sent to Rome by the Duke, and daily they looked for answer. 
The confession of the Angronians sent to the Pope.  To all these points the Ministers answered. After this they demanded of the chief rulers, if that the Duke would cause Mass to be song in their parishes, whether they would withstand the same, or no. They answered simply that they would not. Then they demanded of them if that the Duke would appoint them Preachers, whether they would receive them. They answered, 
Demands put to the Angronians,  that if they preached the word of God purely, they would hear them. Thirdly, if that they were content, that in the mean time their ministers should cease, and if they which should be sent, preached not the word of God sincerely, than their ministers to preach again. If they would agree to this, they were promised that the persecution should cease, and the prisoners should be restored again. To this question, after they had conferred with the people, they answered, that they could by no means suffer that their Ministers should forbear preaching.  
The two Lords not contented with this answer, commanded in the Duke's name, that all the ministers which were strangers, should out of hand be banished the country: saying, that the Duke would not suffer them to dwell within his dominion, for that they were his enemies: demanding also whether they would foster and maintain the Prince's enemies within his own land against his own decree and express commandment? To the which, answer was made by the chief Rulers, that they could by no means banish them, unless they were afore convicted of some heresy, or other crime: for their part, 
The Angronians deny to put away their ministers.  they had always found them to be men of pure and sound doctrine, and also of godly life and conversation.  
Thus done, immediately Proclamations were made, and the persecution began on every side to be more furious than it was afore. Amongst others, the Monks of Pignerol at that time were most cruel: for they sent out a company of hired Ruffians, 
The Monks of Pignerol cruel against the Angronians.  which daily spoiled and ransacked houses, and all that they could lay hands of, took men, women, and children, and led them captives to the Abbey, where they were most spitefully afflicted and tormented. At the same time they sent also a band of the said ruffians by night, to the Ministers house of S. Germain, in the valley of peruse, 
The minister of S. Germain betrayed & taken.  being led thither by a traitor which knew the house, and had used to haunt thither secretly: who knocking at the door, the Minister knowing his voice, came forth immediately, and perceiving himself to be betrayed, fled: but he was soon taken and sore wounded, and yet notwithstanding they pricked him behind with their halberds, to make him hasten his pace. At that time also many they slew, many they hurt, and many also they brought to the Abbey, and there kept them in prison, and cruelly handled them. The good Minister endured sore imprisonment, 
Barbarous cruelty showed against the good minister of S. Germain.  and after that a most terrible kind of death, with a wonderful constancy: For they roasted him by a small fire: and when half his body was burnt, he confessed and called upon the Lord jesus, with a loud voice.  
The Inquisitor jacomel, with his Monks, and the Collateral Corbis, amongst other, showed one practice of most barbarous cruelty against this poor man. Who when he should be burnt, 
Two women compelled to 〈◊〉 faggots to burn their pastor.  caused two poor women of S. Germain (which they kept in prison) to carry faggots to the fire, and to speak these words to their Pastor: take this, thou wicked heretic, in recompense of thy naughty doctrine, which thou hast taught us. To whom the good Minister answered: Ah good women, I have taught you well, but you have learned ill. To be brief, they so afflicted and tormented those poor people of Saint Germain, and the places thereabout, that after they were spoiled of their goods, and driven from their houses, they were compelled to fly into the mountain to save their lives. So great was the spoil of this poor people, that many which before had been men of much wealth, and with their riches had ministered great succour and comfort to others, were now brought to such misery, that they were compelled to crave succour and relief of other.  
Now, for as much as the said Monks, with their troops of ruffians (which were counted to be in number about three hundred) made such spoil and havoc in all the country, 
Whether it be lawful for the persecuted people of christ to stand to their own defence.  that no man could there live in safety: it was demanded of the Ministers, whether it was lawful to defend themselves, against the insolency and furious rage of the said Ruffians. The Ministers answered, that it was lawful, warning them in any case, to take heed of bloodshed. This question being once dissolved, they of the valley of Luserne and of Angrongne, sent certain men to them of S. Germain, to aid them against the supporters of these Monks.  
In the month of june, the harvest being then in Piedmont, divers of the Waldoys were gone into the country, to reap and make provision for corn, for very little groweth upon their mountains: the which were all taken prisoners at sundry times and places, not one knowing of another: 
Mirabilia Dei.  but yet God so wrought, that they all escaped out of prison, as it were by a miracle: Whereat the adversaries were marvelously astonished. At the same time, there were certain other also, which had sustained long imprisonment, looking for nothing else but death: and yet they after a wonderful sort, by God's merciful providence were likewise delivered.  
In the month of july, they of Angrongne, being in a morning at harvest, upon the hill side of S. Germain, perceived a company of soldiers spoiling them of S. Germaine: & doubting lest they would go to Angrongne, made an outcry. Then the people of Angrongne assembled together upon the mountain, 
Victory of the Ang●onians over their enemies.  and some ran to S. Germain over the hill, & some by the valley. They which went by the valley, met with the spoilers coming from S. Germain, laden with spoil, which they had gotten, and being but 50. set upon the other, amounting to the number of 120. men well appointed, and gave them soon the overthrow. The passage over the bridge being stopped, the enemies were fain to take the river of Cluzon, where divers were sore hurt, many were drowned, & some escaped very hardly: and such a slaughter was made o● them, that the river was died with the blood of them, which were wounded and slain, but none of the Angrongmans were once hurt. If the said river had been as great as it was wont commonly to be, there had not one man escaped alive. The noise of the harquebuses was great, and within less than one hours space, there was three or four hundredth of the Waldoys, gathered together upon the river: and at the same time, they had purposed to fetch away their prisoners, which were in the Abbey, but they would not do it without the counsel of their Ministers, and so differred the matter until the next day: But their Ministers counseled them, not to enterprise any such thing: but to refrain themselves, and so they did. Albeit they doubted not, but if they had gone incontinent, after that discomfiture, unto the Abbey: they might have found all open, and easily have entered: For the Monks were so sore afraid, that they fled suddenly to Pignerol, to save their relics and Images, which they carried thither. The rest of the country about, were wonderfully afraid, & range the Bells every where. The greater part of them fled, doubting lest the poor Waldoys would have revenged the wrongs and outrages done unto them.  
The next day following, 
The commander of S. Anthony sent to Angrongne.  the Commander of Saint Anthony de Fossan came to Angrongne, accompanied with divers Gentlemen, saying that he was sent by the Duke: and having assembled the chief Rulers and Ministers of Angrongne, and of the Ualley of Luserne, after he had declared unto them the cause of his coming, he read their Supplication directed to the Duke, which contained their confession, demanding of them, if it were the same, which they had sent to the Duke. They answered, yea. Then he began to dispute, being sent (as he said) to inform them of their errors, not doubting, but they would amend, according to their promise. Then he entered into a disputation of the Mass, in a great heat, deriving the same from the Hebrew word Massa, 
Missa falsely derived out of the Hebrew.  which signified (as he supposed) consecration, and showed that this word Missa, might be found in ancient writers. The Ministers answered that he ill applied the Hebrew word: and further, that they disputed not of the word Missa, but of that which is signified by the same, the which he ought first to prove by the word of God. Briefly that he could not prove either by the word of God, or the ancient fathers, their private Mass, their sacrifice expiatory or propitiatory, their transubstantiation, 
Disputation about the Mass.  their adoration, their application of the same for the quick and the dead, & such other matters, which are principal parts of the said Mass. The Commander having here nothing to reply, fell into a marvelous colour, railing and raging as if he had been stark mad, and told them that he was not come to dispute, but to banish their Ministers, & to place others in their rooms, by the Duke's commandment, which he could not, unless their Ministers were first driven out of the country.  
From thence he went to the Abbey of pignerol, 
The poor inhabitants of the valley of Luserne, taken prisoners.  where he & jacomell caused a number of the poor inhabitants of Campillon, and of Fevill, which be of the Ualley of Luserne, to be taken prisoners, spoiling them of their goods, driving away their cattle, and forcing them to swear & forswear, & in the end ransomed them, for great sums of money. About that time, a Gentleman of Campillon agreed with those which were fled, for thirty. crowns to be paid unto him out of hand, that he would warrant them from any further vexation or trouble, so that they remained quiet at home. But when he had received the money, he caused the Commander of Fossan with his men, by night to come to his house, and then sent for the poor men thinking traitorously to have delivered them into the hands of their mortal enemy, following therein the Decree of the Council of Constance: which is, 
The Council of Constance giveth lean to break promise with all such as they take to be heretics.  that no promise is to be kept with heretics. But God knowing how to secure his, in their necessity, prevented this danger: for one of them had intelligence of the Commanders coming, & so they all fled. Thereupon they writ to the Lord of Ranconis, declaring unto him the proceedings of the Commander, and that he neither would nor could show or prove any thing by the word of God, as he had promised: 
Nothing proved by the word of God against the waldoys.  but threatened them great wrongs & injuries, and would not suffer their Ministers to reply, or say any thing for the defence of their cause: & therefore they desired him to signify the same unto the Duke's grace, to the end that he should not be offended, if they persisted still in their religion, seeing it was not proved unto them, by any reason taken out of the Scripture, that they erred.  
After this, there were many commandments and injunctions given out through all the country, to banish these poor Waldoys, with the doctrine of the Gospel (if it were possible) out of the mountains and Ualleyes of Piedmont: But the poor people still desired that, according to that, which they had so often before protested by word & writing, they might be suffered to serve God purely, according to the rule prescribed in his word: simply obeying their Lord & Prince always & in all things. Notwithstanding they were still vexed and tormented with all the cruelty that could be devised, as partly it is already declared: but much more you shall perceive by that which followeth.  

Barabas delivered, and Christ pursued.  In the end of October next following, the rumour went that an army was levying to destroy them, and in very deed there were certain bands levied, ready to march at an hours warning. Furthermore, those malefactors which heretofore were fled, or banished for any offence or crime committed, were called home again, and pardoned of altogether, so that they would take them to their weapons, and go to destroy the Waldoys. The Ministers and chief Rulers of the valleys of Luserne and Angrongne, therupon assembled together oftentimes to take advise what in such an extremity, 
Deliberation among the Waldois how to defend, and how not to defend themselves.  were best to do. In the end they determined, that for certain days following, there should be kept a general fast, and the Sunday after, a communion. Also that they should not defend themselves by force of arms, but that every one should withdraw himself into the high mountains, and every one to carry away such goods as he was able to bear: and if their enemies pursued them thither, then to take such advise and counsel as it pleased God to give them. This Article of not defending themselves, seemed very strange to the people, being driven to such an extremity, and the cause being so just. But yet every one begun to carry their goods and victuals into the mountains, and for the space of eight days, all the ways were filled with comers and goers to the mountains, like unto Aunts in Summer, which provide for winter. All this did they in this great perplexity & danger, with a wonderful courage and cheerfulness, praising of God and singing of Psalms, and every one comforting an other. Briefly, they went with such joy and alacrity, that you should not have seen any, which grudged to leave their houses and fair possessions, but were wholly determined patiently to abide the good pleasure of God, and also to die if he had so appointed.  

Whether subjects for religion, may stand to their own defence.  A few days after, certain other Minister's hearing what they of Angrongne & Luserne had concluded, wrote unto them, that this resolution seemed very strange to some, that they ought not to defend themselves against the violence of their enemies, alleging many reasons, that in such an extremity and necessity, it was lawful for them so to do: especially, the quarrel being so just, that is, for the defence of true Religion, and for the preservation of their own lives, and the lives of their wives and children: knowing that it was the Pope and his Ministers which were the cause of all these troubles and cruel wars, and not the Duke. 
The Angronyans refuse to hear mass.  Who was stirred up thereunto only by their instigations: Wherefore they might well and with good conscience, withstand such furious and outrageous violence. For the proof hereof, they also alleged certain examples.  
During this season, the Lord of Angrongne, named Charles de Comptes of Luserne, laboured earnestly by all means possible, to cause them of Angrongne, to condescend to the Duke's pleasure, & solicited them to send away their Ministers, promising that he would cause a Mass to be song at Angrongne, and that the people should not be compelled to be present thereat, hoping that by that means, the Duke's wrath would be appeased. The chief of Angrongne thereupon were assembled and made this answer, that if the Duke would permit them to choose other Ministers, they were content to send away their foreign ministers & strangers. But as touching the Mass, his highness might well cause it to be song in their parishes, but they for their part, could not with safe consciences, be present at the same, nor yet give their consent unto it.  
The xxij. of October, the said Lord of Angrongne, went from Luserne, to Mondevis (where he was then governor for the Duke) and sent for the chief Rulers of Angrongne, at several times, declaring unto them the great perils and dangers wherewith they were environed, the army being already at hand: yet promising them if they would submit themselves unto him, he would send immediately to stay the army. They of Angrongne answered, that they all determined to stand to that, which they, two days before in their assemble, had put in writing. With this answer he seemed at that present, to be content. The next day the rumour was, that they of Angrongne had submitted themselves to the Duke. On the morrow, which was Sunday, you should have seen nothing but weeping and mourning in Angrongne. The Sermon being ended, the Rulers were called before the ministers and the people, 
The determination & answer of the Angronians, was falsified.  the which affirmed, that they wholly cleaved unto their former writing, and they sent secretly to the Notary, for the copy of that which was passed in the counsel house, at their last assemble before the Lord de Comptes: in the which was comprised, that Angrongne had wholly submitted herself to the good pleasure of the Duke. The people hearing that, were sore astonished, and protested rather to die, then obey the same, and thereupon it was agreed, that at that very instant, (albeit it were very late) certain should be sent to the Lord of Angrongne, to signify unto him, that the determination of the Council was falsified, and that it might please him, the next morning to come to Angrongne, to hear the voices of the people, not only of the men, but also of the women and children. But he himself went not thither, (having intelligence of the uproar) but sent thither the judge of that place. Then that which had been falsified, was duly corrected, the judge laying all the blame upon the Notary.  
During this time, the adversaries cried out through all the Country of Piedmont, To the fire with them, 
Open procclamation against Angrongne.  to the fire with them. The Thursday after, Angrongne, by proclamations and writings set up in every place, was exposed to the fire and sword. On Friday after, being the second of November, the army approached to the borders of the valley of Luserne, and certain horsemen came to a place called S. john, a little beneath Angrongne. Then the people retired into the mountains. Certain of S. john perceiving that the horsemen not only spoiled their goods, but also took their fellows prisoners, set upon them. It is not certain what number of the enemies were there slain: but suddenly they retired to Bubiane, where their camp then was, and not one of them of S. john was slain or hurt. It happened at the same time, that two of the foresaid horsemen being sore amazed, galoped before the rest, towards the army, being ready to march towards Angrongne, crying, they come, they come. At whose cry, the whole army was so astonished, 
Senachar●b flieth from the face of Israel.  that every man fled his way, and they were all so scattered, that the Captains that day were not able to bring them in order again, and yet no creature followed them.  
On the Saturday in the morning, the army mustered in the meadow ground of S. john, near to Angrongne. They of Angrongne had sent certain to keep the passages, and stop the army, that they should not enter, if it were possible. In the mean season, the people retired into the meadow of Tower, and little thought of the coming of the army so soon, or that they would have made such a sudden assault, for they were yet carrying of victuals and other stuff: so that few of them kept the passages. Now they which kept the straits, perceiving that their enemies prepared themselves to fight, fell down upon their knees, and made their prayers unto God, that it would please him to take pity upon them, 
The prayer of the Angronian.  and not to look upon their sins, but to the cause which they maintained: to turn the hearts of their enemies, and so to work, that there might be no effusion of blood: and if it were his will to take them, with their wives & infants, out of this world, that he would then mercifully receive them into his kingdom. In this sort most fervent prayers were made of all those that kept the passages, with exhortation that they should altogether cry unto God, and crave his succour and assistance in this great distress. All this the Lord of Trinity and the army did well perceive.  
Their prayers thus ended, suddenly they perceived their enemies coming towards them, through the vines, to win the top of the mountain of Angrongne. In the mean time the Prior of Saint john, and jacomel, were within the temple of Angrongne, and communed with the Rulers touching an agreement. These were sent thither by the Lord of Trinity, to keep the people occupied. To be short, the combat began in divers places, and endured for a long space in the passages of Angrongne. The poor Waldoys (being but few in number, and some of them having but slings and crossbows) were sore pressed with the multitude of their enemies. 
A combats between the Lord of trinity, & the Waldoys.  At length they retired to the top of the mountain, where they defended themselves until night.  
When they had found a place where they might withstand their enemies still pursuing them, they turned themselves, and slew divers of them, and hurt many. When the evening came, the enemies rested, and were about to encamp themselves, there to sup and lodge all night. Which thing, when the Angrongnians perceived, they fell to prayer, desiring God to assist and secure them: but the enemies flouted them, and laughed them to scorn. Then the poor people devised to send a drum into a little valley hard by. And as they were making their prayers unto God, & the drum sounded in the valley, the Lord of Trinity caused his soldiers which were about, 
Behold the policy of this poor people.  to encamp themselves, to remove thence: which was a great vantage to the poor people, which now were sore wearied with travail, all wet with sweeting, and very thirty, and in great peril, if God had not given them some little breathing time. Many of the enemies that day were slain, and many hurt, 
 of the which very few escaped. In so much that they reported that the shot was poisoned, which this poor simple people never used to do in all these wars. Of the Angrongnians, that day there were but three slain, and one hurt, which afterwards was well healed again. This combat gave great courage to the Waldoys, and sore astonished the adversaries. The same time the army retiring, burned many houses, and made great spoil as they went, destroying also the wines which were in the presses.  
The said Lord of Trinity, with his army, camped in a village beyond Tour, in the valley of Luserne, at the foot of the hill, between Angrongne and the other towns of the valley of Luserne, 
God's secret in ●●ement in helping his and punishing his enemies.  which professed the Gospel. They of the said village were always sore against the Waldoys, & haters of true religion, and were glad of this outrage and violence done against the professors thereof: but they had their just plague, for they were all destroyed. After this the said Lord of Trinity caused the Fortress to be built again, which the Frenchmen had razed, and placed there a garrison, and after sent another to the Fort of Uillars, which is of the valley of Luserne, and an other he sent to the Fortress of peruse, and a fourth garrison he placed in the Castle of S. Martin. They of Angrongne (seeing themselves to be now as it were in a sea of troubles) after they had recommended themselves unto God by prayer, and committed their cause unto him: sent to them of peruse, of S. Martin, and of Pragela, for aid and secure: which sent them all the help that they were able.  
The next day following, there came letters to Angrongne, from the Lord of Trinity: The effect whereof was this, 
A crafty mes●a●e of the Lord of Trinity, to the Angronians.  that he was sorry for that which was done the day before, and that he came not thither to make war against them, but only to view if it were a place convenient, to build a Fort therein to serve the Duke. Furthermore, that his soldiers seeing the people assembled, as it were, to defy them, upon that occasion only were stirred up to give assault and to set upon them. Also that he was sorry that such spoil was made of their goods and such hurt done by fire. But if they would show themselves obedient to the Duke, he had good hope that all should be well, and trusted that some good agreement should be made. The Angrongnians answered, that they were marvelously aggrieved to be so assaulted, 
The Angronians answer to the message.  spoiled, and tormented by the subjects of their liege and natural prince: and as they had oftentimes before offered themselves to be more faithful and obedient to their sovereign prince the Duke, than any of all his subjects beside: so yet still they offered the same obedience. Also they most humbly besought him, not to think it strange, if they being constrained by such extreme necessity, defended themselves. Finally, as touching their Religion, they affirmed that it was the pure word of God, even as it was preached by the Prophets and Apostles: and the same which their predecessors had observed for certain hundredth years past. Moreover, that the cause was not concerning the goods of the world, but the honour and glory of God, the salvation, or destruction of the souls both of them and theirs, and therefore it were much better for them to die all together, then to forsake their religion: and yet if it might be proved unto them by good demonstration out of the word of God, that they were in error, not by force of arms, by blood and fire: they would then yield themselves with all obedience, most humbly beseeching him and all other the Lords of the Country of Piedmont, to be their intercessors and advocates to the Duke in this behalf.  

The town of Vellers assaulted.  Upon Monday being the fourth day of November, the Lord of Trinity sent his army to Uillars and Tailleret. The lesser company ascended toward Uillers. The people seeing their enemies aproching, after they had called upon God with fervent prayer, 
The town of Tailleret assaulted.  strongly defended themselves, and slew many: many also were hurt, and the rest fled. The other company ascended towards Tailleret. And although they of that place were but few in number, and that part of the army the greater, yet making their prayers unto God, and commending their cause unto him, they defended themselves likewise valiantly.  
In the mean season they of Uillars being emboldened by their late victory, came to assist their neighbours, and being assembled together, they courageously pursued their enemies, and put them to ●light. In this pursuit it chanced (which here is not to be forgotten) that this poor people, 
God giveth victory to his servants.  by an ambush of their enemies, which came an other way, were suddenly enclosed on every side, and like to be destroyed: but yet they all escaped, and not one of them was slain, only iij. were hurt, which were soon cured again. On the enemy's side, there were so many slain, that they were laid together by whole cart loads. This was the reward of those which were so desirous to shed innocent blood. 
The just reward upon the Lords enemies.  The same day the inhabitants of Sanson near to Roccapiata, assembled in great number together, and went to a rich man's house of Roccapiata, and spoiled all that he had. Certain of Roccapiata (in number not past xvij.) understanding this, set upon them, & soon put them to flight, took away their drum, & forced them to leave their booty behind them.  
After that the Lord of Trinit●e had received the letters of the Angrongnians, he sent unto them his Secretary, 
Gastaut a false brother.  named Christopher Gastaut, (which said himself, that he favoured the verity of the Gospel) accompanied with a Gentleman of the said valley. Whose charge was to cause the chief rulers to send certain to common with the said Lord of Trinity, 
Deep dissimulation in a crafty Papist.  saying that he had good tidings to declare unto them, & moreover, that he would deliver them a safe conduct to come and go. Whereupon they sent four unto him, whom he entreated very courteously, & rehearsed unto them, how the Duke at his departure from the Court, told him, that although the Pope, the Princes, and Cities of Italy, yea his own counsel were fully resolved that of necessity they of the said Religion should be destroyed, yet notwithstanding God otherwise put in his mind, and that he had taken counsel of God, what he should do in this matter: that is, that he would use them gently. Furthermore, he declared unto them, that the Duchess bore them good affection, and favoured them very much, 
The Duchess, a favourer of the Angronians.  & that she had commended their cause unto the Duke, persuading with him, to have regard to that poor people, & that their Religion was ancient & old, with many such other things. Moreover they had (said he) great friends in the Duke's Court, not doubting but if they would send certain to the Court with a Supplication, they should obtain more, than they themselves would require, and he for his part would employ himself in their affairs, to the uttermost of his power: and so he promised that he would retire himself with his army. This he seemed to speak unfeignedly. The people desiring but to live peaceably in their Religion, and under the obedience of their Prince, were content to follow his counsel.  
About this season, they of Angrongne perceived that a part of the army ascended the hill of Tailleret (which is the half way between Angrongne, and those of the valley of Luserne) & the other part had already gotten a way, which led to the Meadow of Tour, by the which they of Angrongne might easily have been enclosed. Therefore they sent certain immediately to keep the way, who soon after encountered with their enemies, and obtained the victory, pursuing and chase them to their camp, not without great loss of their men. The number of their enemies slain, was not known: for their custom was, 
A combat between the Angronians & the persecutors.  immediately to carry away those which were slain. Not one of Angrongne perished that day, nor yet was hurt. It was feared that this combat would have hindered the agreement. But the Lord of Trinity could well dissemble this matter, and excused that days journey, 
The crafty dissimulation of the Lord of Trinity.  putting the fault upon them of Tailleret, whom he charged to have slain certain of his men in the high way, but amongst other, his Barber.  
On Saturday following, being the ix. of November, the said Lord of Trinity sent again for them of Angrongne, to consult with him touching the agreement, using the like communication, as before: and added thereunto, that in token of true obedience, they should carry their armour into two of the houses of the chief Rulers, not fearing but it should be safe: for it should remain in their own keeping, and if need were, they should receive it again. Also that▪ he upon Sunday (which was the next day) would cause a Mass to be song within the temple of S. Laurence in Angrongne, accompanied with a very few, and thereby the Duke's wrath would be assuaged. The next morning he went in the temple, (whereat they were sore aggrieved, albeit they could not withstand him) his army marching afore him: and having caused a Mass to be song, he desired to see the Meadow of Tour, so much spoken of, that thereof he might make a true report unto the Duke: and thither the Rulers, with a great troop of his own men, went: the residue of his company remain behind, the which spoiled certain houses, and seized the armour which they had delivered up before: but they found no great store, for the people had taken away the greatest part thereof. The said Lord being entered into the Meadow of Tour, the people began to make a commotion. Whereof he having intelligence, returned immediately. All that day he showed himself very courteous to all whom he met.  
The people in this mean time, perceived themselves to be in great danger, and were sore moved at the sight of the army, the spoil of the soldiers, the taking away of their armour, but especially because the said Lord of Trinity had viewed the Meadow of Tour, foreseeing his traitorous meaning and purpose. A few days after, the said Lord of Trinity sent his Secretary Gastaut to Angrongne, 
Behold the double dealing and dissimulation of the Papists to bring their wi●k●d purpose to pass.  to talk with them concerning the agreement, and to make a full resolution thereof: which was read in the assemble, by the Secretary, the sum whereof, was this: That the people of Angrongne submitted themselves to render all honour and reverence to God, according to his holy word, and all due obedience to the Duke their sovereign Prince: to whom they should send certain men to demand pardon of him, concerning their bearing of armour in their extreme necessity, and humbly to beseech him that he would suffer them to live peaceably in their religion, which was according to the word of God, not compelling them to do any thing against their conscience: as it appeareth more amply in the supplication, which after this the Angrongnians made, and caused to be read before the Secretary, in the open assemble, the which here ensueth.  
¶ To the most excellent and worthy prince, The Duke of Savoy, etc. our sovereign Lord, and natural Prince.  

The supplication of the Angronians to their Duke.  MOst noble and renowned prince, we have sent certain of our men unto your highness, to give testimony of our humble, hearty, and unfeigned obedience unto the same, and with all submission, desire pardon, touching the bearing of armour by certain of our people in their extreme necessity, and for all other our trespasses, for the which your sovereign grace might conceive any offence against us.  
Secondly, to desire in most humble wise, your said highness, in the name of our Lord jesus, 
A lawful request of the Angronians to live after God's word.  that it would please the same, to suffer us to live with freedom of conscience in our religion, which also is the religion of our ancestors, observed for certain hundredth years past. And we are persuaded that it is the pure Gospel of our Lord jesus, the only verity, the word of life and salvation, which we profess. Also that it may please your most gracious clemency, not to take in ill part, if we, fearing to offend and displease God, can not consent unto certain traditions and ordinances of the Church of Rome: and herein to have pity upon our poor souls, and the souls of our children: to the end that your highness be not in any wise charged in the just judgement of God for the same, where all men must appear to answer for their doings.  
On our part, we protest that we will seek nothing but to be the true servants of God, to serve him according to his holy word: and also to be true and loyal subjects to your highness, and more obedient than any other: being always ready to give our goods, our bodies, our lives, and the lives of our children, for your noble grace, as also our religion teacheth us to do: only we desire that our souls may be left at liberty, to serve God according to his holy word.  
And we your poor humble subjects, shall most heartily pray our God and father, for the good and long prosperity of your highness: for the most virtuous Lady your wife, and for the noble house of Savoy.  
To this supplication, they of S. john, of Roccapiata, of S. Bartholomewe, and of peruse, with those of the valley of Luserne, did agree: For it was concluded, that the agreement made, 
The wretched dealing of the Lord of Trinity, against them of Tailleret.  should extend to all the confederates of the same religion. Whiles they were treating of this agreement, the Lord of Trinity vexed cruelly them of Tailleret, under this pretence, because they had not presented themselves, to treat of this agreement. He tormented them after this sort. First he commanded that all their armour should be brought before him, and then they, on their knees, should ask him pardon, because they came not to treat of the agreement with the rest: which notwithstanding the most part of them did. Then he commanded them, to attend upon him, to enrol all the names of those, which would be of the foresaid agreement. Whereupon the next morning, the chief of the householders went to the village named Bowets, the place appointed thereunto, and when they had heard the Sermon, and called upon God, they began to write their names. The enrolling of their names not being fully ended, word was brought, that the soldiers had gotten the top of the mountain, and taken all the passages, whereat they of Tailleret were sore amazed, and ran with all speed to defend their wives and children. Some they saved: the most part, with their goods, were in their enemy's hands already. At this time, which sacking, spoiling, and burning, they did much mischief.  
After this, the Lord of Trinity sent word to them which were fled, that if they would return, 
The Papis●● false breakers of promise made.  he would receive them to mercy. The poor people (for the most part) trusting on his promise, returned to Bowets, and yet the next morning the soldiers came thither, to apprehend them and their ministers, and beset the place one every side. Such as were swift of foot, and could shift best, escaped, but very hardly. The rest were all hurt or taken, and yet they all escaped by a marvelous means: For it happened that there was an old man, which could not run fast, to whom one of the soldiers came with a naked sword in his hand to have slain him. 
Example of God's marvelous protection, for his seruant● in time of need.  The old man seeing the imminent danger, caught the soldier by the legs, overthrew him, and drew him by the heels down the hill. The soldier cried out, help, help, this villain will kill me. His fellows hearing him cry, made haste to rescue him: but in the mean time the old man escaped. The rest seeing what the old man had done, took hart of grace, and albeit their armour and weapons were taken from them, yet with stones and slings, they so beat and discomfited their enemies, that at that time they carried no prisoners away. The day following the soldiers returning to the said Tailleret, rob, spoiled, and carried away all that they could find, and so continued three days together: which was very easy for them to do, because the poor men fearing lest they should be charged with violating the agreement, made no resistance, but retired toward Uillars.  
The fourth day, the said Lord of Trinity, to torment the poor Taillerets yet more cruelly, sent his army again before day, to the mountain, and into the same place. And because the people of the said village were retired towards Uillars, and scattered about the borders thereof, in the high mountains, the soldiers not yet satisfied with spoiling and sacking the rest that they found in the said Tailleret, ranging about the confines thereof, ravened, and made havoc on every side, 
The Village of Ta●●leret sacked, and spoiled.  of what soever they could lay hands on, taking prisoners both men and women, which were laden with carriage. The poor prisoners were cruelly handled. Amongst other there was one, whose care a soldier of Montdevis, in a raging fury, 
The cruelty of Papiste●.  bit cleave off, with these words: I will carry (said he) the flesh of these wretched heretics with me, into my country. They of Uillars also complained of the great cruelty that was showed unto them, during the time of the agreement. The which when the Lord of Trinity understood, to make a show that he was offended therewith, he came to his soldiers (which were so weary, that they could scantly go, not with fight, but because they were so heavily laden with the spoil, that they were not able to carry it) and pretending to be in a great choler, some he beat, and some things also of a small value, he caused to be restored, but all the rest was kept back, and carried away. 
Two women the mother and the daughter Martyrs.  The same day, two women, the mother and the daughter were found in a cave in the mountain, wounded to death by the soldiers, and died immediately after. So likewise a blind man, a hundredth years of age, which was fled into a cave, with his sons daughter, being eighteen years old, which fed him, was slain by the enemies, 
The grandfather & his nice dyed Martyrs.  and as they would have forced the maiden, she escaped from them, and fell from the top of the mountain, and died.  
At that time also a great company of women of Tailleret & Uillars, were taken as they fled, with their goods, and brought to the camp, and sent away empty. There was at the same time a certain soldier which promised the Lord of Trinity, to find out the minister of Tailleret, and to deliver him into his own hands. And to bring his purpose to pass, he never ceased until he had found him, and after that he pursued him a long time. But as he was pursuing and chase him, 
A wicked persecuter killed with stones.  certain at unwares coming out of the mountain, rescued the poor minister, and killed the soldier with stones.  
But this especially is to be noted, that during these troubles, divers of the Papists had sent their daughters into the mountains unto the Waldoys to be kept, fearing lest they should have been ravished by the soldiers, being wholly given over, as to all cruelty and ravin, so to all villainy and abomination, by whom they were before threatened to be so abused.  
All this being done, the said Lord of Trinity caused the head officers and chiefest of the people, to assemble together, and declared unto them, that the maintaining of the army was a great charge unto the Duke: and that it was meet that they should bear the one half of the charges. For this cause he demanded of them twenty thousand crowns. But by the means of his Secretary Gastaut, who was promised a hundredth crowns for his wine, (that is to say, for a bribe) four thousand of those twenty, were abated, 
The poor Waldoys pressed at 16. thousand crowns.  so that they granted unto him xuj. thousand: of the which sum the Duke released the one half. Then the Lord of Trinity pressed this poor people to deliver the eight thousand out of hand, to pay the soldiers their wages (as he said) and so to withdraw his army. The year before corn was exceeding dear, for a sack was commonly sold for six crowns, yea and some for eight crowns, and also they had very little corn growing upon their mountains: wherefore they were now very bare of money. But they being in this perplexity, and desiring nothing more than to live in peace and quietness, went about to sell their cattle, to pay this money. But the Lord of Trinity had given out a commandment, that none should buy any cattle of the Waldoys, 
The Papists false of promise.  without his licence. Then licence was given out to certain, to buy great store of cattle, and that for a small price: and the common brute was, that he had part of the gain. When this money was paid, yet the army notwithstanding retired not.  
After this, the Lord of Trinity commanded the Waldoys, to surrender up all their armour, to furnish the Dukes fortes: otherwise he threatened to send his soldiers amongst them, and in deed he constrained many so to do. Then he demanded moreover the eight thousand crowns which the Duke had remitted, and constrained them to promise the payment thereof. After that he commanded that the ministers should be sent away, until the matter were determined before the Duke: otherwise he would send his soldiers to dislodge them out of hand: whereupon with one common assent and accord, they determined that their ministers should withdraw themselves for a space, until the army were retired: which was not done without marvelous sighs, lamentation, and tears. At that season there fell such abundance of snow, that the like had not been seen of a long time before: so that the people were constrained to make a way with great travail and pain, through the top of the mountain of S. Martin, for their ministers to pass. Now thought the Lord of Trinity so to have enclosed them, he keeping the plain, and the mountains being covered so thick with snow, that by no means they should have escaped his hands. But the people caused them to pass the top of the mountain, and at their departure, 
The care of the Waldois for their ministers.  there flocked out of every quarter great multitudes, to the village of Boby, and came together into a secret place there, called le Puis, not without great grief and sorrow: For they found them altogether in tears and mourning, that their ministers should so be taken from them, and they now left as lambs amongst wolves.  
The army was advertised that the ministers were assembled together, and incontinent a great troop of harquebuses were at hand, which sought them even to the very top of the mountain, in so much that if they had remained there but one hour longer, they had been all taken. From that time, for certain days after, they did nothing but range about in all places, 
God's providence for his ministers.  seeking for the ministers, and there was no house, chamber, cave, nor secret corner, into the which they did not enter, under pretence to seek the Ministers. There was neither chest, nor any thing else so strong, but they broke it open, saying, that the ministers were hidden therein, and by that means they took, spoiled, and carried away whatsoever they would.  
The Lord of Trinity promised often times, that although it were forbidden to all the Ministers to preach, yet the Minister of Angrongne, should be excepted: and furthermore sent the said Minister word, that if he would demand any thing of the Duke, it should be granted him. Whereupon the said Minister made this request, that the poor people might live peaceably in their religion. A while after he sent for the said Minister to confer with him privately, upon certain points of religion. The minister went unto him, having thereto the consent of the people. The Lord of Trinity propounded unto him three points. 
Mark here the fair pretence & traitorous meaning of the Lord of Trynitye, which by & by after, see●●th the death of this good Minister.  The first concerning the supremacy of the Pope: the other concerned transubstantiation. Of the which two points, the minister then immediately declared his opinion, and he seemed to agree thereunto, and required him to put the same in writing. The last (which was his whole drift) was to persuade the minister to go to the Duke's Court, and there to defend the cause of the people, alleging certain reasons to persuade him so to do. Whereunto the minister answered, that he was bound to God and his church, and if it seemed convenient to the ministers and people, that he should go, he would be content to do the same, and thereof he promised to send him answer immediately, with the which answer he seemed to be contented.  
Shortly after the foresaid Lord, not tarrying for an answer, sent his army to the temple of S. Laurence in Angrongne, pretending to sing a Mass there, & suddenly the soldiers besieged the Minister's house. The Minister being warned thereof, assayed to escape. The soldiers attempted nothing by force, but used gentle persuasions to the contrary, for there were not yet many of them. But the Minister pushed on further, & the soldiers followed him half a mile, but fearing the people, durst go no further. The Minister withdrew himself into the rocks upon the mountain, accompanied with v. other. The army was by & by at his heels, 
The minister of Angrongne pursued of the soldiers.  & sought a good while in the houses and cottages on every side, cruelly handling the people whom they took, to make them confess where their Minister was, spoiling their houses, taking some prisoners, & beating other some: but yet they could not learn of them where their Minister was. At the length they espied him amongst the rocks, where they thought to have enclosed him, & so they pursued him in the rocks, all covered with snow, until it was night, & could not take him. Then they returned & spoiled his house, and diligently searched out all his books & writings, 
The minister● house spoiled.  and carried them to the Lord of Trinity, in a sack, who caused them all to be burnt in his presence, supposing (as it well appeared) that the letters which he had sent to Angrongne, touching the agreement, should be with the rest burnt: for he did not the like in the other Ministers houses. 
40 houses in Angrongne spoiled.  That day they spoiled forty houses in Angrongne, broke their mills, and carried away all the corn and meal that they found.  
About midnight the soldiers returned with torchlight, to the Ministers house, to seek him, & searched every corner. The next morning, commandment was given to the rulers of Angrongne, that within xxiv. hours they should deliver their Minister, or else Angrongne to be put to the fire & sword. The Rulers answered, that they could not so do, for they knew not where he was, and the soldiers had chased him over the mountain. After certain days, when the soldiers had burned houses, spoiled the people, broken their mills, & done what mischief they could, the army retired. notwithstanding the Lord of Trinity left garrisons in the forenamed Fortresses, but all at the costs and charges of the Waldoys: the which garrisons not contented with their wages, spoiled continually. Upon a night v. soldiers went with torches to a rich man's house of Angrongne, & spoiled the same. The good man of the house hardly escaped with life, 
God's holy protection in saving his servant.  by the top of the house, for there were xii. pellets shot of at him. Whereof one touched his face, & struck his hat from his head, without any further hurt.  
The Rulers of Angrongne which were gone to the Fortress to carry thither victuals and money, 
Two rulers of Angrongne beaten almost to death for not kneeling to the Mass.  were by the soldiers received, & in despite of them & the people, caused a Mass to be song before them, and forced them to be present at it: and because they would not kneel down to it, they were beaten almost to death. The one of them was sent again for more money, the other with great peril of his life, leapt over the walls, and being pursued to Angrongne escaped.  
Certain days after, a certain company of soldiers came unto the midst of Angrongne, as though they would have passed through, and called for meat and drink. The poor men brought that they had unto them, in a close court. When they had eaten and drunken, 
Cruelty showed for kindness.  they caused the women to avoid, & then bound xiv. of those which had brought them victuals by ij. and ij. together, & led them away. Their wives & children perceiving this, 
Note how God did bless his servants standing in their own defence.  so fiercely pursued them with stones, that they were fain to let go x. of their prisoners for haste, & had much ado to save themselves. The other iiij. they led away to the Fortress: of the which two were ransomed, the other two were hanged up by the feet & the hands, & having tormented them almost to death; they released them for a great sum of money. 
Two Martyrs of Angrongne.  The one of the which died the next night: the other lay sick without hope of life, long time after, and his flesh fell from his hands and his feet, and thereof he became lame, and after that his fingers fell of also. In like manner did the other garrisons entreat the villages adjoining unto them.  
The garrison of Tour & of Uillars being assembled together in a night, went to Tailleret, to the place called Bowets, & breaking in at the windows and tops of the houses, breaking open the doors, sacking & spoiling all that they could lay hands of, took also xiv. prisoners; and bound them two & two together by the arms, and so led them to the Fortress of Tour. But two which were escaped, whiles the soldiers were taking other, set upon them which led the prisoners, 

Note again how God blesseth his people, standing to their defence, against the bloody Papists.  
Two Martyrs. A barbarous kind of torment used, against a Martyr of the Lo●d called Odul Gemet, by ●he cruel Papists.   and so valiantly assaulted & beat them with stones, that they forced them to let go xii. of the prisoners: the which tumbling and rolling themselves down the mountain, having their hands bound behind their backs, and fastened two and two together by the arms, were contented rather so to die, then to be carried to the Fortress, and yet in the end they escaped. The other two which were led to the Fortress, were cruelly tormented, and in the end, the one of them the Captain strangled with his own hands, who was very young and but a child: the other which was about threescore years of age, whose name was Odull Gemet, suffered a strange & cruel death: For when they had bound him, they took a kind of beasts which live in horsedoung, called in French Escarbotz, and put them unto his navel, covering them with a dish, the which within short space pierced into his belly, and killed him. These and the like, more than barbarous cruelties, have been revealed by the soldiers themselves.  
The poor Waldoys were yet in great captivity and distress, but especially because they had not the preaching of God's word amongst them, as they were wont to have, and therefore taking to them a good courage, they determined to begin preaching again, albeit secretly, for two principal causes: 
Be wise like Serpents.  The one, for fear of moving the Duke, and hindering the voyage of their messengers, having yet some hope of good success. The other, that no occasion might be given to the soldiers of further trouble and outrage, for that was it which they especially desired. Also they of Angrongne were fully determined, as soon as their messengers were returned from the Duke, to preach openly, what news soever they brought, were they good or evil: and furthermore, not to be contributaries to the finding of the garrison, neither yet to suffer the same to enter into Angrongne.  

The messengers of the Angronians cruelly entreated.  The messengers which were sent to the Duke, being at Uerceil, were there detained vj. weeks, and all that while were cruelly handled by the Popish Doctors, and were constrained by force and violence to promise to return to the Mass. Furthermore, they would have constrained them to promise the same in the behalf of the rest, but they would not. After they were presented to the Duke, the Secretary Gastaut took the supplication of the Waldoys out of the messengers hands, and delivered another. After they had presented themselves to the Duke, and asked pardon for bearing of armour, they were constrained also to crave pardon of the Pope's Legate: which at the beginning they would in no case do. Now when these messengers were returned, bringing these woeful news, and the people understood that there was a new commandment given out, that they should return to the Mass: also that the Popish preachers were appointed, 
A new commandment to the Angronians, to go to mass.  and ready to come unto them, and they commanded to go to fetch them, and entertain them accordingly: there was wonderful lamentation, weeping, and mourning for this great calamity.  
Hereupon they of the valley of Luserne and of Boby, being assembled together, by one assent, sent two Ministers, with certain other of the people, to the Churches of Pragela (which be in the country of Dolphin) to signify unto them, the piteous estate of the poor Churches of the valleys of Piedmont, to have their counsel and advise, how to prevent the great dangers at hand, if it were possible. For this cause they fell all to prayer, and after they had long called upon GOD, desiring his grace, and the spirit of discretion and counsel, well to consider of those weighty and urgent affairs wherewith they were oppressed: in the end it was concluded, that all the people dwelling in the said valley and mountains of Piedmont, and those of Dolphin, should join in a league together. Whereupon they all promised, by God's grace and assistance, 
God's assistance in time of need.  to maintain the pure preaching of the Gospel, and administration of the holy Sacraments: the one to aid and assist the other, and to render all obedience to their superiors, so far as they were commanded by the word of God. Moreover, that it should be lawful for none of the same valleys to promise or conclude any thing touching the estate of religion, without the consent of the rest of the valleys: and for more sure confirmation of the said league, certain of the Ministers and Elders of the Churches of Dolphin, were sent to the valley of Luserne, to understand if they would give their consent hereunto, and ratify the same.  
These messengers, the Ministers and others of Dolphin, being arrived in the evening, at the village of Boby, & the people being there assembled, word was brought that the next day every householder should appear in the Counsel house, to know whethey they would return to the Mass, or no, 
The people of Pyemo●● brought into great distress.  and that they which would receive the Mass, should quietly enjoy their houses, and they which would not, should be delivered to the justices, and condemned to be burned, or sent to the Galleys. Wherefore the people was brought to this extremity, either to die, or flee, or else to renounce God. To flee, it seemed them best, if the great snow had not let them. Wherefore seeing themselves in such distress, they most gladly consented to the league. After this, they exhorted one another, saying: For as much as we shall be all called for to morrow, to renounce and forsake our God, and revolt again to Idolatry, let us now make solemn protestation, that we will utterly forsake the false religion of the Pope, and that we will live and die in the maintenance and confession of God's holy word. Let us all go to morrow into the Temple, to hear the word of God, and after, let us cast down to the ground all the Idols and altars. To this every man agreed, saying, Let us so do: yea, and that the very same hour, in the which they have appointed us to be at the Counsel house.  
The next day after, 
Images and altars broken down in the Church of Boby.  they assembled themselves in the Church of Boby, and as soon as they came into the Temple, without any further delay, they beat down the Images, and cast down the altars. After the Sermon, they went to Uillars to do the like there. By the way they encountered with a band of soldiers, which were going to spoil a village, named Le val Guichard, and to take the poor inhabitants prisoners. The soldiers seeing them so ill appointed, mocked them, and discharged their handgunnes upon them, thinking at the first brunt, to have put them to flight. But they valiantly defended themselves, 
Images and altars cast down in the Church of Villars.  and with stones chased them even to the Fortress. When they came to Uillars, they beat down their Images and altars, and afterwards besieged the fortress, and demanded the prisoners which were there detained.  
The same day the judge of Luserne, called Podesta, went to the Counsel house, to enrol the names of those which would return to the Mass, but seeing what was done, he was sore afraid, and desired the people to suffer him to return quietly: which they willingly granted unto him. divers Gentlemen also of the valley came thither with the judge, to make their poor tenants to forsake God: but seeing the tumult, they were fain to flee into the Castle, where they and the Garrison were besieged ten days together, not without great danger of their lives. The second day of the siege, the Captain of tour went with a company of soldiers, thinking to raise the siege, 
God giveth victory to his servants.  but they were, by those that kept the passages, either slain or discomfited. As much was done the third day. The fourth day, he returned with three bands, 
another combat between the Waldois & their enemies.  and with the Garrison of Tour, which caused a furious combat: wherein many of the enemies were slain, but a great number hurt, and yet of those that besieged the Fort, there was not one man hurt.  
In the time of this siege, they attempted divers means to take the said Fortress, but without ordinance, it was impossible so to do: wherefore they were now past all hope of winning it. Moreover, the Lord of Trinity returning with his army, was come to the valley of Luserne, and the next day after, might easily have raised the siege. Wherefore, when the Garrison (not knowing that the Lord of Trinity was so near) desired that they might departed with bag and baggage, they granted their request. 
The just hand of God upon his enemies. Note how the Ministers of the Gospel promise to their enemies & perform, doing good fore●ill.  In this siege half of the soldiers were slain, and many were hurt, as well with harquebuses, as with stones. During this siege, the soldiers for lack of water, were constrained to bake their bread with wine, which tormented their stomachs, and caused great diseases. Here is not to be forgotten, that the soldiers which a while before did so cruelly persecute the poor Ministers, seeking by all means possible to destroy them, were now feign to pray them to save their lives, and to promise them that they should have no hurt, and also to safeconduct them into a sure place: neither would they departed, until they had promised them so to do. Which the Ministers did promise, and also perform very willingly. Then the soldiers seeing themselves much beholden to the Ministers so gently dealing with them, gave them great thanks, and promised them, in recompense thereof, all the pleasure that they could show them. The same night the Fortress was razed.  
The 2. day of February, the Lord of Trinity camped at Luserne, 
The Fortress gott●▪ by the Angronians.  and placed a Garrison in the Priory of S. john a village of the Waldoys, between Luserne & Angrongne. The next day in the morning, the said Lord of Trinity sent word unto them of Angrongne, that if they would not take part with the rest, they should be gently handled. All the week before, they were solicited by him to consent to the same, but they would give no answer. The same day, they of Angrongne, and the rest of the Ualleys, fully agreed and determined to defend their religion by force, and that the one should aid the other, 
God compelleth his ●eruantes to defend their religion by force.  and no agreement to be made, by any one, without the consent of the rest. About noon, the Lord of Trinity marched with his army, by S. john, to enter into the borders of Angrongne, by a place called La Sonneillette, where they had fought before. The people had made certain bulwarks of earth and stone, not past three foot high: where they defended themselves valiantly against their enemies, which assailed them divers ways. 
another combat between the Lord of Trinity and the Angronyans. God giveth victory again to his people.  When the enemies were so weary that they could fight no longer, they put fresh Soldiers into their places: so that the combat endured until night, and all that day, the army could not enter into the borders of Angrongne. Many of the enemies were slain, and a great number hurt: and but two of Angrongne slain, of whom the one was slain by his own folly, because he was too greedy upon the spoil. The army being now well beaten and tired, rested a while, to make themselves stronger for a further mischief.  
The Friday following, which was the seventh of Februarye, at the break of the day, the army marched towards Angrongne, by five several places. The people of Angrongne were not yet assembled, and none there were to resist, but only a few, which kept the watch: the which seeing their enemies coming upon them in so many places, 
another fight between the Lord of Trinity and the Angronians.  and perceiving that they went about to enclose them, after they had valiantly fought for a space, they recoiled by little and little, to a high place called Lafoy Casse, where the combat was renewed with a greater fierceness, than before. But the Lord of Trinity, seeing the loss of his men, and above all, that one of great creditie and authority in the Duke's Court, was wounded to death, blewe a retreat, and descended to Angrongne (the people being fled to the Meadow of tour) and there spoiled and burnt all the wines, victuals, and the rest of the goods that he could find: so that in a short space, he had burned about a 1000 houses of Angrongne.  
And here is not to be forgotten, that they oftentimes, set fire upon the two Temples of Angrongne, where the word of God was preached, 
A notable miracle of God in keeping the temples of the Gospel from burning.  but they could never burn them. So did they also to the Ministers house, which notwithstanding remained whole, the houses round about, being all consumed with fire. That day none of Angrongne was slain or hurt, saving only one that was hurt in his thigh.  
There were in all Angrongne, but two that were enemies to the word of God, which that same day, were slain by the soldiers, not in the Combat: but for their riches, 
Note again the secret work of God. Unkindness to parents, rightly rewarded.  which they had about them, as they were running away. The one of them was a very covetous wretch, and had great store of gold and silver, and would spend nothing, either to help himself, or secure others: no not his poor parents. All this was spoiled by the soldiers, with a hundredth or two hundredth crowns besides which he had about him. Besides these two, there was not one of Angrongne slain that day. All the rest of the people retired to the Meadow of tour: The situation whereof, we will here declare, for the better understanding of that which followeth.  
Tour is a little Ualley upon the borders of Angrongne, 
The meadow of Tour, described.  environed about with Mountains: two miles in length, but very narrow. On both sides, and in the mids thereof, there be about two hundredth small houses and cottages: also meadows, pastures for cattle, ground for tillage, trees and goodly fountains. On the South side and the North, the mountains be so high, that no man can that way approach unto the said Ualley. On the other coasts a man may enter by seven or eight ways. This place is not past two miles from Angrongne. The way thither is very narrow, and ill to pass by, because of the hills, which be on both sides. There is also a River hard by, but very small, but the banks thereof be very high in many places. The people had carried thither very few victuals, partly because the way was so ill, and also through the sudden return of the army.  
In the mean time the Lord of Trinity after he had now twice assaulted Angrongne, sent certain to burn Rosa, and to discover the ways, which led to the valley of Luserne: but the soldiers were driven back four days together by those which kept the passages. 
The enemies again driven back.  Whereupon he sent his whole army, whom they valiantly withstood from the morning till night. Then they of Luserne sent new aid. During this combat, an ambushment of soldiers descended from the top of the mountain, by a place so hard to pass by, that no man would have suspected it. 
The poor Christians run through the picks.  The poor people seeing themselves so environed of their enemies, saved themselves, some running through the mids of their enemies, and other some into the rocks.  
The enemies being entered into Rosa, consumed all with fire and sword. 
The Angronians with their young infants, fly into the mountains.  The residue of the people fled by a secret way, leading to the Ualley of Luserne, and wandered all that night upon the mountains full of snow, laden with their stuff, carrying their little infants in their arms, and leading the other by the hands, with great pain and travail. When they of the valley saw them, they ran unto them, praising God for their deliverance, for they thought they had been all slain. All be it this poor people were here in such great extremity, yet they were joyful, and comforted themselves, without any lamentation or mourning, except the little poor infants, which cried out for cold.  
A few days after, the Lord of Trinity entered into the Ualley of Luserne, by three several ways: that is to say, by Rosa, by the plain, and by the sides of Tailleret. They which kept the passages, at the first resisted their enemies valiantly: but perceiving that they were assailed on every side, they retired to Uillars, 
The Waldoys again assaulted by the Lord of Trinity.  and there defended themselves a while. But because they saw that their enemies had already passed the Plain, and gotten above Uillars, towards Boby: they gave over, and left Uillars, and fled into the mountains. The soldiers being entered, burned houses, and slew all that they could find. The poor people which were fled to the mountains, seeing the village on fire, praised God, and gave him thanks, that had made them worthy to suffer for his name, and for his cause: and also they were glad to see the village on fire, lest that their enemies should encamp there themselves. Then the soldiers in great rage mounted the hills on every side, pursuing this poor people in great fury: but a few of them, after they had ardently called upon God, took courage, and beat back their enemies to Uillars. This done, the army retired.  
Few days after the meadow of Tour was assaulted by three several ways on the East side. The combat dured a long season, where divers of the enemies were hurt, and many slain: but none of this poor people were slain that day, only two were hurt, which were soon healed again. But to declare the conflicts, assaults, skirmishes, and alarms which were at Angrongne, and other places thereabout, it were too long: for brevities sake it shall be sufficient to touch the most principal, & those which are most worthy of memory.  
On Saturday, which was the fourteenthe day of Februarye, the people which were in the uppermost part of the Meadow of tour, perceived that a company of soldiers were ascended up the hill to Angrongne, and burning the rest of the houses there. They doubted that it was a policy of their enemies, to draw them thither, and in the mean time to set on them behind, and so to win the Meadow of Tour from them. Therefore they sent only six harquebuses against those soldiers, the which having the higher ground, and not espied of their enemies, discharged their guns altogether. Whereupon incontinent the soldiers fled, 
The wicked flieth when no man pursueth him.  albeit no man pursued them. Whether they fled of policy, or for fear, it was not known.  
Shortly after, they of the ward of the Meadow of Tour, which were in the watch on the top of the mountain (because every morning there was a sermone made, whereunto the people resorted, and they might see a far of round about them) espied a troop of soldiers marching on that side of the hill, which is between the east and the north, and soon after that, discovered an other company, which marched on the North side, towards the said troop. The first were ascended an hour before the other, and fought on the top of the mountain called Melese, but they were soon discomfited: 
The persecutors pursued.  and because they could not run fast, by means of the deep snow, and difficulty of the ways: in fleeing they fell often down upon the ground. Whiles they that pursued them were earnest in the chase, and had taken from them their drum: behold, there came certain unto them, crying out, that the other troop was entered into the meadow of tour, by means whereof they gave over the chase, or else not one of their enemies had escaped, 
God's people fight with prayer.  as they which were there, reported for a truth. Not one of Angrongne were slain or hurt.  
The other troop which came by the North side, took a high hill in the top of the mountain, the which seemed to be almost inaccessible, by reason of the snow and ice which was there. The chiefest of this company were lodovic of Monteil (which had been before master of the camp in the king's wars) and Charles Truchet. When they were come to the top of the hill, they caused seven soldiers to go down the hill, and to view the way, and to see whether the troop might descend that way, or no. These 7. went down almost to the houses. They sent also other to occupy the rest of the high places, which were near to the foot of the hill and the rocks. In the mean time the ministers and the people which were in the mids of the valley of the meadow, saw all this, and were much discouraged therewith: wherefore they fell to prayer, & called upon God ardently, not without great sighs, lamentation and tears, even until night.  
The seven spies which came down to discover the ways, cried unto their captain Truchet, Come down, come down Signior Charles, this day Angrongne shall be taken. The other cried to them again, ascend, ascend, & return, or else ye shall be slain every one of you. Immediately issued out five against these spies, and took certain, and chased the rest. The first of the five which set upon them, cast two of them down upon the ground with a fork of fire. Soon after, eight of Angrongne issued out against the whole troop, which was wonderful to see them go with such courage and boldness, to assail such a multitude, and it seemed that they should have been all destroyed and hewn in pieces. The first of the eight went a good way before the other, to discover the enemies, and carried a great staff, 
The courage of God's people against their enemies.  which they call a Rancon, and is somewhat bigger than a halbarde. The other followed by two & two together, with harquebuses. These eight went from rock to rock, from hill to hill about the mountain, and chased their enemies valiantly. Then came twelve other, the which joining with the rest, fought with a wonderful courage, and made great slaughter of their enemies. Sun after, there came from the valley of Luserne, an hundredth harquebuses, with one of their Ministers, according to their manner, which are wont to send out a minister withal, as well for prayer and exhortation, as to keep the people in order, that they exceed not measure, as it came to pass that day.  

A conflict between the Angronians and the enemies.  At the length they saw them also coming, which returned from the discomfiture of the former troop, making a great noise, and having a drum sounding afore them, which they had taken from their enemies: which joined with them of the valley of Luserne, and having made their earnest prayer unto god, immediately they came to secure the other that now were encountering valiantly with their enemies. Then the enemies seeing such a company marching against them, with such courage and boldness: after the other had once called upon God, their hearts were so taken from them, that suddenly they fled, and as soon as the other began to pray, they began also to flee. But because they could not well save themselves by running away, they turned back twice, and fought, and some in the mean time fled.  
He that carried the Rancon, and discovered the enemies, was but a very young and a simple man, and was esteemed to be one that could do nothing, but (as they say in their language) handle La sap, that is to say, a Hatchet, and kept cattle: 
The marvelous works of the Lord.  and yet he with those that followed, so discomfited the enemies, that it was wonderful to behold. He broke his great Rancon with laying load upon them, and after that, he broke also four of their own sword in pursuing of them. There was a boy of 18. years of age, and of small stature, 
David with his s●ing killeth Goliath.  which alone slew the Lord of Monteil, master of the camp (as is said) to the king: wherewith the enemies were marvelously astonished and discouraged. another simple man, who a man would have thought, durst not once have looked Charles Truchet in the face (because he was a very big man, strong & puissant, and one of the chiefest captains of the whole army) threw down the said Truchet with the stroke of a stone. Then a young man leapt upon him, and slew him with his own sword, which was four fingers broad, and cleaft his head in pieces.  

The cruelty of this wretched Truchet against this poor people, appeareth before in this story.  This Truchet was one of the principal authors of this war, and one of the chiefest enemies of true religion, and of the poor Waldoys, that could then be found. It was said also, that he vaunted and promised before, to the said Lord of Trinity, that he would deliver into his hands the meadow of Tour. But God soon brought his proud brag to nought. And for his spoiling, pilling, and polling of the poor people, he lay spoiled and naked like a beast, in the wild mountain of Angrongne. Two of the chiefest among them offered to pay a great sum of crowns for their ransom, but they could not be heard. They were pursued more than a mile, & were so discomfited, that they fled without any resistance, and if the night had not let them, they had pursued them further.  
The minister when he saw the great effusion of blood, and the enemies to flee, he cried to the people, saying, that it was enough, and exhorted them to give thanks unto God. They which heard him, obeyed, and fell to prayer: but they which were further of, and heard him not, chased their enemies till dark night. In so much, that if the rest had done the like, very few of their enemies had escaped. That day they spoilt their enemies of a great part of their armour and munition. So God restored in this combat and in others, to the poor Waldoys, 
God fighteth for 〈◊〉 people.  the armour which the Lord of Trinity had taken from them before. Thanks were given unto God in every place, and every man cried, who is he which seethe not, that God fighteth for us? This victory gave great courage to the poor Waldoys, and greatly astonished the enemies.  
The eighteenth of February, the Lord of Trinity, not satisfied with burning and destroying the greatest part of Uillars returned to burn all the little villages round about, which pertain to the same, and especially, 
Pharaos' hart yet remaineth indurate.  to pursue the poor people, which were fled up into the mountains, and dividing his army into 3. parts, he entered, by the 3. several ways above mentioned. The two first companies joined together between Uillars and Boby, having a great company of horsemen. From thence they went to seek the people which were in the mountain of Comb, by such a way, as they did not suspect, and where there were no warders to defend the place: Notwithstanding, the warders which were next, seeing their enemies ascending that way, speedily ran before them, and calling upon God for his aid and succour, they set themselves against their enemies: and albeit they were but thirty in number, yet they valiantly beat them back twice, coming out of their bulwarks, that is to say, 
The Waldoys again drive their enemies back.  certain houses, which at that time served them for that purpose, albeit they were not made to that use. Many of the enemies were slain at those two combats, and not one of the other side. The Lord of Trinity seeing his men so fiercely driven back, sent out the greatest part of his army: which were esteemed to be above xv. hundredth men. There came also about a 100 to secure the warders. The combat was very cruel and fierce. At length, the poor people were assaulted so vehemently, that they were feign to forsake their bulwarks, losing two of their men. Then the enemies thought all to be theirs, and blew their trumpets, triumphing that they had put the people to flight: But the people retiring not passed a stones cast, took courage, and crying altogether to the Lord for succour, they turned themselves to the face of their enemies, and with great force and power, they hurled stones at them with their slings.  
After this, the enemies rested themselves a while, and by and by after, they gave a furious assault, but yet they were again mightily resisted. Yet once again the enemies rested, and in the mean time, the people fell to prayer, calling upon God altogether, with their faces lifted up towards heaven: which frayed the enemies more than any thing else. After this they gave yet an other great assault, but God by the hands of a few, drove them back. Yea God here showed his great power even in the little children also, which fervently called upon God, threw stones at their enemies, and gave courage also unto the men. So did also the women, and the vulgar sort, that is to say, 
God giveth victory by the hands of a few.  those which were meet for no feats of war, remaining upon the mountain: and beholding these furious combats, kneeling upon the ground, and having their faces lifted up towards heaven, with tears and groanings, they cried: Lord help us. Who heard their prayers.  
After that these three assaults were given, there came one unto them, crying, Be of good courage, God hath sent those of Angrongne to secure us: he meant, that they of Angrongne were fight for them in an other place, that is to say, towards Tailleret, where the third part of the army was. The people perceiving that they of Angrongne were come to that place to secure them, began to cry, blessed be God, who hath sent us secure: they of Angrongne be here, they of Angrongne be here to secure us. 
The enemy's 〈◊〉.  The enemies hearing this, were astonished, and suddenly blew a retreat, and retired into the plain.  
That troop which was gone towards Tailleret, divided themselves into three companies. The first marched by the side of the mountain, burning many houses, 
The Angronians help their fellows.  & joined with the main army. The second company which was of seven score, marched higher, thinking to take the people at unwares. But they were by seven men strongly resisted and driven back. The third company attained the top of the mountain, thinking to enclose the people, but as God would, they of Angrongne, which came to succour them, encountered with them, & with great force put them to flight.  
They of Uillars, of whom mention is made before, after they had refreshed themselves with a little bread and wine (for the most part of them had eaten nothing all that day) chased their enemies till it was almost night: so fiercely that the master of the camp was feign to send to the Lord of Trinity (which was at tour) for succour, or else all would have been lost. Which he did: and immediately he road with all speed to Luserne, to save himself, hearing the alarm which was given at S. john, by those of Angrongne, & fearing lest the way should have been stopped. The army retired with great difficulty (notwithstanding the new aid which was sent them) and with great loss of their men. 
The persecutors put to flight.  One of their captains confessed since, that if they had been pursued any further, they had fled all that night long. Since that time, they never returned again into the valley of Luserne.  
On Monday, being the 17. day of March next following, the Lord of Trinity, to be revenged of those of the meadow of Tour, assembled all the force that he could make with the Gentlemen of the Country. In so much, that whereas before his army was commonly but four thousand, it was now between six and seven thousand: and secretly in the night season he encamped with part of his army in the midst of Angrongne, from whence the poor inhabitants were fled before. The next morning, after the Sermon and prayers were ended, they perceived the other part of the army to be encamped at the foot of the mountain of Angrongne, on the East side. Sun after they perceived how both parts of the army coasted the hills side, the one towards the other, being such a multitude, so glittering in their harness, & marching in such array, that the poor people at the first, were astonished thereat. notwithstanding the assemble fell down upon their knees 3. or 4. times, crying, Help us, O Lord, beseeching him to have regard to the glory of his holy name, 
The Angronians fall to prayer.  to stay the effusion of blood, if it were his good pleasure, & to turn the hearts of their enemies to the truth of his holy Gospel. These two parts of the army joined together, near to the bulwarks of the meadow of tour, & gave the assault in three several places. One of the bands mounted secretly by the rocks, thinking to have enclosed the people in their Bulwarks. But assoon as they which kept the bulwark be low, had espied them, they forsook their place, and marched strait towards them, & as they marched, they met with the aid which was sent unto them, from the valley of Luserne, very luckily, and coming (as it were) from heaven: which joining together, soon discomfited their enemy's with stones and harquebuses. They pursued them fiercely in the rocks, and vexed them wonderfully, because the rocks are so steep, that no man can ascend or descend, without great pain and difficulty. The Captain of this band was named Bastian of Uergil, a man very expert in the affairs of war. 
The proud threats of Amman.  He at his going out of his lodging, threatened that he would do great & terrible things that day. His hostess hearing that, said unto him, Monsieur, if our religion be better than theirs, you shall have the victory: but if theirs be better than ours, you shall not prevail. Shortly after, the captain was brought again into his Inn, so wounded and so feeble, that he was not like to live. Then said his hostess unto him, Monsieur, it is now well seen, that their religion is better than ours.  
There was also an other band that kept the top of the hill, to assault the bulwarks, from thence. The middlemost bulwark was then assaulted, in the which were very few to defend the same: the which seeing the number of their enemies, retired back, leaving therein but 5. only to defend it. There was a huge cock not far from the foresaid bulwark, behind the same, a great number of the enemies were hid. And anon there issued out two ensigns, assuring themselves to win the bulwark: but immediately one of their ensign bearers was wounded to death. Whereupon many recoiled back. The other set up his ensign upon the bulwark. They which were within, had neither halberd, nor any other long weapon, but only one Pike, 
The Bulwark manfully defended.  and the same without an iron: the which one of the 5. took, and threw down the ensign, and manfully beat back the sealer's, and threw them down to the ground. divers of the enemies were entered into the bulwark, by a door below, and slew one of the five, which kept the middle part of the bulwark. The other four looked to be destroyed out of hand. Then one of the four chased away those which had entered below, with stones: and the other three leaving their handguns, defended themselves likewise with great stones: and perceiving the band which was on the rocks to flee, they took courage, and withstood their enemies valiantly, till their companions were returned from the chase.  
In the mean time, the Bulwark which was upon the side of the mountain, was furiously assailed by the one half of the army. Those that were within suffered their enemies to approach near to the Bulwark, without any gunshot or other defence: whereat the enemies much marveled. But when they were even at hand, they fell upon them, some with throwing of stones, some with rolling down mighty stones, & some with harquebuses. 
Behold the Artillery of this simple people, & with what weapons they fought.  There was a huge stone rolled down, which passed throughout the whole army, and slew divers. The soldiers at that time had won a little cottage, near to the said bulwark, which did much hurt to the poor men. But among them, one devised to roll down a great huge stone against the cottage, which so shook it, and amazed the soldiers, that they thought they had been all destroyed, and incontinent they fled, and never would enter into it again.  
Then the soldiers made certain fences of wood, five foot long, three foot broad, and of the thickness of three boards, but they were so sore vexed with the shot of the harquebuses, that they were feign to lay all those fences aside. The miners also made others of earth for the soldiers. But all these policies of the enemies availed them nothing: for the slaughter was so great, that in divers places you might have seen three lying dead one upon an other. God so wrought with the poor Christians, that the shot of two harquebuses slew four men. It was said for a certainty, that the shot of an harquebus came so near the Lord of Trinities head, that it broke a wand which he bore in his hand, and made him to retire six score paces backward, 
The Lord of trinity with his army, driven back.  and seeing his soldiers in such great numbers murdered & wounded on every side, he wept bitterly. Then he retired the rest of his army. That day he thought assuredly to have entered into the meadow of Tour. Moreover he was determined, if that days journey had not succeeded, to encamp thereby, and the next morning very early, to renew the assault. Many gentlemen and others came thither, to see the discomfiture of the poor Waldois: and likewise those of the Plain looked for nothing, but to hear the piteous ruin and desolation of this poor people. But God disposed it otherwise: For the Lord of Trinity had much ado to save himself and his: and seeing the mischief which they intended to do unto others, was fallen now upon their own heads, they were wonderfully astonished. They of the plain also, when they saw the number of the dead bodies, & the wounded to be so great (for from noon until the evening, 
The papists astonished and dismayed on every side, by the wonderful judgement of God.  they ceased not to carry them away) were likewise exceedingly dismayed. Albeit they carried not away all, for there were many that lay near to the bulwarks, which the people covered with winding sheets, the next morning. The soldiers themselves confessed to them of the meadow of Tour, that if they had pursued them, they had been all slain, they were so tired and clean out of heart.  
Many marveled why the people did not follow the army, but especially the soldiers, seeing the great discomfiture which they had done, and that they had gotten such vantage of them already. But this was done for two causes. The one was, because they had already determined not to follow the army being once retired, 
God's people avoid the shedding of blood.  to avoid the effusion of blood, meaning only to defend themselves. The other cause was, for that they were weary, and had spent all their munition: For many of them had shot of, about 30. times, and none of them, under twenty, spending great store both of pellets and haileshot. The rest of the army retired, crying with a loud voice, God fighteth for them, and we do them wrong.  
The next day, one of the principal captains of the army, surrendered his charge to the L. of Trinity, saying unto him, that he would never fight against this people any more, and upon that he departed. It is a marvelous thing and worthy of perpetual memory, that in the combat there were but two of the Waldoys slain, and two hurt. Thorough the whole country of Piedmont, every man said, God fighteth for them. One of the Captains confessed, that he had been at many fierce assaults and combats, and sundry battles well fought, but yet he never saw soldiers so faint hearted and amazed: yea the soldiers themselves told him, they were so astonished, 
God fighteth for his people.  that they could not strike. Moreover, they said, that this people never shot, but they hurt or killed some of the Soldiers. Some other said that the ministers by their prayers, conjured and bewitched them, that they could not fight: and in deed wonderful is it, and marvelous are the judgements of God, that notwithstanding so many combats and conflicts, so great assaults and adventures, so much & so terrible shot, continually made against this poor people, yet all in a manner came to no effect: So mightily God's holy power wrought for his people: In so much, that for all the said combats, skirmishes, and so many conflicts: of all the Angrongnians, there were but 9 only that miscarried, and the whole number of those that were slain, were but only 14. persons. 
Only 14. of all the Waldoys slain in all these conflicts.  Where also is to be noted, not without great admiration, how few there were, and those also but poor silly shepherds and neat-herds, to encounter with such a mighty power, of so strong and brave soldiers coming against them with weapon and armour, being so well furnished and appointed with munition as they were, in all points accordingly, and the other on the contrary side being unarmed, and unprovided of all habiliment of war, having for their defence for the most part, nothing else but slings and stones, and a few harquebuses.  
The 9 day of March, there was a hot skirmish at Angrongne. For 3. companies of soldiers went to Angrongne, to burn and spoil all that remained, & to destroy the wines, which were hidden in the ground. Where, amongst themselves, they mocked & flouted the poor people, saying: these lutheran Waldoys, are valiant fellows behind their bulwarks: but if they had been in the plain field, they had been well canvased. After this it chanced that 30. of the Waldoys went and assailed these foresaid companies in the plain field. 
another skirmish between the enemies and the Angrongnians.  They fought a long season, and that so near, that some of them fought hand to hand. In this conflict, one of those of Angrongne, wrestled with a captain of the enemies, strong and mighty, and cast him down upon the ground. Many of the soldiers were slain, and many hurt. But of the Angronians there was but one slain and an other hurt a little, which notwithstanding gave not over to fight manfully. Then the soldiers seeing the loss of their men, retired suddenly.  
After that, the Lord of Trinity sent 2. Gentlemen of the Ualley of Luserne, to them of Angrongne, to feel them if they would come to any agreement. To whom answer was made, that they would stand to their first answer. From that time he sent very often, to entreat of the agreement: but what his meaning was, it might well appear. For when the poor people hoped for some agreement, 
Note the practice of Papists.  they were most furiously assaulted. Upon this there was a day assigned in the valley of Luserne to confer touching the agreement, with certain men pertaining to the Lord of Raconis, and the safe conduct was promised and granted.  
The night afore the ministers & rulers of Angrongne should take their journey, they perceived a company of soldiers going up a hill, 
Behold how this traitorous Trynitye whiles he pretendeth an agreement, goeth about to destroy these poor men.  by the which they of Angrongne should pass, & hide them in houses on the ways side, thinking to take at unwares them of Angrongne, which were sent to treat of the agreement. But they having intelligence of this conspiracy, watched and warded. It was an easy matter as divers thought, that night to have taken the L. of Trinity, and have spoiled his whole camp. But they of Angrongne, and Luserne, would not execute this enterprise, 
David spareth king Saul.  lest thereby they should offend God, and pass the bounds of their vocation, taking upon them no more but to defend themselves.  
At that time a pitiful case happened in the Meadow of Tour. The Lord of Raconis seeming to be sorry for this war, sent into the meadow of Tour, an honest man of Briqueras, named Frances of Bills, to take advise, what means were best, to further the agreement. Who having consulted with the ministers and rulers, returned homeward that day according to his masters commandment, and having sent back one which conducted him, was murdered soon after at the foot of Angrongne, by two of Angrongne, which otherwise seemed to be honest, and of good parentage. Soon after, one of the two which had committed this fact, entered into the Meadow of tour, and was immediately apprehended and bound. He confessed the fact without any further delay. Immediately the other also was taken.  
The Waldoys were marvelously troubled & aggrieved with this fact, and wrote to the Lord of Raconis, declaring unto him the whole circumstance of the fact, and that they had the offenders in ward, and that, if it would please him to send certain to examine the matter, they for their part, would so execute justice in the punishment of them, that their innocency to all men should appear. The lord of Raconis, wrote unto them, that they should deliver unto him the offenders, and that he would do such justice upon them, as the cause required. To the which they of Angrongne answered, that upon three conditions, they should be delivered, according to his request. First▪ that the prisoners should be compelled to do nothing against their consciences, 
The just dealing of the Angrongnians.  and as touching religion, nothing should be spoken unto them, but out of the word of God. Secondly, that speedy and sharp justice should be executed upon them: and that hereafter this should be no prejudice to the liberties and privileges of the people of Angrongne. The third, that the execution of them should be upon the borders of Angrongne, for an example to all other. This being accorded with one assent (yea without contradiction of their parents) they sent them prisoners accompanied with 60. gunner's, to the confines of Luserne, and there delivered them into the hands of the Lord of Raconis. This redounded to the great commendation of them of Angrongne.  
After this the lord of Trinity having left certain garrisons about Angrongne, and the valley of Luserne: went to peruse near to the valley of S. Martin, to secure the garrison there, being in great danger, and there remained a month. During which time, they of Angrongne, and of the valley of Luserne, lived in more quietness than afore: but yet they were so afflicted, by reason of the scarcity of victuals, which sore pressed them, and namely those of the meadow of tour, for they were spoiled of their victuals. 
scarceness of victual among the Angrongnians. God's mercy toward his people.  This poor people lived with milk and with herbs, having very little bread. But afterwards, when they were even like to be famished, God of his goodness, sent them better succour, both of corn & bread, than they had before. The enemies thought to have taken the meadow of tour by famine: for they took away the victuals that were to be had in all places round about▪ Every household was suffered to have no more than should sustain them that day, and that also was very little: to the end that they should not secure this poor people.  
After that, the Lord of Trinity being returned from peruse to Luserne, 
Note how this bloody wretch protending agreement, peace, and quietness: immediately seeketh the destruction of this poor people. The people of Tailleret cruelly murdered of the spaniards. The trumpets of the Waldoys.  sent certain to entreat of an agreement, and required to common with some of the people. Then they began to consult and devise by all means, how they might come to some good agreement. But one Monday being the 17. day of April, by break of day, he sent certain bands of Spaniards, which he had there, with the Garrison of tour, to the mountain of Tailleret, by the way which leadeth to the meadow of Tour, on the Southside. They murdered men, women and children of Tailleret, whom they found in their beds. Then they marched on along upon the mountain, towards the meadow of Tour. Anon after the people perceived 2. other companies of soldiers marching by Angrongne, by 2. several ways, to assault the Meadow of tour. In the morning, assoon as they rose, they blewe their horns, for they saw the Spaniards already entered. When they had made their prayers, every man ran to meet the enemies, some on the East side and the other on the south. They which first resisted the Spaniards (who were already passed the bulwarks) were in the beginning but 12. Gunners, and a few other whom they caused to go up to the hill, and roll down great stones. These 12. having found a fit place for their purpose to stay the spaniards, began to shoot of their harquebuses at them. The spaniards seeing themselves so sore assailed both above and beneath, 
The spaniards beaten back.  & the place so narrow and so strait, recoiled back, and retired as fast as they could, by the same way, by the which they came. If they had tarried a little longer, they had been enclosed between the two mountains: which place was so straight that they could not have escaped. The people chased them unto their camp, which was at tour. 
God giveth victory to the Waldois against the spaniards.  As they fled they found often, some Forts, where they did resist for a little while: but they were always beaten out. In this combat God gave victory to the poor Waldoys, with great slaughter of the Spaniards: where also very many of them were sore hurt and wounded.  
The said L. of Trinity sent unto the Spaniards, that they should not faint and give over, but stick to it like men, and he would shortly send them secure: but they would not. Those of the Ualley of Luserne, hearing of this conflict, came in the mean time, to help their neighbours. Amongst other, there was one slain in that battle, for whom the Lord of Trinity much lamented, saying that he would rather have lost a whole band, than that man. The other 2. companies, which marched by Angrongne, perceiving the spaniards to be so beaten and put to flight, & seeing also those of the meadow of Tour coming to encounter with them, retired in haste. Upon that, the lord of Trinity went to Cavors three miles from Luserne, being in a great perplexity: and as he was about to send succour to the Spaniards, he heard the sound of a drum above Luserne, & suspected that there was an army of the Waldoys coming against him. Upon this divers of the soldiers fled away by the plain, crying that all was lost. It was certainly reported, 
God taketh the 〈…〉.  that if the Waldoys had pursued the army, as they might easily have done, the camp had that day been chased out of Luserne. The poor people lacked no courage so to do: for albeit they had neither eaten nor drunken all that day before, 
God giveth co●●age to the poor Waldoys.  & had sore traveled and fought: yet they said, that if they had but a little refreshed themselves with a morsel of bread, and a glass of wine, they durst take upon them to enter into the camp of their enemies.  
Within a few days after, they of Angrongne were advertised by the L. of Trinities letters, that he fully determined to cut down their trees and vines, and destroy their corn being on the ground. And furthermore, that 2. forts should be builded at Angrongne. The day was assigned, & horsemen appointed, with all speed to execute this mischievous enterprise. The poor people thought that they should be assailed as sore as ever they were, and fight as hard as ever they did before. 
The mischievous purpose of Trynitye, stayed by the providence of God.  But God prevented this cruel attempt. For the night afore that this should be executed, the lord of Trinity received certain letters from the Duke, which stayed this enterprise. They of the meadow of Tour, being advertised that the lord of Trinity did now intend to send ordinance to beat down the bulwarks which were made of stones: they made a bulwark of earth, which was in compass about 500 paces: which they might easily see from Luserne. They of the meadow of Tour told the lord of Trinities men, that if they brought any artillery, they should not so soon carry it away again, and shortly the ordinance was sent back again.  
About this season, the chief rulers and ministers of the Waldoys requested earnestly the Lord of Raconis, to present a supplication which they had made to the Duchess of Savoy. 
The Waldoys send a supplication to the Duchess.  For they had intelligence that she was sore offended that her subjects were so cruelly handled. In the which supplication they declared the equity of their cause, protesting all due obedience to the duke their sovereign Lord: and if it might be proved by the pure word of God that they held any error, 
The Waldoys offer to be judged by the word of God.  they would with all humble submission, receive correction and be reform, humbly beseeching her grace to appease the displeasure which the Duke had conceived against them, by the untrue surmises of their adversaries: and if there were any thing wherein they had offended him, they most humbly craved his gracious pardon.  
About this time the lord of trinity, by sickness, was in great danger of his life. 
The Lord of Trinyty sore sick.  Soon after the supplication was delivered: the Duchess sent an answer to the Waldoys, by the said Lord of Raconis. The effect thereof was, that she had obtained of the Duke's grace all that they demanded in their supplication, upon such conditions as the said lord Raconis would propound unto them. But when they understood that the said conditions were very rigorous, they sent an other supplication unto the Duchess, 
another supplycatyon sent to the Duchess.  wherein they humbly besought her grace to be a mean that the said conditions and Articles might be moderated: which Articles here follow.  
First, that they should banish their Ministers.  
Secondly, that they should receive the Mass and other ceremonies of the Romish church.  
Thirdly, that they should pay a ransom to the soldiers for certain of their men which they had taken.  
Fourthly, that they should assemble and preach no more as they were wont to do.  
Fifthly, that the Duke would make fortresses at his pleasure, in all that country, with other like things.  
The people made humble request in this their last supplication, 
The supplicatyon to the Duchess.  that it would please the said Duchess to give the Duke her husband to understand, how that these conditions were strange and rigorous. And as for their parts, although they had good trial of their ministers, that they were good men and fearing God, of sound doctrine, of good life & honest conversation, yet nevertheless they were contented so to do, if he would give leave to some of them to remain: requesting this, that it might be permitted unto them to choose some other good Ministers in their places, before they departed, lest that their Churches should remain without Pastors.  

The conditions where●●to the Waldoys did agree & consent.  Concerning the Mass, and other Ceremonies of the church of Rome, if the duke should cause them to be ministered in their parishes, they neither would, nor could withstand the same, and for their part, they would do no injury or violence to those that should minister them or be present thereat: notwithstanding they besought him, that they might not be constrained to be present themselves, at the ministration thereof, or to pay any thing to the maintenance of the same, or else to yield either favour or consent thereunto.  
As touching the ransom which was demanded of them for their prisoners, considering the extreme poverty that they were in, and the great calamities and damages which they had suffered, it was to them a thing unpossible. Yea if his highness were truly informed what loss they had sustained, by burning, spoiling and sacking of their houses and goods, without all mercy or pity, he would not only require of them no such thing, but as a gracious and merciful Prince, he would secure and support them, that they might be able to maintain their poor families, whom they nourished (as they were bound to do) to the service of God, and their said Lord and Prince: and therefore they desired that it might please him that their poor brethren remaining in captivity and prison, and such as were sent to the galleys for the profession of their religion, might speedily be delivered and set at liberty.  
As for their assembles and preachings, they were contented that they should be kept only amongst themselves, in their accustomed places and in other Ualleys aforesaid, where any assemble of the faithful should be, which were desirous to hear the preaching of the Gospel.  
Touching the Fortresses, for as much as by those which were already made, they had suffered great molestations and troubles as well concerning their goods, as also their religion: they were assured that if he should build up new Forts, they should never be able to abide the troubles, miseries, and calamities, that would follow thereupon, and therefore they most humbly desired the said Duchess to be so good and gracious unto them, as to obtain of the Duke that he would accept their persons in the stead of Forts: and that, seeing those places were by nature and of themselves strong and well fortified, it might please their said lord the duke, to receive them into his protection and safeguard: and by the grace and assistance of God, they would serve him themselves for such Walls, and Forts, that he should not need to build any other. And because many of those which dwelled near about them, had rob & spoiled them, not only of their household goods and such other things, but also driven away their cattle: that it might please him to give them leave to recover the said goods, by the way of justice, and to buy again that which the soldiers had sold, and that for the same price, for the which it was sold.  
Briefly, they also besought their said Lord, that it might please him to be so gracious unto them, as to grant them a confirmation of all their franchises, immunities, and privileges, as well general, as particular, given unto them as well by him, as by his predecessors: and likewise of those which, as well they, as their anciters had bought of their Lords, and to receive them as his most humble and obedient subjects, into his protection and safeguard.  
And because in time past, in the stead of good and speedy justice, all iniquity was committed by those that had the administration of justice in their Ualleis: and for as much as their purses were emptied & punished rather than the malefactors: that it might please him to give order that such justice might be done amongst them, whereby the wicked might be punished with all severity, and the innocent defended and maintained in their right.  
Finally, forasmuch as divers of this poor people (being astonished at the coming of the army, & fearing lest they should not only be spoiled of all their goods, but also they with their wives and children, be utterly destroyed) made promise against their consciences, to live according to the traditions of the church of Rome: 
Torment of conscience in sliding from the truth.  they were marvelously troubled and tormented in spirit, and did nothing but languish in that distress. Wherefore they humbly besought the said Duchess to take pity upon them, & to obtain that they might not be compelled to do any thing against their conscience: and moreover, that it might please the Duke to permit them, to live in liberty and freedom of conscience: also, that all their poor brethren, banished for the cause of Religion, might return home to their houses: and that all confiscations and penalties made against them, might be abolished. And for their part they promised to give all due reverence and honour to God and his holy word, and to be true and faithful subjects to their Lord & Prince. Yea more than any other. Underneath the said supplication, there was written: Your faithful and humble subjects, the poor afflicted of the Ualleys of Luserne, Angrongne, S. Martin, and peruse, and generally all the people of the Waldois, which inhabit the country of Primont.  
After that this supplication was viewed & read of the said Duchess, she so persuaded with the Duke, that answer was made with these conditions declared in these articles following.   

Conclusions and Articles, lastly agreed upon between the right honourable Lord of Raconis on the part of the Duke's highness, and them of the Valleys of Piedmont, called the Waldoys.  
THat there shall shortly be made letters patents by the Duke's highness, 
The composition and agreement upon conditions, between the Duke, and the Waldoys.  by the which it may appear that he hath forgiven and pardoned them of the Ualleys of Angrongne. Boby, Uillers, Ualquichard, Rora, Tailleret, La Rua de Bonet bordering upon Tour. S. Martin, peruse, Roccapiata, S. Bartholomew, and all such as have aided them: of all such faults as they have committed, as well in bearing armour against his highness, as against the Lords and certain other gentlemen whom he retained and kept in his protection and safeguard. 
Pardon promised.   
That it shallbe lawful for them of Angrongne, Boby, Uillard, Ualquichard, Rora, (members of the Ualley of Luserne) & for them of Rodoret, Marcele, Maneillan, and Salsa (members of the Ualley of S. Martin) to have their congregations, 
Sermons & congregations permitted.  sermons & other ministries of their religion, in places accustomed.  
That it shallbe lawful for them of Uillars (members of the Ualley of Luserne) to have the same, 
The parish of Villars.  but that only until the time that his highness doth build a Fort in the same place. But whilst the said fort is in building, it shall not be lawful to have their preaching and assemblies with in the said precinct of the place, but it shallbe lawful for them to build a place for that purpose, near at hand, where they shall think good, on that side towards Boby. Nevertheless it shall be permitted to their ministers to come within the precinct aforesaid, to visit the sick, and exercise other things necessary to their Religion, so that they preach not nor make any assemble there.  

The parish of Tailleret, La Rua de Bonet.  It shallbe also permitted to them of Tailleret, La Rua de Bonet bordering upon Tour, to have their Sermons and assembles in places accustomed, so that they enter not for that purpose into the rest of the confines of Tour.  

The valleys of Luserne, and S. Martin.  That it shall not be lawful for the said members of the Ualleys of Luserne and S. Martin, to come to the rest of their borderers, nor any other of his highness dominion: nor to have their preachings, assembles or disputations, out of their own borders, having liberty to have them therein. And if they be examined of their faith, it shall be lawful for them to answer without danger of punishment in body or goods.  
The like shall be lawful for them of the parish of peruse, 
The Parish of peruse.  which at this present are fled because of the said religion, & were wont to have their assembles and preachings & other ministries according to their religion, at the place called le Puis: so that they come not to other places & borders of the said parish.  
It shall be permitted to them of the parish of Pinachia, of the Ualley of peruse, 
The parish of Pinachia.  which at this present be fled because of the said religion, and were wont to go to Sermons and assemblies and other ministries of that religion, to have the like only at the place called le Grandoubiou.  

The parish of S. Germain.  It shall be permitted to them of the parish of S. Germain of the Ualley of peruse, and to them of Roccapiata, which at this present are fled because of the said religion and continued in the same, to have one only minister, which may the one day preach at S. Germaine, at the place called l'Adormilleux, and the other day at Roccapiata, at the place called Uandini only.  
It shallbe permitted to all them of the towns and Uillages of the said Ualleis, 
Order for Villages being far from the parish Church.  which at this present are fled, and continue in the said religion, notwithstanding any promise or abjuration made before this war against the said religion, to repair & return to their houses with their households, and to live according to the same, going and coming to the Sermons and assembles which shall be made by their ministers in the places above specified, so that they obey that which is abovesaid.  
And because that many of the said towns and villages dwell out of the precinct of the preaching, having need to be visited▪ and of other things according to their said religion, their ministers which dwell within the precinct, shall be suffered without prejudice, to visit and duly aid them of such ministries as shall be necessary for them, so that they make no sermons or assembles.  
By especial grace it shall be permitted to all them of the Ualley of Mean, 
The parish of Mean, & S. Barthelmew.  and them of S. Bartholomew, neighbours to Roccapiata, and are fled and continue in the said religion, peaceably to enjoy the grace and liberties granted in the next article before, so that they observe all which they before promise to observe. 
The goods of the waldoys restored.   
The goods already seized as forfeit, shallbe restored to all the inhabitants of the said Ualleis, and to all that are fled and continue in the said religion, as well of them of the said Ualleis, as of Roccapiata, S. Bartholomew, and of Mean, so that they be not seized for any other cause then for the said religion, and for the war present and lately passed.  
It shallbe lawful for them aforesaid, to recover by way of justice, of their neighbours, their movable goods and cattle, so it be not of Soldiers: and that which hath been sold, they shall also recover by way of justice, so that they restore the price for which it hath been sold. Their neighbours shall have the like against them.  
All their franchises, freedoms, and privileges, 
The liberties restored▪  as well general, as particular, granted as well by his highness predecessors, as by himself, and obtained of other inferior Lords, whereof they shall make proof by public writings, shallbe confirmed unto them.  
The said Ualleis shallbe provided for to have good justice ministered unto them, whereby they may know they are kept in safeguard by his highness, as well as all his other subjects.  
The inhabitants of the said Ualleis shall make a roll of all the names & surnames of all them of the said valleys, which are fled for religion, as well such as have abjured, as other, to the end they may be restored, and maintained in their goods and households, and enjoy such grace and benefits as their Prince and Lord hath bestowed on them.  
And in so much as it is known to every man, that the Prince may build fortresses in his country, where it shall please him without contradiction, nevertheless, to take all suspicion out of the minds of the aforesaid Waldoys, it is declared that if, at any time hereafter, his highness will make a Fort at Uillars, the inhabitants of the said place shall not be constrained to bear the charges, but only as they shall think good, lovingly to aid their Prince. Which Forte being builded (by God's aid) A governor and Captain shall therein be appointed, which shall attempt nothing but the service of his highness, without offence of the inhabitants either in their goods or consciences.  
It shallbe lawful for them, before the discharging of their Ministers, such as it shall please his highness to have discharged, to choose and call other in their steads: 
M. Martin de Pragela▪ Minister of the Waldoys.  so that they choose not M. Martin de Pragela, nor change not from one place to another, of the said valleys, any of them which be discharged.  
The Mass and other service after the usage of Rome, shallbe kept in all the parishes of the said Ualleis, where the Sermons assembles, 
Mass set up, but none compelled to come to it  and other ministers of their religion are made, but none shall be compelled to be present thereat, nor to minister aid or favour to such as shall use that service.  
All the expenses and charges borne by his highness in this war, shallbe forgiven and released to them for ever. Also the eight thousand crowns wherein the inhabitants of the said Ualleys were behind, as part of sixteen M. crowns, which they had promised in the war passed: and his highness will command that the writings, for that cause made, shallbe annulled and canceled.  
All the prisoners shallbe rendered & restored which shall be found to be in the hands of the soldiers, 
Their prisoners restored by ransom reasonable.  paying ransom reasonable, according to their goods, as they shallbe seized: and those which shall be adjudged to be wrongfully taken, shallbe released without ransom.  
Likewise, all they of the said Ualleis, which for religion, & not for other causes, are detained in the Galleys, 
The captives in Galleys restored.  shall be released without ransom.  
Finally, it shallbe lawful for all them of the said valleys, them of Mean, Roccapiata, and s. Bartlemewe, of what degree, estate, or condition so ever they be (except ministers) to accompany and dwell, and to be in daily conversation with the rest of his highness subjects, and to tarry, go & come, in all places of his highness country, to sell and buy, and use all trades of merchandise, in all places in his highness country, as before is said, so that they preach not, nor make any assembles, or disputations, as we have before said: and that they which be of the limits, dwell not out of them: and they which be of the towns & villages of the said valleys, dwell not out of them, nor of their borders: 
The liberty of Traffic granted.  and in so doing they shall not be molested by any means, and shall not be offended nor troubled in body or goods: but shall remain under the protection and safeguard of his highness.  
Furthermore, his highness shall set order to stay all troubles, inconveniences, secret conspiracies of wicked persons after such sort, 
The elders of the Valleys of Pyemont.  that they shall remain quietly in their religion. For observation whereof, George Monastier, one of the elders of Angrongne, Constantion Dialestini, otherwise called Rembaldo, one of the Elders of Uillars, Pirrone Arduino, sent from the commonalty of Boby, Michael Ramondet, sent from the commonalty of Tailleret and of la Rua de Bonet bordering upon Tour, john Malenote, sent from certain persons of S. john, Peter Paschal sent from the commonalty of the valley of S. Martin, Thom. Roman of S. Germain, sent from the commonalty of the same place, and of all the Ualley of peruse, promise for them and their commonalties severally, that the contents of these conclusions aforesaid, shall be inviolately kept, and for breach thereof do submit themselves to such punishment as shall please his highness: promising likewise to cause the chief of the families of the commonalties, to allow and confirm the said promise.  
The honourable Lord of Raconis doth promise that the Duke's highness shall confirm and allow the foresaid conclusions to them both generally and particularly, 
The Lord of Raconnis.  at the intercession and especial favour of the noble Lady the Princess. 
The Lady Prince's intercessor for the Waldoys.   
In testimony whereof, the foresaid Lord of Raconis hath confirmed these present conclusions, with his own hand, and the Ministers have likewise subscribed in the name of all the said Ualleys, and they which can write, in the name of all their commonalties.  
At Cavor, the v. of june. 1561. 

Philip of Savoy.  
France's Valla, Minister of Villars.  
Claudius' Bergius, Minister of Taillaret.  
Georgius Monasterius.  
Michael Raymundet.    
THis accord being thus made and passed, by the means of the Duchess of Savoy, the poor Waldoys have been in quiet until this present: and God of his infinite goodness having delivered them out of so many troubles and conflicts, hath set them at liberty, to serve him purely and with quietness of conscience.  
Wherefore there is none at this present (except he be altogether blind or senseless) but he seethe and well perceiveth that God would make it known by experience, to these poor Waldoys, 
All things turn to the best, to them that love the Lord.  and all other faithful people, that all things turn to the best to them, which love and fear him. For by all these afflictions which they suffered (as is before rehearsed) this good heavenly father hath brought them to repentance and amendment of life. He hath effectuously taught them to have recourse to his fatherly mercy, and to embrace jesus Christ, for their only Saviour and redeemer.  
Furthermore, he hath taught them to tame the desires and lusts of the flesh, to withdraw their hearts from the world, and lift them up to heaven, and to be always in a readiness to come to him, as unto their most loving and pitiful father. To be short, he hath set them to the school of his children, to the end they should profit in patience and hope: to make them to mourn, weep, and cry unto him. And above all, he hath made them so oft to prove his succours at time of need, to see them before their eyes, to feel and touch them with their hands (as a man would say) after such sort, that they have had good occasion and all the faithful with them, never to distrust so good a father, and so careful for the health of his children: but to assure themselves never to be confounded, what thing soever happen.  
And yet to see this more manifestly, and that every man may take profit thereof, it shall be good to understand what this poor people did, whiles they were in these combats and conflicts. 
The behaviour of these good men in their persecutions.  So soon as they saw the army of their enemies approach, they cried altogether for aid and secure to the Lord, and before they begun to defend themselves they fell to prayer, and in fight, lifted up their hearts, and sighed to the Lord. As long as the enemies were at rest, every one of these poor people, on their knees, called upon God. When the combat was ended, they gave him thanks for the comfort and succour, which they had felt. In the mean time, the rest of the people with the Ministers, made their hearty prayer unto God with sighs and tears, and that, from the morning until the evening. When night was come, they assembled again together. They which had fought, rehearsed the wonderful aid and secure which God had sent them, and so altogether rendered thanks unto him for his fatherly goodness. Always he changed their sorrow into joy. In the morning trouble and affliction appeared before them, with great terror on all sides: but by the evening, they were delivered, and had great cause of rejoicing and comfort.  

War and famine two enemies against these men.  This poor people had two terrible enemies: war and famine, which kept them under, in such sort that a man would have thought they had been utterly lost & destroyed. But God of his endless mercy, delivered them from such dangers, and restored them to their houses, where they remained afterwards in peace and quietness, & all they which had declared themselves to be their open enemies, were brought to confusion, as well those which fought to get their goods, as those which only desired to shed their blood. For proof whereof, the only example of two Gentlemen of the Ualley of Luserne shall suffice. These not only moved cruel war against their poor tenants and others, but most shamefully spoiled them, and took untolerable fines of all those that disobeyed their Edicts, to keep a good conscience.  
Besides this, 
Example of God's favour toward his servants & confusion toward their persecutors▪  they went about to seize all their goods as forfeit: waiting to have the whole forfeiture thereof themselves. And for this cause they did not only incense the Duke with false reports and with grievous complaints and accusations, against these poor Waldoys: but also pursued the same so long and with such charges, that they were fain to sell their inheritance, in hope to bring their purpose to pass, and to enjoy that goodly pray, which they thought could not escape their hands. But in the end, for their reward, they got nothing but shame and confusion.  
And as for the Monks and Priests which by such means thought to advance themselves, & to bring their trumpery to estimation, they have lost the little rule which they had over that people, and are confounded, and their Religion brought in disdain. Thus God beateth down those which exalt themselves above measure, and maketh his adversaries to fall into the pits which they themselves have made.  
Let us pray unto him therefore, that it would please him likewise to stretch out his puissant arm at this day, to maintain his poor Church now afflicted, and to confound all the devices of Satan and his members, to the advancement of his glory and kingdom.   

¶ The conclusion of the story.  
And thus hast thou (Christian reader) for thy erudition and comfort, the story and doings, 
The conclusion of the story of merindol, & Angrongne. merindol and Cabriers in Province, under the French king.  discoursed concerning these two countries, both of Province & also of Piedmont, the one being subject under the dominion of France, the other belonging to the Duke of Savoy. In the which two foresaid regions and countries, how long the Gospel of Christ hath continued (even from the time of the first Waldenses) the history itself declareth.  
Furthermore, what injuries and wrongs have been done against them for the Gospel's sake, 
Angrongne and others in Piedmont under the Duke of Savoy. The cruelty of the adversaries. The patience of the Martyrs.  what rigour and cruelty hath been showed of the adversary part: again, for their part, what patience in their suffering, what constancy in their doctrine, what truth in their words, and simplicity in their deeds, what obedience toward their Magistrates, and faith toward God they have used, & finally, how miraculously and mightily God hath fought for his people, and confounded the enemies, the said history may give thee full knowledge and experience.  
Wherein this thou hast moreover for thy more learning, to note and to consider with thyself, besides many other memorable things in this story contained how unwilling this people were at first, & what remorse of conscience they had, for their obedience toward their Magistrates, to lift up any hand or finger, for their own defence. And therefore many of them being slain & cruelly murdered as willingly offering their throats without any resistance, to the cruel hands of their enemies, the rest were compelled to fly into the mountains, being spoiled of house, victual, & weapon, only to save their poor lives with flying, 
Then they which are in jewry let them fly into the Mountains. Luke 21.  which otherwise they would not with resisting, in rocks & caves, thinking there rather to perish by famine, then to use that defence for themselves, which nature giveth to every brute beast to help itself as it may, against violence & injury. Yet these poor Waldoys refusing all resistance, & laying down their own weapon (for obedience sake) yea not lifting up their own hands, to defend their own heads, only used the poor shift of flying from their enemies, till at length the rage of those bloody persecutors, satisfied with no blood, nor contented with any reason, ceased not still most furiously, to infest them, yea to take also the mountains from them, which had taken from them their houses before, neither yet permitting them to live with the wild beasts in the desert, which could not live in their towns at home: till at length, by extreme necessity, the providence of God so working with them, 
The Waldois compelled to defend themselves.  they were compelled to turn their faces, & to take those weapons, which the ground gave to their hands. And with those stones, so marvelously the God of hosts wrought for his people, that they beat, vanquished & overthrew their adversaries, they confounded their pride, they abated their malice, & at last, stayd the intolerable rage of their persecution. So mercifully and victoriously the Lord God omnipotent fought with his people, 
Note how the Lord blessed the Waldois, standing to their own defence.  or rather for his people, they but turning almost their faces unto their enemies, no otherwise then he fought in times before, with joshua against the heathen, with the Israelites against the Phelistians, with the Macabees, against Antiochus and the Syrians.  
This history carrying with it a true narration of things done in the said country of Piedmont, and written (as it seemeth) by certain of the Ministers, which were at the doing thereof, with the like faith and simplicity we have collected partly out of the Italian, partly out of the French tongue: for in both the languages it is written, although in the French tongue, 
Ex Histor. Gallica. & Italica.  it is much more largely discoursed, which book most principally herein we have followed. The title whereof thus beginneth, Histoire des persecutions & Guerres faites country le peuple appellé Vaudois, etc.  
Now that we have finished these foreign Histories, concerning such matters as have been passed in other Realms and nations of Germany, Italy, Spain, France, and Savoy: consequently it remaineth after this degress, to return and reduce our story again, to our own country matters, here done and passed at home, after that first we shall have added one foreign story more, concerning the martyrdom of a Christian jew, which suffered about these years in Constantinople, among the Turks, in this wise as followeth.   

¶ The story of a christian jew in Constantinople martyred by the Turks.  

A Christian jew, Martyr.  Persecutors. Martyrs. The causes. The Turks of Constantinople. 
A jew christened and Martyred. At Constantinople.  
An. 1528.  TO these foreign Martyrs aforesaid we will also adjoin the History of a certain jew, who in the year of our Lord 1528. dwelling in the City of Constantinople, and there receiving the sacrament of Baptism, was converted, and became a good Christian. When the Turks understood hereof, 
Anno. 1528.  they were vehemently exasperated against him, that he forsaking his jewishness, should be regenerate to the faith of Christ: and fearing lest his conversion should be a detriment to their mahometical law, they sought means how to put him to death, which in short time after they accomplished. And for the greater infamy to be done unto the man, they cast his dead corpse into the streets, commanding that no man should be so hardy as to bury the same. 
The martyrdom of a Christian jewe.   
Having thus comprehended the troubles and persecutions of such godly Saints, and blessed Martyrs, which have suffered in other foreign nations above mentioned, here now ending with them, and beginning the eight book, we have (God willing) to return again to our own matters, 
The contents of the book following.  and to prosecute such Acts and records, as to our own country of England do appertain. In the proees whereof among many other things, may appear the marvelous work of God's power and mercy in suppressing and banishing out of this Realm, the long usurped supremacy of the Pope: also in subverting and overthrowing the houses of Monks, and Friars, with divers other matters pertaining to the reformation of Christ's true Church and Religion. All which things as they have been long wished, and greatly groaned for in times passed of many godly learned men: so much more ought we now to rejoice and give God thanks, seeing these days of reformation, which God hath given us. If john Husse, or good Jerome of prague, or john Wickliff before them both, or William Brute, Thorpe, Swynderby, or the Lord Cobham, if Zisca, with all the company of the Bohemians, if the Earl Raymundus, with all the Tholossians, if the Waldoys or the Albingensis, with infinite other, had been either in these our times now, or else had seen then this ruin of the Pope, and revealing of Antichrist, which the Lord now hath dispensed unto us, what joy and triumph would they have made? Wherefore now beholding that thing which they so long time have wished for, let us not think the benefit to be small, but render therefore most humble thanks to the Lord our God: Who by his mighty power and brightness of his word, 
Antichrist long hid, and now revealed.  hath revealed this great enemy of his so manifestly to the eyes of all men, who before was hid in the Church so colourably, that almost few Christians could espy him. For who would ever have judged or suspected in his mind, the Bishop of Rome (commonly received and believed almost of all men, to be the Vicar and Vicegerent of Christ here in earth) to be Antichrist, and the great adversary God, whom S. Paul so expressly prophesieth of in these latter days to be revealed by the brightness of the Lords coming, as all men now for the most part may see is come to pass. Wherefore to the Lord and Father of lights, who revealeth all things in his due time, be praise and glory for ever. Amen.   
The end of the seventh Book.   

The eight Book, continuing the history of English matters appertaining to both states, as well Ecclesiastical, as Civil and Temporal.  

Martyrs of coventry.  persecutors. Martyrs. The Causes. 

Simon Mourton the bishop's Summoner.  
The bishop of Coventry.  
Friar Stafford Warden.   



Mistress' Smith, Rob. Hatchets. Archer, Haukins, Tho. Bond. Wrigsham, Landsdale, Martyrs.  Mistress Smyth widow.  
Rob. Hatchets a shoemaker.  
Archer a shoemaker.  
Hawkins a shoemaker.  
though Bond a shoemaker.  
Wrigsham a Glover.  
Landsdale an Hosier.    
At Coventry.  
An. 1519.  THE principal cause of the apprehension of those persons, was for teaching their children and family, the lords prayer, and ten Commandments in English: for which they were upon Ash-wednesday taken and put in prison, some in places under the ground, some in chambers and other places about, till Friday following. Then they were sent to a monastery called Mackestocke Abbey, six miles from Coventry. During which time, their children were sent for to the Grey friars in Coventry, before the Warden of the said friars, called Friar Stafford: Who straightly examining them of their belief, and what heresy their fathers had taught them, charged them upon pain of suffering such death as their fathers should, in no wise to meddle any more with the Lords prayer, 
The lords prayer in English, forbidden of the Papists.  the Creed, and Commandments in English. 
Which done, upon Palmesonday, the fathers of these children were brought back again to Coventry, and there, the week next before Easter, were condemned for relapse (because most of them had borne faggots in the same City before) to be burned.  
Only Mistress Smith was dismissed for that present, and sent away. And because it was in the evening being somewhat dark, as she should go home, the foresaid Simon Mourton the Summoner offered himself to go home with her. Now as he was leading her by the arm, and heard the ratteling of a scroll within her sleeve: yea (saith he.) What have ye here? And so took it from her, & espied that it was the lords prayer, the Articles of the faith, 
Mistress' Smith condemned for having the Lords prayer in English.  & the x. Commandments in English. Which when the wretched Summoner understood, ah serrha (said he) come, as good now as an other time, & so brought her back again to the Bishop, where she was immediately condemned, and so burned with the vj. men before named, the fourth of April in a place thereby called the little park. An. 1519.   
Robert Silkeb.  
At Coventry.  
An. 1521.  
IN the same number of these Coventry men above rehearsed, was also Robert Silkeb, 
Anno. 1521.  who at the apprehension of these, as is above recited, fled away, 
Robert Silkeb Martyr.  and for that time escaped: But about two years after, he was taken again, & brought to the said City of Coventry, where he was also burned the morrow after he came thither, which was about the xiii. day of january. An. 1521.  
Thus, when these were dispatched immediately the Sheriffs went to their houses, and took all their goods and cattle to their own use, not leaving their wives and children any parcel thereof to help themselves with all. And for somuch as the people began to grudge somewhat, at the cruelty showed, and at the unjust death of these innocent Martyrs, the Bishop, with his Officers and Priests, caused it to be noised abroad by their tenants, servants, and farmers, that they were not burned for having the lords prayer and commandments in English, but because they did eat flesh on Fridays and other fasting days: Which neither could he proved, either before their death, or after, nor yet was any such matter greatly objected to them in their examinations. 
Testimony of this story.  The witnesses of this history be yet alive, which both saw them and knew them. Of whom one is by name mother Halle, dwelling now in Bagington two miles from Coventry. By whom also this is testified of them, 
Note how these Martyrs holding with the popish sacraments yet were burned of the papists, only for a few Scriptures in English.  that they above all other in Coventry pretended most show of worship and devotion, at the holding up of the Sacrament, whether to colour the matter, or no, it is not known. This is certain that in godliness of life they differed from all the rest of the City: Neither in their occupying they would use any oath: nor could abide it in them that occupied with them.  

james Beton Archb. of S. Andrew  
M. Hue Spens, dean of divinity in the university of S. Andrew  
M. john Weddell Rector of the university.  
james Symson, Official.  
Tho. Ramsay, canon, and Deane of the Abbey of S. Andrew's.  
Allane Meldrum canon.  
john Greson, Principal of the Black Friars.  
john Dillidaffe, Warden of the Grey Friars.  
Martin Balbur, Lawyer.  
john Spens, Lawyer.  
Alexander Young, 
The godly zeal of M. Hamelton towards his country.  bachelor of Divinity, canon.  
john Annand, canon.  
Friar Alex. Chambell, Prior of the Black Friars, etc.   
Patrick Halmenton.  
At Saint Andrew's in Scotland.  
An. 1527.  
PAtricke Hamelton a Scottish man borne, of an high and noble stock, and of the kings blood, 
Anno. 1527.  young and of flourishing age, and excellent towardness, of twenty-three. years called Abbot of Farm first coming out of his country with 3. companions, to seek godly learning, 
The story of M. Patrick Hamelton, in Scotland.  went to the University of Marpurge in Germany, which university was then newly erected by Philip Landgrave of Hesse: 
Of this Philip Landgrave of Hesse read before.  where he using conference and familiarity with learned men, namely with Franciscus Lambertus, so profited in knowledge, and mature judgement in matters of Religion, 
Of the university of Mapurge, read pefore.  that he through the incitation of the said Lambert, was the first in all the University of Marpurge, which publicly did set up conclusions there to be disputed of, concerning faith and works: arguing also no less learnedly then fervently upon the same. What these propositions and conclusions were, partly in his treatise hereafter following, called Patrick places, may appear.  
Thus the ingenious wit of this learned Patrick increasing daily more and more in knowledge, and inflamed with godliness, at length began to revolve with himself, touching his return into his country, being desirous to import unto his countrymen, some fruit of the understanding, which he had received abroad. Whereupon, persisting in his godly purpose, he took one of the three whom he brought out of Scotland, & so returned home without any longer delay. Where he, not sustaining the miserable ignorance and blindness of that people, after he had valiantly taught and preached the truth, and refelled their abuses, was first accused of heresy, and afterward, constantly and stoutly sustaining the quarrel of God's Gospel, against the high Priest and Archbishop of Saint Andrew, named james Beton, was cited to appear before him, and his College of Priests, the first day of March, 1527. But he being not only forward in knowledge, but also ardent in spirit, not tarrying for the hour appointed, prevented the time, and came very early in the morning, before he was looked for, and there mightily disputing against them, when he could not by the Scriptures be convicted, 
The Martyrdom and suffering of M. Patrick Hamelton.  by force he was oppressed: and so, the sentence of condemnation being given against him, the same day after dinner, in all the hot haste, he was had away to the fire, and there burned, the King being yet but a child, which thing made the Bishops more bold. And thus was this noble Hamelton, the blessed servant of God, without all just cause, made away by cruel adversaries, yet not without great fruit to the Church of Christ, for the grave testimony of his blood, left the verity and truth of God, more fixed and confirmed in the hearts of many, then ever could after be plucked away: in so much that divers afterward standing in his quarrel, sustained also the like martyrdom, as hereafter (Christ willing) shall appear, as place and time shall require.   
In the mean season we think good to express here his Articles, and order of his process, as we received them from Scotland, out of the registers.  

¶ The Articles and opinions objected against Master Patrick Hamelton, by james Beton, Archbishop of S. Andrew's.  
THat man hath no free will.  
That there is no Purgatory.  
That the holy patriarchs were in heaven, 
Articles out of the Registers.  before Christ's passion.  
That the Pope hath no power to lose and bind: neither any Pope had that power, after S. Peter.  
That the Pope is Antichrist, and that every Priest hath the power that the Pope hath.  
That Master Patrick Hamelton was a Bishop.  
That it is not necessary to obtain any Bulls from any Bishop.  
That the vow of the Pope's religion, is a vow of wickedness.  
That the Pope's laws be of no strength.  
That all Christians worthy to be called Christians, do know that they be in the state of grace.  
That none be saved, but they are before predestinate.  
Whosoever is in deadly sin, is unfaithful.  
That God is the cause of sin, in this sense, that is, that he withdraweth his grace from men, whereby they sin.  
That it is devilish doctrine, to enjoin to any sinner, actual penance for sin.  
That the said M. Patrick himself doubteth whether all children departing incontinent after their Baptism, are saved or condemned.  
That auricular confession is not necessary to salvation.  
These Articles above written, were given in, and laid against M. Hamelton, and inserted in their registers, for the which also he was condemned, by them which hated him to death. But other learned men, which commoned & reasoned with him, do testify, that these Articles following were the very Articles, for the which he suffered.  
1. Man hath no free will.  
2. A man is only justified by faith in Christ. 
His articles otherwise more truly collected.   
3. A man, so long as he liveth, is not without sin.  
4. He is not worthy to be called a Christian, which believeth not that he is in grace.  
5. A good man doth good works: good works do not make a good man.  
6. An evil man bringeth forth evil works: evil works, being faithfully repent, do not make an evil man.  
7. Faith, hope, and charity be so linked together, that one of them can not be without an other, in one man, in this life.  
¶ And as touching the other Articles, whereupon the Doctors gave their judgements, as divers do report, he was not accused of them before the Bishop. Albeit in private disputation, he affirmed and defended the most of them.   

Hear followeth the sentence pronounced against him.  
CHristi nomine Inuocato: We james, by the mercy of God, Archbishop of Saint Andrew, primate of Scotland, 
The sentence against M. Patrick Hamelton.  with the counsel, decree, and authority of the most reverend fathers in God, and Lords, Abbots, Doctors of Theology, professors of the holy Scripture, and masters of the University, assisting us for the time, sitting in judgement within our Metropolitan Church of S. Andrew, in the cause of heretical pravity, against Master Patrick Hamelton, Abbot or pensionary of Farm, being summoned to appear before us, to answer to certain Articles affirmed, taught, and preached by him, and so appearing before us, and accused, the merits of the cause being ripely weighed, discussed, and understanded by faithful inquisition made in Lent last passed: we have found the same M. Patrick, many ways infamed with heresy, disputing, holding, and maintaining divers heresies of Martin Luther, and his followers, repugnant to our faith, and which is already 
* Condemned by councils and Universities, but here is no mention of the Scripture.  condemned by general Counsels, and most famous Universities. And he being under the same infamy, we decerning before, him to be summoned and accused upon the premises, he of evil mind (as may be presumed) passed to other parts forth of the Realm, suspected and noted of heresy. And being lately returned, not being admitted, but of his own head, without licence or privilege, hath presumed to preach wicked heresy. 
Note here that these articles agree not with the articles in the Register before mentioned.   
We have found also, that he hath affirmed, published, & taught, divers opinions of Luther, and wicked heresies, after that he was summoned to appear before us and our Council: That man hath no free will: That man is in sin so long as he liveth: That children incontinent after their baptism, are sinners: All Christians that be worthy to be called Christians, do know that they are in grace: No man is justified by works, but by faith only: Good works make not a good man, but a good man doth make good works: That faith, hope, and charity, are so knit, that he that hath the one, hath the rest, and he that wanteth the one of them, wanteth the rest, etc. with divers other heresies and detestable opinions: and hath persisted so obstinate in the same, that by no counsel nor persuasion, he may be drawn therefrom, to the way of our right faith.  
All these premises being considered, we having God and the integrity of our faith before our eyes, 
Wolves in ●ambes 〈◊〉.  and following the counsel and advise of the professors of the holy Scripture, men of law, and others assisting us, for the time: do pronounce, determine, and declare, the said M Patrick Hamelton, for his affirming, confessing, and maintaining of the foresaid heresies, and his pertinacity (they being condemned already by the Church, general Counsels, and most famous Universities) to be an heretic, and to have an evil opinion of the faith, and therefore to be condemned and punished, like as we condemn, and define him to be punished, by this our sentence definitive, depriving and sentencing him, to be deprived of all dignities, honours, orders, offices, and benefices of the Church: 
M. patrick given to the secular power.  and therefore do judge and pronounce him to be delivered over to the secular power, to be punished, and his goods to be confiscate.  
This our sentence definitive, was given and read at our Metropolitan Church of S. Andrew's, the last day of the month of February, an. 1527. being present, the most reverend fathers in Christ, and Lords, Gawand Bishop of Glasgow, George Bishop of Dunkelden, john, Bishop of Brecham, William, Bishop of Dunblane, Patrick, Prior of S. Andrew. David, Abbot of Abirbrothoke, George, Abbot of Dunfermeling, Alexander, Abbot of Caunbuskyneth, Henry, Abbot of Lendors, john Prior of Pittyrweme, the Dean, and Subdeane of Glasgow, M. Hugh Spens, Thomas Ramsay, Allane Meldrun, etc. In the presence of the Clergy and the people.  
After the condemnation and martyrdom of this true Saint of God was dispatched by the Bishops and Doctors of Scotland, the rulers and Doctors of the University of Louane hearing thereof, received such joy & consolation, at the shedding of that innocent blood, that for the abundance of hart, they could not stay their pen, to utter condign thanks, applauding and triumphing in their letters, sent to the foresaid Bishop of S. Andrew's, & Doctors of Scotland, at the worthy & famous deservings of their achieved enterprise, in that behalf: as by the tenor of their said letter may appear, which here followeth.   

¶ The copy of a letter congratulatory, sent from the Doctors of Louane, to the Archbysh. of S. Andrew's and Doctors of Scotland, commending them for the death of master Patrick Hamelton.  

A letter of thanks, sent from Louane, to them of Scotland for shedding the blood of Patrick Hamelton.  YOur excellent virtue (most honourable Bishop) hath so deserved, that albeit we be far distant, both by sea and land, without conjunction of familiarity, yet we desire with all our hearts, to thank you for your worthy deed, by whose works, that true faith which not long ago, was tainted with heresy, not only remaineth unhurt, but also is more confirmed. For as our dear friend M. Alexander Galoway, canon of Aberdon, hath showed us, the presumption of the wicked heretic Patrick Hamelton, which is expressed in this your example, in that you have cut him off, when there was no hope of amendment, etc.  
The which thing, as it is thought commendable to us, so the manner of the proceeding was no less pleasant, 
What joy the Papists make in spilling the blood of Christians.  that the matter was performed by so great consent of so many estates, as of the Clergy, nobility, and vulgar people, not rashly, but most prudently, the order of law being in all points observed. We have seen the sentence which ye pronounced, and always do approve the same, not doubting but that the Articles which be inserted, are erroneous: so that whosoever will defend for a truth, any one of the same, with pertinacity, should be esteemed an enemy to the faith, and an adversary to the holy Scripture. And albeit one or two of them appear to be without error, 
If ye could show to what place of the scripture, we would gladly bear you.  to them that will consider only the bare words: as (for example) good works make not a good man, but a good man worketh good works, yet there is no doubt, but they contain a lutheran sense, which in a manner, they signify: to wit, that works done after faith, and justification, make not a man the better, nor are worthy of any reward before God. Believe not, that this example shall have place only among you, for there shall be among extern nations, which shall imitate the same, etc.  
Certainly, ye have given us great courage, so that now we acknowledge your University, which was founded according to the example of our University of Louane, to be equal to ours, or else above: and would God occasion were offered of testifying our minds toward you. In the mean time, let us labour with one consent, that the ravening Wolves may be expelled from the sheepfold of Christ, while we have tyme. Let us study to preach to the people more learnedly hereafter, 
The university of S. Andrew's was founded about the year of our Lord 1416. in the reign of king james the first, who brought into Scotland out of other countries▪ 2. Doctors of Divinity, and 8. Doctors of decrees, with divers other. Hect. Boet. Lib● 16. cap. 17.  and more wisely Let us have inquisitors, & espyers of books, containing that doctrine, especially that is brought in from far countries, whether by a postative Monks, or by Merchants, the most suspected kind of men in these days. It is said, that since Scotland first embraced the Christian faith, it was never defiled with any heresy Persevere therefore, being moved thereunto by the example of England, your next neighbour, which in this most troublous time, is not changed, partly by the working of the Bishops, among the which 
* He meaneth Fisher B. of Rochester, who wrote against Oecolampadyu● and Luther, and at length was beheaded for treason. K. Henry. 8. is here a Mathias, when he maketh with you, but when he put down the pope and his Abbeys, them ye make him an heretic.  Roffensis hath showeth himself an evangelical Phoenix, and partly of the king, declaring himself to be an other Mathias of the new law: pretermitting nothing that may defend the law of his realm. The which, if your most renowned king of Scotland will follow, he shall purchase to himself eternal glory. Further, as touching the condign commendation, due for your part (most reverend Bishop) in this behalf, it shall not be the least part of your praise, that these heresies have been extinct sometimes in Scotland, you being Primate of Scotland and principal author thereof: Albeit that they also which have assisted you, are not to be defrauded of their deserved praise, as the reverend Bishop of Glasgow, of whose erudition, we have here given us partly to understand, and also the Reverend Bishop of Aberden, a stout defender of the faith, together with the rest of the Prelates, abbots, priors, and professors of holy Scripture. Let your Reverend Fatherhood take this little testificate of our duty toward you, in good part, whom we wish long and happily well to far in Christ. From Louane. An. 1528. April. 21.  
By the Masters, and professors, of Theology in the University of Louane, yours to command  
¶ In this Epistle of the Lovanian Doctors, I shall not need (gentle Reader) to note unto thee, what a pernicious thing in a common wealth, is blind ignorance, when it falleth into cruel hearts. Which may well be compared to a sword put in the hands of one, that is both blind and mad. For as the blind man, having no sense to see & judge knoweth not whom he striketh: so the mad man, being cruel & furious, hath no compassion in sparing any. Whereupon it happeneth many times with these men, as it did with the blind furious Phariseis, that as they having the sword of authority in their hands, in stead of malefactors and false Prophets, slew the true Prophets of God, and at last crucified the king of glory: so these Catholic lovanians and followers of their Messiah of Rome, take in their hands the sword of jurisdiction, who neither seeing what to spare, nor caring whom they smite, under the style and pretence of heretics, murder and blaspheme without mercy, the true Preachers of the Gospel, and the holy anointed of the Lord.  
But to return to the matter again of M. Hamelton, here is moreover to be observed, as a note worthy of memory, that in the year of the Lord. 1564. in that which year this present history was collected in Scotland, there were certain faithful men of credit them alive, who being present the same time, when M. Patrick Hamelton was in the fire, 
A marvelous example of God's just punishment upon the accuser & persecuter of M. Hamelton.  heard him to cite & appeal the black Friar called Campbel, that accused him, to appear before the high God, as general judge of all men, to answer to the innocency of his death, and whether his accusation was just or not, between that, & a certain day of the next month▪ which he there named. Moreover by the same witness it is testified, that the said Friar died immediately before the said day came, without remorse of conscience, that he had persecuted the Innocent. By the example whereof divers of the people the same time, much mused, and firmly believed the doctrine of the foresaid M. Hamelton, to be good and just.  
Hereunto I thought good to adjoin a certain godly and profitable treatise of the said M. Patrick Hamelton, 
A treatise of M. Patrick Hamelton, called Patrick's places▪  written first by him in Latin, and afterward translated by john Frith into English, which he names Patriks Places, not unprofitable in my mind, to be seen and read of all men, for the pure and comfortable doctrine contained in the same, as not only by the Treatise itself may appear, but also by the Preface of the said john Frith, prefixed before, which also I thought not inconvenient to insert with the same, as here followeth.   

¶ A brief treatise of M. Patrick Hamelton, called Patrick'S Places, translated into English by john Frith, with the Epistle of the said Frith prefixed before the same, as followeth.  
* john Frith unto the Christian Reader.  
BLessed be God the Father of our Lord jesus Christ, which in these last days and perilous times, hath stirred up in all countries, witnesses unto his son, to testify the truth unto the unfaithful, 
The preface of I. F●ith before Patrick's places.  to save, at the least some from the snares of Antichrist, which lead to perdition, as ye may here perceive by that excellent, and well learned young man, Patrick Hamelton, borne in Scotland of a noble progeny: who to testify the truth, sought all means, and took upon him priesthood, (even as Paul circumcised Timothy, to win the weak jews) that he might be admitted to preach the pure word of God. Notwithstanding, as soon as the chamberlain and other Bishops of scotland had perceived that the light began to shine, which disclosed their falsehood that they conveyed in darkness, they laid hands on him, and because he would not deny his Saviour Christ at their instance, they burned him to ashes. Nevertheless, God of his bounteous mercy (to publish to the whole world what a man these monsters have murdered) hath reserved a little treatise, made by this Patrick, 
Patrick's places.  which, if ye list, ye may call Patrick's Places: For it treateth exactly of certain common places, which known, ye have the pith of all Divinity. This treatise have I turned into the English tongue, to the profit of my nation: to whom I beseech God to give light, that they may espy the deceitful paths of perdition, and return to the right way which leadeth to life everlasting. Amen.  

¶ The doctrine of the Law.  

What the Law is.  THE Law is a doctrine that biddeth good, and forbiddeth evil, as the Commandments do specify, here following.  

The ten Commandments of God.  

A division of the Commandments. Exod. 20.  1. Thou shalt worship but one God.  
2. Thou shalt make thee no Image to worship it.  
3. Thou shalt not swear by his name in vain.  
4. Hold the Sabbath day holy.  
5. Honour thy father and thy mother.  
6. Thou shalt not kill.  
7. Thou shalt not commit adultery.  
8. Thou shalt not steal.  
9 Thou shalt not bear false witness.  
10. Thou shalt not desire aught that belongeth to thy neighbour.    

All these Commandments are briefly comprised in these two here under ensuing.  
love thy Lord God with all thine hart, with all thy soul, and with all thy mind. 
The love of God. The love of our neighbour. Math. 22.  This is the first, and great commandment. The second is like unto this, that is, love thy neighbour as thyself. On these two commandments hangeth all the Law and the Prophets.   

Certain general propositions proved by the Scripture.  

¶ The first proposition.  

The first proposition. Probation. 1. john. 4.  ¶ He that loveth God, loveth his neighbour.  
This proposition is proved 1. john. 4. If a man say, I love God, and yet hateth his brother, he is a liar. He that loveth not his brother whom he hath seen, how can he love God, whom he hath not seen?   

¶ The 2. proposition.  
¶ He that loveth his neighbour as himself, keepeth all the Commandments of God. 
The second proposition. Probation. Math. 7. Rom. 13.   
This proposition is proved Mat. 7. Rom. 13. Whatsoever ye would that men should do to you, even so do to them. For this is the Law and the Prophets. Math. 7.  
He that loveth his neighbour, fulfilleth the Law. Thou shalt not commit adultery. Thou shalt not kill: Thou shalt not steal: Thou shalt not bear false witness: Thou shalt not desire, etc. and if there be any other Commandment, all are comprehended in this saying: 
Rom. 13.  Love thy neighbour as thyself. Rom. xiii.  
All the Law is fulfilled in one word, that is, Love thy neighbour as thyself. Gal. v.  


Galat. 5.  ¶ Argument.  
Bar. He that loveth his neighbour, keepeth all the Commandments of God. 
Maior.  Rom. 13.  

Minor.  ba. He that loveth God, loveth his neighbour. 1. john. 4.  

Conclus.  ra. Ergo, he that loveth God, keepeth all the Commandments of God.    

¶ The 3. proposition.  

The third proposition. Probation. john. 16.  ¶ He that hath faith loveth God.  
My father loveth you, because you love me, and believe that I come of God. john. 16.  

¶ Argument.  
Bar. He that keepeth the Commandments of God, hath the love of God. 
Maior.   
ba. He that hath faith, 
Minor.  keepeth the Commandments of God.  
ra. Ergo, he that hath faith, loveth God. 
Conclus.     

¶ The 4. proposition.  
¶ He that keepeth one Commandment of God, 
The 4. proposition. Probation Heb. 11.  keepeth them all.  
This proposition is confirmed. Heb. 11. It is unpossible for a man, without faith to please God, that is, to keep any one of God's Commandments, as he should do. Then whosoever keepeth any one Commandment, hath faith.  

¶ Argument.  
Bar. He that hath faith, keepeth all the Commandments of God. 
Maior.   
ba. He that keepeth any one Commandment of God, hath faith. 
Minor.   
ra. Ergo, he that keepeth one Commandment, 
Conclus.  keepeth them all.    

The 5. proposition.  
¶ He that keepeth not all the Commandments of God, keepeth not one of them. 
The 5. proposition. The law requireth perfect obedience. Enthymema. The 6. proposition or assertion.   

¶ Argument.  
He that keepeth one Commandment of God, keepeth all.  
Ergo, he that keepeth not all the Commandments of God, keepeth not one of them.    

¶ The 6. proposition.  
¶ It is not in our power to keep any one of the Commandments of God.  

¶ Argument.  
Ba. It is unpossible to keep any of the Commandments of God, without grace. 
Maior.   
ro. It is not in our power to have grace.  
co. Ergo it is not in our power, 
Minor.  to keep any of the Commandments of God. 
Conclus.    
And even so may you reason concerning the holy Ghost, and faith, for so much as neither without them we are able to keep any of the Commandments of God: neither yet be they in our power to have. Non est volentis neque currentis, etc. Rom. 9   

¶ The 7. proposition.  
¶ The Law was given us to show our sin. 
The 7. proposition The office of the law.   
By the Law cometh the knowledge of sin. Rom. 3. I knew not what sin meant, but thorough the law. For I had not known what lust had meant, except the Law had said: Thou shalt not lust. Without the Law sin was dead, that is, it moved me not, neither wist I that it was sin, which notwithstanding was sin, and forbidden by the Law, Rom. 7. 
Rom. 7.    

The 8. proposition.  
¶ The Law biddeth us do that thing, which is unpossible for us. 
The 8. proposition.   

¶ Argument.  
Da. 
Maior.  The keeping of the Commandments is to us unpossible.  
●i. 
Minor.  The Law commandeth to us the keeping of the Commandments.  
j Ergo, the Law commandeth unto us, that is unpossible. 
Conclus.    

¶ Objection.  
But thou wilt say, wherefore doth God bid us do, that is impossible for us. 
Objection.    

☞ Answer.  
I answer, to make thee know, that thou art but evil, 
Answer, The law ordained to bring us to Christ.  & that there is no remedy to save thee, in thine own hand: and that thou mayst seek remedy at some other, for the Law doth nothing else but command thee.     

¶ The doctrine of the Gospel.  
THe Gospel is as much to say in our tongue, 
Luke. 2  as good tidings: like as these be, here under following, and such other.  
Christ is the Saviour of the world. 
john. 4. Luke. 2, Rom. 5. Rom. 4. 1. Pet. 2 Apoc. 1. Galat. 1. Esay. 53. 1. Tim. 1. 1. john. 3. 1. Tim. 2. Rom. 8. Coloss. 2. 1. Cor. 7. 1. Cor. 1 1. Cor. 1. Ephe. 2.   
Christ is the Saviour.  
Christ died for us.  
Christ died for our sins.  
Christ bought us with his blood.  
Christ washed us with his blood.  
Christ offered himself for us.  
Christ bore our sins on his back.  
Christ came into this world to save sinners.  
Christ came into this world to take away our sins.  
Christ was the price that was given for us & our sins.  
Christ was made debtor for us.  
Christ hath paid our debt, for he died for us.  
Christ made satisfaction for us and our sins.  
Christ is our righteousness.  
Christ is our sanctification.  
Christ is our redemption.  
Christ is our peace.  
Christ hath pacified the father of heaven for us.  
Christ is our and all his.  

 Christ hath delivered us from the law, from the devil, and from hell.  
The father of heaven hath forgiven us our sins, for Christ's sake. 
 Or any such other, like to the same, which declare unto us the mercy of God.  

The nature and office of the law, and of the Gospel.  
THe law showeth us our sin.  
The Gospel showeth us remedy for it.  

Rom. 3. john. 1. Rom. 7. Coloss. 1. Rom. 4. Act. 14.20. Deut. 27. Luke. 2. Rom. 7. Epi. c. 6.  The law showeth us our condemnation.  
The Gospel showeth us our redemption.  
The law is the word of Ire.  
The Gospel is the word of grace.  
The law is the word of despair.  
The Gospel is the word of comfort.  
The law is the word of unrest.  
The Gospel is the word of peace.    

* A disputation between the law and the Gospel, where is showed the difference or contrariety between them both.  
THe law saith, pay thy debt.  

The contrary operation of the law, and of the Gospel.  The Gospel saith, Christ hath paid it.  
The law saith, thou art a sinner, despair and thou shalt be damned.  
The Gospel sayeth, thy sins are forgiven thee, be of good comfort, thou shalt be saved.  
The law saith, make amends for thy sins.  
The Gospel saith, Christ hath made it for thee.  
The law saith, the father of heaven is angry with thee.  
The Gospel sayeth, Christ hath pacified him with his blood.  
The law saith, where is thy righteousness, goodness, and satisfaction.  
The Gospel sayeth, Christ is thy righteousness, thy goodness, and satisfaction.  
The law sayeth, thou art bound and obliged to me, to the devil, and to hell.  
The Gospel saith, Christ hath delivered thee from them all.   

The doctrine of Faith.  
FAith is to believe God, like as Abraham believed God, and it was imputed unto him for righteousness. 
The doctrine of faith.   
To believe God, is to believe his word and to recount it true that he sayeth.  
He that believeth not God's word, believeth not God himself.  
He that believeth not God's word, he counteth him false and a liar, and believeth not that he may and will fulful his word, and so he denieth both the might of God, and God himself.  

The 9 proposition.  

The 9 proposition.  ¶ Faith is the gift of God.  

Argument.  
Da- Every good thing is the gift of God.  

Maior. Minor. Conclus.  ri- Faith is good.  
j Ergo, faith is the gift of God.    


The 10. proposition.  The 10 proposition.  
¶ Faith is not in our power.  

Argument.  

Maior. Minor. Conclus.  Da- The gift of God is not in our power.  
ri. Faith is the gift of God.  
j Ergo, faith is not in our power.    

The 11. proposition.  

The 11. proposition.  ¶ He that lacketh faith, can not please God.  
Without faith, it is impossible to please God. Rom 14. All that cometh not of faith, is sin, for without faith can no man please God. Heb. 11.  

Induction. 
An argument called Inductio.   
He that lacketh faith, trusteth not God: he that trusteth not God, trusteth not his word: he that trusteth not his word, holdeth him false and a liar: he that holdeth him false and a liar, believeth not that he may do that he promiseth, and so denieth he, that he is God.  
Ergo, a primo ad ultimum, he that lacketh faith, can not please God.  
If it were possible for any man to do all the good deeds that ever were done, either of men or angels: yet being in this case, it is impossible for him to please God.    


The 12. proposition.  The 12. proposition.  
¶ All that is done in faith, pleaseth God.  
Right is the word of God, and all his works in faith. Psal. 33.  
Lord thine eyes look to faith: that is as much to say, as Lord thou delightest in faith. jer 5.   

The 13. proposition. 
The 13. proposition.   
¶ He that hath faith, is just and good.  

Argument.  
Da. He that is a good tree, bringing forth good fruit, 
Maior.  is just and good.  
ri. He that hath faith, is a good tree bringing forth good fruit.  
j Ergo, he that hath faith, is just and good. 
Minor. Conclus.     

The 14 proposition.  
¶ He that hath faith, and believeth God, 
The 14. proposition.  can not displease him.  

Induction.  
He that hath faith, believeth God: he that believeth God, 
Inductio.  believeth his word, he that believeth his word, wotteth well that he is true and faithful, and may not lie, knowing that he both may and will fulfil his word:  
Ergo, a primo ad ultimum, he that hath faith, can not displease God: neither can any man do a greater honour to God, then to count him true.   

Objection.  
Thou wilt then say, that theft, murder, adultery, and all vices, please God. 
Objection.    

Answer.  
Nay verily, for they can not be done in faith: for a good tree beareth good fruit. Mat. 7.12. 
Answer.     

The 15. proposition.  
¶ Faith is a certainty or assuredness. 

The 15. proposition.  
A definition of faith. Heb. 11.    
Faith is a sure confidence of things which are hoped for, and certainty of things which are not seen. Heb. 11.  
The same spirit certifieth our spirit, that we are the children of God. Rom. 8. Moreover, he that hath faith, wotteth well that God will fulfil his word. Whereby it appeareth, that faith is a certainty or assuredness.  

A man is justified by faith.  
ABraham believed God, and it was imputed unto him for righteousness. Rom. 4. 
justification by faith.   
We suppose therefore that a man is justified by faith without the deeds of the law. Rom. 3. Gal. 2.  
He that worketh not but believeth on him that justifieth the wicked, his faith is counted to him for righteousness. Rom. 4.  
The just man liveth by his faith. Abac. 2. Rom. 1.  
We wot that a man is not justified by the deeds of the law: but by the faith of jesus Christ: and we believe in jesus Christ, that we may be justified by the faith of Christ and not by the deeds of the law. Gal. 2.   

What is the faith of Christ.  
THe faith of Christ is to believe in him, that is, to believe his word, 
Faith in Christ▪ what it is.  and believe that he will help thee in all thy need, and deliver thee from all evil.  
Thou wilt ask me, what word? I answer, the Gospel.  
He that believeth in Christ, shallbe saved. Mark 16.  
He that believeth the son, hath everlasting life. john 3.  
verily I say unto you, he that believeth in me hath everlasting life. john 6.  
This I writ unto you, that you believe on the son of GOD, that ye may know how that ye have eternal life. 1. john. 5.  
Thomas, because thou hast seen me, therefore hast thou believed. Happy are they which have not seen, and yet have believed in me. john. 22.  
All the Prophets to him bear witness, that whosoewer believeth in him, shall have remission of their sins. Acts. 10.  
What must I do that I may be saved? The Apostles answered: Believe in the Lord jesus Christ, and thou shalt be saved. Act. 16.  
If thou knowledge with thy mouth that jesus is the Lord, and believest with thine hart that God raised him from death, thou shalt be safe Rom. 10.  
He that believeth not in Christ, shall be condemned.  
He that believeth not the son, shall never see life, but the ire of God, bideth upon him. john. 3.  
The holy Ghost shall reprove the world of sin, because they believe not in me. john. 16.  
They that believe jesus Christ, are the sons of God.  
Ye are all the sons of God, because ye believe in jesus Christ. 1. john. 3.  
He that believeth that Christ is the son of God, is safe. john. 1.  
Peter said, thou art Christ the son of the living God, jesus answered and said unto him, happy art thou Simon the son of jonas, for flesh and blood have not opened to thee that: but my father that is in heaven. Mat. 16.  
We have believed, and know that thou art Christ, the son of the living God.  
I believe that thou art Christ the son of God, which should come into the world. john 11.  
These things are written that ye might believe, that jesus is Christ the son of God, and that ye in believing, might have life. john 20.  
I believe that jesus is the son of God. Act. 8.    

The 16. proposition.  

The 16. proposition.  He that believeth the Gospel, believeth God.  

Argument.  
Da. He that believeth God's word, believeth God.  

Maior. Minor. Conclus.  ri. The Gospel is God's word.  
j Ergo, he that believeth the Gospel, believeth God.   
To believe the Gospel is this: 

That Christ is the Saviour of the world. john 4.  
Christ is our Saviour. Luke 2.  
Christ bought us with his blood. Heb. 13. 1. Pet. 1. Apo. 5  
Christ washed us with his blood. Apoc. 1.  
Christ offered himself for us. Heb. 9  
Christ bore our sins on his own back, etc. 1. Pet. 2.     


The 17. proposition.  The 17. proposition.  
He that believeth not the Gospel, believeth not God.  

Argument.  
Fe. He that believeth not God's word believeth not God himself.  

Maior.  ri. The Gospel is God's word.  
o. Ergo, he that believeth not the Gospel, believeth not God himself, 
Minor. Conclus.  and consequently he that believeth not those things above written and such other, believeth not God.    

The 18. proposition.  

The 18. proposition.  He that believeth the Gospel, shallbe safe.  
Go ye into all the world and preach the Gospel, unto every creature: he that believeth and is baptized, shallbe saved, but he that believeth not, shallbe condemned. Mark. 16.    

A comparison between faith, and incredulity.  

A comparison between Faith and Incredulity.  FAith is the root of all good.  
Incredulity is the root of all evil.  
Faith maketh God and man good friends.  
Incredulity maketh them foes.  
Faith bringeth God and man together.  
Incredulity sundereth them.  
All that faith doth, pleaseth God.  
All that Incredulity doth, displeaseth God.  
Faith only maketh a man good and righteous.  
Incredulity only maketh him unjust and evil.  
Faith maketh a man a member of Christ.  
Incredulity maketh him a member of the devil.  
Faith maketh a man the inheritor of heaven.  
Incredulity maketh him inheritor of hell.  
Faith maketh a man the servant of God.  
Incredulity maketh him the servant of the devil.  
Faith showeth us God to be a sweet father.  
Incredulity showeth him a terrible judge.  
Faith holdeth stiff by the word of God.  
Incredulity wavereth here and there.  
Faith counteth and holdeth God to be true.  
Incredulity holdeth him false and a liar.  
Faith knoweth God.  
Incredulity knoweth him not.  
Faith loveth both God and his neighbour.  
Incredulity loveth neither of them.  
Faith only saveth us.  
Incredulity only condemneth us.  
Faith extolleth God and his deeds.  
Incredulity extolleth herself and her own deeds.   

Of hope.  
HOpe is a trusty looking after the thing that is promised us to come: as we hope after the everlasting joy, which Christ hath promised unto all that believe in him.  

We should put our hope and trust in God a lonely, and in no other thing.  

What hope is.  IT is good to trust in God and not in man. Psal. 118.  
He that trusteth in his own heart, is a fool. Prou. 28.  
It is good to trust in God and not in princes. Psal. 118.  
They shall be like unto the Images which they make, and all that trust in them. Psal. 115.  
He that trusteth in his own thoughts doth ungodly. Prou. 12.  
Cursed be he that trusteth in man. jer. 17.  
Bid the rich men of this world that they trust not in their unstable richesses, but that they trust in the living God. 1. Tim. 6.  
It is hard for them that trust in money, to enter into the kingdom of heaven. Luke 18.  
Moreover, we should trust in him only that may help us, God only may help us, therefore we should trust in him only.  
Well are they that trust in God: and woe to them that trust not in him. Psal. 2. jer. 17.  
Well is that man that trusteth in God, for God shall be his trust. Psal. 14. Eccles. 34.  
He that trusteth in him, shall understand the verity. Sap. 3.  
They shall all rejoice that trust in thee: they shall ever be glad, and thou wilt defend them. Psal. 5.    

Of Charity.  
Charity is the love of thy neighbour. The rule of charity is this: Do as thou wouldst be done to: 
The rule of charity.  for Christ holdeth all alike, the rich, the poor, the friend and the foe, the thankful and unthankful, the kinsman and stranger.   

A comparison between Faith, Hope, and Charity.  
FAith cometh of the word of God: 
A difference between Faith Hope, & charity.  Hope cometh of faith: and Charity springeth of them both.  
Faith believeth the word: Hope trusteth after it that is promised by the word: Charity doth good unto her neighbour, thorough the love that it hath to God, and gladness that is within herself.  
Faith looketh to God and his word: Hope looketh unto his gift and reward: Charity looketh on her neighbour's profit.  
Faith receiveth God: Hope receiveth his reward: Charity loveth her neighbour with a glad heart, and that without any respect of reward.  
Faith pertaineth to God only: Hope to his reward: and Charity to her neighbour.   

The doctrine of works. No manner of works make us rightwise.  
WE believe that a man shallbe justified without works. 
What good works do.  Rom. 3.  
No man is justified by the deeds of the law, but by the faith of jesus Christ, and we believe in jesus Christ that we may be justified by the faith of Christ, and not by the deeds of the law: For if righteousness come by the law, than died Christ in vain. Gal. 2.  
That no man is justified by the law, is manifest, for a rightwise man liveth by his faith, but the law is not of faith.  
Moreover, sith Christ the maker of heaven & earth, 
Act. 17.  and all that is therein, behoved to die for us, we are compelled to grant that we were so far drowned & sunken in sin, 
Works do not make us righteous.  that neither our deeds nor all the treasures that ever God made or might make, could have helped us out of them: therefore no deeds, no Works may make us rightwise.  

No works make us unrightwise.  
IF any evil works make us unrighteous, than the contrary works should make us rightwise. 
Argumentum a contrario sensu.  But it is proved that no works can make us rightwise: therefore no works maketh us unrightwise.   

Works maketh us neither good nor evil.  
IT is proved that works neither maketh us rightwise nor unrightwise: 
Works make us neither good nor evil before God.  therefore no works make us either good or evil: For rightwise and good are one thing, & unrightwise and evil likewise one.  
Good works make not a good man, nor evil works an evil man: but a good man bringeth forth good works, and an evil man evil works.  
Good fruit maketh not the tree good, nor evil fruit the tree evil: but a good tree beareth good fruit, and an evil tree, evil fruit.  
A good man can not do evil works, nor an evil man good works: for a good tree can not bear evil fruit, 
The goodness of the tree goeth before his fruit.  nor an evil tree, good fruit.  
A man is good ere he do good works, and evil ere he do evil works: for the tree is good ere it bear good fruit, and evil ere it bear evil fruit.   

Every man, and the works of man, are either good or evil.  
Every tree, and the fruits thereof, are either good or evil, Either make ye the tree good, 
Good fruits are signs of a good tree, but not the cause thereof.  and the fruit good also, or else make the tree evil, and the fruit of it likewise evil. Math. 12.  
A good man is known by his works, for a good man doth good works, and an evil man, evil works. Ye shall know them by their fruit, for a good tree beareth good fruit, and an evil tree, evil fruit. A man is likened to the tree, and his works to the fruit of the tree.  
Beware of the false Prophets which come to you in sheeps clothing, but inwardly they are ravening wolves: ye shall know them by their fruits. Luke. 7.   

None of our works either save us, or condemn us.  

Objection.  IF works make us neither righteous nor unrightuous, than thou wilt say, it maketh no matter what we do. I answer, if thou do evil, it is a sure argument, that thou art evil, 
Answer.  and wantest faith. If thou do good, it is an argument that thou art good, & haste faith, for a good tree beareth good fruit, and an evil tree evil fruit. Yet good fruit maketh not the tree good, nor evil fruit the tree evil: so that man is good ere he do good deeds, and evil, ere he do evil deeds,   

The man is the tree, his works are the fruit.  


●ayth maketh the man good.  
A good man maketh good works. To say that our works do save us, is to deny that Christ is our Saviour.   FAith maketh the good tree, and incredulity the evil tree: such a tree, such fruit, such a man, such works: For all things that are done in faith, please God, and are good works: and all that are done without faith, displease God and are evil works.  
Who so ever believeth, or thinketh to be saved by his works, denieth that Christ is his Saviour, that Christ died for him, and all things that pertain to Christ. For how is he thy Saviour, if thou mightest save thyself by thy works, or whereto should he die for thee, if any works might have saved thee?  
What is this to say, Christ died for thee? verily that thou shouldest have died perpetually, and Christ to deliver thee from death, died for thee, and changed thy perpetual death, into his own death: For thou madest the fault, and he suffered the pain, and that for the love he had to thee, before thou wast borne, when thou hadst done neither good nor evil.  
Now seeing he hath paid thy debt, thou needest not, neither canst thou pay it, but shouldest be damned, if his blood were not. But sith he was punished for thee, thou shalt not be punished.  
Finally, he hath delivered thee from thy condemnation and all evil, and desireth nought of thee, but that thou wilt acknowledge what he hath done for thee, and bear it in mind: and that thou wouldst help other for his sake, both in word and deed, even as he hath helped thee for nought, and without reward.  
O how ready would we be to help other, if we knew his goodness and gentleness towards us? He is a good and a gentle Lord, for he doth all for nought. Let us I beseech you therefore, follow his footsteps, whom all the world ought to praise and worship. Amen.   

He that thinketh to be saved by his works, calleth himself Christ.  

No Saviour but Christ.  FOr he calleth himself the Saviour, which pertaineth to Christ only.  
What is a Saviour, but he that saveth? and he sayeth, I saved myself, which is as much to say, as I am Christ, for Christ only is the Saviour of the world.   

We should do no good works for the intent to get the inheritance of heaven, or remission of sin.  

No remission but in Christ.  FOr whosoever believeth to get the inheritance of heaven, or remission of sin through works, he believeth not to get the same for Christ's sake. And they that believe not that their sins are forgiven them, and that they shall be saved for Christ's sake, they believe not the Gospel: For the Gospel saith, you shall be saved for Christ's sake, your sins are forgiven for Christ's sake.  
He that believeth not the Gospel, believeth not God. So it followeth, that they which believe to be saved by their works, or to get remission of their sins by their own deeds, believe not God, but recount him as a liar, and so utterly deny him to be God.  

Objection.  
Thou wilt say, shall we then do no good deeds?   

Answer.  
I say not so, but I say we should do no good works, 
Good works excluded not to be left undone but not to justify us, when the● are done.  for the intent to get the inheritance of heaven, or remission of sin. For if we believe to get the inheritance of heaven through good works, than we believe not to get it through the promise of God. Or if we think to get remission of our sins by our deeds, than we believe not that they are forgiven us, and so we count God a liar. For God saith thou shalt have the inheritance of heaven for my sons sake, thy sins are forgiven thee for my sons sake: and you say it is not so, but I will win it through my works. Thus you see I condemn not good deeds, 
Not the doing of good works, but the trusting in good works condemned.  but I condemn the false trust in any works, for all the works wherein a man putteth any confidence, are therewith poisoned & become evil,  
Wherefore, thou must do good works, but beware thou do them not to deserve any good through them, for if thou do, thou receivest the good, not as the gifts of God, but as debt to thee, and makest thyself fellow with God, because thou wilt take nothing of him for nought. And what needeth he any thing of thine, which giveth all thing and is not the poorer?  
Therefore do nothing to him, but take of him, for he is a gentle Lord, and with a gladder will giveth us all that we need, than we can take it of him: if then we want aught, let us wit ourselves.  
Press not therefore to the inheritance of heaven through presumption of thy good works, for if thou do, thou countest thyself holy and equal to God, because thou wilt take nothing of him for nought, and so shalt thou fall as Lucifer fell for his pride.    
FINIS.   

Certain brief Notes or declarations upon the foresaid places of M. Patrick.  
THis little treatise of M. Patrick's places, 
Notes.  albeit in quantity it be but short, yet in effect it comprehendeth matter able to fill large volumes, declaring to us the true doctrine of the law, of the Gospel, of faith, and of works, with the nature and properties, & also the difference of the same. 
The law & the Gospel, how they are to be joined, & how to be separated.  Which difference is thus to be understanded, that in the cause of salvation, and in the office of justifying, these are to be removed and separated a sunder, the law from the Gospel, and faith from works: Otherwise in the person that is justified, and also in order of doctrine, they ought commonly to go necessarily together.  
Therefore, where soever any question or doubt riseth of salvation, or our justifying before God, there the law, & all good works must be utterly excluded, and stand apart, 
Grace free. Promise simple. Faith alone.  that grace may appear free, the promise simple, and that faith may stand alone. Which faith alone, without law or works, worketh to every man particularly his salvation, through mere promise, and the free grace of God. This word (particularly) I add, 
Particularly.  for the particular certifying of every man's hart privately and peculiarly, that believeth in Christ. For as the body of Christ is the cause efficient of the redemption of the whole world in general: so is faith the instrumental cause, 
The body of Christ is the efficient cause of our redemption in general. Faith is the instrumental cause of every man's particular salvation.  by which every man apply the said body of Christ particularly to his own salvation. So that in the action and office of justification, both law & works here be utterly secluded and exempted, as things having nothing to do in this behalf. The reason is this: for seeing that all our redemption universally springeth only from the body of the son of God crucified, then is there nothing, that can stand us in stead, but that only, wherewith this body of Christ is apprehended. Now, for somuch as neither the law nor works, but faith only is the thing which apprehendeth the body and death of Christ, 

Note the object of faith. Faith with her object, only saveth.  
A similitude between the brazen Serpent and Christ's body.   therefore faith only is that matter which justifieth every soul before God, through the strength of that object which it doth apprehend. For the object only of our faith, is the body of Christ, like as the brazen Serpent was the object only of the Israelites looking, and not of their hands working: by the strength of which object, through the promise of God, immediately proceeded health to the beholders. So the body of Christ being the object of our faith, striketh righteousness to our souls, not through working, but believing only.  
Thus you see, how faith being the only eye of our soul, 
Faith is only the eye of the soul, which ●●●keth to Christ.  standeth alone with her object, in case of justifying: but yet nevertheless, in the body she standeth not alone: for besides the eye, there be also hands to work, feet to walk, ears to hear, and other members more, every one convenient for the service of the body, and yet there is none of them all that can see, but only the eye. So in a christian man's life, and in order of doctrine, there is the law, there is repentance, there is hope, charity, and deeds of charity: all which in life, and in doctrine, are joined, & necessarily do concur together, and yet in the action of justifying, there is nothing else in man, that hath any part or place, but only Faith apprehending the object which is the body of Christ jesus for us crucified, in whom consisteth all the worthiness and fullness of our salvation, by faith, that is, by our apprehending and receiving of him, according as it is written. john 1. Whosoever received him, he gave them power to be made the sons of God, even all such as believed in his name, etc. Also Esay. 53. And this just servant of mine, in the knowledge of him shall justify many. etc.  

Argument.  
Da. Apprehending and receiving of Christ only, maketh us justified before God, 
As many as received him to them he gave power. etc. ●ohn. 1. And ●e by the knowledge of him, shall justify many. etc. Esay. 53.  john 1.  
ti- Christ only is apprehended and received, by Faith.  
si. Ergo, faith only maketh us justified before God.   

Argument.  
Ba justification cometh only by apprehending and receiving of Christ. Esay. 53.  
ro The law, and works do nothing pertain to the apprehending of Christ.  
co. Ergo, the law and works pertain nothing to justification.   

Argument.  
Ce- Nothing which is unjust of itself, can justify us before God, or help any thing to our justifying.  

All our righteousness, is as filthy clouts. Esay. 64.  sa- Every work we do, is unjust before God. Esay 54.  
re. Ergo, no work that we do, can justify us before God, nor help any thing to our justifying.   

Argument.  
Ca- If works could any thing further our justification, than should our works some thing profit us before God? 
When ●e have done all that is commanded you, say we are unprofitable servants. Luke. 17. Without me can ye do nothing. john. 15.   
me No works (do the best we can) do profit us before God. Luke 17.  
stres. Ergo, no works that we do, can any thing further our justification.   

Argument.  
- All that we can do with God, is only by Christ. Ihon. 15.  
ro Our works and merits be not Christ, neither any part of him.  
co. Ergo, our works & merits can do nothing with God.   

Argument.  
Da- That which is the cause of condemnation, cannot be the cause of justification.  

The law worketh anger. Rom. 4.  ri- The law is the cause of condemnation. Rom. 4.  
j Ergo, it is not the cause of justification.   

A consequent.  
We are quit and delivered from the law. Rom. 7.  

Now are we quit and delivered from the law, being dead to that wherein we were once holden. Rom. 7.  Ergo, we are not qu●t and delivered by the law.  
Forsomuch therefore as the truth of the Scripture in express words, hath thus included our salvation in faith only, we are enforced necessarily to exclude all other causes and means in our justification, and to make this difference between the law & the Gospel, between faith and works, affirming with the Scripture & word of God, that the law condemneth us, our works do not avail us, and that faith in Christ only justifieth us. And this difference and distinction ought diligently to be learned and retained of all christians, especially in conflict of conscience between the law and the gospel: faith and works: grace and merits: promise & condition: Gods free election, and man's free-will: So that the light of the free grace of God, in our salvation may appear to all consciences, to the immortal glory of God's holy name, Amen.    

The order and differences of places.  

The Gospel  

Antitheta.  The law.  
Faith  
Works.  
Grace  
Merits.  
Promise  
condition.  
God's free election.  
man's fire wil   
The difference and repugnance of these foresaid places being well noted and ex●ended, it shall give no small light to every faithful christian, both to understand the Scripture, to judge in cases of conscience, and to reconcile such places in the old and new Testament, as else may seem to repugn, according to the rule of Augustine, saying, Distingue tempora, & conciliabis scripturas etc. Make distinction of times, and thou shalt reconcile the Scriptures. 
The law to be discerned from the Gospel.  etc. Contrariwise, where men be not perfectly in these places instructed, to discern between the law and the Gospel, between faith and works. etc. so long they can never rightly estable their minds in the free promises of God's grace: but walk confusedly, without order in all matters of religion. Example whereof we have to much in the Romish church, 
The ignorance and blindness of the Pope's Church in confounding these places.  who confounding these places together without distinction, following no method, have perverted the true order of christian doctrine, and have obscured the sweet comfort & benefit of the Gospel of Christ, not knowing what the true use of the law, nor of the Gospel meaneth.   

In the doctrine of the law, iij. things to be noted.  

The first point to be noted in the doctrine of the law.  In the law therefore 3 things are to be considered: First, what is the true rigour and strength of the law, which is, to require full and perfect obedience of the whole man, not only to restrain his outward actions, but also his inward motions, and inclinations of will and affection, from the appetite of sin: And therefore saith S. Paul: The law is spiritual, but I am carnal etc. Rom. 7 Whereupon riseth this proposition: That it is not in our nature and power to fulfil the law. Item, The law commandeth that which is to us unpossible etc. 2 The second thing to be noted in the doctrine of the law, is to consider the time and place of the law, what they be, 
The strength of the law. The second thing to be noted in the law.  & how far they extend. For as the surging seas have their banks and bars to keep them in: so the law hath his times & limits which it ought not to pass. If Christ had not come & suffered, the time & dominion of the law had been everlasting. But now seeing Christ hath come and hath died in his righteous flesh, 
The due time & place of the law. The death of Chri●t i● the death the law, that is, of the condemnation of the law. The time of the law how long it lasteth.  the power of the law against our sinful flesh doth cease. For the end of the law is Christ. Rom. 10. that is, the death of Christ's body is the death of the law to all that believe in him: so that who so ever repenteth their sins, & fly to the death and passion of Christ the condemnation & time of the law to them is expired. Wherefore this is to be understand as a perpetual rule in the scripture, that the law withal his sentences and judgements wheresoever they are written, either in the old Testament or in the new, do ever include a privy exception of repentance and belief in Christ, to the which always it giveth place, having there his end, and can proceed no further, according as S. Paul doth say: The law is our Schoolmaster until Christ, that we might be justified by faith. Gal. 3.  
Moreover, as the law hath his time how long to reign, so also it hath his proper place, where to reign. By the reign of the law here is meant the condemnation of the law: for as the time of the law ceaseth, when the faith of Christ, in a true repenting heart, beginneth so hath the law no place in such, as be good and faithful, that is, in sinners repenting and amending, 

Gal. 3. justis non est lex posita, sed iniustis et in obsequentibus. 1. Tim. 1. In remission of sins, 3. things to be noted.  

1. the disease.  
2. The knowing of the disease.  
3. The Physician.    but only in them which be evil and wicked. Evil men here I call all such, which walking in sinful flesh, are not yet driven by earnest repentance, to fly to Christ for secure. And therefore saith S. Paul: To the just man there is no law set, but to the unjust and disobedient, etc. 1. Tim. 1. By the just man here is meant, nor he which never had disease, but he, who knowing his disease, seeketh out the Physician, and being cured, keepeth himself in health as much as he may, from any more surfeits: notwithstanding, he shall never so keep himself but that his health (that is, his new obedience) shall always remain frail & unperfect, and shall continually need the Physician. Where, by the way, these iij. things are to be noted. 1. the sickness itself. 2 the knowing of the sickness. 3. the Physician. The sickness is sin. The knowing of the sickness, is repentance, which the law worketh. The Physician is Christ. And therefore, although in remission of our sins, repentance is joined with faith, yet it is not the dignity or worthiness of repentance, that causeth remission of sins, but only the worthiness of Christ whom faith only apprehendeth: 
Repentance is joined with faith: yet is it no cause of salvation. The third point to be noted in the doctrine of the law.  no more than the feeling of the disease is the cause of health, but only the Physician. For else when man is cast and condemned by the law, it is not repentance that can serve or deserve life, but i● his pardon come, then is it the grace of the prince, and not his repentance that saveth.  
The third point to be considered in the doctrine of the law, is this: That we mark well the end and purpose why the law is given, which is, not to bring us to salvation, not to work God's favour, nor to make us good: but rather to declare and convict our wickedness, and to make us feel the danger thereof to this end and purpose, that we seeing our condemnation, and being in ourselves confounded, may be driven thereby to have our refuge in Christ the son of God, and to submit ourselves to him, in whom only is to he found our remedy, and in none other. And this end of the law discreetly aught to be pondered of all Christians. Otherwise, they that consider not this ●nd and purpose of the law, fall into manifold errors and inconveniences. 
Inconuenienses that rise in not knowing the true 〈◊〉 of the law.  First they pervert all order of doctrine. 2. They seek that in the law which the law cannot give. 3. They are not able to comfort themselves, nor other. 4. They keep men's souls in an uncertain doubt and dubitation of their salvation. 5. They obscure the light of God's grace. 6. They are unkind to God's benefits. 7 They are injurious to Christ's passion, and enemies to his cross. 8. They stop christian liberty. 9▪ They berive the church the spouse of Christ, of her due comfort, as taking away the son out of the world. 10 In all their doings they shoot to a wrong mark For where Christ only is set up to be apprehended by our faith, & so freely to justify us: they leaving this justification by faith, set up other marks, partly of the law, partly of their own devising for men to shoot at. And here cometh in the manifest and manifold absurdities of the B. of Rome's doctrine, which here (the Lord willing) we will rehearse, as in Catalogue here following.   

Errors and absurdities of the Papists touching the doctrine of the Law, and of the Gospel.  
1. THey erroneously conceive opinion of salvation in the law, which only is to be sought in the faith of Christ, 
Errors in the Pope's doctrine concerning the doctrine of the law.  and in no other.  
2. They erroneously do seek God's favour by works of the law, not knowing that the law in this our corrupt nature worketh only the anger of God. Rom. 3.  
3. They err also in this, that where the office of the law is divers and contrary from the Gospel, they without any difference, 

〈…〉 of God i● t●e pope's 〈…〉 only 〈…〉  
This article 〈…〉 Gospel's to every creature. He that 〈…〉 But they preach as ●●ough Christ 〈…〉: Go & p●each the law to every creature. This article is contrary to the p●ace. Rom. 8. T●at w●ich the law could not perform, in the behalf of our weak flesh, etc. Rom. 8.  
Th●s article rep●gneth against 〈◊〉 place. Gal. 2. 〈◊〉 it righteousness come by the law, t●en Chr●st died in vain. T●●s article savoureth o● the p●ice of the Pharisee, which said: I am not like this Publican.  
This article re, pugneth against this place: They 〈…〉 grievous to 〈◊〉, and lay the● on men's should ●. Ma●. 23.  
〈◊〉 to you 〈…〉 which for the 〈…〉 the Commandments of God.   confounded the one with the other, making the gospel to be a law, and Christ to be a Moses.  
4. They err in dividing the law unskilfully in 3. parts into the law natural, the law moral, and the law evangelical.  
5. They err again in dividing the law evangelical into precepts and counsels, making the precepts to serve for all men, the counsels only to serve for them that be perfect.  
6. The chief substance of all their teaching and preaching resteth upon the works of the law, as may appear by their religion, which wholly consisteth in men's merits, traditions, laws, canons, decrees, and ceremonies.  
7. In the doctrine of salvation, of remission, and justification, either they admixed the law equally with the Gospel, or else clean secluding the Gospel, they teach and preach the law, so that little mention is made of the faith of Christ, or none at all.  
8. They err in thinking, that the law of God requireth nothing in us under pain of damnation, but only our obedience in extern actions: as for the inward affections and concupiscence, they esteem but light matters.  
9 They not knowing the true nature and strength of the law, do erroneously imagine that it is in man's power to fulfil it.  
10. They err in thinking, not only to be in man's power to keep the law of God, but also to perform more perfect works, then be in God's law commanded, and these they call the works of perfection. And hereof rise the works of supererogation, of satisfaction, of congruity, and condignitye, to store up the treasurehouse of the Pope's Church, to be sold out to the people for money.  
11. They err, in saying that the state monastical is more perfect, for keeping the Counsels of the Gospel, than other states be, in keeping the law of the Gospel.  
12. The counsels of the Gospel they call the vows of their religious men, as profound humility, perfect chastity, and wilful poverty.  
13. They err abominably, in equaling their laws & constitutions, with God's law, and in saying: that man's law bindeth under pain of damnation, no less than God's law.  
14. They err sinfully, in punyshing the transgressors of their laws more sharply than the transgressors of the law of God, as appeareth by their Inquisitions and their Canon law. etc.  
15. Finally, they err most horribly in this, that where the free promise of God ascribeth our salvation, only to our faith in Christ, excluding works: they contrary ascribe salvation, only or principally, to works and merits, excluding faith. Whereupon riseth the application of the sacrifice of the Mass, Ex opere operato, for the quick and dead application of the merits of Christ's passion, in Bulls, application of the merits of all religious orders, and such other more above specified more at large, in the former part of this history, about the pag. 21.22. etc.    

¶ Here follow three cautions to be observed and avoided in the true understanding of the Law.  

The first caution.  
FIrst, that we through the misunderstanding of the Scriptures, do not take the law for the Gospel, 
Three Cautions to be avoided, concerning the right understanding of the law.  nor the Gospel for the law: but skilfully discern and distinct the voice of the one, from the voice of the other. Many there be, which reading the book of the new Testament, do take and understand whatsoever they see contained in the said book, to be only and merely the voice of the gospel. And contrariwise, whatsoever is contained in the compass of the old Testament, that is, within the law, stories, Psalms and Prophets, to be only and merely the word and voice of the law: wherein many are deceived. For the preaching of the law & of the Gospel, are mixed together in both the Testaments, as well the old as the new. Neither is the order of these two doctrines to be distincted by books and leaves, but by the diversity of God's spirit speaking unto us. 
The voice of the Gospel sometimes soundeth in the old Testament.  For sometimes in the old Testament, God doth comfort as he comforted Adam with the voice of the Gospel. Sometimes also in the new Testament he doth threaten and terrify, as when Christ threatened the Phariseis. In some places again, Moses and the Prophets play the Evangelists: In so much that Jerome doubteth whether he should call Esay a Prophet or an Evangelist. In some places likewise Christ and the Apostles supply the part of Moses: 
The voice of the law sometimes is used in the new Testament.  And as Christ himself until his death was under the law (which law he came not to break but to fulfil) so his Sermons made to the jews, for the most part run all upon the perfect doctrine and works of the law, showing and teaching what we ought to do by the right law of justice, and what danger ensueth in not performing the same. All which places though they be contained in the book of the new Testament, 
What places of the Scripture are to be referred to the law, & what to the Gospel. Math. 5.  yet are they to be referred to the doctrine of the law, ever having in them included a privy exception of repentance and faith in Christ jesus. As in example, where Christ thus preacheth, Blessed be they that be pure of heart, for they shall see God. etc. Mat. 5. Again, except ye be made like these children, ye shall not enter. etc. Mat. 18. Iten, But he that doth the will of my father, shall enter into the kingdom of heaven etc. Mat. 7. Item, 
Math. 18.  the parable of the unkind servant justly cast into prison for not forgetting his fellow, etc. Mat. 18. The casting of the rich glutton into hell. etc. Luke 16 Item, 
Math. 7. Math. 18. Luke. 16. Luke. 12.  he that denieth me here before men, I will deny him before my father. etc. Luk. 12 With such other places of like condition. All these (I say) pertaining to the doctrine of the law, do ever include in them a secret exception of earnest repentance, and faith in Christ's precious blood. For else, Peter denied and yet repent. Many Publicans and sinners were unkind, unmerciful, and hard hearted to their fellow servants, and yet many of them repent, & by faith were saved. etc. The grace of Christ jesus work in us earnest repentance, and faith in him unfeigned. Amen.  
Briefly, to know when the law speaketh, and when the Gospel speaketh, and to discern the voice of the one, from the voice of the other, this may serve for a note: That when there is any moral work commanded to be done, either for eschewing of punishment or upon promise of any reward temporal, or eternal, either else when any promise is made with condition of any work commanded in the law, there is to be understanded the voice of the law. Contrary, where the promise of life and salvation is offered unto us freely without all our merits, 
The promise of the Gospel is without condition.  & simply without any condition annexed, of any law either natural, ceremonial, or moral, all those places, whether they be read in the old Testament, or in the new, are to be referred to the voice and doctrine of the Gospel. 

Free without merits.  
Simple without condition. What is the Gospel properly.   And this promise of God freely made to us by the merits of jesus Christ, so long before prophesied to us in the old Testament and afterward exhibited in the new Testament, and now requiring nothing but our faith in the son of God is called properly the voice of the Gospel, and differeth from the voice of the law in this, that it hath no condition adjoined of our meriting, but only respecteth the merits of Christ the son of God, by whose faith only we are promised of God to be saved & justified, according as we read Rom. 3. 
Rom. 3.  The righteousness of God cometh by faith of jesus Christ, in all and upon all, that do believe. etc.   

The second Caution or danger to be avoided is, that we now knowing how to discern rightly between the law and the Gospel, and having intelligence not to mistake the one for the other, 
The second caution.  must take heed again, that we break not the order between these two, taking and applying the law, where the Gospel is to be applied, either to ourselves, or toward other. For albeit the law and the Gospel, many times are to be joined together in order of doctrine: yet case may fall sometimes, that the law must be utterly sequestered from the Gospel. As when any person or persons do feel themselves, with the majesty of the law, 
Who they be to whom the Gospel only belongeth.  and judgement of God so terrified and oppressed, and with the burdenne of their sins overweighed and thrown down into utter discomfort, and almost even to the pit of hell, as happeneth many times, to soft and timorous consciences of Gods good servants: when such mortified hearts do hear either in preaching, or in reading, any such example or place of the Scripture, which pertaineth to the law, 
A mourning gown in a place of marriage doth not agree.  let them think the same nothing to belong to them, no more than a mourning weed belongeth to a marriage feast: and therefore, removing utterly out of their minds all cogitation of the law, of fear, of judgement, and condemnation, let them only set before their eyes the Gospel, the sweet comforts of God's promise, free forgiveness of sins in Christ, grace, redemption, liberty, rejoicing, Psalms, thanks, singing, and a Paradise of spiritual iocundity, and nothing else: thinking thus with themselves, 
Christ the fulfiller, & also the finisher of the law.  that the law hath done his office in them already, and now must needs give place to his better, that is, must needs give room to Christ the son of God, who is the Lord and master, the fulfiller, and also the finisher of the law: for the end of the law, is Christ. Rom. 10.   

The third danger to be avoided, is, that we do not use or apply, on the contrary side, the Gospel, in stead of the law. 
The 3. Caution. How to separate the law from the Gospel.  For as the other before was even as much as to put on a mourning gown, in the feast of a Marriage: so is this but even to cast pearls before swine. Wherein is a great abuse among many. For commonly it is seen that these worldly Epicures and secure Mammonistes, to whom the doctrine of the law doth properly appertain, do receive and apply to themselves most principally, the sweet promises of the Gospel: and contrariwise, the other contrite and bruised hearts: to whom belongeth only the joyful tidings of the Gospel, and not the law, for the most part, receive and retain to themselves the terrible voice and sentences of the law▪ Whereby it cometh to pass: that many do rejoice, where they should mourn: and on the other side, many do fear and mourn, where they need not. Wherefore to conclude, in private use of life, let every person discretely discern between the law and the Gospel, and aptly apply to himself that which he seethe convenient.  
And again in public order of doctrine, let every discrete preacher put a difference between the broken heart of the mourning sinner, 
How to join both the law & the Gospel.  and the unrepentant wordling, and so conjoin both the law, with the Gospel, and the Gospel, with the law, that in throwing down the wicked, ever he spare the weak hearted: and again so spare the weak, that he do not encourage the ungodly. And thus much concerning the conjunction and difference between the law and the Gospel, upon the occasion of M. Patrick'S places.    

Persecutors. Martyrs. The causes. 


Henry Forest, Martyr.  james Beton Archb. of S. Andrew's.  
Friar Walter Laing, be wraier of the confession of this Henry Forest.   
Henry Forest.  
At S. Andrew's in Scotland.  
Within few years after the martyrdom of master Patrick Hamelton, one Henry Forrest, a young man borne in Lithquow, who a little before, had received the orders of Bennette and Collette (as they term them) affirmed and said, that master Patrick Hamelton died a Martyr, and that his Articles were true: for the which he was apprehended, and put in prison by james Beton Archbishop of Saint Andrews. Who shortly after, caused a certain Friar named Walter Laing, to hear his confession. To whom when Henry Forest in secret confession had declared his conscience how he thought master Patrick to be a good man, and wrongfully to be put to death, & that his articles were true and not heretical: the Friar came and uttered to the bishop, the confession that he had heard, 
The Friar uttereth the confession of Henry Forest.  which before was not thoroughly known. Whereupon it followed, that his confession being brought as sufficient probation against him, he was therefore convented before the Council of the clergy and Doctors, and there concluded to be an heretic, equal in iniquity with master Patrick Hamelton, & there decreed to be given to the seculare judges to suffer death.  
When the day came of his death, and that he should first be degraded, and was brought before the clergy in a green place, being between the castle of S. Andrew's, and another place called Monymaill, assoon as he entered in at the door, and saw the face of the clergy, perceiving whereunto they tended, he cried with a loud voice, saying: Fie, on falsehood: Fie on false Friars, 
Phie on false Friars.  revealers of confession: after this day, let no man ever trust any false Friars, contemners of God's word, and deceivers of men. And so they proceeding to degrade him of his small orders of Benet and Collet, he said with a loud voice, take from me not only your own orders, but also your own baptism, meaning thereby, whatsoever is beside that which Christ himself instituted, whereof there is a great rabblement in Baptism. Then after his degradation, they condemned him as an heretic equal with M. Patrick aforesaid: and so he suffered death for his faithful testimony of the truth of Christ, and of his Gospel at the Northchurche style of the Abbey Church of S. Andrew, to the intent that all the people of Anguish might see the fire, and so might be the more feared from falling into the like doctrine, which they term by the name of heresy, Ex Scripto testimonio Scotorum.  

james Hay bishop of Rose and commissioner of james Beton Archbishop of S. Andrews.  
M. john Spens Lawyer.   

james Hamelton, brother to M. Patrick.  
Katherine Hamelton. A wife of Lieth.  
David Straton.  
M Norman Gurlay.   Within a year after the martyrdom of Henry Forest, or there about, 
james Hamelton. Katherine Hamelton his sister. A wife of Leith, persecuted. David Straton, Norman Gurley, Martyrs.  was called james Hamelton of Kynclitgowe, his sister Katherine Hamelton, the spouse of the captain of Dunbar, also an other honest woman of Lieth, David Straton of the house of Lawristonne, and M. Norman Gurlay. These were called to the Abbey Church of Halyrowdhouse in Edenburghe, by james Hay, Bishop of Rose, commissioner to james Beton archbishop, in presence of King james the fift of that name: who upon the day of their accusation, was altogether clad in red apparel. james Hamelton, was accused as one that maintained the opinions of M. Patrick his brother. To whom the King gave counsel to departed, and not to appear: for in case he appeared, he could not help him, because the Bishops had persuaded him, that the cause of heresy did in no wise appertain unto him and so james fled and was condemned as an heretic, & all his goods and lands confiscate, and disposed unto others. 
Catherine Hamelton his Sister, appeared upon the scaffold, and being accused of an horrible heresy, to wit, that her own works could not save her, she granted the same, and after long reasoning between her and M. john Spens the Lawyer, she concluded in this manner: work here, work there: what kind of working is all this? 
A great heresy in the Pope's church, that no works can save us, but the works of Christ.  I know perfectly that no kind of works can save me, but only the works of Christ my Lord and Saviour. The king hearing these words, turned him about and laughed, and called her unto him and caused her to recant, because she was his aunt, and she escaped.  
The woman of Leith was detected hereof, that when the midwife in time of her labour, bade her say our Lady help me: She cried, Christ help me, Christ help me, in whose help I trust. 
A great heresy to say● Christ help, & 〈◊〉 our Lady.  She also was caused to recant, and so escaped, without confiscation of her goods, because she was married.  
Master Norman Gurley, for that he said there was no such thing as Purgatory, and that the Pope was not a Bishop, but antichrist, 
Against purgatory.  and had no jurisdiction in Scotland.  
Also David Straton, for that he said, there was no Purgatory, but the Passion of Christ, and the tribulations of this world, and because that, when M. Robert Lowson Vicar of Eglesgrig asked his tieth fish of him, he did cast them to him out of the boat, so that some of them fell into the Sea: therefore he accused him, as one that should have said, that no tithes should be paid. These two, because after great solicitation made by the king, they refused to abjure and recant, were therefore condemned by the Bishop of Rose as heretics, and were burned upon the green side, between Leith and Edinburgh, to the intent that the inhabitants of Fife, seeing the fire, might be stricken with terror and fear, not to fall into the like. Ex eodem Scripto.  
¶ And thus much touching those Martyrs of Scotland, which suffered under james Beton, Archbishop of S. Andrew's. After whom succeeded David Beton in the same Archbyshoprike, under whom divers other were also martyred as hereafter (God willing) in their order shall appear.  

john Longland Bishop of Lincoln.  
Rowland Vicar of great Wickam, the bishops Chaplain.   
Thomas Harding an aged father, dwelling at Chesham in Buckinghamshire.  
At chesham in Buckingham.  
An. 1532.  
Thom. Harding dwelling at Chesham, in the County of Buckingham, with Alice his wife, was first abjured by William Smith, Bishop of Lincoln, an. 1506. with divers other more, which the same time for speaking against Idolatry and superstition, were taken and compelled, some to bear faggots, some were burned in the cheek with hot irons, some condemned to perpetual prison, some thrust into Monasteries, and spoiled clean of all their goods, some compelled to make pilgrimage to the great block, otherwise called, our Lady of Lincoln, some to Walsingam, some to Saint Romuld of Buckingham, some to the rood of Wendover, some to S. john shorn, etc. of whom mention is made in the Table before, beginning pag 821.  
Of this Thomas Harding much rehearsal hath been made before, 
Tho. Harding martyr.  as in the pages 821.822.823.  
First this Thomas Harding with Alice his wife, being abjured, and enjoined penance, with divers other more, by William Smith Bishop of Lincoln, afterward by the said Bishop was released again in the year of our Lord 1515. of all such penance as was enjoined him and his wife at their abjuration, except these three Articles following, and were discharged of their badges or signs of their faggots, etc. Only this penance following, the Bishop continued, Sub poena relapsus.  
First, that neither of them during their life, should dwell out of the parish of Amersham.  

It was happy that they were not put to taste bread and water.  Item, that either of them during their life, should fast bread and ale every Corpus Christi even.  
Item, that either of them should, during their lives upon Corpus Christi day, every year, go in pilgrimage to Asherige, and there make their offerings, as other people did, but not to do open penance. Also they were licensed by the said Bishop to do their pilgrimage at Asherige, upon Corpus Christi even, or Corpus Christi day, or some other, upon any cause reasonable.  
This penance being to them enjoined ann. 1515. they observed to the year 1522. save only in the last year, the foresaid Alice his wife omitted her pilgrimage going to Asherige upon Corpus Christi day. Also the said Tho. Harding, being put to his oath, to detect other, because he contrary to his oath dissembled, and did not disclose them, was therefore enjoined in penance, for his perjury, to bear upon his right sleeve, both before and behind, a badge or patch of green cloth or silk embroidered like a faggot, during his whole life, unless he should otherwise be dispensed withal. And thus continued he from the year 1522. till the year 1532.  
At last the said Harding in the year abovesaid 1532. about Easter holidays, when the other people went to the church, to commit their wont idolatry, took his way into the woods, there solitarily to worship the true living God, in spirit and truth. Where, as he was occupied in a book of English prayers, 
The taking of Thomas Harding.  leaning or sitting upon a style by the woods side, it chanced that one did espy him where he was, and came in great haste to the officers of the town, declaring that he had seen Harding in the woods looking on a book. Whereupon immediately a rude rabble of them, like mad men, ran desperately to his house, to search for books, & in searching went so nigh, that under the boards of his flore, they found certain English books of holy Scripture. Whereupon this godly father with his books, was brought before john Longland, Bish. of Lincoln, them lying at Wooburne. Who with his Chapleins, calling father Harding to examination, begun to reason with him, proceeding rather with checks & rebukes, then with any sound arguments. Thom. Harding seeing their folly, and rude behaviour, gave them but few words, but fixing his trust and care in the Lord, did let them say what they would. Thus at last they sent him to the Bysh. prison called little ease, 
Tho. Harding put in little ease the Bishop's prison.  where he did lie with hunger & pain enough, for a certain space: till at length the bishop sitting in his tribunal seat like a potestate, condemned him for relapse, to be burned to ashes, committing the charge & oversight of his martyrdom to Roland Messenger, vicar of great Wickham. 
Tho. Harding condemned.  Which Roland the day appointed, with a rabble of other like to himself, brought father Harding to Chesham again. Where the next day after his return, the said Roland made a Sermon in Cheshan Church, causing Tho. Harding to stand before him all the preaching time: which Sermon was nothing else but the maintaining of the jurisdiction of the Bysh. of Rome, & the state of his Apostolical sea, with the idolatry, fantasies & traditions belonging to the same. When the Sermon was ended, Roland took him up to the high altar, & asked whether he believed that in the bread after the consecration there remained any other substance than the substance of Christ's natural body borne of the virgin Mary. To this Tho. Harding answered: 
The faith and confession of Tho. Harding.  the Articles of our belief do teach us, that our Saviour Christ was borne of the virgin Mary, & that he suffered death under Pilate, and rose from death the third day: that he then ascended into heaven and sitteth on the right hand of God, in the glory of his father.  
Then was he brought into a man's house in the town, where he remained all night in prayer, and godly meditations. So the next morning came the foresaid Roland again, about x. of the clock, with a company of bills and staves, to lead this godly father to his burning. Whom a great number both of men and women did follow. Of whom many bewailed his death: & contrary the wicked rejoiced thereat. He was brought forth, having thrust in his hands a little cross of wood, but no idol upon it. Then he was chained to the stake, 
The patient death and martyrdom of Tho. Harding.  desiring the people to pray for him, and forgiving all his enemies and persecutors, he commended his spirit to God, and took his death most patiently & quietly, lifting up his hands to heaven, saying: jesus receive my spirit.  
When they had set fire on him, there was one that threw a byllet at him, & dashed out his brains. Of what purpose he so did, it is not known, but as it was supposed, that he might have xl. days of pardon as the proclamation was made at the burning of William Tilseworth above mentioned pag. 774. whereas proclamation was made the same time, 
40. days of pardon for bringing faggots to burn good men.  that whosoever did bring a faggot or a stake to the burning of an heretic, should have xl. days of pardon. Whereby many ignorant people caused their children to bear billets and faggots to their burning.  
In fine, when the sacrifice and burnt offering of this godly Martyr was finished, and he brent to ashes, in the Dell, going to Botley, at the North end of the Town of Chesham, Roland their Ruler of the roast, commanding silence and thinking to send the people away, with an Ite missa est, with aloud voice said to the people these words, not advising belike what his tongue did speak: Good people, when ye come home, do not say that you have been at the burning of an heretic, but of a good true Christian man, and so they departed to dinner. Roland with the rabble of other Priests much rejoicing at the burning of this good man. After dinner they went to Church to Evensong, because it was Corpus Christi even, where they fell to singing & chanting, with ringing, and piping of the Organs. Well was he that could reach the highest note: So much did they rejoice at this good man's burning. He should have been burned on the Ascension even, but the matter was referred unto the even of Corpus Christi, because they would honour their bready Messiah with a bloody sacrifice. Thus Thomas Harding was consumed to ashes, he being of the age of lx. years and above. Ex testimonio scripto civium Amershamensium.  
¶ I find in the records of Lincoln, about the same time, and in the same Country of Buckynghamshyre, in the which the foresaid Thomas Harding did suffer, that divers other for the like doctrine, were molested and troubled, whose names with there causes, here under follow.  

Elizabeth Wighthill.  
Doctor London.   Mistress Alice Doly. 
Elizabeth Wighthill being brought before Doctor London, in the parsonage at Staunton Harecourt, and there put to her oath, deposed against Mistress Alice Doly, her masters, that the said Mistress Doly speaking of john Hacker of Colmanstreete in London Waterbearer, 
Alyce Doly, accused.  said that he was very expert in the Gospels, and all other things belonging to divine service, and could express and declare it, and the Pater noster in English, as well as any Priest, and it would do one good to hear him: saying moreover, that she would in no case, that this were known, for hurting the poor man, commanding moreover the said Elizabeth, that she should tell no man hereof, affirming at the same time, that the foresaid Hacker could tell of divers prophecies; what should happen in the Realm.  
Over and beside, the forenamed Elizabeth deposed, that the said Mistress Doly her Mistress, showed unto her, that she had a book, which held against Pilgrimages: and after that, she caused Sir john Boothe, Parson of Britwell, to read upon a book, which she called Legenda aurea, & one Saints life he read, which did speak against Pilgrimages. 
Against Pilgrimage.  And after that was read, her Mistress said unto her: Lo daughter, now ye may hear as I told you, that this book speaketh against Pilgrimages.  
Furthermore, it was deposed against Mistress Doly by the said Elizabeth, that she being at Sir William Barentens place, and seeing there in the closet, Images new gilded, said to the said Elizabeth, look, 
Against Images.  here be my Lady Barentens Gods. To whom the said Elizabeth answered again, that they were set for remembrance of good Saints. Then said she, if I were in an house where no Images were, I could remember to pray unto Saints as well as if I did see the Images. Nay said the other, Images do provoke devotion. Then said her Mistress, ye should not worship that thing that hath cares, and can not hear, and hath eyes and can not see, and hath mouth, and can not speak, and hath hands, and can not feel.  
Item, the said M. Doly was reported by the said party, to have a book containing the xii. Articles of the Creed, covered with boards, and red covering. Also another black book, which she set most price by, which book she kept ever in her chamber, or in her coffer, with divers other books. And this was about the year of our Lord 1520. Ex Registro Lincoln. ¶ Note here, good reader, in this time, which was above 46. years ago, what good matter here was to accuse and molest good women for.  

William Smith of Northstoke in Oxfordshire.  
Thomas Ferrar.   
Roger Hachman.  
At Northstoke in Oxfordshire.  
An. 1525.  Against this Roger Hachman it was laid by depositions brought in, 
Rog. Hatchman accused.  that he sitting at the church Ale, at Northstoke, said these words: I will never look to be saved, for no good deed that ever I did, neither for any that ever I will do, without I may have my salvation by petition, as an outlaw shall have his pardon of the King, and said, that if he might not have his salvation so, he thought he should be lost. Ex Regist. Lin. Doctor Wharton Chancellor to Tonstall Bishop of London. 
Roberte West, priest of Saint Andrew undershaft.  
At London.  
An. 1529.  
Against this Roberte West Priest it was objected, that he had commended Martin Luther, and thought that he had done well in many things, 
Rob. West accused.  as in having wife and children, etc.  
Item, for saying, that where as the Doctors of the Church have commanded Priests to say Matins and Evensong, they had no authority so to do: for the which he was abjured, and was enjoined penance. Ex Regist. Lincol.  Doctor Morgan. 
john Ryburne.  
At Roshborough.  
An. 1530.  
It was testified against john Ryburne, by his sister Elisabeth Ryburne, being put to her oath, that she coming to him upon the Assumption even, found him at Supper with butter and eggs, 
john Ryburne accused.  and being bid to sit down and eat with him, she answered that it was no convenient time them to eat. To whom he said again, that God never made such fasting days, but you (quoth he) are so far in Limbo patrum, that you can never turn again. And in further communication, when she said that she would go on pilgrimage to the holy cross, at Wendover, he said again, that she did nought: For there is never a step (said he) that you set in going on Pilgrimage, but you go to the Devil: and you go to the Church to worship that the Priest doth hold above his head, which is but bread, and if you cast it to the Mouse, he will eat it: and said, that he would never believe that the Priest hath power to make his Lord.  
Item, it was testified by another sister named Alice Ryburne, that she being with her brother in a close called Brimmers close, heard him say these words: That a time shall come that no elevation shall be made. 
A prophecy.  Whereunto she answering again, asked: and what service shall we have then? He said: that service that we have now. Furthermore, the said john Ryburne was accused upon these words, saying: that the service of the Church was nought, because it was not in English: foresaid he, if we had our Pater noster in English, we would say it nine times against once now, etc. Ex Regist. Lincol. fol. 300.  ¶ Note here out of the records of the register, that in this examination of john Ryburne, first his two sisters, than his own wife, and at last his own father were called before john Longland Bishop of Lincoln, and compelled by his oath to depose against him. 

john Longland Bishop of Lincoln  
Richard Ryburne.   


john Eton  
Cicilie his wife.    
At Rosheborough.  
An. 1530.  
john Eton, and Cicilie his wife, of the parish of Spine, 

Sister against brother: wife against husband.  
john Eton and Cicilie his wife.   were detected by Richard Ryburne, that they were marked of certain in the parish on the sunday then last passed, in the sacring time, to hold down their heads, and would not look upon the Sacrament.  
Item, in the feast of exaltation of the holy cross, when the bells did ring solemnly, between Matins and high Mass, for saying in a butcher's house, what a clampering of bells is here?  
Item, the said john Ryburne was detected of Richard his father, for saying these words: The priests do nought, for they should say their service in English, that every man may know it.  
Item, for these words speaking to one of his sisters: 
A prophesi.  The sacrament of the altar, is not as they take it to be. But if it be, as I trust, we shall see none of them holden up, one of these days, over the priest's head, etc.  
Item, for saying, that the blood of our Lord jesus Christ hath made satisfaction for all ill deeds that were done, or should be done, and therefore it was no need, to go on pilgrimage. It was also laid to his charge, and confessed by himself, that he had jesus Gospels in English, and that he was present in the house of john Taylor, when one john Symonds read to them a lecture out of the Gospel, of the Passion of Christ, the space of two hours.  
Item, for saying that Images were but Idols, and it was Idolatry to pray to them.  
For saying moreover, that at sacring time, he kneeled down, but he had no devotion, nor believed in the Sacrament. Item, that the Pope's authority and pardon can not help man's soul, and it was but cast away money, that is given for pardon: For if we ask pardon of our Lord jesus Christ, he will give us pardon every day.  
Thomas Lound Priest, who had been with Luther ij. years, being afterward cast in the Fleet at London, was a great instructor of this I. Ryburne.  john Longland Bishop of Lincoln. 
Ex eod. Reg●●t. fol. 323.  john Symondes. 

john Simondes, accused.  It was laid against john Symondes, for saying, that men do walk all day in Purgatory in this world, and when they depart out of this world, there is but two ways, either to hell or to heaven.  
Item, he said that priests should have wives.  
It was reported by the confession of the said john Symondes, that he converted to his doctrine viii. Priests, and had helped two or three Friars out of their orders.  joh. Longland B. of Lincoln. 


William Wingrave.  
Thomas Hawks of Hichenden. 
Ex Regist. Longland. fol. 311.   
Robert Hawes of Westwicome.  
john Taylor.  
john hawks.  
Tho. Herne of Cobshil.  
Nicholas Field.  
Richard Deane.  
Thomas Clerk the younger.  
William Hawks of Chesham.    
An. 1530.  
These persons with other, 
divers accused for hearing the Scripture read in English.  were examined, excommunicated, and abjured, for being together in john Tailors house at Hichenden, and there hearing Nicholas Field of London to read a parcel of scripture in english to them, who there expounded to them many things: that they which went on Pilgrimage: were accursed: That it booted not to pray to Images, 
Simon Wisdom abjured.  for they were but stocks made of wood and could not help a man: That GOD almighty biddeth us work as well one day as an other, saving the Sunday: for vj. days he wrought, and the seventh day he rested: That they needed not to fast so many fasting days, except the Imbring days: for he was beyond the Sea in Almany, and there they used not so to fast, nor to make such holy days.  
Item, that offerings do no good, for they have them, that have no need thereof. And when it was answered again by one that they maintained God's service: nay, said Nicolas, it maintaineth great houses as Abbeys and other.  
Item, that men should say their Pater noster, and ave Maria, in English, with the Creed, and declared the same in English.  
Item, that the Sacrament of the altar was not as it was pretended, the flesh, blood, and bone of Christ: but a Sacrament, that is, a Typical signification of his holy body.  
To William Wingrave moreover, it was objected that he should say, that there was no Purgatory: and if there were any Purgatory, and every Mass, that is said should deliver a soul out of Purgatory, there should be never a soul there: for there be more Masses said in a day, than there be bodies buried in a month.  john Longland bishop of Lincoln. Simon Wisdom of Burford Simon Wisdom of Burford was charged in judgement, for having three books in English: one was the Gospels in English, an other was the Psalter, the third was the Sum of the holy Scripture in English. Doctor Prinne, Commissary to the Bishop of Lyncolne. 
james Algar, or Ayger.  
An. 1530.  
It was articulated & objected to james Ayger, 
james Algar▪ abjured.  first that he speaking to a certain Doctor of Divinity, named Aglonby, said that every true Christian man living after the laws of God, and observing his Commandments, is a Priest as well as he. etc.  
Iten, that he said, that he would not his executors to deal any penny for his soul, after his death, for he would do it with his own hands while he was alive: & that his conscience gave him, that the soul, so soon as it departeth out of the body, goeth straight either to heaven, or to hell.  
Iten, when Doct. Aglonby aforesaid had alleged to him the place of S. Mat. 16. Thou art Peter. etc. He answered him again with that which followeth in the Gospel after: Get thee after me Satan, etc.  
Item, the said james hearing of a certain Church to be rob, said openly, it made no great force, for the Church hath enough already.   
john French of Longwitam.  
At Longwitam.  
An. 1530.  
Against john French likewise these three Articles were objected. 
john French abjured.   
1. That he believed not the body of Christ, flesh, blood, and bone to be in the Sacrament.  
2. That he was not confessed to any Priest of long tyme.  
3. That Priests had not power to absolve from sins, etc.  For the which he likewise with the other, was troubled, and at length compelled also with them to kneel down, and to ask his holy Catholic fathers and mother's blessing of Rome.  
But what stand I here numbering the sand? For if all the Register books were sought, it would be an infinite thing to recite all them, which through all the other Dioceses of the Realm in these days, before and since, were troubled and pursued for these and such like matters. But these I thought for example sake, here to specify, that it might appear what doctrine it is, and long hath been in the Church, for the which the Prelates and Clergy of Rome have judged men heretics, and so wrongfully have molested poor simple Christians.  
Now, passing from the abiurations of those poor men, we will something speak (God willing) of the life & doings of the contrary part, who were their persecutors, and chief Rulers then of the Church, to the intent that by those Rulers, it may better be discerned and judged, what manner of Church that was, which then so persecuted the true doctrine of Christ, and members of his Church.   

* A brief discourse, concerning the story and life of Thomas Wolsey, late Cardinal of York, by way of digression, wherein is to be seen and noted the express image of the proud vainglorious Church of Rome, how far it differeth from the true Church of Christ jesus.  
ALthough it be not greatly pertinent unto this our history, 
Cardinal Wolsey.  nor greatly requisite in these so weighty matters entreating of Christ's holy Martyrs, to discourse much of Thomas Wolsey Cardinal of York: notwithstanding, forsomuch as there be many, which being carried away with a wrong opinion, and estimation of that false glittering Church of Rome, do think that holiness to be in it, which in deed is not: to the intent therefore, that the vain pomp and pride of that ambitious Church, so far differing from all pure Christianity, and godliness, more notoriously may appear to all men, and partly also to refresh the Reader with some variety of matter, I thought compendiously to express the ridiculous and pompous qualities, and demeanour of this foresaid Thomas Wolsey, Cardinal and Legate of Rome, in whom alone, the Image and life of all other such like followers and professors of the same Church, may be seen and observed. For like as the Lacedæmonians in times past, were accustomed to show and demonstrate drunken men unto their children, 
Example of the Lacedæmonians.  to behold and look upon, that through the foulness of that vice, they might inflame them the more to the study and desire of sobriety: even so it shall not be hurtful sometimes to set forth the examples which are not honest, that others might thereby gather the instructions of better and more upright dealing.  
Wherefore thou shalt note here (good Reader) in this history, with all judgement, the great difference of life and Christian conversation, between this Church, and the other true humble Martyrs and servants of God, whom they have, and do yet persecute. And first to begin, with the first meeting and coming in of this Cardinal, and his fellow Cardinal Campeius into England: 
Campeius sent into England.  it was about the time, when Pope Leo intending to make war against the Turks, sent three Legates together from Rome, whereof one went into Germany, an other into France, Laurentius Campeius was appointed to come into England. When he was come to Calais, and that the Cardinal of York had understanding thereof, he sent certain Bishops and Doctors, with as much speed as he could, to meet the Legate, and to show him that if he would have his Ambassade take effect, he should send in post to Rome, to have the said Cardinal of York made Legate, and to be joined with him in commission. Which thing he much affected, misdoubting lest his authority thereby might perhaps be diminished through the coming of the Legate, and therefore required to be joined with him in like degree of the Ambassade. 
Cardinal Wolsey seeketh to be joined in equal commission with Campeius.  Campeius being a man light of belief, and suspecting no such matter, gave credit unto his words, and sent unto Rome with such speed, that within thirty. days after, the Bull was brought to Calais, wherein they were both equally joined in Commission: during which time, the Cardinal of York, sent to the Legate at Calais, red cloth to cloth his servants withal, which at their coming to Calais, 
Note the state and pride of the Pope's clergy.  were but meanly appareled.  
When all things were ready, Campeius passed the Seas & landed at Dover, and so kept forth his journey toward London. At every good town as they passed, he was received with procession, accompanied with all the Lords & Gentlemen of Kent. And when he came to black Heath, 
The receiving of the Pope's Legate into England.  there met him the Duke of Norfolk, with a great number of Prelates, Knights, and Gentlemen, all richly appareled, & in the way he was brought into a rich tent of cloth of gold, where he shifted himself into a Cardinal's rob, furred with Ermines, and so took his Mule riding toward London. Now mark the great humility in this Church of the Pope, and compare the same with the other Church of the Martyrs, and see which of them is more Gospel like.  
This Campeius had eight Mules of his own, laden with divers farthelles and other preparation. 
Ambition & pomp in the Cardinal.  The Cardinal of York, thinking them not sufficient for his estate, the night before he came to London, sent him xii. mules more, with empty coffers covered with red, to furnish his carriage withal. The next day, these xx. mules were led through the City, as though they had been laden with treasures, apparel, and other necessaries, to the great admiration of all men, that they should receive a Legate as it were a God, with such and so great treasure, and riches. For so the common people doth always judge and esteem, the majesty of the Clergy, by no other thing then by their outward shows and pomp: but in the midst of this great admiration, there happened a ridiculous spectacle, to the great derision of their pride & ambition. For as the Mules passed through Cheap side, and the people were pressing about them, to behold and gaze (as the manner is) it happened that one of the Mules breaking his collar that he was led in, ran upon the other Mules, whereby it happened, 
How God confoundeth the pride & pomp of men.  that they so running together, and their girths being loosed, overthrew divers of their burdens, and so there appeared the Cardinal's gay treasure, not without great laughter and scorn of many, and specially of boys and girls, whereof some gathered up pieces of meat, 
The Cardinals 20. great Mules laden with roasted eggs, and rotten shoes and such other treasure.  othersome pieces of bread and roasted eggs, some found horse shoes, and old boots, with such other baggage: crying out, behold, here is my Lord Cardinal's treasure. The Muleteers being therewithal greatly ashamed, gathered together their treasure again as well as they could, and went forward.  
About three of the clock at after noon, the xxix. day of july, the Cardinal himself was brought through the City, with great pomp and solemnity, unto Paul's church whereas, when he had blessed all men with the bishops blessing (as the manner is) he was guided forth unto the Cardinal of York's house, where as he was received by the said Cardinal, and by him, on the next day being Sunday, was conducted unto the King, to fulfil his Ambassade against the Turk, which might have destroyed all Hungary, 
Ex Edovar Hallo.  in the mean time whiles they were studying with what solemnity to furnish out their Ambassade.  
When the Cardinal of York was thus a Legate, he set up a Court, and called it the Court of the Legate, and proved testaments, and heard causes, to the great hindrance of all the Bishops of the Realm. He visited Bishops & all the Clergy, exempt and not exempt: and under colour of reformation, he got much treasure, & nothing was reform, but came to more mischief: for by example of his pride, Priests and all spiritual persons waxed so proud, that they wear velvet, and silk, both in gowns, jackets, doublets, and shoes, kept open lechery, & so highly bare themselves, by reason of his authorities & faculties, that no man durst once reprove any thing in them, for fear to be called heretic, and then they would make him smoke or bear a Faggot. And the Cardinal himself was so elated, that he thought himself equal with the King: and when he had said Mass, he made Dukes & Earls to serve him of wine with a say taken, and to hold the basin at the Lavatories.  
Furthermore, as he was Ambassador sent to the Emperor at Brussels, he had over with him the great Seal of England, 
 and was served with his servitors kneeling on their knees, and many noble men of England waiting upon him, to the great admiration of all the Germans that beheld it: such was his monstrous pomp and pride, Ex Par●lip. Abb. Vrspur.  
This glorious Cardinal in his tragical doings, did exceed so far all measure of a good subject, that he became more like a Prince than a Priest: 
 for although the King bare the sword, yet he bore the stroke, making (in a manner) the whole Realm to bend at his beck, & to dance after his pipe. Such practices and fetches he had, that when he had well stored his own coffers, first he fetched the greatest part of the King's treasure, out of the realm, in xii. great barels full of gold & silver, to serve the Pope's wars. And as his avaricious mind was never satisfied in getting, so his restless head was so busy, ruffling in public matters, that he never ceased, before he had let both England, France, Flaunders, 
 Spain, and Italy, together by the cares.  
Thus this Legate well following the steps of his master the Pope, and both of them well declaring the nature of their religion, under the pretence of the Church, practised great hypocrisy, and under the authority of the King, he used great extortion, with excessive taxes and lones, and valuation of every man's substance, 
The pilling 〈…〉 Cardinal.  so pilling the commons and Merchants, that every man complained, but no redress was had. Neither yet were the Churchmen altogether free from the pillax and pole-axe, from the pilling & polling (I mean) of this Cardinal, who under his power Legantine, gave by preventions, all benefices belonging to spiritual persons: by which hard it is to say, whether he purchased to himself, more riches than hatred, of the spiritualty. So far his licence stretched, that he had power to suppress divers Abbeys, Priories, and Monasteries, and so did: taking from them all their goods, movables, and not movables, except it were a little pension, left only to the heads of certain houses. By the said power Legantine, he kept also general visitations through the Realm, sending Doctor john Alein his chaplain, riding in his gown of velvet, 
The friars obseruaunts 〈◊〉 of the Cardinal.  & with a great train, to visit all religious houses: whereat the friars observants much grudged, & would in no wise condescend thereunto: wherefore they were openly accursed at Paul's cross, by friar Forest, one of the same order: so that the Cardinal at length prevailed both against them, 
Of Friar 〈◊〉, Vid. 〈…〉. Reg. Henri●. 8.  and all other. Against whom great disdain arose among the people, perceiving how he by visitations, making of Abbots, probates of testaments, granting of faculties, licences, and other pollings in his courts Legantine, had made his treasure equal with the Kings, and yet every year he sent great sums to Rome. And this was their daily talk against the Cardinal.  
Beside many other matters and grievances which stirred the hearts of the commons against the Cardinal, this was one, which much pinched them, for that the said Cardinal had sent out certain straight commissions in the King's name, that every man should pay the vj. part of his goods. Whereupon there followed great muttering amongst the commons, 
〈…〉 19 Reg. Henri●, 8.  in such sort, that it had almost grown to some riotous commotion or tumult, especially in the parts of Suffolk, had not the Dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk, with wisdom and gentleness stepped in and appeased the same.  
Another thing that rubbed the stomachs of many, or rather which moved them to laugh at the Cardinal, was this, to see his insolent presumption, so highly to take upon him, as the King's chief counsellor, to set a reformation in the order of the King's household, making and establishing new ordinances in the same. He likewise made new officers, in the house of the Duke of Richmond, which was then newly begun. In like manner he ordained a Counsel, & established another household for the Lady Mary, then being princes: so that all thing was done by his consent, & by none other. All this, with much more, took he upon him, making the King believe, that all should be to his honour, and that he needed not to take any pain, insomuch that the charge of all things was committed unto him: whereat many men smiled to see his great folly and presumption.  
At this time the Cardinal gave the King the lease of the Manor of Hampton Court, 
 which he had of the Lord of S. john's, and on which he had done great cost. Therefore the King again of his gentle nature, licensed him to lie in his Manor of Richmond, & so he lay there certain times. But when the common people, and specially such as were King Henry the seven. servants, saw the Cardinal keep house in the royal Manor of Richmond, which K. Henry the seven. so much esteemed, it was a marvel to here, how they grudged, saying: See a butcher's dog lie in the Manor of Richmond. These with many other opprobrious words, were spoken against the Cardinal, whose pride was so high, that he regarded nothing: yet was he hated of all men.  
And now to express some part of the 〈◊〉 practices and busy intermedlynges of this Cardinal in Princes wars, first here is to be noted, 
The Cardinal ruffling in matters and wars of Princes.  that after long wars between England & France. 1524. (in the which wars, king Henry taking the emperors part against Frances the French king, had waged with his money, the Duke of Bourbon, and a great part of the emperors army, to invade and disturb certain parts of France) it happened that the French king coming with his army toward Milan, at the siege of Pavia, was there taken by the Duke of Bourbon, & Uiceroy of Neaples, 
France's 〈◊〉 French king taken prisoner.  and so led prisoner into Spain.  
Here note by the way, that all this while, the Cardinal held with the Emperor, hoping by him to be made Pope: but when that would not be, he went clean from the Emperor, to the French king, as (the Lord willing) ye shall hear.  
After this victory gotten, and the French king being taken prisoner, who remained in custody about a year & half: at length through great labour & solicitation, as well of other, as namely of the Cardinal, and king Henry, an order was taken, 
The French king prisoner a year and a half.  and conditions propounded between the French king and the Emperor, among which other divers conditions, it was agreed, that they should resist the Turks, & oppress the Lutherans: and so was the king set at liberty, leaving behind him, his ij. eldest sons, for pledges: But shortly after he revoked his oath, being absolved by the Bishop of Rome, & said, 
The pope absolveth the French king from his oath.  that he was forced to swear, or else he should never have been delivered. Which was. an. 1526. Pope Clement seven. seeing the French king restored to liberty, & misdoubting the puissance and domination of the Emperor in Italy so near under his nose, absolveth the French king from his oath: also joineth together a confederacy of venetians & other Princes against the Emperor, bearing great hatred against all them, that any thing favoured the emperors part, especially the family of Columna in Rome, which family was then Imperial, & therefore to show his hatred against them, he said to Pompey Cardinal of the same family, in threatening words, that he would take away his Cardinal's hat. To whom it was answered again of the Cardinal, that if he so did, he would put on a helmet, 
The answers of the Cardinal to the Pope.  to overthrow the Pope's triple crown. Whereby it may appear, here by the way, what holiness and virtue lieth in the Pope and Cardinals in that Catholic sea of Rome.  
Thus the false Pope, under the lying title of holiness, was the father of much mischief & of great wars, which after ensued. 
The Pope stirreth up wars,  For the Duke of Bourbon and other of the emperors Captains, having intelligence of the Pope's purpose & confederacy, gathered their army together, and after much bloodshed and fighting, about Milan, Bawd and Cremona, at length they approached & bend their siege against Rome, & after three sharp assaults obtained the City with the whole spoil thereof: where also they besieged the foresaid Pope, with his Cardinals, in the mount of Adrian and took him prisoner. an. 1527. As touching the cause of the besieging of Rome, now ye have heard: for the manner of taking of Rome, and of the Pope, the order thereof is thus described in Hall, and other.   

¶ The sacking of Rome, and taking of Pope Clement.  
THe emperors army departing from Florence, to the City of Seynes, where they lost their ordinance, 
The taking of Rome.  took counsel there to go to Rome, and so much they travailed by night and day, commonly passing xl. mile day and night (their good will was such) that the vi. day of May with bamners displayed, 
Ex Paralip. Abbot Vrsp.  they came before the City of Rome being Saturday, the same day: and on Sunday the Romans made Bulwarks, Rampires, and other defences; and laid ordinance on the walls, and shot at them without fiercely.  
The Duke of Bourbon determined that it was not best to lie still without, and be slain with ordinance, 
The Duke of BourBon.  considering, that they were all naked people, & without great ordinance: wherefore he determined to take the chance & to give the assault, and so manfully they approached the walls between the Burgo Novo & old Rome. But the Romans valiantly defended them with handgunnes, pikes, stones, and other weapons, so that the enemies were fain to retreat. Then the Romans were glad, and set many fair banners on their towers and bulwarks, and made great shouts: which seeing the Duke of Bourbon, cried to a new assault. 
Thre● assaults against Rome.  Then the drums●ades blue, and every man with a ladder mounted: and at first encounter, again the Romans put them a little back: Which the Duke of Bourbon p 〈…〉 ve, cried: God and the Emperor. Then every man manfully set on. There was a sore fight, many an arrow shot, and many a man felled, but at last the Emperor's men got the wall, and between every assault fell a mist, so that they within could not see what part they without would assail, which was profitable to the emperors party. At the three assaults were slain three C. Swissers of the Pope's guard. In this last assault was the Duke of Bourbon stricken in the thigh with a handgonne, 
The Duke of 〈◊〉 wounded.  of the which he shortly died in a chapel of S. Sister, whether his soldiers had brought him: and this chance notwithstanding, the army entered into Rome, and took the Pope's palace and set up the Emperor's arms.  
The same day that these three assaults were made, Pope Clement passed little on the emperors army: 
The Pope curseth his enemies.  for he had accursed them on the Saturday before, and in his curse he called the Almains Lutherans, and the Spaniards Murreines or Mores: and when he was hearing of Mass, suddenly the Almains entered into the Church, and slew his Bard and divers other. He seeing that, fled in all haste by a privy way, 
The Pope flieth.  to the Castle of S. Angel: and all they that followed him that way and could not enter, were slain, and if he in that fury had been taken, he had been slain. The Cardinals and other Prelates fled to the Castle of S. Angel, over the bridge, where many of the common people were overpressed and trodden down, as they gave way to the Cardinals and other estates, that passed toward the Castle for secure.  

The Cardinals besieged.  The Cardinal of Senes, of Sesarine, of Tudertine, of jacobace and of the Ualle tarried so long, that they could not get to the Castle for the multitude of people: wherefore they were compelled to take an other house, called the Palace of S. George, where they kept themselves for a while as secretly as they might. You must understand, through the City of Rome, runneth a famous River, called Tiber: and on the one side of the River standeth the Castle of S. Angel, or the Borough of S. Angel: and the other side is called Burgo Novo, or, the New Borough. This Bridge is called, the Bridge of Sixte, which lieth directly before the Castle. At the end of this Bridge was a wonderful strong Bulwark, well ordinanced and well manned. The emperors men saw that they could do nothing to the Pope, nor to that port of the City, but by the bridge, determined to assault the Bulwark, and so, as men without fear, came on the bridge, and the Romans so well defended them, that they five almost iiij. M. men. That seeing the Prince of Orange, 
The Bulwark of the Romans besieged & taken.  and the Marquis of Gnasto, with all speed gave assault, and notwithstanding that the Romans shot great ordinances, handgunnes, quarrels, and all that might be shot: yet the Imperial persons never shrank, but manly entered the Bulwark and slew & threw down, out of the loupes, all the Romans that they found, and after razed the Bulwark to the ground. The Pope was in the Castle of S. Angel, and beheld this fight, and with him were twenty-three. Cardinals, of which one called the Cardinal Sanctorum quatuor, or the Cardinal of Pouche, was slain, and with him were a M. Prelates and Priests, five hundred Gentlemen, five hundred Soldiers: wherefore immediately the Captains determined to lay siege to the Castle of S. Angel, lest they within might issue out, and turn them to damage: wherefore suddenly a siege was planted round about the Castle. 
The castle of S. Angel besieged.   
In the mean season the soldiers fell to spoil. Never was Rome so peeled, either of the Goths or Uandales, for the Soldiers were not content with the spoil of the Citizens, 
Rome spoiled.  but they rob the Churches, broke up the houses of close religious persons, and overthrew the Cloisters, and spoiled virgins, and ravished married women. Men were tormented if they had not to give every new asker or demander: some were strangled, some were punished by the privy members, to cause them to confess their treasure. This woodness continued a great while, & some man might think that when they had gotten so much, than they would cease & be quiet, but that was not so, for they played continually at dice, some v. C. some a M. Ducats at a cast: and he that came to play laden with plate, went again almost naked, and then fell to rifeling again. Many of the Citizens which could not patiently suffer that vexation, drowned themselves in Tiber. 
The Pope mocked and scorned openly in Rome before his own face.  The Soldiers daily that lay at the siege, made jests of the Pope. Sometime they had one riding like the Pope with a whore behind him, sometime he blessed, and sometime he cursed, & sometime they would with one voice call him Antichrist: and they went about to undermine the Castle, and to have thrown it down on his head, but the water that environeth the Castle, disappointed their purpose.  
In this season the Duke of Urbine, with xv. M. men, came to aid the Pope: but hearing that Rome was taken, he tarried xl. mile from Rome, till he heard other word. The Marquis of Saluce, and Sir Frederico de Bodso, with xv. M. footmen and a M. horsemen, were at 〈◊〉 be the tenth day of May: where they hearing that the City of Rome was taken, also tarried. The Cardinal of Column, came with an army of Neapolitans to help the emperors men: but when he saw the cruelty of the Soldiers, he did little to help them, but he hated them much.  
The Bishop of Rome was thus besieged till the eight Ideses of july, 
The Pope besieged and taken,  at which day he yielded himself for necessity and penury of all things in the Castle, and then he was restored to give Graces and grant Bulls as he did before: but he tarried still in the Castle of S. Angel, and had a great number of Almains & Spaniards to keep him: but the Spaniards bare most rule in the Castle, for no man entered nor came out of the Castle but by them. When the month of july came, corn began to fail in Rome, and the pestilence began to wax strong: wherefore the great army removed to a place called Narma, xl. mile from Rome, 
War and pestilence is Rome.  leaving behind them such as kept the Bishop of Rome.  
When they were departed, the Spaniards never were contented till they had gotten the Almains out of the Castle of S. Angel, and so they had the whole custody of the Pope. And thus much for the sacking of Rome. Ex Paralip. Abbot. Vrsper.  
When the Cardinal here in England, heard how his father of Rome was taken prisoner, 
The cardinal bestirreth him for the Pope.  he began to stir coals, and hearing of his captivity, he laboured with the King all that he might, to stir him up, to fight with the said Pope against the Emperor, and to be a defender of the Church: which if he would do, the Cardinal persuaded him that he should receive great reward at God's hand. To whom the King answered again, and said in this manner: My Lord, I more lament this evil chance, than my tongue can tell, but where you say I am the defender of the faith, I assure you that this war between the Emperor & the Pope, is not for the faith, 
The Pope fighteth for temporal possessions▪  but for temporal possessions and dominions, and now sith Pope Clement is taken by men of war, what should I do? My person nor my people can not rescue him, but if my treasure may help him, take that which seemeth to you most convenient.  
Thus the Cardinal, when he could not obtain at the King's hands what he would, in stirring him up to mortal war, 
12. score thousand Pounds conveyed out of England, by the Cardinal. A new found tyranny of the Lord Cardinals making.  he made out of the Kings treasure xii. score thousand pounds, which he carried over the Sea with him. After this, the Cardinal sent his commission as Legate, to all the Bishops, commanding fastings and solemn processions to be had, wherein they did sing the Litany after this sort, Sancta Maria, ora pro Clement Papa. Sancte Petre, ora pro Clement Papa, and so forth, all the Litany.  
This Cardinal passing the Seas with the foresaid sums of money, departed out of Calais, accompanied with Cuthbert Tunstall Bishop of London, the Lord Sands the King's Chamberlain, the Earl of Derby, Sir Henry Guildford, and Sir Thomas Moor, with many other Knights and Squires, to the number of xii. hundred horse, having in his carriage lxxx. wagonnes, and threescore Moils and sumpter horses.  
It were long to discourse in this place, the manifold abuses and treasons, which he practised when he came to the French Court at Amias, converting the great sums of money, 
War waged by the Cardinal.  which before you heard he had obtained of the King, for the relief & ransom of Pope Clement, which at that time was prisoner in the emperors army, and bestowed the same in the hiring of soldiers, & furnishing out the French Kings army, appointing also certain English Captains in the King of England's name, to go against the Emperor, to rescue the Pope: all which army was paid with the King of England's money.  
Besides that, he privily by his letters caused Clarentius king of the arms, to join with the French Herald, and openly to defy the Emperor: whereby there began great displeasure to rise between the Emperor & the King, but that the Emperor of his politic nature would take no occasion of displeasure against the King of England.  
Now again he uttered another of his practices, for upon the said defiance, the Cardinal surmising & whispering in the King's ear, that the Emperor had evil entreated and imprisoned the King's Ambassadors in Spawn, 
The crafty practice of the Cardinal.  caused Hugo de Mendosa the emperors Ambassador in England, to be attached & put in safe keeping, and his house, with all his goods to be seized. Which so remained, until the manifest letters came of the gentle entreaty of the king's ambassadors in Spain, & there was again set at liberty. When as the ambassador complained hereof to the Cardinal, he laid all the fault upon Clarentius, laying also that Clarentius had defied the Emperor, without the king's knowledge, at the request of the Herald of France: wherefore at his return, 
The Cardin●● set Clarentius 〈◊〉 the Emperor, and afterward would 〈…〉 death.  he should lose his head at Calais. Whereof Clarentius being advertised by the captain of Bayon, in his return took shipping at Bullen, & so privily came into England, and by means of certain of his friends of the kings privy chamber, he was brought unto the king's presence, before the Cardinal knew of it, where as he showed unto the king, the Cardinal's letters of Commission, and declared the whole order and circumstance of their gentle entreaty. When the king heard the whole circumstance thereof, and had a while mused thereupon, he said: O Lord jesus, he that I trusted most, told me all these things contrary. Well Clarentius, I will no more be so light of credence hereafter: for now I ●ee well that I have been made believe the thing, that was never done, and from that time forward, the king never put any more confidence or trust in the Cardinal.  
The cause why the Cardinal should bear the Emperor all this malice & grudge, after some writers, it appeareth to be thus. At what time as Pope Clement was taken prisoner (as is before said) the Cardinal wrote unto the Emperor, that he should make him Pope. But when he had received an answer that pleased him not, he waxed furious mad, 
The Cardi●●●s ploughed 〈…〉 against the Emperor.  and sought all means to displease the Emperor, writing very sharply unto him, many manacing letters, that if he would not make him Pope, he would make such a ruffling between christian Princes, as was not this 100 years before, to make the Emperor repent, yea though it should cost the whole Realm of England.  
Whereunto the Emperor made answer in a little book, Imprinted both in Spanish and Dutch, answering unto many manacing of the Cardinal, and divers of his Articles: but specially to that his ruffling threat, wherein he menaced him, that if he would not make him Pope: he would set such a ruffling betwixt Christian Princes, as was not this 100 year, though it should cost the whole Realm of England. Whereunto the Emperor answering again, biddeth him look well about him, 
The Empe●ou●● answer unto the cardinals threats.  lest through his doings and attempts, he might bring▪ the matter in that case, that it should cost him the Realm of England in deed.  
You have heard before, how that when Pope Clement was prisoner in the Emperor's army, the Cardinal required the king, because he did bear the title of defender of the faith, that he would rescue the Pope: also what the king's answer was thereunto, and what sums of money he had obtained of the king. Now, because you shall not also be ignorant by what means and upon what occasion this title of the defender of the faith was given unto the King, 
The title of defendor of the faith.  we think it good somewhat to say in this place. When as Martin Luther had uttered the abomination of the Pope and his clergy, & divers books were come into England, our Cardinal here thinking to find a remedy for that, sent immediately unto Rome, for this title of defender of the faith, which afterward the vicar of Croyden preached, that the king's grace would not lose it, for all London & 20. mile about it. Neither is it marvel, for it cost more than London & 40. mile about it, considering the great sums which you have heard the Cardinal obtained of the King, for the Pope's relief, beside the effusion of much innocent blood.  
When this glorious title was come from Rome, the Cardinal brought it unto the king's grace at Greenwich, and though that the king had it already, and had read it, yet against the morning, were all the Lords and Gentlemen that could in so short space be gathered, sent for, to come & receive it with honour. In the morning, the cardinal gate him through the back side, into the Friar observants, and part of the Gentlemen went round about and welcomed him from Rome, part met him half way, and some at the Court gate. The king himself, met him in the hall, and brought him up into a great chamber, 
The glorious ●●nitye 〈◊〉 the Cardinal laugh●● to 〈◊〉.  whereas was a seat prepared on high, for the king and the Cardinal to sit on, whiles the Bull was read. Which pomp all men of wisdom and understanding, laughed to scorn.  
This done, the king went to his Chapel to hear Mass accompanied with many nobles of his realm, and Ambassadors of sundry Princes. The Cardinal being revested to sing mass, the earl of Essex brought the basin of water, the Duke of Suffolk gave the assay, & the Duke of Norfolk held the towel, & so he proceeded to mass. When mass was done, the bull was again published, the trumpets blue, the shawms and suckbuts played, in honour of the kings new style. Then the king went to dinner, in the midst whereof, the king of Heralds and his company began the largesse, crying: 
The kings stil● augmented.  Henricus Dei gratia Rex Angliae & Franciae, defensor fidei & Dominus Hiberniae. Thus was all things ended with great solemnity.  
Not much unlike to this, was the receiving of the cardinals hat, which when a ruffian had brought unto him to Westminster, under his cloak, he clothed the messenger in rich array, and sent him back again to Dover: appointing the Bishop of Canterbury to meet him, 
The thrasonical receiving of the cardinals hat.  and then an other company of the Lords and Gentlemen, I wot not how often, before it came to Westminster, where it was set upon a cupbourd, and tapers round about it, so that the greatest Duke in the land must make courtesy therewnto, and to his empty seat, he being away.  
And for somuch as we are in hand with the acts and doings of Cardinal Wolsey, among many other things, 
The cruel dealing of the Cardinal against Richard Pacie▪ Richard Peace, Deane of Paul's.  which of purpose we overpass, this is not to be exempted out of memory, touching his uncourtuous or rather currish handling of Richard Pacie, Deane of Paul's. This Pacie being the kings Secretary for the Latin tongue, was of such ripeness of wit, of learning & eloquence, also in foreign languages so expert, that for the one he was thought most meet to succeed after john Colet in the Deanery of Paul's: beside which he was also preferred to the Deanery of Excetour. For the other he was sent in the kings affairs, Ambassador to Venice. Which function there he so discharged, that it is hard to say whether he procured more commendation, or admiration among the venetians, both for dexterity of his wit, and especially for the singular promptness in the Italian tongue, wherein he seemed nothing inferior, neither to Peter Uanne here in England, the king's Secretary for the Italian tongue, nor yet to any other, which were the best in that tongue in all Venice. For opinion & fame of learning, he was so notoriously accepted, not only here in England with Linacre, Grecinus, More, & other, but also known & reported abroad in such sort, that in all the great heap of Erasmus Epistles, he wrote almost to none, so many, as he wrote to this Richard Pacie.  
As the said Pacie was resident Ambassador at Venice, the king having war the same time, 
Richard Pacie Ambassador at Venice.  with France's the French king (as is afore rehearsed) through the conducting of the duke of Bourbon, whom he then waged with his expenses, sent commandment to Pacie to give attendance to the duke of Bourbon, 
The Duke of Bourbon waged with the king, of England's money.  concerning the receit of that money, and other necessities & exploits to that expedition appertaining. In the mean while, as the French king with his army, and the Duke of Bourbon were approaching in battle together, near about the city of Pavia, it so happened (some think through the crafty packing of the Cardinal) that the king's money was not so ready, 
The Duke of Bourbon disappointed of the kings money.  as it was looked for. By reason whereof, the duke of Bourbon perceiving his soldiers about to shrink from him to the French king for lack of payment, called to him the Ambassador, complaining unto him how the king of England had deceived him, and broke promise with him, to his great dishonour & utter undoing. etc. Pacie then being sure of the kings will, and suspecting the crafty fetch of the Cardinal, desired the duke not to take discomfort, nor any diffidence of the King's assured promise, excusing the delay of the money, as well as he could, by intercipation, or other causes by the way incident, rather than for any lack of fidelity on the king's behalf: adding moreover, that if it would please him happily to proceed, as he had courageously begun, 
Richard Pacie helpeth the Duke of Bourbon with money.  he should not stay for the king's money: so sure he was of the king's mind therein, that he would supply the lack of that payment upon his own credit, amongst his friends at Venice, and so did. Whereupon the soldiers being sufficiently satisfied with payment of their wages, proceeded forth with the Duke, unto the battle. In the which battle, the foresaid French king, the same time, before the City of Pavia, 
Richard Pacie was the means why the French king was taken.  was taken prisoner, as is afore declared. Which being eftsoons known to the king of England, Pacie had both condign thanks for his faithful service, and also his money repaid again with the uttermost, as he well deserved. But as the laud, and the renowned praise of men, for their worthy prowesses, commonly in this world never go unaccompanied without some privy canker of envy and disdain following after, so the singular industry of Pacie, as it won much commendation with many, so it could not avoid the secret sting of some Serpents. 
The Cardinal hated Pacie.  For the conceived hatred of this Cardinal so kindled against him, that he never ceased, till first he brought him out of the king's favour, and at last also, out of his perfect wits.  
The occasion how he fell beside himself, was this: for that the Cardinal after the death of Pope Adrian, hoping no less, but that he should have been advanced unto the Papacy, and yet missing thereof, he supposed with himself, the fault chief to rest in Pacies' negligence, by whose great wit and learning, and earnest means and suit, he thought easily he might have achieved and compassed the triple crown. Wherefore he seeing it otherwise come to pass, and inflamed against Pacie for the same, wrought such ways and means, that by the space almost of two years, 
The Cardinal practiseth against Pacie.  Pacie continuing at Venice, had neither writing from the king, nor his counsel, what he should do, nor yet any manner of allowance for his diet (although he wrote, and sent letters for the same to England very often) for the Cardinal had altogether incensed the king against him. Whereupon the said Pacie took such an inward thought and conceit, that his wits began to fail him, he being notwithstanding in such favour among the Senators of Venice, 
Pacie in great credit with the Venetians.  that neither for gold nor silver he could there have lacked. By some it is reported, that the Uenitian Legate here in England, coming to the Cardinal, required if he would command any thing to the English Ambassador at Venice. 
The Cardinal falsely belieth Pacie.  To whom he should answer again in high words, saying: Paceus decepit Regem. Which words coming to Pacies' ears, so deeply pierced his stomach, that he fell quite besides himself. I hard it moreover of an other thus testified, who had a brother the same time dwelling with Pacie: that the Cardinal, about the returning of Pacie from Venice, sent him a letter so powdered (with what spices I can not tell) that at the reading thereof, Pacie then being in the fields, fell suddenly in such a mighty running, for the space of 2, miles, that his servants had much a do, to take him, and bring him home.  
This piteous case of Pacie was not a little lamented by the whole Senate, and chief learned men in Venice, in so much that the king was not only certified thereof by Thomas Lupset (who then was chief man about Pacie, 
Pacie be 'straught of his wits.  and his Secretarye, for that embassage) but also the said Senate of Venice wrote in such sharp & vehement wise, unto their Ambassador then being in England, that he should signify to the king, touching Pacies' case, that thereby the king knowing the truth, and the whole circumstance of the matter, was not a little sorrowful therefore. Whereupon Pacie was forthwith sent for home, and when he came to England, he was commanded by the king, to be specially well tended, & to lack no keeping: In so much that within a small process of time, he was prettily well come again to his wits, & began to study the Hebrew tongue, with Wakefield, 
Pacie prettily recovered.  so that (the Cardinal then being absent) such ways was found by his friends, that he was brought to the king, lying then at Richmond, where he and the king secretly communed together, by the space of 2. hours and more, 
Pacie brought to the kings speech.  not without great rejoicing to the king, as it was perceived, to see him so well amended, & returned to himself again, giving likewise straight charge and commandment, that he should lack nothing.  
The Cardinal, being than not present, when he heard of this, fearing lest he had disclosed somewhat to the king, which he would not have known, and doubting that the king should cast his favour again unto Pacie, began within a while after, to quarrel, and pike matters, and to lay certain things to Pacies' charge, whereas he rather should have cleared himself of those things, which Pacie laid unto him before the King, which was contrary to all good form and order of justice. 

Pacie commanded to the tow●r by the Cardinal.  
Pacie discharged out of the tower.   For where the king had willed the Cardinal to try himself of those things, which Pacie had rightly charged him withal, he sitting in judgement with the Duke of Norfolk, and other states of the Realm, not as a defendant, but as a judge in his own cause, so bore out himself, and weighed down Pacie, that Pacie was commanded to the tower of London, as prisoner: where he continued by the space of two years, or thereabout, and afterward by the kings commandment, was discharged. But he being there prisoner, was therewith so deadly wounded, and strucken, that he fell worse from his wits then ever he was before, being in such a phrevesie, or lunacy, that to his dying day, he never came perfectly to himself again. notwithstanding, this in him was no perpetual frenzy, but came by fits, and when the fit was past, he could look on his Book, and reason and talk handsomely, but that now and then he showed his disease. And thus much between the Cardinal and Pacie.  
By this story of Pacie, and also by other places above mentioned, ye may partly conceive, how greedy this Cardinal was, to be made pope. Touching which matter, here by the way something to entreat, 
The cardinals labour to be Pope.  first is to be understanded, that forsomuch as Pacie either would not, or could not serve the Cardinal's purpose herein, he thought to accomplish his desire, by other names, and namely by Steven Gardiner, who was then shortly after, sent Ambassador to Rome by the king and the Cardinal, in the time of pope Clement the 7. and that for two special causes: one was about the divorcement, the other for promoting the Cardinal to be Pope. As touching the divorcement, we will speak (the Lord willing) hereafter. In the mean time, as concerning the advancement of the Cardinal, great labour was made, as in letters may appear sent from the Cardinal to the said Steven Gardinar, in which letters he did solicit the said Gardinar, by all means, to pursue the suit, willing him to stick for no cost, 
Steven Gardiner Ambassador at Rome for the king and the Cardinal.  so far as six or seven thousand pounds would stretch: for more he said he would not give for the triple crown. Mark here (Christian Reader) what an holy catholic Church this is, which rather may be called a Burse or Mart of Merchants (ne quid dicam durius) then any true form of a Church.  
Many, both of his, and also of the kings letters, I could here inserte, but for growing of the volume, I let them pass. One for example sake, sent by the Cardinal to Gardiner, an other also from the king to the said Gardinar, shall at this time suffice, concerning this matter. And first the Copy of the cardinals ambitious letter here, in form followeth.  

¶ The copy of an ambitious letter, written by Thom. Wolsey, Cardinal of York, unto Stephen Gardiner, one of king Henry's Orators in the Court of Rome, for the procuring of the Papal dignity to the said Cardinal.  
Master Stephen, all be it ye shallbe sufficiently with your Colleages, by such instructions as be given to Monsieur Vincent, informed of the king's mind and mine, concerning my advancement unto the dignity Papal, not doubting but that for the singular devotion, 
A letter of the Cardinal to S●euen Gardiner Lieger at Rome.  which you bear towards the king and his affairs, both general and particular, and perfect love, which ye have towards me, ye will omit nothing that may be excogitate to serve and conduce to that purpose, yet I thought convenient for the more fervent expression of my mind in that behalf, to write unto you, (as to the person whom I most entirely do trust, and by whom this thing shallbe most pithily set forth) these few words following, of my own hand. I doubt not but ye do profoundly consider, as well the state, wherein the Church and all Christendom doth stand now presently, as also the state of this Realm, and of the kings secret matter, which if it should be brought to pass, 
Crafty pretences to serve ambytious purposes.  by any other means then by the authority of the Church, I account this Prince and Realm utterly undone. Wherefore it is expedient to have such a one to be Pope and common father of all Princes, as may, can, and will give remedy to the premises. And albeit I account myself much unable, and that it shallbe now incommodious in this mine old age, to be the said common father, yet when all things be well pondered, and the qualities of all the Cardinals well considered (Absit verbum iactantiae) there shallbe none found that can and will set remedy in the foresaid things, but only the Cardinal of York, 
O feigned hypocrisy. Belike the Cardinal here lacketh good neighbours seeing he is compelled to praise himself. You may long say so, before we will be 〈◊〉 you.  whose good will and zeal is not to you of all men, unknown. And were it not for the reintegration of the state of the Church, and sea Apostolic to the pristine dignity, and for the conducing of peace amongst Christian princes, and specially to relieve this Prince & realm from the calamities that the same be now in, all the riches or honour of the world should not cause me, Ne dum aspirare, sed ne consentire, to accept the said dignity, although the same with all commodities were offered unto me.  
Nevertheless conforming myself to the necessity of the time, and the will and pleasure of these two Princes, I am content to appone all my wit and study, and to set forth all means and ways, Vt bene faciam rebus Christianitatis, for the attaining of the said dignity. For the achieving and attaining whereof, for as much as thereupon dependeth the health and wealth, not only of these two Princes and their Realms, but of all Christendom, nothing is to be omitted that may conduce to the said end and purpose. Wherefore M. Stephen, since you be so plainly advertised of my mind and intent, I shall pray you to extend, Omnes neruos ingenij tui, ut ista res ad effectum produci possit, nullis parcendo sumptibus, pollicitationibus, sive laboribus: ita ut hominum videris ingenia & affectiones, sive ad privata, sive ad publica, sic accommodes actiones tuas. Non deest tibi & collegis tuis amplissima potestas, nullis terminis aut conditionibus limitata seu restricta, & quicquid feceris, scito omnia apud hunc regem & me esse grata & tuta. Nam omnia (ut paucis absoluam) in tuo ingenio & fide reposuimus. Nihil super est aliud scribendum, nisi quod supplex orem, ut omnes actiones tuas secundet Deus oped. maximusque, & ex cord vale▪  
Ex edibus meis Westmonest. seven. Febr. Tuae salutis & amplitudinis cupidissimus. T. Ebor.   
After this letter of the Cardinal, 
Steven Gardiner the cardinals trusty factor.  consequently here ensueth an other letter of the king, to the foresaid Stephen Gardiner, and other his Orators at Rome, containing such instructions and documents, as they should practise with the Cardinals of Rome, in canuesing for the said Thomas Wolsey Cardinal of York, to be elected Pope, if Pope Clement were dead. Or if he were not dead, yet at least, to instruct them, what to do, when he should die.  
The contents of the letter, albeit they include no great matter worthy our knowledge, nor greatly necessary for our story, yet for the ridiculous manner of the handling, and the curious secretariship thereof, full of glorious affectation, I thought it not here unmeet for the studies and appetites of some, to exemplify the same, or at least, to make the reader some pastime by the way, in beholding the glorious style of this vain glorious Cardinal, being suit like to his glorious life. The copy of the letter, bearing the name of the king, but in deed savouring altogether of the Cardinal's devise and swelling vain, doth thus proceed in form and style, as followeth.  

¶ Instructions scent by the king's highness, to his trusty Counsellors and servants, 
Mark the 〈◊〉 & you shall see that it is all one with the Cardinal's former letter, whi●ch he sayeth he w●●te with his ●wne hand.  M. Stephen Gardiner, Doctor of both laws, Sir Frances Bryan, Sir Gregory de Cassalis Knights, and M. Peter Van the king's Secretary for the Italian tongue, his ambassadors in the Court of Rome, for the election of the Cardinal of York, to the Papacy, if Pope Clement were dead.  
FIrst, where as a good season since the depeache of M. Stephen Gardiner, an Ambassiate towards the Court of Rome, the king's highness by sundry ways, hath been advertised of the death of our holy father the Pope Clement of that name the 7. whose soul jesus pardon, 
Instructions in the kings name, to his Legates at Rome.  by mean whereof, the charge heretofore committed by his grace unto his Orators, to have been now executed with the said late Pope, can not at his hands take effect, his highness pondering and profoundly considering, the present state of Christendom, miserably and piteously afflicted with the intestine wars, dissensions, and discords, reigning amongst the Princes of the same, and how the dignity of the sea Apostolic, by such trouble and persecution, as hath been inferred thereunto, these years passed, is not a little diminished and impaired, like to come to total ruin, if by the help & assistance of good and virtuous Princes, 
The total ruin of the Apostolic papacy, God send it.  the ambition of those, which study the exterminion thereof, be not in time repressed: considering furthermore, that as well to conduce rest and tranquility in Christendom, as to restore, repair, and reintegrate the state, authority, and reputation of the said sea Apostolic, nothing is more requisite & necessary, then that such a head and common father, be now at this time of vacation of the dignity Papal, provided and elected to succeed in the same, as both may, can, and will purvey to the restoration of the said Sea, and that hath, and may have the assistance of such virtuous and puissant Princes, as tender the defence, maintenance, and increase of the dignity aforesaid, and that may meet with the inordinate ambition of the Emperor, who nothing more studieth, then for his own exaltation, to suppress the Church & Sea Apostolic: remembering also the high importance of the kings great and weighty cause of matrimony, committed to the charge of his said Orators, 
He meaneth them 〈◊〉 between king 〈◊〉▪ and 〈◊〉 Kathe●●ne, his brother Arthu● wife wh●ther it w●● lawful 〈◊〉.  and how manifold dangers and irreparable damages depend upon the tract, delay, or disappointment thereof, which by no way or mean can be conduced to the king's purpose, and desire by the authority of the Church, but only by special, assured, and perfect favour of the head of the same Church, his highness also being as loath as any living Prince or person may be, to recurre unto other refuge, succour or remedy in his said cause, then to the authority of the Sea Apostolic, if his grace may there find the favour and benignity, that to his merits towards the same be correspondent, of which favour his highness should be clearly deprived and frustrate, in case the election of the future Pope, should pass upon any person, of whom his grace were not perfectly assured: his highness for the respects and considerations before specified, perceiving his good brother and perpetual ally the French king, in the said intention to be unite, knit, and in all actions and doings of importance, assuredly combined unto his grace, proceeding together in one will, mind, purpose, and conformity, hath by good and mature deliberation, studied devised, and excogitate with himself, who were & might be the most able, meet, and convenient person, having the qualities before specified, to be advanced at this time, unto the said dignity Papal. And finally, when his grace hath well revolved with himself, all the respects and considerations aforesaid, noting also all things meet to be regarded in every of the Cardinals of the Church of Rome, both present now in the Court there, and absent from the same, it can not be found that there is any person sufficiently furnished, with the requisites before specified, but only the most reu●rend father in God, and his most trusty Counsellor, the Lord Legate Cardinal, Archbishop of York, Primate & Chancellor of this Realm: Who being well known to have as fervent zeal, study, mind, and desire, to the universal weal, repose, and tranquility of Christendom, to the reintegration & restoration of the dignity, authority, reputation, 
See how this Prelate is all in his exaltation  & rights of the Church and sea Apostolic, to the surety, weal, and exaltation of the king's highness, the French king, & other their confederates, and finally to the perfection of the kings said great and weighty cause, whereupon dependeth the surety of his royal person, succession, Realm, people, & dominions, as any person living can or may have, & that the said most reverend father hath the fast assured favour herein of the said French king (who of his own mere motion hath frankly and liberally, offered unto him all that by himself, his friends, his power, his agentes, or otherwise he may, or can possible do for his advancement to the said dignity Papal) is the person, who for his singular virtue, his entire devotion to peace, and restoration of the said Sea, the excellency of his wisdom, learning and experience, 
The Thrasonical praise of the Cardinal.  the magnanimity in his actions and doings, the dignity wherein he is already constitute, the promotions which he hath attained, the substance that he is of, his reputation, his conduit, his diligence, his dexterity, his discretion, his policy, and finally the notable and high favour that the king's highness and the said French king bear unto him, is only, that he called to the said dignity Papal, may, can, and will meet with the inordinate ambition of the said Emperor, and consequently with establishment of tranquility amongst Christian Princes●, 
Note this cause: The Cardinal is most meet to be Pope because he can best bridle the Emperor.  is by the assistance of his friends, meet, convenient, and able to secure, relieve, and clearly to repair the piteous iacture and decay, that the Church & Sea Apostolic hath so long suffered, & to defend the same from the imminent danger now apparent to ensue, if the said Emperor (who as the king's highness is ascertained) determined in the beginning of january now passed, to take his journey towards Rome, should upon this vacation of the said Sea, chanced (as it upon many evident presumptions to be thought, by some detestable act committed, for the said late Pope's destruction) now by force, violence, cautel, blandishing, promises, or otherwise, have the election to proceed at his will, favour, & devotion: whereby, having a Pope at his 
* That is after his own desire.  arbitre, either he should not fail to usurp & take from him the rights, provents, & patrimony of the Church, using him as his chaplain and vassal, or else by little and little utterly to exclude and extinct him and high authority.  
For this cause, if ever it were expedient that good Christian Princes look to the tuition, maintenance, defence, and continuance of Christ's Church, faith and religion, now is it the time above all other, to provide and beware by all ways possible, lest the same neglected, forgotten and not in time relieved, be brought unto extreme 
* If his usurped authority were clean extinct, the faith & religion of Christ should stand & flourish much better.  ruin. And therefore the king's highness having singular & special trust and confidence in the wisdoms, discretions, fidelities, diligences and circumspections of his said Orators, (to whom no part of the premises is unknown, ne how necessary, & in any wise expedient it shallbe for perfection of the kings said great and 
* By this weighty matter here, is meant the cause of the king's divorce.  weighty matter to them committed, to have the said Lord Legate of York, & none other, advanced to the said dignity Papal) willeth, desireth, ordaineth, & expressly chargeth and commandeth his said Orators, and every of them, no less to employ, endeavour, and determine themselves, to solicit, set forth, further, promote, labour and conduce the advancement of the said Lord Legate of York, to that dignity, than they would that thing, which the king's highness most highly, next God & his soul, with all earnestness and fervent mind, doth above all other things, covet and desire, and also no less than they would the speedy obtaining and perfection of all such things, touching the kings said weighty matter committed to their charges: the making or marring whereof, being now the said late Pope deceased, consisteth only in the advancement of the said Lord Legate of York, to the dignity Papal.  
For (as the kings said Ambassadors may by their wisdoms well think and consider the same must of necessity come, & fortune either to one that is an assured friend to his grace and the French king, or to one that is a manifest enemy to them, favouring the emperors part, or to one indifferent & mean between both. And if it should chance upon a manifest enemy, it is evident that the kings desire at his hand were merely impossible to be had, and never were to be accepted that way If it should come to one being indifferent & mean between both, it is more than notorious, that his grace at the least, should be contained with fair words and promises, and yet such respect should be had to the Emperor, that finally under hope of obtaining some thing, there should be no more but tract, delay, and finally no manner fruit nor effect: whereof experience hath already been seen in one that had cause to be more friendly to the king, then indifferent or mean between both, & yet how long the matter hath depended, is to the kings said Ambassadors well known. So that of necessity this thing must be conduced to one that is an assured friend. Then noting substantially the things necessary to concur in such a friend, both for the weal of christendom, the relief of the Church, the firm adhering to the king's highness & the French K. with other their confederates, & the perfect conducing of the kings great matter which suffereth no tract, delay, or negative: it shallbe found that there is none other for this purpose, but only the said L. legate of York.  
The kings said Ambassadors shall therefore plant the foundation of all their study, labour, & solicitation, only to that purpose. And for the better introduction of the ways and means, how this thing shall be solicited, they shall receive heerewyth a schedule, wherein is mentioned and noted by name, how many & what Cardinals of likelihood, shall be present at the election, and how many and which of the other, shallbe absent. Semblably, how many of them that be like to he present, may be thought to be friends to the king's highness and the French king, whose names in the said schedule be noted with A. and how many are thought to be Imperial, 

A. Signifieth the cardinals o● the kings & the French kings si●e.  
B. Signifieth the Cardinals of the Emperor's side. But here is never a C. to signify any Cardinals of Christ's side.   whose names be noted with B. In the same schedule be also set out the number, and names of those that be thought to be neutral or indifferent, marked with N. And furthermore, they be first mentioned therein, which be thought most like to aspire unto that dignity.  
Herein be many things well to be regarded. First the number of the Cardinals that are like to be present, which (as is thought here) shall not exceed 39 Secondly, that to have election to the king's purpose, shall be requisite to have 2. parts of the 3. of the said number, which 2. parts must be 26. Then is it to be noted, that they which be thought to be friends to the king's highness and the French king, be in number 20. So that if they may be made sure to the king's devotion, there shall lack but 6. of the number which shall suffice to make the election: which number the kings said Ambassadors shall move, win and attain, either of them that be thought to be indifferent, or some other.  
In the conducing whereof, two ways be specially to be remembered. 
As though the Pope's election had any thing to do with the holy Ghost.  One is, if the Cardinal's present, having God & the holy Ghost before them, shallbe mined (as to their duty appertaineth) to have respect unto the present calamity of the Church, and all Christendom, intending the relief, succour, and restoration of the same, and to preserve themselves, and the dignity of the sea Apostolic, then looking profoundly upon the state of the things, they can not fail 
* He might as well have said, easily, as facilely, if it had pleased him: but our gross terms are to low for this high Prelate, as here commonly you may see.  facilely of themselves, to find and perceive, that to conduce their purpose, there is only the said Lord Legate of York. And in this case, it is verily to be thought, that very reason itself, and their own conscience shall lead them like virtuous fathers, to have their principal respect hereunto, and (particular affections set a part) to accord and agree without difficulty, to that, which so manifestly is known to be the thing, above all other, expedient. Nevertheless, because percase humane fragility suffereth not all things to be pondered, trutinate, and weighed in just balance, but that (as we be men) errors may run, unless then remedy be provided: it appertaineth in matter of so high importance, to the comfort and relieve of all Christendom, to secure the infirmity, that may chance, not for corruption or to any perverse, unleeful, or evil intent, but rather to help to the lacks and defaults, which by such fragility might else take place: and therefore expedient shall it be, that the kings said Orators, 
Yea sir, now ye speak to the purpose. Now we begin to feel you when ye bring your bribes and rewards of money.  to so notable a purpose, where they shall perceive the consideration and respect whereunto reason leadeth, to be in any part to be aided or supplied, do the same with pollicitations of promotions, spiritual offices, dignities, rewards of money, or other things, such as to them shall seem meet to the purpose: inculking into the minds of such persons as shall be requisite, first what things the said Lord Legate of York shall leave, if he should be advanced to the said dignity, which be such as the establishment of his state considered, be far more to his commodity (if he should regard his private weal) then to enter into this dangerous storm, and troublous tempest, for the relief of the church and all Christendom, whereunto (his said private weal set a part) he is totally devoued and dedicated, to the exposition of his body, blood, and life, glad and ready with the sacrifice thereof, to do service to God, his church, his faith and religion: which said promotions, the king's highness finding cause given unto him, by the gratitude and conformity of his friends, will not fail to bestow to their benefit, besides large rewards, to have this so virtuous an act brought to perfection. For policitation whereof, the kings said Ambassadors be furnished at this time, with ample Commission, as by the same they shall perceive: the effect whereof they shall execute without exception, as by their wisdoms shall be thought convenient, so always as it be done with such circumspection, as may be appearance of good fruit to ensue. And semblably they be furnished with letters, as well to the College of Cardinals in general, as to them all that be like to be present in particular: which they shall now deliver to the best furtherance and advancement of their purpose, not sparing to declare unto them the liberality of the said Lord Legate of York, the substance that he is of, the assured assistance that he shall have of these Princes & their confederates, whereby he shall be able above any other that they can devise, to reward, promote, advance, and recompense his friends to the uttermost, assuring them that these two Princes will not fail also highly and in the best sort, to consider their gratitudes, with any thing that they may excogitate to their profits and promotions, 
Well bid and like a good chapman.  or any of their friends. So that by this mean, and with such good pollicitations, grounded upon a leeful, honourable, and just cause, and not upon any corrupt or endue intent, to conduce things to sinister purpose, the kings said Orators by their good policies shall attain the perfit and sure good will of a great many of them, 
Thou must imagine ●ere good reader, to be no corruption, but honourable pollicitation.  and by that way shall with good dexterity combine and knit those which will adhere hereunto, in a perfit fastness, and in an indissoluble knot, firmly to stick and hold together, without variation or declining from their purpose, for any persuasion, practice, or mean, that can be made to the contrary. Which thing surely to be provided, and such a knot of 20.18. or at the least if it may be, of 16. Cardinal's to be had, is in any wise expedient. For they persisting in their determination, shall not fail to impeach, that no adverse part can have a full number to make a due and lawful election. And yet they being found in a constantness to this good purpose, shall by little and little allure and bring other unto them, so as the residue perceiving so great a towardness, and fearing a sufficient number 
To acceede, that is, to come.  to accede without them, and thereby the election to pass against their wills, shall percase be the more prone and ready to come unto that party: whereunto nothing should of reason sooner move them, than the very respect to the infinite goodness, that thereby to themselves in particular, and the universal church and religion in general, is apparent to ensue.  
Nevertheless, if leaving the direct way, they will be abused with any other incantations, 
another shift if the worst fall.  or for private ambition persist in contending for themselves, then is it evident, they search nothing more than the ruin of the See apostolicke. In which case other ways be to be devised, and their 
* That is not due.  endue demeanour to be remedied & resisted. For this cause, and to be sure in all events, the kings said Orators shall by their wisdoms find the means to have some fast and sure persons in the Conclave, such as may not only practise and set forth things there to the purpose, but also give such knowledge outward, as the kings said Orators may thereby the better know how to order their proceedings. And amongst other it is thought that Monsieur de Vaulx, one of the French Ambassadors, (whom the French king hath commanded expressly to further this matter, by all the means to him possible) should be one to enter the said Conclave, not as an ambassador, but as the minister of some Cardinal, friend of the French king. And semblably sir Gregory de Cassalis, who for his wisdom, conduit, language, acquaintance, and other good qualities, may do excellent good in that behalf.  
And in this matter it is to be considered, 
The case of the Cardinal must have no negative so eager he is of his gain. Secret threatenings to the Cardinals to cause them to consent with Cardinal Wolsey.  that since this election in the person of the said Lord Legate of York, by one way or other suffereth no negative, all be it the king's highness trusteth that the same shall have his course directly: yet if for lack of grace or intendment, there should be any despair thereof, other ways be to be provided. And for that cause to show the said Orators secretly, there is a protestation passed by the Cardinals being in England and in France, according to a copy which the said Orators shall receive herewith, which is and shall be kept secret, unless then by the endue proceeding used in the election, the same shall need to be published. So that the kings said Orators now advertised thereof, shall note for a special ground, that if it shall appear that the election can not be had in the person of the said Lord Legate of York, the band and number unite and knit together to the king's devotion, in finding none other remedy, must be instructed before hand in that case, to persist in their determination, and when time shallbe, by reason of such despair, to protest, grounding the same their protestation upon such respects, as can not lack to be introduced for the avoiding of the extreme dangers by the pertinacity & wilfulness of the adverse Cardinals, imminent to the ruin of the Church, and of all Christendom: which protestation may before hand be couched and devised by the said M. Steven Gardiner, 
Proviso against the Cardinals if they will not condescend to the Cardinal of York.  and by the policy of the said Monsieur de Vaulx, and sir Gregory, be set forth in time convenient: and thereupon the Cardinals of the kings and the French kings adherents, to depart the Conclave, whereby, repairing to other sure place, they with the residue of the cardinals absent, may proceed to such an election, as may be to God's pleasure, the weal of his Church, and faith, and of all Christendom, any election that thus by pertinacity may ensue at Rome, notwithstanding.  
And to the intent the Cardinals may be the better animated to finish the said election to the king's desire, 
Note these proceedi●gs in choosing Popes.  the kings said Orators shall as they see good, offer them a presidie of ij or iij. M. men to be in the City of Rome, for the time of the same election, which if they will accept, the said Orators shall see furnished, taking money by exchange and otherwise, for their entertainment, as shall be requisite. Which money or any other that they shall take for conducing this the kings purpose, shall be truly repaid, with 
Search here thy dictionaries, good reader, for this eloquence passeth my intelligence.  inpesse and all requisites as they shall assign. And semblably, least terrors or dread of the Imperials in Naples, should induce the Cardinals to any error, the French king hath ordained that Signior Renzio shall lie in a presidye, between the army of Naples and the City of Rome, like as the Vicecounte of Tureine is also commanded to lie on the other side, and semblably, the Venetians. So that by those means not only they shall be out of all fear of the imperials, but also in the more devotion of these two Princes, which shall much confer to the king's purpose, and embolden the Cardinals favouring the desire of these two princes, both to persist in their deliberation, and also in time of extreme despair, to protest and departed, as is aforesaid.  
And because nothing should withdraw the minds of the Cardinals from this purpose, who percase might think that the said L. Legate of York being elected, would not repair to the court of Rome, but 
1 Demora●●, that is to sa●●tary.  demore in Auinion or some other place, out of Italy, the kings said Ambassadors shall remove all such suspicions, by two evident arguments and reasons One is, that the said Cardinal of York advanced to that dignity, 
The first reason.  must thereby leave all other his promotions, and consequently should be dispurveyed of any habitation, place, or convenient living, if remaining in an other strange country, he should defer to come unto Rome, where should be the place of his See, and entire living. Wherefore it were far from reason, to think that he which hitherto for his estate hath lived in such abundance, should be so 
Pusillanime 1. Pusillo animo that is, weak hearted.  pusillanime for this promotion, to bring himself into condign penury and poverty, or to live in place private, to the hindrance of his honour, profit, or reputation. Secondly, the thing principally moving him to be contented at these prince's requests, 
The second reason.  to change his state present, is the fervent zeal he hath to expone his study, travail, labour, substance, wit, body, blood, and life in the quarrel of God's Church, faith, and of Christendom, which is too high an exception and a ground to be taken, to remain and lie in a corner or private place: but that rather than he would suffer so high an exception to be found in him, he would expone all that he might do, who having the assistance of these two Princes should not fail (God willing) to pass directly to his See, with honour and comfort unto all Italy, 
This Cardinal dreameth that he is Pope already.  and the discourage of the party that would be adverse thereunto: And therefore the Cardinals should not need to fear of any such thing, but might be well assured to have his presence there to their comfort, in all celerity and diligence possible.  
Furthermore, to the intent the kings said Ambassadors may have all the friends that may be, 
The Cardinal calleth all his nets to catch the the triple crown.  to this purpose, expedient it shall be, that they with the Venetians, the Florentines, the Duke of Ferrare, and all other whom they shall think good to win unto their party, use the ways that may best conduce thereunto. And amongst other, forasmuch as they which depended upon the Cardinal de Medici's, shall doubt in this case to be reject, the kings said Orators shall inculke unto them the singular devotion and special favour that the said Lord Legate of York hath always borne unto their family, assuring them that he will take them in no further distance of entire love, 
Two faces in one Cardinal's hat.  than they were with Pope Leo, Clement, or any other And semblably, they shall put the Florentines in comfort of the exclusion of the governance of the said family de Medici's in Florence, and of their enjoying of their liberty: Likewise putting the Cardinals in perfect hope of recovery of the patrimonies of the Church: to contain the Venetians in good trust of a reasonable way to be taken for Saruia, and Ravenna, to their contentment: and also to show the Duke of Ferrate, how the said L. Legate was the mean of the conjunction of him in league with the French king, with assured promise of his continuance, in as much love and favour as he may bear unto him, in all his causes & affairs. And thus having those folks to their friends, whose Orators shall have the uttermost custody of the Conclave, and the king's Ambassadors, and the French Ambassadors being in the interior parts thereof, they being so amply instructed and furnished, shall not fail (God willing) by one or other of the said two ways, and specially by the direct election at Rome, if it be possible, or at the least by the way of the said protestation and departure of the Cardinal, to conduce the king's purpose in the said election, to the desired end. In the doing whereof, albeit there is no doubt, but that the French Orators will join with them sincerely, 
How politic the children of this world be in their generation.  to the perfection of the premises, in omnem eventum, it shallbe well done that the kings said Orators have a substantial and politic regard to the proceeding of the same French Orators, lest that if percase they should find any despair in the election to pass in the person of the said Lord Legate of York, they making some other Cardinals to their side, for the advancement of any of them to the said dignity, should be the more, strange, alien, or peradventure refuse to come unto the said protestation and departure out of the Conclave, which is the only remedy and refuge (the cardinals persisting in their wilfulness) to interrupt, disappoynte, infringe, and make void their election.  

Is not here an holy election, meet for such an holy Sea?  One other thing there is to be well noted by the said ambassadors, and by them to be inculcate in the minds of the Cardinals, that if any manner of difficulty shall be made by the Imperials to condescend unto this election upon the said L. Legate of York, and that they of the emperors part, would refuse always of good order and reason, proceeding to any election without the consent of the residue that would protest, they may be sure that unto their sinister and endue way they should have no Prince or Potentate adherente, 
Sides against the Emperor.  but only the Emperor and his brother, and that the other part should have the rest of all Christendom, that is to say, the king's highness, the French king, the king of Hungary, Polony, Scotland, and Denmark, with the Venetians, the Dukes of Ferrare, Milan, the Florentines, and the rest of all italy, besides the merchants of the Almain or Hanse, and other leagues being in the dominion of the said king of Polony: and over that the king of Portugal, who is loath and sorry to see the Emperor come unto so great height as he aspireth unto. So that having these mighty and noble puissances to their assistance, and the corroboration of their act, it is facile to think the other could be of no validity, ne have or take any manner of place: which is no small ground whereupon the said Cardinals may be the better animate to the kings and the French kings said devotion, and therefore it is to be imprinted in their minds accordingly.  
Finally, if the kings said Orators endeavouring themselves to the conducing of the said election in the person of the said L. Legate of York, should at the last find out that there were none other difficulty, but only that the election in his person being totally desperate, 
By this one election, note the common order of Rome in can●esing for the Popedom.  the same were conducible to the Cardinal Campegius: then, rather than all should fail, if the other could by no means be brought to pass, the king's pleasure is, that being assured it may, the other lacking, be conduced to the same Cardinal Campegius, they take such way as in that case the protestation be suborn, and for the last refuge, if the other may not be, the election at the least to pass in the person of the said Cardinal Campegius: whereof there is no appearance, considering that the respects for the which the said lord Legate of York, should by the kings and the French kings means be brought hereunto, do for the greatest part fail and cease by the election of any other than himself, which is in this case to be remembered accordingly.  
Thus be the kings said Orators instructed as far as man's reason can here devise, what is to be done for conducing the king's purpose to effect, knowing well of what importance the thing is, and what consequences depend upon it, namely for the perfection of the kings high and weighty matter, which otherwise then by election of the said Lord Legate of York, hath no manner way to be conduced by authority of the See Apostolic. There resteth no more but they, who well know the same great matter, to suffer no nay ne repulse, but by the election in the person of the said L. Legate do employ the uttermost that in their hearts, powers, wits, bodies, and minds that may be, to the perfection thereof, whereby they shall do the greatest service that can be, for this time excogitate to do unto their Prince, deserve immortal laud, thanks, and praise, and be sure to consecute thereby such reward, as shall be to their comforts, rejoice, and honour, besides manifold other notable goodnesses, whereof they shallbe the procurers and solicitors, to their merit perpetual. All which they may be sure shallbe considered accordingly.  
Out of the Original, subscribed by king Henry the eight his own hand. 
Epilogus.    
In these so great labours, pursuits, & travails of the king & of the Cardinal, as in these their instructions above inserted, may appear, thou hast for thine instruction (loving reader) to note & learn how man purposeth one thing, & how God disposeth another. For the king's purpose was to have the Cardinal & Legate of York placed in the See Papal, 
Man purposeth▪ and God disposeth.  thinking by that means if this Cardinal had been pope, the cause of his divorce more easily might be compassed which otherwise he thought unpossible to contrive. But God omnipotent, which only is director of all affairs, brought it otherwise to pass, not as the king devised, but after his own wisdom, so that both the divorcement was concluded, and yet neither Cardinal Wolsey made Pope, nor yet Pope Clement was dead. Yea, so he ruled the matter, that notwithstanding Pope Clement was alive, yet both the divorce proceeded, and also the Pope's authority was thereby utterly extinct and abolished out of this Realm of England, to the singular admiration of God's wondrous works, and perpetual praise to his merciful goodness. Of which divorcement, and suppressing of the Pope's authority, we have likewise to make declaration. But first, as we have begun with the Cardinal of York, so we will make an end of him. That done, we will (God willing) address ourself to other matters of more importance.  
As the ambassadors were thus travailing in Rome to promote the Cardinal to be Pope, although the Pope was not yet dead, in the mean time the Cardinal played the Popish persecuter here at home. 
Friar Barnes with two Merchants of the Stillyard, caused by the Cardinal to bear faggots.  For first he sitting in his Pontificalibus, in the Cathedral Church of Paul's, under his cloth of estate of rich cloth of gold caused Friar Barnes, an Augustine Friar, to bear a faggot, for certain points, which he called heresy. Also he caused the same two merchants of the stilliarde likewise to bear faggots, for eating flesh on a friday. At the which time the Bishop of Rochester made a sermon in reproof of M. Luther, who had before written against the power of the B. of Rome. This bishop in his sermon spoke so much of the honour of the Pope and his Cardinals, and of their dignity and pre-eminence, that he forgot to speak of the Gospel which he took in hand to declare, which was about the year of our Lord. 1526.  

Anno. 1528.  After this the said Cardinal likewise. An. 1528. and in the month of novemb. sitting at Westminster, as legate, called before him the whole Clergy, and there promised that all abusions of the church should be amended, but there nothing else was done, save only he caused to be abjured, Arthur Bilney, Geffrey Lome, and Garret, for speaking against the Pope's authority, and his pompous pride. Of whom more shallbe said (the Lord assisting us) hereafter. And this was, An. 1528.  

Anno 1529  The year next following, which was An. 1529. began the question of the king's marriage to be revived. Whereupon Cardinal Campegius was sent again into England from Rome, 
The occasion of the cardinals fall.  for the hearing and debating of the matter. Who then with Cardinal Wolsey consulting with the king, although at first he seemed with his fellow Cardinal, to incline to the king's disposition, yet afterward perceiving the sequel of the case, whether it tended so far, as peradventure might be the occasion of a blot to the court of Rome, 
The cause of the kings marriage with his brother's wife, was dangerous to the Pope for this. For if it were unlawful, than the dispensation of Pope july, was void. If it were lawful, than the judgements of so many universities were false.  and might shake perhaps the chair of the Pope's omnipotent authority, as well in other cases like, if this one case were thoroughly decided by learning, and truth of God's word: he therefore slipping his neck out of the collar, craftily shifted himself out of the Realm, before the day came appointed for determination, leaving his subtle fellow behind him, to weigh with the king in the mean time, while the matter might be brought up to the court of Rome. The king thus seeing himself disappointed, foded with false promises, and craftily doubled withal by the Cardinals, and at last after so many delays and long expectation, nothing to be concluded, was sore aggrieved in his mind with them, but especially with Cardinal Wolsey, whom he had before so highly exalted, and promoted to so many great dignities, as to the archbishopric of York, the bishopric of Winchester, 
The king deluded by the two Cardinals.  of Duresme, the abbey of S. Albon, besides the Chancelorship of England, and many other high rooms & preferments in the realm, which caused him clearly to cast him out of his favour, so that after that time he never came more to the king's presence. Ex Hallo.  
Then followed first a counsel of the nobles, called the first of Octob. 
A Counsel of the Nobles called.  During the which counsel, all the Lords and other the king's Counsel agreeing together, resorted to Windsor to the king, and there informed the king, that all things which he had done almost, by his power Legantine, were in the case of the Praemunire, and provision: and that the Cardinal had forfeited all his lands, 
The Cardinal cast in the Praemunire.  tenements, goods, and cattles to the king: wherefore the king willing order to him, according to the order of his laws, caused his attorney Christopher Hales to sue out a Wryt of Praemunire against him, in the which he licensed him to make an Attorney.  
And further, the 17. day of November he sent the two Dukes of Norfolk & Suffolk, 
The Cardinal deprived of the C●auncellourship.  to his place at Westminster, to fetch away the great Seal of England, which he was loath to deliver, if there had been any remedy, but in conclusion he delivered it to the two Dukes, which delivered the same to Doctor Tailor, Master of the Rolls, to carry it to the king, which so did the next day.  
Besides this, the king sent Sir William Fitzwilliams Knight of the Garter, and Treasurer of his house, and doctor Steven Gardiner, newly made Secretary, to see that no goods should be embesiled out of his house: 
Steven Gardiner, the kings secretary.  and further, ordained that the Cardinal should remove to Asher, beside Kingston, there to tarry the king's pleasure, and to have all things delivered to him, which were necessary for him, but not after his old pompous and superfluous fashion, for all his goods were seized to the kings use. When the Seal was thus taken from the Cardinal, 
The cardinals goods seized to the king.  the Dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk, with many Earls, Bishops, and Barons came into the Star chamber, the nineteen. day of October, where the Duke of Norfolk declared that the king's highness, for divers and sundry offences: had taken from him his great Seal, and deposed him of all offices, and lest men might complain for lack of justice, he had appointed him and the Duke of Suffolk, with the assent of the other Lords, to sit in the Star chamber, to hear and determine causes indifferently, and that of all things the king's pleasure and commandment was, that they should keep their hands close from any rewards taking, or maintenance: and so that week they sat in the Star chamber, and determined causes.  

The Cardinals removing from York place.  A few days after in the same month, the Cardinal removed out of his house, called York place, with ●ne Cross, saying, that he would he had never borne more, meaning that by his cross, that which he bore as Legate, which degree taking, was his confusion, as you see openly: and so he took his barge, and went to Pueney by water, and there took his horse and road to Asher, where he remained till Lent after.  
During which time, he being called on for an answer in the king's Bench, to the Praemunire, for giving benefices by prevention, in disturbance of men's inheritance, and divers other open causes in the Praemunire, according to the king's licence, constituted john Scute & Edmonde jenny, Apprentices of the law, his attorneys, which by his own warrant signed with his hand, confessed all things concerning the said suit, for they were too open to be cloaked or hidden, and so judgement was given, that he should forfeit all his lands, tenements, goods, and cattles, and should be put out of the king's protection: but for all that, the king sent him a sufficient protection, and of his gentleness left to him the bishoyprikes of York and Winchester, and gave to him plate and stuff convenient for his degree, 
Doctor Tunstall Bishop of Duresme. john Stokesly made Bishop of London.  and the Bishopric of Duresme he gave to Doctor Tonstall Bishop of London, and the Abbey of S. Alban's he gave to the Prior of Norwich, and to London he promoted Doctor john Stokesley, than ambassador to the universities, for the marriage, as you heard before. For all this kindness showed to the Cardinal, yet still he maligned against the king, as you shall hereafter perceive, but first we will proceed in the course of these matters, as they passed in order.  
The next year following, which was, 
Anno. 1530.  Anno 1530. in the month of novemb. was summoned a general parliament, to be holden at Westminster. In the which year, about the 23. day of October, 
A parliament called.  the king came to his manor of Grenwich, and there much consulted with his Counsel, for a meet man to be his chancellor, so that in no wise he were no man of the spirituality, and so after long debate, the king resoluted himself upon sir Thomas Moor knight, Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster, 
Sir Thomas More made lord chancellor of England.  a man well learned in the tongues, and also in the common law: whose wit was fine, and full of imaginations, by reason whereof he was a little too much given to mocking, more than became the person of M. More: and then on the Sunday, the 24. day of the same month, the king made him his Chancellor, and delivered him the great seal, which Lord Chancellor the next morrow after, was led into the Chancerye, by the two Dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk, and there sworn, and then the Mace was borne before him.  
Of this fall of the Cardinal, and of the placing of Sir Thomas More in the Chauncelorship, Erasmus in an Epistle to john Uergera thus writeth: The Cardinal of York hath so offended the king's mind, 
Ex Eras.  that he being turned out of his goods and all his dignities, is committed not into prison, but into a certain Lordship of his, with 30. servants or keepers, to give attendance upon him. Many and sundry complaints are commenced against him, so that he is not like to escape with his life. Such is the dalliance of fortune, of a schoolmaster to be made a king. For so he reigned more like a king, than the king himself. He was dreaded of all men: he was loved but of a few, almost of none. A little before he was apprehended, he caused Richard Pacie to be cast in the tower. Also he threatened my Archbishop of Canterbury: Solomon sayeth, 
By this Archbishop he meaneth William Warham.  That before the fall of man, his spirit shall be elevated. The Archb. of Caunterbury was called or restored to be chosen Lord Chancellor, which is the chiefest office in all that realm, but he excused himself by his age, as being not able to wield such a function. Wherefore the said office was bestowed upon Tho. More, no les to the rejoicing of many, than the other was displaced from it. These news my servant brought me out of England. etc. Ex Epist. Erasm. ad joan Vergeram.  
You heard before, 
A parliament summoned in novemb. anno. 1530.  how a counsel of the Nobles was appointed by the king in the month of October, to assemble in the Star chamber, about the Cardinal's matter: and also how a parliament was summoned to begin in the month of November in the year following, An. 1530. At the beginning of which Parliament, after that M. Moor the new chancellor had finished his oration, the commons were commanded to choose them a Speaker, 
Thomas Audely, speaker of the Pa●liament. Six grevamces of the commons against the clergy.  who was Thomas Audeley Esquire, and attorney of the Duchy of Lancaster. Thus the Parliament being begun the 6. day of the foresaid month of November at Westminster, where the king with all the Lords were set in the Parliament chamber, the commons, after they had presented their speaker, assembling in the neither house, began to common of their grieves, wherewith the spirituality had before time grievously oppressed them, contrary both to all right, and to the law of the realm, and especially were sore moved with these 6. great causes.  

¶ grievances against the Clergy of England.  
1. THe first for the excessive fines, which the Ordinaries took for probate of Testaments, 
〈…〉 of testaments.  in so much that Sir Henry Guildford, Knight of the Garter, and Comptrollour of the King's house, declared in the open Parliament, of his fidelity, that he and other being executors to Sir William Compton Knight, paid for the probate of his will, to the Cardinal and the Archbishop of Canterbury, a thousand mark sterling. After this declaration, were showed so many extortions done by Ordinaries for probates of wills, 

A thousand 〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉 probate 〈…〉 testament.  
The unreasonable 〈◊〉 of the clergy for Mortuaries.   that it were too much to rehearse.  
2. The second cause was, the great poling & extreme exaction which the spiritual men used, in taking of corpse, presents, or Mortuaries: for the children of the dead should all die for hunger and go a begging, rather than they would of charity give to them the silly cow which the dead man ought, if he had but only one: such was the charity of them.  
3. The third cause was, that Priests being surveyors, Stewards, 
F●rmes and Granges in priests hands.  and officers to Bishops, Abbots, and other spiritual heads, had and occupied Farms, Graunges, and grazing in every Country, so that the poor husbandmen could have nothing but of them, and yet for that they should pay dearly.  
4. The fourth cause was, that Abbots, Priors, and spiritual men kept Tannehouses, 
Monks and priests merchants.  and bought and sold wool, cloth, and all manner of Merchandise, as other temporal Merchants did.  
5. The fift cause was, because the spiritual persons promoted to great benefices, 
Beneficed men take of their flock, but give nothing.  and having their living of their flock, were lying in the Court of Lords houses, and took all of their parishioners, and nothing spent on them at all, so that for lack of residence, both the poor of the parish lacked refreshing, and universally all the parishioners lacked preaching, and true instruction of God's word, to the great peril of their souls.  
6. The sixth cause was, because one Priest being little learned, 
Pluralities of benefices.  had ten or twelve benefices, and was resident on none, and many well learned scholars in the University, which were able to preach and teach, had neither benefice nor exhibition.  
These things before this time, might in no wise be touched, nor yet talked of by any man, except he would be made an heretic, or lose all that he had: for the Bishops were Chancellors, and had all the rule about the King, so that no man durst once presume to attempt any thing contrary to their profit, or commodity.  
But now when God had illuminated the eyes of the king, and the time so served, 
Three bills drawn out against the misorder of the clergy.  that men more boldly durst express with voice such grudges, as they had long conceived in their hearts against the Clergy: the Burgesses of the Parliament appointed certain of the common house, men learned in the Law, to draw one bill of the probates of testaments, another for Mortuaries, & the third for none residence, pluralities, and taking fermes by spiritual men.  

The first bill for mortuaries.  And first to the bill of Mortuaries being drawn, and being also passed the common house, and sent up to the higher, the Spiritual Lords showed a fair face, saying, that assuredly Priests and Curates took more than they should, and therefore it were well done to take some reasonable order. Thus they spoke, because it touched them but little.  

The second bill, for probates of testaments.  After this, within two days, was sent up the second bill, concerning probates of testaments, which bill, because it touched their profit somewhat near, both the Archbishop of Canterbury, and all other Bishops in general, began to frown and grunt, in so much as Doctor john Fisher Bishop of Rochester, standing up in the Parliament chamber, openly protested, that such bills were sent up from the common house, tending to no other thing, but to the destruction of the Church: which Church being down, the glory then of the whole kingdom (said he) must needs fall, desiring therefore the Lords, for God's sake, to take example by the kingdom of Boheme: For as it was then with the people there, 
D. fisher chargeth the commons, with lack of faith. The grudge o● the commons, in the l●wer house, against Fisher Bishop of Rochester.  so now what say the commons here, but down with the Church. And all this (said he) seemeth only to be for lack of faith. When these words were reported to the commons of the lower house, what the Bishop had said, in noting all their doings to be for lack of faith, they took the matter grievously, so to be esteemed of the Bishop for no better than heretics, understanding moreover, how that he by those slanderous words, went about to persuade the Lords temporal against them, and so to overthrow the two bills by them passed before, as ye have heard.  
Whereupon, after long debate, it was at length agreed by the said commons, that Thomas Audeley their speaker with thirty. of the chief of that house, should be sent to the king, being then in his palace at Westminster, before called York place: where they eloquently declared, what a dishonour to the king and the realm it was, to say, that they which were elected for the wisest men of all the Shires, Cities, and boroughs within the Realm of England, should be declared in so noble and open presence, to lack faith, which was equivalent to say, that they were Infidels, and no Christians, as ill as Turks or Saracens: so that what pain or study soever they took for the common wealth, or what acts or laws soever they made or established, should be taken as laws made by Paynims and Heathen people, and not worthy to be kept by Christian men: wherefore they most humbly besought the kings highness, to call the said Bishop before him, and to cause him to speak more discretely of such a number as was in the common house.  
The king not being well contented with the saying of the Bishop, yet gently answered the speaker, 
The king not contented with the Bishop of Rochester.  and sent them away. Who immediately sent for the Archbishop of Canterbury, & vi. other Bishops, and Rochester also, signifying unto them the grudge of the commons. The Bishop of Rochester excusing himself, answered, that he in so saying, meant only the doings of the Bohemians to be for lack of faith, 
The bishops excuse.  & not the doings of them that were in the common house, which saying was confirmed by the Bishops there present, which had him in great reputation, & so by that only saying, the king accepted his excuse, and therefore sent word to the commons by Sir William Fitzwilliams Knight, Treasurer of his household: which blind excuse pleased the commons nothing at all.  
After this, 
Difference between the laity and spiritualty, about certain constitutions.  divers assemblies were kept between certain of the Lords, and certain of the Commons for the Bills of the probates of Testaments, and Mortuaries. The temporalty laid to the spirituality, their own laws & Constitutions, and the spirituality sore defended them by prescription & usage. To whom it was thus answered by a Gentleman of Greyes' Inn: The usage hath ever been of thieves, to rob on Shoters' hill Ergo, is it lawful? With this answer the spiritual men were sore offended, 
Long use maketh not evil things lawful.  because their doings were called robberies, but the temporal men stood still by their sayings, in somuch that the said Gentleman said to the Archb, of Canterbury, that both the exaction of probates of Testaments, 
Mortuaries as they were used differed but little from theft.  and the taking of Mortuaries, as they were used, were open robbery and theft. After long disputation, the temporal Lords began to lean to the commons, but for all that, the bills remained vnconcluded a while.  
It followed shortly after in the Parliament, that a Bill was assented to, by the Lords of the higher house, and sent down to the commons in the lower house, and by them also, with much labour agreed unto, of whom the most part were the kings servants: in the which Bill it was required, and concluded, that the king should be released of all such loan of money, which he had borrowed of his subjects, in the xv. year of his reign. The passing of which Bill went sore against the stomachs of the poor Commons, for many rested upon it, counting and passing it over one to an other for good debt, as if it had been ready money in their purses. Wherefore the king to regratifie them again, granted to them a general pardon of all offences, only certain great offences & debts excepted: also he aided them for the redress of their grieves against the spirituality, & caused two new bills to be made indifferently, both for the probates of Testaments, & Mortuaries, which bills were so reasonable, 
Redress of the grieves of the commons.  that the spiritual Lords assented to them all, though they were sore against their minds, and in especial the probate of Testaments sore displeased the Bishops, and the Mortuaries sore displeased the Parsons and Uicares.  
After these Acts thus agreed, the commons made an other Act for pluralities of benefices, none residence, buying and selling, and taking of fermes by spiritual Parsons, which Act so displeased the spirituality, that the priests railed on the commons of the lower house, and called them heretics and schismatics, for the which divers Priests were punished.  
This Act was sore debated above in the Parliament chamber, and the Lords spiritual would in no wise consent. 
The third bill of the commons for pluralities etc.  Wherefore the king perceiving the grudge of his commons, caused viii. Lords & viii. of his Commons to meet in the star chamber at an afternoon, and there was sore debating of the cause, in so much that the temporal Lords of the upper house, which were there, took part with the Commons, against the spiritual Lords, and by force of reason caused them to assent to the Bill with a little qualifiing, which Bill the next day was wholly agreed to, in the Lord's house to the great rejoicing of the lay people, and to the great displeasure of the spiritual persons.  
And thus much concerning these bills against the Clergy, by the way. Now, to return to the Cardinal again: during the time of the said Parliament, there was brought down to the Commons, the book of Articles which the Lords had put up to the King, against the Cardinal. The chief Articles were these.  
1 FIrst, that he without the King's assent had procured to be Legate, 
Articles against the Cardinal.  by reason whereof he took away the right of all Bishops and spiritual persons.  
2 In all writings that he wrote to Rome, or to any other Prince, he wrote: Ego & rex meus, I and my King, as who would say, that the King were his servant.  
3 That he slandered the Church of England to the court of Rome: for his suggestion to be Legate, was to reform the Church of England, which (as he wrote) was Facta in reprobum sensum.  
4 He without the King's assent carried the King's great Seal with him into Flaunders, when he was sent Ambassador to the Emperor.  
5 Without the King's consent, he sent commission to Sir Gregory de Cassalis, Knight, to conclude a league between the King and the Duke of Ferrarie.  
6 That he having the French pocks, presumed to come and breath on the King.  
7 That he caused the cardinals Hat to be put on the King's coin.  
8 That he had sent innumerable substance to Rome, for the obtaining of his dignities, to the great impoverishment of the Realm, with many other things, which are touched more at large in Chronicles.  
These articles with many more, being read in the common house, were confessed by the Cardinal, and signed with his hand. Also there was showed an other writing sealed with his seal, by the which he gave to the King all his movables and unmovables.  
You have heard hitherto declared how the Cardinal was attainted in the Praemunire, & how he was put out of the office of the chancellor, & lay at Asher: which was in the year of our Lord 1530. 
Anno. 1530.  The next year after in the Lent season, the king by the advice of his counsel, licensed him to go into his diocese of York, and gave him commandment to keep him in his diocese, and not to return Southward, without the King's special licence in writing.  
So he made great provision to go Northward, & appareled his servants newly, and bought many costly things for his household, but divers of his servants at this time departed from him, to the King's service, and in especial Thomas Crumwell, one of his chief counsel, and chief doer for him in the suppression of Abbeys. After that all things necessary for his journey were prepared, he took his journey Northward, till he came to Southwell, which was in his diocese, and there he continued that year, ever grudging at his fall, as you shall hear hereafter: but the sands which he had given to his Colleges in Oxford and Ipswich, were now come to the King's hands, by his attainder in the Praemunire, and yet the King of his gentleness, and for favour that he bore to good learning, erected again the College in Oxford, and where it was named the cardinals College, he called it the King's College, and endued it with fair possessions, and ordained new statutes and ordinances, 
The cardinals College, now called Christ's College in Oxford.  and for because the College of Ipswich was thought to be nothing profitable, therefore he left that dissolved.  
Notwithstanding that the Cardinal of York was thus attainted in the Praemunire, (as is above mentioned) yet the King being good unto him, had granted him the Bishoprics of York and Winchester, with great plenty of substance, & had licensed him to lie in his diocese of York, where he so continued the space of a year. But after, in the year following, 
The Cardinal complaineth to the Pope, of the king.  which was 1531. he being in his diocese, wrote to the Court of Rome, and to divers other Princes, letters in reproach of the King, and in as much as in him lay, he stirred them to revenge his cause against the King and his Realm, in so much, that divers opprobrious words against the King, were spoken to Doctor Edward Keerne, the King's Orator at Rome, and it was said to him, that for the cardinals sake, the King should have the worse speed in the suit of his matrimony. The Cardinal also would speak fair to the people to win their hearts, and declared ever, that he was unjustly and untruly ordered, which fair speaking, made many men believe that he said true: and to Gentlemen he gave great gifts, to allure them unto him: and to be had in more reputation among the people, 
The cardinals proud journey toward 〈◊〉.  he determined to be installed or inthronised at York, with all the pomp that might be, and caused a throne to be erected in the Cathredral Church, in such an height and fashion, as was never seen, and sent to all the Lords, Abbots, Priors, Knights, esquires and Gentlemen of his diocese, to be at his Manor of Cawood the sixth day of November, and so to bring him to York, with all manner of pomp and solemnity.  
The King which knew his doings and privy conveyance, all this year dissembled the matter, to see what he would do at length, till that he saw his proud hart so highly exalted, that he would be so triumphantly installed, without making the king privy, yea and in manner, in disdain of the King, thought it not meet nor convenient to suffer him any longer, to continued in his malicious & proud purposes and attempts: wherefore he directed his letters to the Earl of Northumberland, willing him with all diligence, to arrest the Cardinal, & to deliver him to the Earl of Shrewsbury, great Steward of the King's household. When the Earl had seen the letters, he with a convenient number came to the Manor of Cawood the fourth day of novemb. and when he was brought to the Cardinal in his chamber, he said to him, My Lord, I pray you take patience, 
The Cardinal arrested.  for here I arrest you. Arrest me, said the Cardinal? Yea, said the Earl, I have a commandment so to do. You have no such power, said the Cardinal, for I am both a Cardinal and a Legate De Latere, and a Peer of the College of Rome, & ought not to be arrested by any temporal power, for I am not subject to that power, wherefore if you arrest me, I will withstand it. Well, said the Earl, here is the King's commission (which he showed him) and therefore I charge you to obey. The Cardinal somewhat remembered himself, and said, Well my Lord, I am content to obey, but although that I by negligence fell into the punishment of the Praemunire, and lost by the law all my lands & goods, yet my person was in the King's protection, and I was pardoned that offence, wherefore I marvel why I now should be arrested, & specially considering that I am a member of the Sea Apostolic, on whom no temporal man ought to lay violent hands. Well, I see the King lacketh good counsel. Well, said the Earl, when I was sworn Warden of the Marches, you yourself told me, that I might with my staff arrest all men, under the degree of a King, & now I am more stronger, for I have a commission so to do, which you have seen. The Cardinal at length obeyed, and was kept in a privy chamber, and his goods seized, and his officers discharged, and his Physician called Doctor Augustine, was likewise arrested, and brought to the Tower by Sir Walter Welsh, one of the King's chamber. The sixth day of November he was conveyed from Cawood, to Sheffeld Castle, and there delivered to the Earl of Shrewsburies' keeping, till the King's pleasure were known. Of this attachment was much communing amongst the common people, wherefore many were glad, for he was not in the favour of the commonalty.  
When the Cardinal was thus arrested, the King sent sir William Kingston Knight, Captain of the Guard, 
The Cardinal brought up toward London.  and Constable of the Tower of London, with certain yeomen of the guard, to Sheffeld, to fetch the Cardinal to the Tower. When the Cardinal saw the Captain of the Guard, he was sore astonished, and shortly became sick, for than he perceived some great trouble toward him, & for that cause men said, that he willingly took so much quantity of a strong purgation, that his nature was not able to bear it. Also the matter that came from him was so black, that the staining thereof could not be gotten out of his blankets by any means. 
The Cardinal poisoneth himself.  But sir William Kingston comforted him, and by easy journeys he brought him to the Abbey of Leycester, the xxvij. day of November, where for very feebleness of nature, caused by purgations and vomits, he died the second night following, and in the same Abbey lieth buried.  
It is testified by one, yet being alive, in whose arms the said Cardinal died, that his body being dead, was black as pitch, also was so heavy, that six could scarce bear it. Furthermore, it did so stink above the ground, that they were constrained to hasten the burial thereof in the night season, before it was day. At the which burial, such a tempest, with such a stinch there arose, that all the torches went out, and so he was thrown into the tomb, and there was laid.  
By the ambitious pride and excessive worldly wealth of this one Cardinal, all men may easily understand & judge what the state and condition of all the rest of the same order (whom we call spiritual men) were in those days, 
The pride of the Cardinal.  as well in all other places of Christendom, as especially here in England, where as the princely possessions & great pride of the Clergy, did not only far pass and exceed the common measure and order of subjects, but also surmounted over Kings and Princes, and all other estates, as may well appear by his doings and order of his story above described.  
Amongst other acts of the foresaid Cardinal, this is not to be forgotten, that he founded a new College in Oxford, for the furniture whereof, he had gathered together all the best learned he could hear of, amongst which number were these: Clarke, tindal, summer, Frith, and Taverner, with other more: which holding in assemble together in the College, were accounted to be heretics (as they called them) and thereupon were cast into a prison of the college, where saltfish lay, through the stink whereof the most part of them were infected, 
Clarke died i● the Cardinal's College in prison.  and the said Clerk being a tender young man, and the most singular in learning amongst them all, died in the said prison, and other in other places in the town, also of the same infection deceased.  
And thus having detained the Reader enough, or rather too much, with this vainglorious Cardinal, now we will reduce our story again to more other fruitful matter, and as the order of time requireth, first beginning with M. Humphrey Mummuth, a virtuous and a good Alderman of London, who in the time of the said Cardinal was troubled, as in the story here followeth.    

¶ The trouble of Humphrey Mummuth, Alderman of London.  
Master Humphrey Mummuth was a right godly and sincere Alderman of London, 
The st●ry of Humphrey Mummuth.  who in the days of Cardinal Woolsey, was troubled and put in the Tower, for the Gospel of Christ, and for maintaining them that favoured the same.  
Stokesley then Bishop of London, ministered Articles unto him, to the number of xxiv. as for adhering to Luther and his opinions: 
Articles ministered against Humfrey Mummuth by Bishop 〈◊〉.  for having and reading heretical books and treatises, for giving exhibition to William tindal, Roy, and such other, for helping them over the sea to Luther, for ministering privy help to translate, as well the Testament, as other books into English, for eating flesh in Lent, for affirming faith only to justify, for derogating from men's constitutions, for not praying to Saints, not allowing Pilgrimage, auricular confession, the Pope's pardons: briefly, for being an advancer of all Martin Luther's opinions, etc.  
He being of these articles examined, and cast in the Tower, at last was compelled to make his suit or purgation, writing to the foresaid Cardinal, than Lord Chancellor, and the whole Counsel out of the Tower. In the contents whereof he answered to the criminous accusation of them which charged him with certain books, received from beyond the sea: Also for his acquaintance with M. tindal. Whereunto he said, that he denied not, but that four years then past, 
The purgation and answer of Humphrey Mummuth to the articles.  he had heard the said Tindal preach two or three sermons at S. Dunston's in the West, and afterward meeting with the said tindal, had certain communication with him concerning his living, who then told him that he had none at all, but trusted to be in the Bishop of London his service: for than he laboured to be his chaplain. But being refused of the Bishop, so came again to the said Mummuth this examinate, and besought him to help him. Who the same time took him into his house for half a year, 
Tindal refused of Bishop Stokesley to be his chaplain.  where the said tindal lived (as he said) like a good priest, studying both night & day. He would eat but sodden meat, by his good will, nor drink but small single beer. He was never seen in that house to wear linen about him, all the space of his being there. Whereupon the said Mummuth had the better liking of him, so that he promised him ten pound (as he then said) for his father and mother's souls, 
The temperate conversation of W. Tyndall.  and all Christian souls, which money afterward he sent him over to Hamborow, according to his promise. And yet not to him alone he gave this exhibition, but to divers other more likewise which were no heretics: as to D. Royston, the Bishop of London's chaplain, he exhibited forty or fifty pounds: to D. Wodiall, Provincial of the Friar Austin's, as much, or more: to D. Watson the King's chaplain: also to other scholars, and divers Priests, besides other charges bestowed upon Religious houses, as upon the Nunnery of Dendey, above fifty pounds sterling bestowed, etc.  
And as touching his books, as Enchiridion, the Pater noster, De libertate Christiana, an English Testament, of whom, some W. tindal left with him, some he sent unto him, some were brought into his house, by whom he could not tell, these books he said, did lie open in his house, the space of two years together, he suspecting no harm to be in them. And moreover, the same books being desired of sundry persons, as of the Abbess of Denney, a Friar of Greenwich, the Father Confessor of Zion, he let them have them, and yet he never heard Friar, Priest, or lay man, find any fault with the said books. Likewise to D. Watson, to D. Stockehouse, Master Martin, Parson of Totingbecke, he committed the perusing of the books of Pater noster, and De libertate Christiana, which found no great fault in them, but only in the book De libertate Christiana, they said there were things somewhat hard, except the Reader were wise.  
Thus he excusing himself, and moreover complaining of the loss of his credit, by his imprisonment in the Tower and of the detrimentes of his occupying, who was wont yearly to ship, over v. hundredth clothes to strangers, & set many Clothiars a work, in Suffolk and in other places; of whom he bought all their clothes, which almost were now all undone: by this reason at length was set at liberty, being forced to abjure, and after was made Knight by the king, and sheriff of London.  
Of this Humfrey Mummuth we read of a notable example of Christian patience, 
A notable example of Christian patience, in an Alderman. M. George Stafford, reader in Cambridge.  in the Sermons of M. Latimer, which the said Latimer heard in Cambridge of M. George Stafford, reader of the Divinity Lecture in that University. Who expounding the place S. Paul to the Romans, that we shall overcome our enemy, with well doing, & so heap hot coals upon his head. etc. brought in an example, saying, that he knew in London a great rich Merchant (meaning this Humfrey Mummuth) which had a very poor neighbour: yet for all his poverty, he loved him very well, and lent him money at his need, and let him come to his table whensoever he would. It was even at that time, when D. Colet was in trouble, and should have been burnt, if God had not turned the kings hart to the contrary. Now the richman began to be a Scripture man, he began to smell the Gospel. The poor man was a Papist still.  
It chanced on a time, when the rich man talked of the Gospel sitting at his table, where he reproved Popery, and such kind of things. The poor man being there present, took a great displeasure against the rich man: in somuch, that he would come no more to his house: he would borrow no more money of him, as he was wont to do before times: yea and conceived such hatred and malice against him, that he went and accused him before the Bishops. Now the rich man not knowing of any such displeasure, offered many times to talk with him, and to set him at quiet. It would not be. 
Ex concione Doct. Hugo. Latimeri.  The poor man had such a stomach, that he would not vouchsafe to speak with him. If he meet the rich man in the street he would go out of his way. One time it happened that he meet him so in a narrow street, that he could not avoid, but come near him: yet for all that this poor man (I say) had such a stomach against the rich man, that he was minded to go forward, and not to speak with him. The rich man perceiving that, caught him by the hand, and asked him, saying: Neighbour, 
Agree with thine enemy while thou art in the way with him. Math. 5.  what is come into your hart, to take such displeasure with me? What have I done against you? tell me, and I will be ready at all times to make you amends.  
Finally, he spoke so gently, so charitably, so lovingly, and friendly, that it wrought so in the poor man's hart, that by and by he fell down upon his knees, and asked him forgiveness. The rich man forgave him, and so took him again to his favour, and they loved as well as ever they did afore.   

¶ The history of Thomas Hitten.  
persecutors. Martyrs. The Causes. 

Wil Warham Archbishop of Canterbury.  
Fisher, Bishop of Rochester.   
Thomas Hytten.  
At Maydstone.  
An. 1530.  Touching the memorial of Thomas Hytten, remaineth nothing in writing, 
Tho. Hitten Martyr.  but only his name, save that William Tyndall in his Apology against More: and also in another book, entitled: The Practice of Prelates, doth once or twice make mention of him by way of digression. He was (saith he) a Preacher at Maydstone, whom the bishop of Canterbury William Warham, and Fisher bishop of Rochester, after they had long kept and tormented him in prison with sundry torments, and that notwithstanding, he continued constant, at the last they burned him at Maydstone, for the constant and manifest testimony of jesus Christ, and of his free grace and salvation. In the year of our Lord 1530.  
¶ The burning of Thomas Hytten.  
persecutors. Martyrs. The Causes. 

Cardinal Wolsey.  
Nixe, bishop of Norwich.  
Friars of Ipswich. 
Thomas Bilney Bachelor of both laws.   
Friar bird.  
Friar Hogekins.  
Doctor Stokes.  
Sir Thom. Moor.  
Friar Brusyerd.  
Friar john Huggen, Provincial of the Dominics.  
Friar Geffrey julles.  
Friar jugworth.  
M. William jecket, gentleman.  
William Nelson.  
Thomas Williams.   


Thomas Bilney.  
Arthure, which abjured.    
At Norwiche.  
Ann. 1531.  
In the story above passed of Cardinal Wolsey, 
Anno. 1531.  mention was made of certain; 
Thomas Bilney Martyr.  whom the said Cardinal caused to abjure, as Bilney, Geffrey Lome, Garret, Barnes, and such other, of whom we have now (the Lord directing us) specially to entreat. This Thom. Bilney was brought up in the University of Cambridge, even from a child, profiting in all kind of liberal science, even unto the profession of both laws. But at the last, having gotten a better schoolmaster, even the holy spirit of Christ, who enduing his hart by privy inspiration with the knowledge of better & more wholesome things, he came at the last unto this point, that forsaking the knowledge of man's laws, he converted his study to those things, which tended more unto godliness then gaynefulnes.  
Finally, as he himself was greatly inflamed with the love of true religion & godliness, even so again was in his hart an incredible desire to allure many unto the same, desiring nothing more, then that he might stir up & encourage any to the love of Christ, & sincere Religion. Neither was his labours vain, for he converted many of his fellows unto the knowledge of the Gospel, amongst which number was Thomas Arthur, and M. Hugh Latimer, which Latimer at that time was crossekeeper at Cambridge, bringing it forth upon procession days. At the last, 
Master Latimer Crossekeeper in the university of Cambridge.  Bilney forsaking the University, went into many places, teaching & preaching, being associate with Arthur, which accompanied him from the University. The authority of Thom. Wolsey Cardinal of York, of whom ye heard before, at that time was great in England, but his pomp & pride much greater, which did evidently declare unto all wise men, the manifest vanity, not only of his life, but also of all the Bishops and Clergy. Whereupon Bilney, 
Bilney against the pride of the Pope, and of his Cardinals.  with other good men marveling at the incredible insolency of the Clergy, which they could now no longer suffer or abide, began to shake and reprove this excessive pomp of the Clergy, and also to pluck at the authority of the Bishop of Rome.   
Then it was time for the Cardinal to awake, and speedily to look about his business. Neither lacked he in this point any craft or subtlety of a serpent, for he understood well enough upon how slender a foundation their ambitious dignity was grounded, neither was he ignorant that their Luciferous and proud kingdom could not long continued against the manifest word of God, especially if the light of the Gospel should once open the eyes of men. For otherwise he did not greatly fear the power and dipleasure of Kings and Princes. Only this he feared, the voice of Christ in his Gospel, lest it should disclose and detect their hypocrisy and deceits, and force them to come into an order of godly discipline: wherefore he thought good, speedily in time to withstand these beginnings. Whereupon he caused the said Bilney and Arthur to be apprehended and cast in prison, as before ye have heard.  
After this, the xxvij. day of November, in the year of our Lord 1527. the said Cardinal accompanied with a great number of Bishops, 
Cardinal Wolsey with his complices, against Bilney and Arthur.  as the Archbishop of Caunterbury, Cuthbert of London, john of Rochester, Nicholas of Ely, john of Exeter, john of Lincoln, john of bath and Welles, Harry of Saint Ass, with many other both Divines and Lawyers, came into the Chapterhouse of Westminster, where the said Master Thomas Bilney, and Thomas Arthur were brought before them, and the said Cardinal there inquired of M. Bilney, whether he had privately or publicly preached or taught to the people, the opinions of Luther or any other, condemned by the Church, contrary to the determination of the Church. Whereunto Bilney answered, that wittingly he had not preached or taught any of Luther's opinions, or any other, contrary to the Catholic Church. Then the Cardinal asked him, whether he had not once made an oath before, that he should not preach, rehearse, or defend any of Luther's opinions, but should impugn the same everywhere? He answered, that he had made such an oath, but not lawfully, which interrogatories so ministered, and answers made, the Cardinal caused him to swear, to answer plainly to the articles and errors preached and set forth by him, as well in the City and diocese of London, as in the diocese of Norwich and other places, and that he should do it without any craft, qualifying or leaving out any part of the truth.  
After he was thus sworn and examined, the said Cardinal proceeded to the examination of M. Thomas Arthur there present, causing him to take the like oath, 
Thomas Arthur, examined.  that M. Bilney did. Which done, he asked of him whether he had not once told sir Tho. More knight, that in the Sacrament of the altar was not the very body of Christ? Which interrogatory he denied. Then the Cardinal gave him time to deliberate till noon, and to bring in his answer in writing▪ After noon the same day, what time the examination of the foresaid Thomas Arthur was ended, the Cardinal and Bishops by their authority, Ex officio, did call in for witnesses before Master Bilney, certain men, namely, john Huggen, chief Provincial of the friars preachers throughout all England, Geffrey julles, and Richard jugworth, professors of Divinity of the same order▪ Also William jecket Gentleman, William Nelson, and Thomas Williams, which were sworn, that all favour, hate, love, or reward set apart, they should without concealing of any falsehood, or omitting any truth, speak their minds upon the Articles laid against them, or preached by him, as well within the Diocese of London, as the Diocese of Norwich: and because he was otherwise occupied about the affairs of the Realm, he committed the hearing of the matter to the Bishop of London, and to other Bishops there present▪ or to three of them, to proceed against all men, as well spiritual as temporal, as also against schedules, writings, and books, set forth and translated by Martin Luther, lately condemned by Pope Leo the tenth, and by all manner of probable means, to inquire and root out their errors and opinions, and all such as were found culpable, to compel them to abjuration, according to the law, or if the matter so required, to deliver them unto the secular power, and to give them full power and authority to determine upon them.  
The xxvij. of November, in the year aforesaid, the Bishop of London, 
B●●ney and A●t●ure b●●●ght before ●ū●tall bishop of L●ndon.  with the Bishop of Ely and Rochester, came unto the Bishop of Norwiches' house, whereas likewise Ex officio, they did swear certain witnesses against master Thomas Arthur, in like sort as they had done before against master Bilney, and so proceeded to the examination of master Arthur: which being ended upon certain interrogatories, the Bishop of London warned him by virtue of his oath, 
Werke they never so secretly▪ yet G●d bringeth their practices to light at length.  that he should not reveal his examinations, nor his answers, nor any part or parcel thereof.  
The second day of December, the Bishops assembled again in the same place, and swore more witness against Master Bilney. That done, they called for Master Arthur, unto whose charge they laid these Articles following.   

¶ Articles against Thomas Arthur.  

Articles against Thomas Arthur.  1 IN primis, that he exhorted the people in his prayers, to pray specially for those that now be in prison, which Article he denied.  
2 That he said, though men be restrained to preach now adays (which is against God's laws) yet I may preach: First by the authority of my Lord Cardinal, for I have his licence. Secondly, by the authority of the University. Thirdly, by the Pope. Fourthly, by the authority of God, where he sayeth: Euntes in mundum, praedicate evangelium omni creaturae. By which authority, every man may preach, 
Authority to preach.  and there is neither Bishop nor Ordinary, nor yet the Pope, that may make any law to let any man to preach the Gospel. This Article he confessed that he spoke.  
3 When he spoke of Laws, he brought a similitude of Crosses, set up against the walls of London, that men should not piss there. When there was but one Cross or a few more, men did reverence them, and pissed not there: but when there was in every corner a Cross set, than men of necessity were compelled to piss upon the Crosses: So in like manner, when there was but a few holy and devout laws in the Church, than men were afraid to offend them. afterward, they made many laws for their advantage, 
The multitude of laws, make laws to be contemned.  and such as were pecunial, those they do observe, and such as are not pecunial, those they call Palea, and regard them not: and so now adays there are so many laws, that whether a man do ill or well, he shall be taken in the law. He confessed that he spoke the very same, or the like words. 

Palea in the Pope's decrees.  
The preaching of the Gospel is to be left for no persecution.    
4 He said, Good people, if I should suffer persecution for the preaching of the Gospel of God, yet there is 7000. more that would preach the Gospel of God, as I do now. Therefore good people, good people (which words be often rehearsed as it were lamenting) think not that if these tyrants and persecutors put a man to death, the preaching of the Gospel therefore is to be forsaken. This Article he confessed that he spoke in like words and sense, saving that he made no mention of tyrants.  
5 That every man, yea every lay man is a priest. He confessed that he spoke such words, declaring in his Sermon, that every Christian man is a Priest, offering up the sacrifice of prayer: and if they did murmur against the order of Priesthood, they did murmur against themselves.  
6 That men should pray to no Saints in heaven, but only to God, and they should use no other Mediator for them, but Christ jesus our redeemer only. This Article he denied.  
7 He preached that they should worship no Images of Saints, 
Aaginst Images.  which were nothing but stocks and stones. This he also denied.  
8 He did preach upon Whitsonday last within the University of Cambridge, such or like words and sentences: That a Bachelor of Divinity admitted of the University, or any other person having or knowing the Gospel of God, should go forth and preach in every place, and let for no man, of what estate or degree soever he were: and if any Bishop did accurse them for so doing, their curses should turn to the harm of themselves. He confessed this.  
Which answers thus made and acknowledged, the said M. Arthur did revoke and condemn the said Articles against him ministered, 
Arthur submitteth himself.  and submitted himself to the punishment and judgement of the Church.  
The third day of December, the Bishop of London, with the other Bishops, assembling in the place aforesaid, after that Bilney had denied utterly to return to the Church of Rome, the Bishop of London in discharge of his conscience (as he said) lest he should hide any thing that had come to his hands, he did really exhibit unto the Notaries, in the presence of the said Master Bilney, 
5. letters of Bylney to the Bysh. of London.  certain letters, to wit, five letters or Epistles, with one Schedule in one of the Epistles, containing his Articles and answers folded therein, and an other Epistle folded in manner of a book, with six leaves, which all and every one he commanded to be written out and registered, and the originals to be delivered to him again.  
This was done in the presence of Master Bilney, desiring a Copy of them, and he bound the Notaries with an oath, for the safe keeping of the Copies, and true Registring of the same. Which Articles and answers, with three of the same Epistles, with certain depositions deposed by the foresaid witness, 
Ex Regist Londinensi.  here follow truly drawn out partly of his own hand writing, and partly out of the Register.   

* Interrogatories whereupon Master Thomas Arthur, and Master Bilney were accused and examined.  
1 WHether they did believe with their hearts, that the Assertions of Luther, 
Interrogatories against Bilney & Arthur.  which are impugned by the Bishop of Rochester, were justly and godly condemned, and that Luther with his adherentes, was a wicked and detestable heretic.  
2. Whether they did believe that the general Counsels and Ecclesiastical Constitutions once received and not abrogat again, aught to be observed of all men, 
Constitutions.  even for conscience sake, and not only for fear.  
3. Whether they did believe that the Pope's laws were profitable and necessary to the preferrment of godliness, not repugnant to the holy Scriptures, neither by any means to be abrogate, but to be reverenced of all men.  
4. Whether they did believe that the Catholic Church may err in the faith or no, 
The Church.  and whether they think that Catholic Church to be a sensible Church, which may be demonstrate and pointed out as it were with a finger, or that it is only a spiritual Church, intelligible, & known only unto God.  
5. Whether they think that the Images of Saints are christianly set in the Churches, 
Images.  and aught to be worshipped of all true Christians.  
6. Whether that a man may believe without hurt to his faith, or note of heresy, the souls of Peter and Paul, 
Whether souls be already judged.  and of our Lady, either to be, or not to be in heaven, and that there is yet no judgement given upon the souls departed.  
7. Whether that a man may believe without spot of heresy, that our Lady remained not always a virgin.  
8. Whether holy days & fasting days ordained and received by the Church, may be broken by any private man, 
Breaking of fasting days sin.  at his will and pleasure, without sin or obstinacy.  
9 Whether we are bound to be obedient unto Prelates, Bishops, and Kings, by God's commandment, as we are unto our parents.  
10. Whether they believe that the Church doth well and godly in praying to the Saints.  
11. Whether they think that Christ only should be prayed unto, and that it is no heresy, 
Christ not only to be prayed to.  if any man affirm that Saints should not be prayed unto.  
12. Whether they do think all true Christians to be by like right Priests, and all those to have received the keys of binding and losing, at the hands of Christ, which have obtained the spirit of God, and only such, whether they be lay men or Priests.  
13. Whether they believe with their hart, that faith may be without works and charity.  
14. Whether they believe that it is more agreeable to the faith, that the people should pray in their own tongue, 
Prayer in a learned tongue.  them in a learned unknown tongue, & whether they commend the prayer in a strange tongue or no.  
15. Whether they would have the Masses and Gospels openly to be read in Churches in the vulgar tongue, rather than in the Latin tongue.  
16. Whether they commend that children should only be taught the lords prayer, and not the Salutation of the virgin, or Creed.  
17 Whether they do think the wooden beads which the common people doth use, 
Beads.  worthy to be denied, or not.  
18 Whether they do think the whole Scripture ought to be translated into English, or that it should be more profitable for the people, then as it is now read.  
19 Whether they would have the Organs and all manner of songs to be put out of the Church of God. 
Organs.   
20 Whether they do think that it pertaineth to the Bishops to punish any man with bonds or imprisonment, or that they have any temporal power and authority.  
21 Whether they think that constitution to be godly, that no man should preach in another man's diocese, without letters of commendation, and licence obtained of the Bishop.  
22 Whether they think the vows of religious men and private religion, 
Purgatory.  to be constitute and ordained by the spirit of God, neither by any means to be repugnant to a free and perfect Christian life.  
23 Whether they believe that we should pray for the dead, or believe that there is a Purgatory, or that we are bound by necessity of faith, to believe neither of them: but that it is free without sin, either to believe it, or not to believe it.  
24 Whether they believe that moral Philosophy and natural, 
Philosophy.  to prevail any thing for the better understanding of the scriptures, & for the exposition and defence of the truth.  
25 Whether they think that the Pope's indulgences and pardons are rather to be rejected then received.  
26 Whether it be contrary to the doctrine of Christ and his Apostles, that Christians should by any means contend in the law, to seek any manner of restitution.  
27 Whether they believe all things pertaining to salvation and damnation to come of necessity, and nothing to be in our own wills.  
28 Whether they believe God to be the author of evil, as well of the fault, as of the punishment.  
29 Whether they think Mass only to be profitable to him which saith it, 
Mass.  & whether every man may alter or leave out the rite and order of the Mass, without hurt of faith.  
30 Whether they believe that there can be any moral virtues without the grace of Christian living, or that the virtues which Aristotle hath set out, or rather feigned.  
31 Whether they think it heresy, to teach the people, that it is free to give tithes unto Priests, or to any other poor man.  

Images.  32 Whether they do think it more Christianlike to take away the Images out of the Churches, or to permit them to adorn them and honour them.  
33 Whether they think it the part of a Christian man, that preachers should exhort men to pilgrimage, or to the worshipping of relics.  
34 Whether that thou Thomas Bilney, being cited upon heresy to appear before my Lord Cardinal, and before the day of thy appearance, 
Relics.  not having made thy purgation upon those points that thou wast cited, hast preached openly in divers Churches of the City and diocese of London, without sufficient licence from the Bishop, or any other.  
Concerning the answers unto these Articles, (gentle Reader) for so much as in the most part of them, Bilney with Arthur seemed to consent and agree (although not fully and directly, but by way and manner of qualifying) yet because he did not expressly deny them, it shall not be needful here to recite them all, save only such wherein he seemed to dissent from them.  
To the first and second Articles he answered affirmatively. 
Answers to the Interrogatories aforesaid.   
To the third he said, I believe that many of the Pope's Laws are profitable and necessary, and do prevail unto godliness, neither in any point are repugnant unto the Scriptures, nor by any means are to be abrogate, but of all men to be observed and reverenced. But touching all those Laws I can not determine: for, as for such as I have not read, I trust notwithstanding they are good also: and as for those that I have read, I did never read them to the end and purpose to reprove them, but according to my power, to learn and understand them. And as touching the multitude of Laws, S. Augustine in his time did much complain, 
Against the multitude of laws.  and Gerson also, who marveled that we could by any means live in safety amongst so many snares of constitutions, when as our forefathers being pure before their fall, could not observe one only precept.  
To the fourth Article he said, that the Catholic Church can by no means err in faith, 
The true church can not err in faith  for it is the whole congregation of the elect, and so known only unto God, which knoweth who are his: otherwise no man should be ascertained of an other man's salvation, or of his own, but only through faith and hope. For it is written: No man knoweth whether he be worthy of hatred or love. 
Eccle. 5.  It is also sensible, and may be demonstrate so far forth as it is sufficient to establish us in all things, that are to be believed and done: For I may truly say of the general Council being congregate in the holy Ghost, Behold here the Catholic Church, denominating the whole by the most worthy part.  
To the fift Article, he answered affirmatively in these words: Cum sint libri Laicorum, adorare oportet, at non imaginem, sed prototypon.  
To the sixth Article he answered, that he did not believe that they are in heaven, being so taught by the scriptures, and holy Fathers of the Church.  
To the seventh Article he said, that it is not to be thought contrary.  
To the eight Article, whether a man may not observe the Feasts and Fasts of the Church prescribed, he thought that there is no man, but he ought to observe them.  
To the ninth Article he said, that we are likewise bound as unto parents.  
To the xiv. Article he answered thus, the fourteenth Chapter of Saint Paul, in his first Epistle to the Corinthians moveth me to believe, that it is best, that the people should have the lords Prayer, and the Apostles Creed in English, so that their devotion might the more be furthered by the understanding thereof, and also that thereby they might be the more prompt and expert in the Articles of their faith: of the which it is to ●e feared, a great number are ignorant. Surely I have heard many say, that they never heard speak of the resurrection of the body: and being certified thereof, but they became much more apt and ready unto goodness, and more fearful to do evil.  
To the fifteenth Article he said, he would wish that the Gospels and Epistles should be read in English. 
Scripture to be in English.  For I would (saith Paul) rather have five words, etc. That the Church might be edified, etc. And chrysostom exhorteth his hearers to look upon books, 
1. Cor. 14.  that they might the better commit unto memory those things which they had heard. 
S. john's Gospel trannslated into English by Bede.  And S. Bede did translate S. john's Gospel into English.  
Touching the eighteenth Article, for the translation of the Scripture into English, concerning the whole, he did partly doubt. Notwithstanding he wished that the Gospels & Epistles of that day might be read in English, that the people might be made the more apt to hear Sermons. But here some will say, there might also be danger for error. Whereunto he answered, But good & vigilant pastors might easily help that matter, by adding the plain interpretation of the fathers in the margins, in English, upon the dark and obscure places, which would put away all doubts. O how great profit of souls should the vigilant pastors get thereby, which contrariwise through their slothfulness bring great rain and decay.  
To the xxv. Article, as touching pardons, he said, that as they be used, and have too long been, 
The Pope's pardons injurious to Christ's passion.  it were better that they should be restrained, then that they should be any longer used as they have been, to the injury of Christ's passion.  
Touching the xxuj. Article, he said, that it is not against the doctrine of Christ and his Apostles, to contend in the Law, so it be done with charity. If Saint Austen, and the reverend father Marcus Marulus did not err, which granted that liberty to the weak Christians: albeit that true Christians ought to give ear unto S. Paul's saying. Why do ye not rather suffer injury? 
How Christians may go to the law. 1. Cor. 6.  And to Christ himself, which saith: He that would contend with thee in the law, and take away thy coat, give him thy cloak also.  
Touching the xxviij. he answered, that God is the author of that punishment only, but not of the offence, as Basilius Magnus teacheth in his Sermon upon these words of the Prophet: Non est malum in civitate quod non fecit dominus. 
Amos. ●.  And S. Augustine in another place (as I remember) prayeth: That he be not led into that temptation, that he should believe God to be the author of sin and wickedness.   

¶ Hear ensueth a brief summary or collection of certain depositions, deposed by the several witnesses aforenamed, upon certain interrogatories ministered unto them, for the inquiry of Master Bilneyes' doctrine and preaching.  
FIrst it was deposed, 
Depositions against M. Bilney.  that in his sermon in Christ's church in Ipswich, he should preach and say, our saviour Christ is our mediator between us and the father: what should we need then to seek any Saint for remedy? Wherefore it is great injury to the blood of Christ, to make such petitions, and blasphemeth out Saviour.  
That man is so unperfect of himself, that he can in no wise merit by his own deeds. 
  
Also that the coming of Christ was long prophesied before, & desired by the Prophets: But john Baptist being more than a prophet, did not only prophecy, but with his finger showed him saying: Ecce agnus Dei qui tollit peccata mund. Then if this were the very Lamb which john did demonstrate, that taketh away the sins of the world, what injury is it to our Saviour Christ, that to be buried in S. Frances cowl should remit four parts of penance, what is then left to our Saviour Christ, which taketh away the sins of the world? This I will justify to be a great blasphemy to the blood of Christ.  
Also that it was a great folly to go on pilgrimage, and that preachers in times past have been Antichristes, 
Against pilgrimage.  and now it hath pleased God somewhat to show forth their falsehood and errors.  
Also that the miracles done at Walsingham, at Caunterbury, & there in Ipswich were done by the devil, 
Against blind miracles.  thorough the sufferance of God, to blind the poor people: and that the Pope hath not the keys that Peter had, except he follow Peter in his living.  
Moreover, it was deposed against him, that he was notoriously suspected as an heretic, and twice pulled out of the pulpit in the diocese of Norwich.  
Also it was deposed against him, that he should in the parish church of Willesdon, exhort the people to put away their Gods of silver & gold, and leave their offerings unto them, for that such things as they offered, have been known oftentimes afterward to have been given to whores of the slewes. Also that jews and Saracens would have become christian men long ago, had it not been for the idolatry of Christian men in offering of candles, wax, and money to stocks and stones.  

The Idolatry ●f the papistes is a let to the jews and 〈◊〉, why they are not con●●●ted.  Over and beside these cavilling matters, articuled & deposed against him, here follow certain other Articles, whereupon he was detected, gathered out of his sermon, which he preached in the parish Church of S. Magnus, in Whitsun week, in the year of our Lord. 1527.   

* Certain other Articles producted against master Thomas Bilney.  

Articles.  FIrst he said, pray you only to God, and to no saints rehearsing the Litany, and when he came to Sancta Maria ora pro nobis, he said, stay there.  
He said that Christian men ought to worship God only and no Saints.  
He said that Christian people should set up no lights before the Images of saints, for saints in heaven need no light, and the Images have no eyes to see.  
He said, as Ezechias destroyed the brazen Serpent that Moses made by the commandment of God, even so should kings and princes now a days destroy and burn the Images of Saints set up in Churches.  
These five hundred years there hath been no good Pope, 
〈…〉 pope's since Christ  nor in all the time past, we can find but fifty, for they have neither preached, ne lived well, or conformably to their dignity: Wherefore till now they have borne the keys of Simony. Against whom, good people, we must preach and teach unto you. For we can not come to them, it is great pity, they have sore slandered the blood of Christ.  
The people hath used foolishly of late, Pilgrimages, which for them had been better to have been at home.  
Many have made certain vows, which be not possible for them to fulfil, and those nothing meritorious.  
The preachers before this have been Antichristes and now it hath pleased our Saviour Christ, to show their false errors, and to teach an other way and manner of the holy Gospel of Christ, to the comfort of your souls.  
I trust that there shall and will come others besides me, 
The prophesy of Bilney.  which shall show and preach to you the same faith and manner of living, that I do show and preach to you, which is the very true Gospel of our Saviour Christ, and the mind of the holy fathers, whereby you shallbe brought from their errors, wherein you have been long seduced: for before this, there have been many that have slandered you, and the Gospel of our Saviour Christ, of whom spoke our Saviour. Math. xviij. Qui scandalizaverit unum de pusillis istis, qui in me credit. etc.  
These & many other such like depositions were deposed against him by the deponentes and witnesses before sworn, which wholly to recite, would be too long and tedious: wherefore these shall suffice at this time, being the principal matters, and in manner the effect of all the rest. But now, before we will return again to the order of his examination, we think it good here to infer a certain Dialogue containing a communication between a Friar named john Brusierd, and Master Thomas Bilney, 
ADialogue.  which we have thought meet for this place, because it was done in Ipswich, and also about the time of these examinations: the Copy whereof we have, written with the friars own hand in Latin, the Copy whereof in English here ensueth.   

¶ A Dialogue between Friar john Brusierd, and Master Thomas Bilney, in Ipswich, concerning worshipping of Images.  Brusierd. 

A Dialogue between Bilney and Friar Brusierd.  ALthough you have blasphemed most perniciously the immaculate flock of Christ, with certain blasphemies of yours: yet being moved partly with your gentle petitions, partly pitying your case & towardly disposition, I am come hither to talk with you secretly, before the rumour be disclosed, upon the consideration of the threefold errors which I see in you.  
First for that, when you began to shoot the dart of your pestiferous error more vehemently than you ought, against the breast of the ignorant multitude, you seem to pour upon the ground, the precious blood of Christ, as with a certain vehement violence out of the miserable vessel of your hart. Whereas you said, 
A great blasphemy among the Friar▪ to set up Christ only to be our mediator.  that none of the saints do make intercession for us, nor obtain for us any thing, you have perilously blasphemed the efficacy of the whole church, consecrated with the precious blood of Christ. Which thing you are not able to deny, especially seeing the same so incessantly doth knock at the gates of heaven, through the continual intercession of the saints, according as in the sevenfold Litany manifestly appeareth to be seen.  Bilney. 
I marvel at you, and doubtless cannot marvel enough, but that the strong & vain custom of superstitious men, thinking themselves not to be heard but in much babbling, doth put an end of my admiration. For our heavenly father knoweth what we have need of before we ask. Also it is written: There is one mediator of God and men, the man Christ jesus. 
One mediator, and no more.  If then there be but one mediator of God and men, the man Christ jesus, where is our bleessed Lady? where is then S. Peter and other Saints?  Brusierd. 
I suppose that no man is ignorant, but that the divines of the primitive church have all affirmed to be one mediator between God and man. Neither could any at that time praise or pray to the saints, when as yet they living in the calamities of this body, and wrestling with the contrary winds of this world, 
The Pope's Calendar maketh more Mediators now, then were in the Primitive Church.  were not yet come to the port of rest whereunto they were traveling. Paul (I grant) did rightly affirm to be but one mediator of God & men, what time as yet there was no saint canonised or put into the calendar. But now seeing the church doth know, & doth certainly believe, through the undoubted revelations of God, that the blessed virgin & other saints are placed in the bosom of Abraham, she therefore like a good mother hath taught, and that most diligently, us her children, to praise the omnipotent jesus in his saints: & also to offer up by the same saints, our petitions unto God. 
Note this argument we must praise God in his Saints, Ergo, we must, pray to saints. Rom. 1.  Thereof it is that the Psal. saith: Praise ye the Lord in his saints. Rightly also do we say and affirm, that saints may pray for us. One man may pray for another. Ergo, much more may saints that do enjoy the fruition of his high majesty. For so it is written: God is my witness whom I serve in my spirit, in the Gospel of his son, that without ceasing I remember you in my prayer always for you. etc.  Bilney. 
I marvel doubtless, that you a man learned are not yet delivered out of the confuse dungeon of heresy, through the help of the holy Gospel: especially seeing that in the same Gospel it is written: Verily, verily, I say unto you, what so ever you ask the father in my name, 
john 16.  he will give it unto you. He saith not, whatsoever ye ask the Father in the name of S. Peter, 
In nomine meo.  S. Paul, or other saints, but in my name. Let us, ask therefore help in the name of him, which is able to obtain for us of his father, whatsoever we ask, lest peradventure hereafter in the end of the world, at the straight judgement we shall hear: Hitherto in my name ye have asked nothing.  Brusierd. 
Where ye marvel (with what mind, I can not tell) that I being a learned man (as you say) am not delivered yet from the confuse dungeon of heresy, through the help of the gospel: much more do you that are far better learned than I, cause me to marvel at your foolish admiration. Neither can I choose but laugh at you, as one being rapt to the third heaven of such high mysteries, and yet see not those things which be done here in the lower parts of terrene Philosophy, for what a ridiculous thing is it, for a man to look so long upon the Sun, that he can see nothing else but the Sun, nor can not tell whither to turn him? Moreover, 
Argumentum ad autorit●re destructive.  what student is there in all Cambridge, be he never so young, that knoweth not, that the argument of authority brought out nagatively, hath no force?  Bilney. 
So as the Phariseis took Christ, you take my words much otherwise then I meant.  Brusierd. 
Your words which wander far from the scope of Scripture, I do not like. What is in your meaning, and lieth inwardly in your mind, I can not tell.  Bilney. 
Such as invocate the help either of Christ or of any other Saint, for any corporal inurmity, 
 to be delivered from the same, may be well resembled to delicate packets, who being under the hand of physicians, & having medicines ministered against their diseases: not abiding the pain thereof, rap all a sunder: wherefore I say, no man ought to implore the help of God or of any saint, 
* 
〈…〉 out 〈◊〉.  
Scylla 〈…〉 be two ●●●gerous 〈◊〉 in the sea▪ By this church story, he meaneth by he, Legenda aurea, otherwise callaed the lege●● of lies.  
The Pope's Letonie at Rome.   for corporal infirmity.  Brusierd. 
O most pernicious & perilous heresy of all that ever I heard. Thus you fleeing the smoke, fall into the ●ire, & avoiding the danger of Scylla, you run upon Caribois. O hart of man wrapped in palpable darkness. I wish M. Bilney, that you would but once search & set out the first origine of these rogation days: For so we read in the church story, that they were first ordained by pope Gregory, with fasting, prayers, & holy processions against the pestilence, by the infection of the air them reigning among the people. At what time the people then going in the procession, a certain Image like to our blessed Lady, painted with the hands of S. Luke the Evangelist, did go before them, about the which image, in the honour of the virgin, angels did sing this Anthem: Regina coeli laetare. etc. O Queen of heaven be glad. To the which Anthem the pope also adjoined this: Ora pro nobis dominum. etc. Pray to the Lord for us. Wherefore seeing the angels did worship the image of the glorious virgin Mary, in the honour of her: & seeing moreover the holy father pope Gregory, with all the clergy, did pray for corporal infirmity, it appeareth manifestly that we ought to worship the saints, & also to give honour in a manner to their Images: further also to pray to almighty God & all saints, for corporal infirmity, that we may be delivered from the same, so that they may say the like for us, which is said in the Gospel: Send them away, because they cry after us. And although there be infinite places inexpugnable to be alleged out of the holy scripture, wherewith we might easily resist this your error: 
Scripture well applied.  yet standing herewith content, as sufficient at this present, we will proceed now to your second pestiferous error, wherein you, like an ingrate child go about to tear out the bowels of your mother. For in that you say & affirm blasphemously the bish. of Rome to be the very Antichrist, 
Whether the Pope be Antichrist.  & that his privileges have no force against the gates of hell: in so saying, what do you but like a most unkind and unnatural child, spoil your loving mother of all her treasures, & wound her being spoiled, & being wounded, pluck out her bowels most miserably upon the earth. But forsomuch as there is nothing so absurd or so heretical but shallbe received of some itching ears: I would therefore now hear you declare, how he sitteth in the temple of god, as god, being exalted & worshipped above all that is named god, or how that he showeth himself as Lord in power and signs, and wonders deceitful.  Bilney. 
Although incredulity doth not suffer you, notwithstanding your learning, to understand these things, yet I will go about something to help your incredulity herein, through the help of the Lord, beseeching you, that setting all superstition apart, you will understand those things that are above, Do ye know the table of the ten Commandments?  Brusierd. 
According as the Catholic Doctors do expound them, I know them meanly. But how you do expound them, I cannot tell.  Bilney. 
And do you know also the constitutions of men, which are devised only by the dreams of men, whereunto men are so straightly bound, that under pain of death they are compelled to observe them?  Brusierd. 
I know certain sanctions of the holy fathers, but such as you speak of to be devised by men's dreams, I know none.  Bilney. 
Now then let us set and compare these two together, & so shall you easily understand the Bishop of Rome whom they call the Pope, to sit in the temple of God, 
2. Thessaly. ●.  as God, and to be extolled above all that is named God. It is written, The temple of the Lord is holy, which is you. 
1. Cor. 3.  Therefore the conscience of man is the temple of the holy Ghost: in which temple I will prove the Pope to sit as God, 
The place of S. Paul expounded concerning Antichri●●, sitting in the temp●● of God, etc.▪  and to be exalted above all that is called God. For who so contemneth the decalogue or the table of the commandments of God, there is but a small punishment for him, neither is that punishment to death: but contrariwise he that shall contemn or violate the constitutions which you call the sanctions of men, is counted by all men's judgement guilty of death. What is this, but the high bishop of Rome to sit & to reign in the temple of God, that is, in man's conscience, as God?  Brusierd. 
Although this exposition seemeth unworthy for christian ears, yet I would hear you further how he showeth himself in signs and wonders deceitful. 
Signs and miracles illusion.   Bilney. 
These wonders (which they call miracles) be wrought daily in the Church, not by the power of God, as many think, but by the illusion of Satan rather, who (as the Scripture witnesseth) hath been lose now abroad. 500 years, 
 according as it is written in the book of the apocalypse: After a thousand years, Satan shallbe let lose. etc. Neither are they to be called miracles of true christian men, but illusions rather, whereby to delude men's minds, to make them put their faith in our Lady, and in other saints, and not in God alone, to whom be honour and glory for ever.  Brusierd. 
But that I believe and know that God and all his Saints will take everlasting revengement upon thee, I would surely with these nails of mine, be thy death, for this horrible and enorm injury against the precious blood of Christ. God saith, I will not the death of a sinner, but rather that he convert and live. And thou blasphemest him, as though he should lay privy snares of death for us secretly, that we should not espy them. Which if it were true, we might well say then with Hugh de saint Uictore in this manner: If it be an error, it is of thee (O God) that we be deceived, for these be confirmed with such signs and wonders, which can not be done but by thee. But I am assured, it is untrue, and heretical: and therefore I will leave this matter, and will talk with you concerning the merits of Saints. For once I remember, in a certain Sermon of yours, you said; that no Saint though his suffering were never so great, and his life most pure, deserved any thing for us with God, either by his death or life, which is contrary to S. Austen.  Bilney. 
Christ saith one thing, Saint Augusten another. whether of these two should we believe? For Christ willing to deliver us out of this dark dungeon of ignorance, gave forth a certain parable of ten virgins, of which, five were fools, and five were wise. By the five foolish virgins wanting the oil of good works, he meant us all sinners. By the wise Virgins he meant the company of all holy Saints. 
* God leadeth not into error, but hath left his scriptures, to lead us into truth Math. 25. Saints have not merits sufficient for themselves, much less to spare to others.  Now let us hear what the five wise Uirgynes answered to the five foolish, craving oil of them: No (say they) lest peradventure we have not sufficient for us and for you. Get you rather to them that sell, and buy of them to serve your turn. Wherefore, if they had not oil sufficient for themselves, and also for the other, where then be the merits of Saints, wherewith they can deserve both for themselves and for us? Certes I cannot see.  Brusierd. 
You wrest the Scripture from the right understanding, to a reprobate sense, that I am scarce able to hold mine eyes from tears, hearing with mine ears these words of you. Far ye well.   

¶ The Submission of M. Thomas Bilney.  
THe fourth day of December, the bishop of London with the other bishops his assistants, 
Bilney convented again b●fore the Bishop of London.  assembled again in the chapter house of Westminster, whether also M. Bilney was brought, and was exhorted & admonished to abjure and recant: who answered that he would stand to his conscience. Then the Bishop of London with the other Bishops, Ex officio, did publish the depositions of the witnesses, with his Articles and answers, commanding that they should be read. That done, the Bishop exhorted him again to deliberate with himself, whether he would return to the Church, and renounce his opinions or no, and bad him to departed into a void place, and there to deliberate with himself. Which done, the Bishop asked him again if he would return. Who answered: Fiat justicia & judicium in nomine domini, 
Bilney denieth to recant. 〈…〉.  and being divers times admonished to abjure, he would make no other answer, but Fiat justitia. etc. And haec est dies quam fecit Dominus, exultemus & laetemur in ea. Then the Bishop, after deliberation, putting off his cap, said: In nomine patris & filii & spiritus sancti. Amen. Exurgat Deus & dissipentur inimici eius: and making a cross on his forehead and his breast, by the counsel of the other Bishops, he gave sentence against M. Bilney, being there present in this manner.  
I by the consent and counsel of my brethren here present do pronounce thee Thomas Bilney who hast been accused of divers Articles to be convict of heresy, and for the rest of the sentence, we take deliberation till to morrow.  
The 5. day of December the Bishops assembled there again, before whom Bilney was brought, whom the bishop asked if he would return to the unity of the Church, and revoke his heresies which he had preached. Whereunto Bilney answered, that he would not be a slander to the Gospel, 
Bilney convented again before the B●shop. Bi●●ey re●●iseth again to 〈◊〉▪  trusting that he was not separate from the Church, and that, if the multitude of witnesses might be credited, he might have 30. men of honest life on his part, against one to the contrary brought in against him: which witnesses, the bishop said came to late, for after publication, they could not be received by the law. Then Bilney alleging the story of Susan and Daniel, the Bishop of London still exhorted him to return to the unity of the Church and to abjure his heresies, 
Like Bishops like laws.  and permitted him to go into some secret place, there to consult with his friends, till one of the clock at after noon, of the same day.  
At afternoon, the bishop of London again asked him whether he would return to the church and acknowledge his heresies. 
Bilney convented the 3. tyme.  Bilney answered that he trusted he was not separate from the Church, and required time and place to bring in witnesses, which was refused. Then the Bishop once again required of him whether he would turn to the Catholic Church. Whereunto he answered, 
Bilneys witnesses refused.  that if they could teach and prove sufficiently that he was convict, he would yield and submit himself, and desired again to have time and space to bring in again his refused witnesses, and other answer he would give none.  
Then the Bishop put M. Bilney aside, and took counsel with his fellows, and afterward calling in M. Bilney, asked him again whether he would abjure: but he would make no other answer then before. Then the bishop with the consent of the rest, did decree and determine that it was not lawful to hear a petition which was against the law and inquiring again whether he would abjure, he answered plainly no, and desired to have time to consult with his friends in whom his trust was: 
Bilney denieth the third time to recant.  and being once again asked whether he would return and instanly desired thereunto, or else the sentence must be read: he required the Bishop to give him licence to deliberate with himself until the next morrow, whether he might abjure the heresies wherewith he was defamed, or no. The Bishop granted him, that he should have a little time to deliberate with M. Dancaster: but Bilney required space till the next morrow, to consult with M. Farmar and Master Dancaster. But the Bishop would not grant him his request, 
Dancaster conferreth with Bilney.  for fear lest he should appeal. But at the last, the Bishop inclining unto him, granted him two nights respite to deliberate: that is to say, till Saturday at 9 of the clock afore noon, and then to give a plain determinate answer, what he would do in the premises.  
The 7. day of December, in the year and place aforesaid, the Bishop of London, with the other Bishops being assembled, Bilney also personally appeared. Whom the Bishop of London asked, whether he would now return to the unity of the Church, and revoke the errors and heresies whereof he stood accused, detected, and convicted. Who answered that now he was persuaded by Master Dancaster and other his friends, he would submit himself, trusting that they would deal gently with him, both in his abjuration, & penance. 
Bilney through infirmity rather than by conviction, recante●h.  Then he desired that he might read his abjuration: which the Bishop granted. When he had read the same secretly by himself, and was returned, being demanded what he would do in the premises he answered that he would abjure and submit himself, and there openly read his abjuration, 
Ex Regist. land.  and subscribed it and delivered it to the Bishop, which then did absolve him: and for his penance enjoined him, 
M. Bilney enjoined penance.  that he should abide in prison, appointed by the Cardinal, till he were by him released: and moreover, the next day he should go before the procession, in the Cathedral Church of S. Paul, bore headed, with a Faggot on his shoulder, & should stand before the Preacher at Paul's Cross, all the Sermon time. Ex Regist. Lond.  
Here for so much as mention is made before, of v. letters or Epistles, which this good man wrote to Cuthbert Tonstall Bishop of London, and by the said Bishop delivered unto the Registers, we thought good to insert certain thereof, such as could come to our hands. The Copy of which letters, as they were written by him in Latin, because they are in the former Edition to be seen and read in the same Latin, wherein he wrote them, it shall suffice in this book to express the same only in English. Concerning the first Epistle, which containeth the whole story of his conversion, and seemeth more effectual in the Latin, then in the English, we have exhibited it in the second Edition, pag. 1141. and therefore have here only made mention of the same briefly. The copy whereof beginneth thus.  

¶ Reverendo in Christo patri D. Cutb. Tonstallo, Lond. Episcopo, T. Bilnaeus Salutem in Christo, cum omni subiectione tanto presulidebitam.  
HOc nomine, pater in Christo obseruande, long beatiorem me puto, quòd ad tuae Paternitatis examinationem vocari me contigit. Ea enim eruditione es, ea vitae integ●itate (quod omnes fatentur) ut ipsemet non possis (alioqui divinarum in te dotium estimator non admodum magnificus) quoties tibi succurrit, quanta tibi gratis fecerit Deus, in illius laudes non erumpere, ac tecum in cord tacitus exclamare: Fecit mihi magna qui potens est, & sanctum nomen eius. In talem nunc me judicem incidisse gratulor, ac Deo qui moderatur omnia, gratiam pro virili habeo. 
Luke 1.  Et quanquam (testis est mihi Deus) nullius in omnibus meis concionibus, erroris mihi conscius sum, nedum haereseos aut factionis (quod calumniantur quidam, quaestus sui quàm animarum lucri avidiores) tamen supra modum laetor, divina (haud dubiè) benignitate provisum est, ut ob veritatis testimonium, ad Tunstalli tribunal sisterer: qui, si quis alius, optimè novit, nunquam defuturos Iannes ac jambres, qui veritatem resistant: nunquam defuturos 
* Elymas magus. Act. 13.  Elymates, qui conentur subvertere vias domini rectas: denique nunquam defuturos Demetrios 
* Pithonissa. Act. .6.  Pythonissas, Balaamos, 
* Nicolaitae. Apoc. 2.  Nicolaitas, Caynos, Ismaeles, qui omnes, cum quae sua sunt, non quae jesu Christi, avidissimè sectentur & quaerant, qui fieri potest ut Christum sincerè ac simpliciter annunciatum perferant. Nam si populus semel in Christum pro se passum, solidè ac purè confidere occeperit, ruent mox in verè fidelium pectoribus, quaecunque hactenus pro Christo amplexi sunt. Tunc intelligent non hic aut illic Christum esse, sed regnum Dei in semetipsis esse. Tunc intelligent patrem neque in montibus Samariae, neque Hierosolymis adorandum esse, sed in omni loco, in spiritu & veritate. Quod si fit, actum de lucris suis putabunt bestiae agri, quorum interest impleri illud Ezechielis 34. Dispersae sunt oves meae, 
Ezech. 34.  eo quòd non esset pastor, & factae sunt in devorationem omnium bestiarum agri, & dispersae sunt. Erraverunt greges mei in cunctis montibus, & in universo colle excelso & super omnem faciem terrae: dispersi sunt greges mei, & non erat qui requireret: non erat, inquam, qui requireret. Imo si quis requirere velit, ac in caulas Christi, unitatem dico fidei, errabundos reduc●re, mox insurgunt nomine Pastores, sed revera lupi, qui non aliud de grege, quàm lac, lanam, pellem, quaerunt, animas cum suas, tum gregis permittentes diabolo, Insurgunt inquam, 
Pseudopastores, veri Demetrij.  ac Demetrij instar exclamant: Hic hereticus ubiqui suadet avertitque multam turbam, dicens, quod non sunt dij qui manibus fiunt.  
Hi sunt, hi (pater colende) sunt, qui sub pretextu persequendi Hereticos, ventris sui negotium agunt, inimici crucis Christi. Qui quiduis potius ferre possunt, quàm puram Christi pro peccatis nostris crucifixi, annunciationem. Hi funt quibus Christus aeternam minatur damnationem, cum ait: Vae vobis Scribae & Pharisei, 
Math. 23.  Hypocritae, qui clauditis regnum coelorum ante homines: vos enim non intratis, nec introeuntes sinitis intrate. Hi sunt qui, cum ipse aliunde ascenderunt, alios intrare non sinunt. Quod patet, quia si quis per me, inquit Christus, introierit, saluabitur, & ingredietur & egredietur, & pascua inveniet, & hi non inveniunt pascua (nunquam enim docent) & alios post se trahunt, ut non per Christum, qui solus est ostium per quod ad patrem pervenitur, sed aliunde per opuscula, quae ovibus, tacito nonnunquam Christo, 
john 10.  suadent, proponunt & iniungunt, ad suum potius quaestum, quàm animarum salutem spectantes: hoc deteriores, quàm illi qui super Christum fundamentum edificant, lignum, foenum, stipulam. Isti fatentur se Christum scire, sed factis negant. Denique hi sunt medici illi, 
1. Cor. 3.  in quos mulier illa annis duodecim sanguinis profluuio vexata, omnia sua consumpserat, nec adiumenti quicquam senserat, sed deterius se habebat, donec vix tandem ad Christum venerat: quae simulatque fimbriam vestimenti eius in fide tetigerat, 
Luk. 8.  sic sanabatur, ut statim in corpore idipsum sentiret. O mutationem dexterae excelsi: quam & ego miser peccator non semel sensu, qui tamen antea quàm ad Christum venire potui, sic omnia mea insumpseram in ignaros medicos, indoctos confessionum auditores, ut parum mihi virium (alioqui natura imbecilli) reliquum fuerit, parum pecuniae, ingenij item parum. Indicebant enim mihi jejunia, vigilias, indulgentiarum, ac missarum emptiones, in quibus omnibus (ut nunc intelligo) sua potius quaerebant, quàm salutem animae meae languentis.  
Sed tandem de jesu audiebam, nimirum tum, cum nowm Testamentum primum ab Erasmo aederetur. Quod cum ab eo latinius redditum accepi, latinitate potius quàm verbo Dei (quod tunc quidnam esset prorsus nesciebam) allectus, emebam, providentia (sine dubio) divina, ut nunc interpretor. Incidi prima (ut memini) lectione, 
1. Tim. 1.  in hanc (o mihi suavissimam Pauli sententiam) 1. ad Timo. 1. Certus sermo & dignus quem modis omnibus amplectamur, quòd Christus jesus venit in mundum ut peccatores saluos faceret, quorum primus sum ego. Haec una sententia, Deo intus in cord meo (quod tunc fieri ignorabam) docente sic exhileravit pectus meum, prius peccatorum conscientia saucium ac pene desperabundum, ut mox visus sum mihi, nescio quantam intus tranquillitatem sentire, adeò quòd exultaverunt ossa humiliata. 
Divina Bilnaei conversio.  Postea Scriptura coepit mihi dulcior esse melle ac favo: in qua paulatim didici omnes meos conatus, omnia jejunia, omnes vigilias, omnes missarum & indulgentiarum redemptiones, quae sine fiducia in jesum (qui solus saluum facit populum suum a peccatis suis) fierent: didici inquam, haec omnia nihil aliud fuisse, quàm (quod ait Augustinus) celerem cursum extra viam: quàm perizomata illa ficulnea, quibus Adam & Eva verenda olim sua frustrà tegere conati sunt: nunquam prius tranquillati, quàm promissioni Dei de Serpentis capite, per mulieris semen Christum, conterendo, credidissent: Nec ego prius a peccatorum aculeis ac morsibus sanari potui, quàm à Deo doctus essem illam lectionem, de qua loquitur Christus, johan. 3. Sicut Moyses exaltavit Serpentem in deserto, ita exaltari oportet filium hominis, ut omnis qui credit in illum, non pereat, 
Ioha●▪ 3.  sed habeat vitam eternam.  
Hanc tandem sublimem lectionem, quam nullus docere potest nisi Deus, qui hanc Petro revelavit, ubi pro modulo gratiae Dei mihi datae, gustare cepi, rogavi dominum ut augeret mihi fidem, ac tandem nihil magis optavi, quàm ut sic reddita mihi laeticia salutaris sui, spiritu me suo utcunque confirmaret, ut virtute nonnulla donatus ex alto, docerem iniquos vias eius, quae sunt misericordia & veritas, ut impij ad ipsum per me olim impium, 
Psal. 24.  converterentur. Quod dum pro virili conor apud R. D. Cardinalem, ac tuam Paternitatem, blasphematur in me (haec est unica mihi in his tribulationibus fiducia) Christus, quem pro virili doceo, factum nobis a Deo patre, sapientiam, 
1. Cor. 1, 2  justiciam sanctificationem, redemptionem denique & satisfactionem. Qui factus est pro nobis peccatum. Id est, Hostia pro peccato, 
2. Cor. 5.  ut nos efficeremur justicia Dei per illum. 2. Cor. 5. Qui factus est pro nobis maledictum, ut nos a maledicto legis redimeret. 
Galat. 2.  Et qui non venit ad vocandum justos, sed peccatores ad penitentiam: justos inquam, 
Math. 8.  qui se sanos putant & falsò putant (Omnes enim peccaverunt & egent gloria Dei, qua gratis remittit credentibus peccata per redemptionem quae est in Christo jesu▪ Rom 3.) quia omne genus humanum sauciatum gravissime fuerat in eo, qui inter Jerusalem & Hierico incidit in latrones. 
Rom. 3.  Ideo pro virili doceo, ut omnes primum peccata sua agnoscant ac damnent, deinde esuriant ac sitiant justitiam illam, 
Rom. 3.  de qua Paulus loquitur. Rom. 3. justitia Dei per fidem jesu Christi in omnes & super omnes qui credunt in eum. Non est enim distinctio: omnes enim peccaverunt & egent gloria Dei, iustificantur autem gratis per gratiam ipsius, per redemptionem que est in Christo jesu. Quam qui esuriunt ac sitiunt, haud dubie sic aliquando saturabuntur, quòd neque esurient neque sitient in eternum.  
Sed quoniam hanc esuriem ac sitim extinguere solet humanae justiciae saturitas, quam parat potissimum opusculorum nostrorum electiciorum fiducia, (qualia sunt peregrinationes, veniarum redemptiones, cereorum oblationes, electa à nobis jejunia, & interdum supersticiosè, denique qualescunque (ut vocant) voluntariae devotiones, contra quae loquitur Scriptura Dei. Deut. 4.12. non facies quod tibi rectum videtur, sed quod ego praecipio tibi, 
Deut. 4.12.  hoc tantum facito, nec addens nec minuens: ideo inquam huiusmodi opusculorum mentionem nonnunquam facio: non ea (Deum testor) unquam damnans, sed eorum abusum reprehendens, legitimumque usum paruulis manifestum faciens, hortans, ne sic his adhereant, ut his saturati (quod plaerique faciunt) Christum fastidiant. In quo feliciter valeat Paternitas tua. Et haec omnium summa. Si indixeris mihi ut singula dilatem, non recusabo, modo tempus mihi concesseris. Nam statim hoc facere non est harum, quoad corpus, virium: paratus semper, sicubi lapsus fuero, meliora doceri.  
Totus tuus T. Bilnaeus.   

The same in English.  
* To the reverent father in Christ, Cuthbert Bishop of London, Thomas Bilney wisheth health in Christ, with all submission due unto such a Prelate.  
IN this behalf (most reverent Father in Christ) I think myself most happy, that it is my chance to be called to examination before your Reverence, for that you are of such wisdom and learning, of such integrity of life (which all men do confess to be in you) that even yourself can not choose (if ye do not to lightly esteem God's gifts in you) as often as you shall remember the great things which God hath done unto you, but straight ways secretly in your heart, to his high praise, say: he that is mighty hath done great things unto me, & holy is his name. I rejoice, that I have now happened upon such a judge, & withal my heart give thanks unto God, which ruleth all things.  
And albeit (God is my witness) I know not myself guilty of any error in my Sermons, neither of any heresy or sedition, which divers do slander me of, seeking rather their own lucre and advantage, than the health of souls: notwithstanding I do exceedingly rejoice: that it is so foreseen by God's divine providence, that I should be brought before the tribunal seat of Tonstall, who knoweth as well as any other, that there will never be wanting jannes' and jambres, which will resist the truth: that there shall never be lacking some 
 Elemates, which will go about to subvert the straight ways of the Lord: and finally, that some Demetrius, 
*  Pithonesse, Balaams, Nicolaites, Cayns, and Ismaels', will be always at hand which will greedily hunt and seek after that which pertaineth unto themselves, and not that which pertaineth to jesus Christ. How can it then be, that they can suffer Christ to be truly and sincerely preached (For if the people begin once wholly in every place, to put their confidence in Christ, which was for them crucified, then strait ways that which they have hitherto embraced in stead of Christ shall utterly decay in the hearts of the faithful. Than they shall understand that Christ is not in this place, or in that place, but the kingdom of God to be in themselves. Then shall they plainly see that the Father is not to be worshipped, neither in the mount of Samaria, neither at Jerusalem, but in all places, in spirit and truth. Which thing if it come once to pass, the beasts of the field will think all their gain and lucre lost. 
* 〈…〉. Act. 13.  In whom the saying of Ezechiel is fulfilled: My sheep are dispersed because they had no shepherd, 
* Pithonis●a. Act. 16.  & are devoured of the beasts of the field, & strayed abroad: my flock hath erred and wandered in every mountain, and upon every high hill, 
* Nicolaites of Nicolaus. Apoc. 2. Ez●ch 34.  and is dispersed throughout all the earth, & there is no man which hath sought to gather them together: no, there was no man which once sought after them. But if any man would seek to reduce those which were gone astray into the fold of Christ, that is, the unity of faith: by and by, there rise up certain against him, which are named Pastors, but in deed are wolves, which seek no other thing of their flock, but the milk, wool, and fell, leaving both their own souls, and the souls of their flock, unto the devil.  
These men (I say) rise up like unto Demetrius, crying out, this heretic dissuadeth and seduceth much people every where, 

Demetrius the silver smi●h cried out against Paul Act. 19  
Pretenced Priests and Prelates under colour of persecuting 〈◊〉, crucifix Christ, and tread down his truth.  
john 1●. A wrong way to come to God by good works 1. Cor. 3.   saying: that they are not gods, which are made with hands. These are they, these I say (most reverent father) are they, which under the pretence of persecuting heretitkes, follow their own licentious life: enemies unto the cross of Christ, which can suffer and bear any thing rather, than the sincere preaching of Christ crucified for our sins. These are they unto whom Christ threateneth eternal damnation, where he saith: Woe be unto you Scribes, Phariseis, & hypocrites, which shut up the kingdom of heaven before men, and you yourselves enter not in, neither suffer those which would enter, to come in. These are they which have come in another way, to the charge of souls, as it appeareth. For if any man (saith Christ) come in by me, he shall be saved, and shall come in and go out, and find pasture. These men do not find pasture (for they never teach) & draw others after them, that they should not enter by Christ, which alone is the door, whereby we must come unto the father: but set before the people an other way, persuading them to come unto God thorough good works, oftentimes speaking nothing at all of Christ, thereby seeking rather their own gain and lucre: then the salvation of souls: in this point being worse than they which upon Christ being the foundation, do build wood, hay and straw. These men confess that they know Christ, 
False priests and prelate's compared to the physicians, upon whom the woman with the bloody floxe, spent all her good●, and was 〈◊〉 helped. B●lney here 〈◊〉 by 〈◊〉 own experience.  but by their deeds they deny him.  
These are those Physicians, upon whom that woman which was 12. years vexed with the bloody flux, had consumed all that she had, and felt no help, but was still worse and worse, until such time as at the last, she came unto Christ, and after she had once touched the hem of his vesture through faith, she was so healed that by and by, she felt the same in her body. O mighty power of the most highest: which I also miserable sinner, have often tasted and felt. Which before that I could come unto Christ, had even likewise spent all that I had upon those ignorant Physicians, that is to say, unlearned hearers of confession so that there was but small force of strength left in me, (which of nature was but weak) small store of money, and very little wit or understanding: for they appointed me fastings, watching, buying of pardons, and Masses: in all which things (as I now understand) they sought rather their own g●yne, 
The end & effect of the Pipes divinity.  than the salvation of my sick and languishing soul.  
But at the last I heard speak of jesus, even then when the new Testament was first set forth by Erasmus. Which, when I understood to be eloquently done by him, being alured rather for the Latin, then for the word of God (for at that time, 
The first conversion of M. Bilney by reading 〈…〉 Testament 〈◊〉 by E●asmus.  I knew not what it meant) I bought it even by the providece of God, as I do now well understand and perceive: And at the first reading, as I remember I chanced upon this sentence of S. Paul (O most sweet and comfortable sentence to my soul) in his first Epistle to Timothy and first chapter: It is a true saying and worthy of all men to be embraced, that Christ jesus came into the world to save sinners, of whom I am the chief and principal. This our sentence, through God's instruction and inward working, which I did not then perceive, did so exhilarate my hart, being before wounded with the guilt of my sins and being almost in despair, that immediately, I felt a marvelous comfort and quietness, in so much, 
Psal. 50.  that my bruised bones leapt for joy.  
After this, the Scripture began to be more pleasant unto me than the honey or the honey comb: wherein I learned that all my traveles, all my fasting and watching, all the redemption of Masses and pardons, being done without trust in Christ, which only saveth his people from their sins: these (I say) I learned to be nothing else but even (as S. Augustin saith) a hasty and swift running out of the right way, 
All the trauaile● of men, without Christ, are but an hasty running out of the right way.  or else much like to the vesture made of fig leaves, wherewithal Adam and Eve went about in vain, to cover their privities, and could never before obtain quietness and rest, until they believed in the promise of God, that Christ the seed of the woman, should tread upon the serpent's head: Neither could I be relieved or eased of the sharp stings and bitings of my sins, before that I was taught of God that lesson, which Christ speaketh of, 
M. Bilney looking up to the Brazen serpent. john 3.  in the third chapter of john: Even as Moses exalted the serpent in the desert, so shall the son of man be exalted, that all which believe on him should not perish, but have life everlasting.  
As soon as (according to the measure of grace given unto me of God) I began to taste & savour of this heavenly lesson, which no man can teach but only God, which revealed the same unto Peter: I desired the Lord to increase my faith: and at last, I desired nothing more, then that I being so comforted by him, might be strengthened by his holy spirit and grace from above, 
The ways of the Lord, be mercy and truth.  that I might teach the wicked his ways, which are mercy and truth, and that the wicked might be converted unto him by me, which sometime was also wicked, which thing, whilst that with all my power, I did endeavour before my Lord Cardinal and your fatherhood, Christ was blasphemed in me (and this is my only comfort in these my afflictions) whom with my whole power I do teach and set forth. 
1. Cor. 1.  being made for us by God his father, our wisdom, righteousness, sanctification, & redemption, and finally, our satisfaction. 
2. Cor. 5.  Who was made sin for us (that is to say a sacrifice for sin) that we through him, should be made the righteousness of God. 
Gal. 2. Math, 9  Who became accursed for us, to redeem us from the curse of the law: Who also came not to call the righteous, but sinners to repentance. The righteous (I say) which falsely judge and think themselves so to be (for all men have sinned and lack the glory of God, 
Rom. 3.  whereby he freely forgiveth sins unro all believers, through redemption which is in Christ jesu) because that all mankind was grievously wounded in him which fell amongst thieves between jerusalem and jerico.  
And therefore with all my whole power I teach that all men should first acknowledge their sins and condemn them, 
The sum of all M. Bilneys teaching.  and afterward hunger and thirst for that righteousness, whereof Saint Paul speaketh: The righteousness of God by faith in jesus Christ, is upon all them which Believe in him, 
Rom. 3.  for there is no difference all have sinned, and lack the glory of God, and are justified freely thorough his grace, by the redemption which is in jesus Christ. The which, who so ever doth hunger or thirst for, without doubt, they shall at the length so be satisfied, that they shall not hunger & thirst for ever  
But forsomuch as this hunger and thirst was wont to be quenched with the fullness of man's righteousness, 
A difference between man's righteousness, and the righteousness of God. Voluntary devotions spoke against. Deut. 4.12.  which is wrought through the faith of our own elect and chosen works, as pilgrimages, buying of pardons, offering of candles, elect and chosen fasts, and oftentimes superstitious, & finally all kind of voluntary devotions (as they call them) against the which gods word speaketh plainly in the fourth of Deut. and in the 12. saying: Thou shalt not do that which seemeth good unto thyself, but that which I command thee for to do, that do thou neither adding to, neither diminishing any thing from it: therefore I say oftentimes I have spoken of those works, not condemning them (as God I take to my witness) but reproving their abuse, making the law full use of them manifest, even unto children, exhorting all men not so to cleave unto them, that they being satisfied therewith, should loathe or wax weary of Christ, as many do. In whom I bid your Fatherhood most prosperously well to far.  
And this is the whole somme, If you will appoint me to dilate more at large the things here touched, I will not refuse to do it, so that you will grant me time: For to do it out of hand, I am not able for the weakness of my body, being ready always if I have erred in any thing, to be better instructed.   
another letter or epistle of M. Bilney, to Cuthbert Tonstall B of London.  
ALbeit I do not remember, reverent father in Christ, whether I have either spoken or written, 
another letter of M. Bilney.  that the Gospel hath not been sincerely preached now of long time, which your Lordship seemeth to have gathered either by some Momes and sinister hearers of my Sermons, who like Malchus having their right ear cut off, only bring their left ear to Sermons, 
Malchu● hearing of Sermons.  or else by some words or writings of mine, which have rashly passed me, rather than upon any evil intent: yet for so much as in this behalf, your reverence doth command me, and that of a good mind. I trust (for how can I think in Tonstal any craft or doubleness to dwell:) I will briefly declare unto you, what I have learned of God through Christ, in the Scriptures, & how that the Doctors even of great name & renown, have not taught the same of late in their sermons, referring or rather submitting all things unto your fatherly judgement, 
Notes and differences between the true and false church.  which is more quick and sharp, then that it can by any means be blinded, and so sincere, that it will not in any point seek slander or discord. Therefore I do confess that I have often been afraid, that Christ hath not been purely preached now a long time. For who hath been now a long season offended through him? Who hath now this many years suffered any persecution for the Gospel's sake? Where is the sword which he came to send upon the earth? And finally where are the rest of the sincere and uncorrupt fruits of the Gospel? which, because we have not a long time seen, is it not to be feared that the tree which bringeth forth those fruits hath now a long time been wanting in our region or country? much less is it to be believed, that it hath been nourished amongst us. Have we not seen all things quiet and peaceable a long time? 
Esay 38. jere. 6.8. Luke 11.  But what saith the church? My grief most bitter, is turned to peace etc. But the malignant church saith: Peace, peace, and there is no peace: but only that whereof it is written: When the mighty armed man keepeth his gates, he possesseth all things in quiet. But when he seethe, that he shall be vanquished of a stronger than he himself is, he spoileth and destroyeth all things. What now a days beginneth again to be attempted? I dare not say. God grant us grace that we do not refuse and reject (if it be Christ) him that cometh unto us, 
2. Thess. 2.  lest that we do feel that terrible judgement against us: because (saith he) they have not received the love of truth, that they might be saved: therefore God will send upon them the blindness of error, that they shall give credit unto lies: O terrible sentence▪ (which God knoweth whether a great number have not already incurred) that all they might be judged which have not given credit unto the truth, 
Notes and arguments proving, that it is not the true word of God, which hath been preached in the Popes, Church.  but consented unto iniquity. The time shall come (saith he) when that they will not suffer the true doctrine to be preached. And what shall we then say of that learning, which hath now so long time reigned and triumphed, so that no man hath once opened his mouth against it? Shall we think it sound doctrine? Truly iniquity did never more abound, nor charity was never so cold. And what should we say to be the cause thereof? hath the cause been for lack of preaching against the vices of men, and exhorting to charity? That cannot be, for many learned and great clerk sufficiently can witness to the contrary. And yet all these notwithstanding, we see the life and manners of men do greatly degenerate from true Christianity, and seem to cry out in deed, that it is fulfilled in us, which God in times past threatened by his Prophet Amos, 
Amos 8.  saying: Behold, the day shall come (saith the Lord) that I will send hunger upon the earth, not hunger of bread, neither thirst of water, but of hearing the word of God, and the people shall be moved from sea to sea, and from the West unto East, and shall run about seeking for the word of God, but shall not find it. In those days the fair Virgins and young men shall perish for thirst. etc. But now to pass over many things, 
This letter may well answer to the note of D. Saunders book, entitled: The rock of the Church. fol. 14. & nota. 5.  whereby I am moved to fear, that the word of God hath not been purely preached, this is not the least argument, that they which come and are sent, and endeavour themselves to preach Christ truly, are evil spoken of for his name, which is the rock of offence, and stumbling block unto them which stumble upon his word, and do not believe on him, on whom they are builded.  
But you will ask who are those men, & what is their doctrine? Truly I say, whosoever entereth in by the door Christ, into the sheepfold: which thing all such shall do as seek nothing else but the glory of God, and salvation of souls. Of all such it may be truly said, that whom the Lord sends, he speaketh the word of God. And why so? Because he representeth the angel of the church of Philadelphia, unto whom Saint john writeth, saying: This saith he, 
Apoc. 3.  which is holy and true, which hath the keys of David, which openeth and no man shutteth, shutteth and no man openeth behold, saith he speaking in the name of Christ (which is the door and doorkeeper) I have set before thee an open door, that is to say, of the Scriptures opening thy senses, that thou shouldest understand the Scriptures, and that, because thou hast entered in by me which am the door: 
john 3●  For whosoever, entereth in by me which am the door shallbe saved, he shall go in and come out and find pasture, for the dorekeeper openeth the door unto him, and the sheep hear his voice. But contrariwise, they which have not entered in by the door, 
Who 〈…〉 the 〈…〉.  but have climbed in some other way, by ambition, avarice or desire of rule, they shall, even in a moment go down into hell, except they repent. And of them is the saying of jeremy verified: All beauty is gone away from the daughter of Zion, because her princes are become like rams, 
Lame●●. 1.  not finding pasture. And why so? Because like thieves & robbers they have climbed an other way, not being called nor sent. And what marvel is it, if they do not preach, when as they are not sent, but run for lucre, seeking their own glory, and not the glory of God and salvation of souls? 
Outward calling by kings and princes in Christ's ministry availeth nothing without the inward calling of God.  And this is the root of all mischief in the Church, that they are not sent inwardly of God. For without this inward calling, it helpeth nothing before God to be a hundredth times elect and consecrate, by a thousand Bulls, either by Pope, King, or Emperor. God beholdeth the heart, whose judgements are according to truth, howsoever we deceive the judgement of men for a time: which also at the last, shall see their abomination. This (I say) is the original of all mischief in the Church, that we thrust in ourselves into the charge of souls, whose salvation and the glory of God (which is to enter in by the door) we do not thirst nor seek for, but altogether our own lucre & profit.  
Hereupon it cometh, that we know not how to preach Christ purely: For how should they preach Christ (saith the Apostle) except they be sent? for otherwise many thieves and robbers do preach him, but with their lips only, for their hart is far from him. 
The root of all mischief in the Church. Ex Prudentio.  Neither yet do we suffer those which do know how to preach, but persecute them, and go about to oppress the Scriptures now springing, under the pretence of godliness, fearing (as I suppose) lest the Romans should come & take our place. Ah thou wicked enemy Herode, why art thou afraid that Christ should come? he taketh not away mortal and earthly kingdoms, 
Lay this letter against Doct. Saunders book aforesaid. Exod. 5.  which giveth heavenly kingdoms. O blindness, O our great blindness, yea more than that of Egypt? of the which if there be any that would admonish the people, by and by saith Pharaoh: Moses and Aaron, why do ye cause the people to cease from their labours? and truly called their labours. Get you to your burdens: Lay more work upon them, and cause them to do it, that they hearken not unto lies. 
The persecutors of our time compared to Pharaoh.  Thus the people was dispersed throughout all the land of Egypt, to gather up chaff: I say to gather up chaff. Who shall grant unto us the God shall say: I have looked down, and beholden the affliction of my people, which is in Egypt, and have heard their sighs, and am come down to deliver them. But whether hath this zeal carried me? whether after knowledge or not, I dare not say: it pertaineth to you, reverent father, to judge thereupon.  
Now you do look that I should show unto you at large (as you writ) how that they ought sincerely to preach, to the better edifying hereafter, of your flock. Here I confess I was afraid, that you had spoken in some derision, until that I well perceived, that you had written it with your own hand. Then again, I began to doubt for what intent Tonstall should require that of Bilney: an old soldier, of a young beginner: the chief Pastor of London, of a poor silly sheep. But for what intent so ever you did it, I trust it was of a good mind. And albeit that I am weak of body, yet through the grace of Christ given unto me, I will attempt this matter, although it do far pass my power: under the which burden, if I be oppressed, yet I will not deceive you, for that I have promised nothing, but a prompt and ready will to do that which you have commanded.  
As touching that pertaineth to the preaching of the Gospel, I would to God you would give me leave privately to talk with you, that I might speak freely, that which I have learned in the holy Scriptures for the consolation of my conscience: which if you will so do, I trust you shall not repent you. All things shallbe submitted unto your judgement: 
Esay 42.  who (except I be utterly deceived) will not break the reed that is bruised, and put out the flax that is smoking, but rather, if I shallbe found in any error (as in deed I am a man) you as spiritual, shall restore me through the spirit of gentleness, considering yourself, least that you also be tempted: For every Bishop which is taken from among men, 
Hebr. 5.  is ordained for men, not violently to assault those which are ignorant and do err, for he himself is compassed in with infirmity, that he being not void of evils, should learn to have compassion upon other miserable people.  
I desire you that you will remember me to morrow that by your aid, I may be brought before the tribunal seat of my Lord Cardinal, before whom I had rather ●●and, then before any of his deputies.  
Yours Thomas Bilney.  
A letter of M. Bilney fruitful and necessary for all Ministers to read.  
MOst reverent father, salutations in Christ. You have required me to write unto you at large, 
〈…〉 God, preach their own traditions. Priests of the Pope's church ●ewe learned in the Scriptures. Preachers in the popish time have w●asted the Scriptures.  wherein men not preached as they ought, & how they should have preached better. This is a burden too heavy for my strength: under that which if I shall faint, it belongeth to you which have laid this burden upon my shoulders, to ease me thereof. As touching the first part, they have not preached as they ought, which leaving the word of God, have taught their own traditions, of the which sort there are not a few, as it is very evident, in that they do report those which preach the word of God sincerely to teach new doctrine. This is also no small testimony thereof, that in all England you shall scarce find one or two that are mighty in the Scriptures, and what marvel is it if all godly things do seem new unto them unto whom the Gospel is new and strange, being nuzzled in men's traditions now a long time? Would to God these things were not true, which I utter unto you, but alas they are to true.  
They have also preached evil, which either have wrested the scriptures themselves, or have rashly gathered them out of old rotten papers, being wrested by others. And how should it be but that they should wrest them, or else how should they judge them being falsely interpreted by others, when as they have not once read over the bible orderly? Of this sort there is truly a very great number, from which number many great Rabines or masters shall hardly excuse themselves, whom the people have hitherto reverenced in stead of Gods. And these are they which now serve their bellies, 
Balaams' Asie●● n●t to be despised ●e●tyng forth God's wo●d, ergo, much less other 〈◊〉. 1. Cor. 1.  seeking their own glory, and not the true glory of God, which might be set forth even by Balaams' Ass: much less than ought we to contemn such abjects which preach the word of God. We have (saith S. Paul) ●his treasure in brickle vessels, that the glory of the power might be of God and not of us. God hath chosen the foolish things of the world, to confound the wise: and the weak things God hath chosen to confound the mighty: and vile things of the world and despised, hath he chosen, and things that are not to bring to nought things that are, that no flesh should glory in his sight. But now all men in a manner will be wise, & therefore they are ashamed of the simple Gospel, they are ashamed truly to say with Paul: and to perform it in deed: I brethren when I came unto you, 
1. 〈…〉  did not come with excellency of words, or of wisdom preaching the testimony of Christ, for I esteemed not myself to know any thing amongst you, but only jesus Christ and him crucified. O voice of a true Evangelist? But now we are ashamed of this foolish preaching, by the which it hath pleased God, to save all those which believe in him & being puffed up with our own fleshly mind, choose rather, proudly to walk in those things which we have not seen, preaching fables and lies, and not the law of God, 
Ps●l. 18.  which is undefiled, converting souls.  
But how should they teach the law of God, which they have not once read in the books, much less learned at the mouth of God? But in a Pastor and a Bishop this is required: 
〈…〉 of the 〈◊〉 of God in Prelate, noted. 〈◊〉. 3.  Thou son of man (saith God) lay up in thy hart all my words which I do speak unto thee. etc. And shortly after he saith: Thou son of man, I have ordained and given thee a watchman unto the house of Israel. I have given thee saith he, not coming in by ambition, nor thrusting in thyself, nor climbing in another way, but I gave thee when thou lookedst not for it, that thou shouldest attend thereupon and give warning from the top of the watch Tower, if any enemies should approach. I have given thee unto the house of Israel, and not the house of Israel unto thee, 

God g●●eth to his 〈◊〉▪ and not his flo●●e to pastors.  
The 〈…〉 sitteth 〈…〉 The 〈…〉 but 〈…〉   that thou shouldest acknowledge thyself to be the servant of the sheep, and not their Lord, for I have not given the sheep for the shepherd, but the shepherd for the sheep. He that sitteth down is greater than he that doth minister and serve unto him. Which thing was well known of him which truly said: We are your servants for Christ's cause.  
But for what purpose have I given thee unto the house of Israel? That thou shouldest only minister the Sacraments, consecrate wood, stones, & churchyards? (this I take God to witness with great sighs and groans I writ unto you, 
Pastors' servants to the congregation for Christ's cause, and not masters.  pouring out before you the grief of my hart. No truly. What then? First followeth the office of the bishop. Thou shalt hear the word of God out of my mouth. This is but a short lesson, but such as all the world cannot comprehend, without they be inwardly taught of GOD.  
And what else meaneth this, 
The true office of pastors, well described out of ezechiel.  Out of my mouth thou shalt hear the word, but that thou shalt be taught of God. Therefore as many as are not taught of God, although they be never so well exercised in the Scriptures by man's help yet are they not watchmen given by God, and much ●●ue they which do not understand and know the Scriptures. And therefore such as these be, lest they should keep silence and say nothing, are always harping upon the traditions and doctrines of men, that is, lies: for he that speaketh of himself, speaketh lies. Of this it is written: 
1. Tim. 1.  They would be doctors of the law, not understanding what they speak neither of whom they speak, Such of necessity they must all be, who speak that with their mouth which they do not believe, because they are not inwardly taught of God, neither are persuaded in their hearts, that it is true: and therefore they are to be accounted as sheep, although they boakye themselves to be shepherds. But contrariwise touching the true and learned Pastors given by God, it may be truly said: we speak that which we know, 
1 john 1. The property of true pastors.  and that which we have seen (even with the infallible eyes of our faith) we do witness: and these are neither deceived, neither do deceive Moreover, the deceivers proceed to worse and worse, erring themselves, and bringing others also to error, and because they are of the world, the world doth willingly hear them. 
1. john 4.  They are of the world (saith S. john) and therefore they speak those things which are of the world, and the world giveth ear unto them.  
Behold reverent father, this is the touchstone of our daily preaching. Hath not the world given ear unto them now a long time with great pleasure and delight? But the flesh could never suffer the preaching of the cross, nor yet the wisdom of the flesh, which is enemy unto God, neither is subject unto his law, nor cannot be. And why then are they accused to be heretics and schismatics, 
A true note of sincere doctrine.  which will not seek to please men, but only to their edifying? being mindful of that place of Scripture: God hath dispersed the bones of them which please men, saying unto them, speak unto us pleasant things. But now setting these matters pass, we will come unto the second point, 
Esay. 30.  wherein you ask how a man should preach better: Forsooth, if we had heard of him whom the father spoke saying: This is my dearly beloved son in whom I am well pleased, hear him. 
An information to preachers, to preach rightly.  Who also speaking of himself, said it was meet that Christ should suffer and rise again the third day from death and that in his name repentance and remission of sins should be preached unto all people. What other thing is that, than the same which the other Evangelists do write: Go ye into the whole world & preach the Gospel unto every creature: he that believeth and is baptized, 
Math. 28.  shallbe saved. What can be more pleasant, sweet, or acceptable unto afflicted consciences being almost in despair, than this most joyful tidings?  
But here, whether Christ have been a long time heard I know not, for that I have not heard all the preachers of England, and if I heard them, yet till it was within this year or two, I could not sufficiently judge of them, But this I dare be bold to affirm, that as many as I have heard of late preach (I speak even of the most famous) they have preached such repentance, that if I had heard such preachers of repentance in times past, I should utterly have been in despair. 
The preaching after the pope's church, is all to beat down, and not to life up.  And to speak of one of these famous men (not uttering his name) after he had sharply inveighed against vice, (wherein he pleased every godly man, for so much as it could not be sufficiently cried out upon) he concluded: behold (said he) thou hast lain rotten in thine own lusts, by the space of these 60. years, even as a beast in his own dung, and wilt thou presume in one year, to go forward toward beaven, and that in thine age, as much as thou goest backwards from heaven towards hell 60. years? Is not this think you a goodly argument? Is this the preaching of repentance in the name of jesus? 
By this one you may see what all the rest are.  or rather to tread down Christ with Antichristes doctrine? for what other thing did he speak in effect, than that Christ died in vain for thee? He will not be thy jesus or saviour, thou must make satisfaction for thyself, or else thou shalt perish eternally. Then doth S. john lie which saith: Behold the Lamb of God which taketh away the sins of the world. And in other place: 
Mark the manner of the common preaching of the papists. 1. john 1.  His blood hath cleansed us from all our sins And again: He is the propitiation for the sins of the whole world. Besides an infinite number of other places. What other thing is this, then that which was spoken by the holy Ghost, by the mouth of Peter, saying: There shall be false teachers that shall deny the Lord jesus, which hath redeemed them. And what followeth upon such doctrine of Devils speaking lies through hypocrisy? a conscience despairing and without all hope, and so given over unto all wicked lusts, 
〈…〉 and 〈…〉 pope's 〈…〉.  according to the saying o● S. Paul: After that they be come to this point that they sorrow no more, they give themselves over unto wantonness, to commit all kind of filthiness, even with a greedy desire: For seeing that it is impossible for them to make satisfaction to GOD, either they murmur against God or else they do not believe him to be so cruel as they do preach and declare him to be. The want of paper will not suffer me to write any more, and I had rather to speak it in private talk unto yourself. Whereunto if you would admit me, I trust you should not repent you thereof: and unto me (Christ I take to my witness) it would be a great comfort: in whom I wish you with all your flock heartily well to fear.  
Your prisoner and humble beadman unto God for you. Tho. Bilney.  
Thus have you the letters, the abjuration and articles of Thomas Bilney. 
Bilney cast 〈…〉 with 〈…〉.  After which abjuration made about that year of our Lord. 1529. the said Bilney took such repentance & sorrow, that he was near the point of utter despair: as by the words of M. Latimer, is credibly testified whose words for my better discharge, I thought here to annex, 
 written in his seventh Sermon preached before K. Edward, which be these: I knew a man myself, Bilney, little Bilney that blessed Martyr of God, who what time he had borne his faggot, & was come again to Cambridge, had such conflicts within himself (beholding this Image of death) that his friends were afraid to let him be alone. They were▪ fain to be with him day and night, and comfort him as they could, but no comforts would serve. And as for the comfortable places of Scripture, to bring them unto him, it was as though a man should run him through the hart with a sword. Yet for all this, he was revived and took his death patiently, and died well against the tyrannical sea of Rome. Haec Latim Serm. 7.  
Again, the said M. Latimer speaking of Bilney in an other of his sermons preached in Lincolnshyre, hath these words following: That same M. Bilney, which was burnt here in England for gods words sake, was induced and persuaded by his friends to bear a faggot at the time, when the Cardinal was aloft, and bore the swinge. Now when the same Bilney came to Cambridge again, a whole year after, he was in such an anguish and agony, that nothing did him good, neither eating nor drinking, nor any other communication of God's word: for he thought that all the whole Scriptures were against him, and sounded to his condemnation. So that I many a time commoned with him (or I was familiarly acquainted with him) but all things whatsoever any man could allege to his comfort seemed unto him to make against him. Yet for all that, afterward he came again: God endued him with such strength and perfectness of faith: that he not only confessed his faith in the Gospel of our Saviour jesus Christ, but also suffered his body to be burned for that same Gospel's sake, which we now preach in England. etc. Haec ille, Ser. 8. fol. 132  
Furthermore, in the first sermon of the said M. Latimer before the Duchess of Suffolk, fol. 5. he yet speaking more of Bilney, inferreth as followeth: Here I have (saith he) occasion to tell you a story which happened at Cambridge M. Bilney or rather S. Bilney, that suffered death for gods words sake, 
Latimer called, 〈◊〉 ●●●●uerted ●y Bilney.  the same Bilney was the instrument whereby God called me to knowledge. For I may thank him next to God, for that knowledge that I have in the word of god. For I was an obstinate papist as any was in England: insomuch that when I should be made bachelor of Divinity, my whole Oration went against Philip Melancthon and against his opinions. Bilney heard me at that time, and perceived that I was zealous without knowledge, and came to me afterward in my study, and desired me for gods sake to hear his confession. I did so: and (to say the truth) by his confession I learned more than afore in many years So from that time forward I began to smell the word of God, and forsake the School doctors and such fooleries. etc. And much more he hath of the same matter, which ye may see hereafter in the life of M Latimer.  
By this it appeareth how vehemently this good man was pierced with sorrow and remorse for his abjuration, the space almost of 2. years, 
Bilney returneth again from his abjuration.  that is, from the year 1529. to the year 1531. It followed then that he by. God's grace & good counsel, came at length to some quiet of conscience, being fully resolved to give over his life for the confession of that truth, which before he had renounced. And thus being fully determined in his mind, and setting his time he took his leave in Trinity hall at ten of the clock at night, of certain of his friends, and said that he would go to jerusalem, alluding belike to the words & examples of christ in the Gospel going up to jerusalem, 
Nam fa●●cius e●ats 〈◊〉 H●●●osoly●● Bilney ●●●eth vpo● H●e●usa●●●.  what time he was appointed to suffer his passion. And so Bilney meaning to give over his life for the testimony of Christ's Gospel told his friends that he would go up to jerusalem, and so would see them no more, & immediately departed to Northfolk, & there preached first privily in households to confirm the brethren and sistern, and also to confirm the anchres whom he had converted to Christ. Then preached he openly in the fields, confessing his fact, and preaching publicly that doctrine, which he before had abjured, to be the very truth, & willed all men to beware by him, and never to trust to their fleshly friends in causes of religion. And so setting forward in his journey toward the celestial jerusalem, he departed from thence to the Anchres in Norwiche, & there gave her a new testament of Tindals' translation, and the obedience of a Christian man, whereupon he was apprehended and carried to prison there to remain, till that blind bishop Nixe sent up for a writ to burn him.  
In the mean season, the Friars and religious men, with the residue of their Doctors, Civil and Canon resorted to him, 
4. Orden of Friars against Bilney.  busily labouring to persuade him not to die in those opinions, saying he should be damned body and soul, if he so continued. Among whom, first were sent to him of the bishop. Doct. Call minister: (as they call him) or Provincial of the grey Friars: and Doct. Stokes an Augustine Friar, 
Doct. Call, and Doct. Stokes, sent to dispute with Bilney Doct. Call, called by Bilney.  who lay with him in prison in disputation, till the writ came that he should be burned. Doctor Call by the word of God, through the means of Bilneys doctrine, & good life, whereof he had good experience, was somewhat reclaimed to the Gospels side. Doct. Stokes remained obdurate, and doth yet to this day, whose heart also the Lord, if it be his will, reform & open the eyes of his old age, that he may forsake the former blindness of his youth. another great doer against him, was one Friar bird, with one eye, Provincial of the white Friars. This Bird was a Suffragan in Coventry, and after, 
Friar Bird about Bilney.  Bishop of Chester, & was he that brought, apples to Boner, mentioned in the story of Hawks. An other was a black Friar, called Hodgekins, who after, being under the Archbishop of Caunterbury, married, 
Friar Hodgekins a black Friar, against Bilney.  and afterward in Queen mary's time, put away his wife. These 4, orders of Friars were sent (as is said) to bait Bilney: who notwithstanding, as he had planted himself upon the firm rock of God's word, was at a point, and so continued unto the end.  
But here now cometh in sir Thomas More trumping in our way, with his painted card, & would needs take up this Tho. Bilney from us, and make him a convert after his sect. Thus these coated cards, though they could not by plain scriptures convince him being alive, yet now after his death, by false play they will make him theirs whither he will or no. This sir Thom. More in his railing preface before his book against Tindalll doth challenge Bilney to his catholic Church, and saith that, not only at the fire, but many days before both in words and writing, revoked, abhorred, 
4. Reason of Sir Thomas More.  and detested his heresies before holden. And how is this proved? by 3. or 4. mighty arguments, as big as milpostes, fet out of 
* Utopia, one of Moor's fantasies. Answer to Sir Tho. More.  Utopia, from whence, thou must know reader, can come no fittens but all fine Poetry.  
First, he saith, that certain Norwichmen writing to London, and denying that Bilney did recant, afterward being thereupon examined, were compelled to grant, that he at his examination red a bill, but what it was, they could not tell, for they stood not so near, to hear him. And albeit they stood not so near, yet some of them perceived certain things there spoken, whereby they thought that he did revoke. Some again added to those things spoken certain additions of their own, to excuse him from recantation.  
First to answer hereunto, and to try out this matter somewhat roundly with M. More, let us see with what conveyance he proceedeth in this narration. At his first examination (saith he) he waxed stiff in his opinions, but yet God was so good Lord unto him, that he was fully converted to the true Catholic faith. etc. And when might this goodly conversion begin? Many days (quoth he) before his burning. Here is no certain day assigned, but many days left at large, that he might have the larger room, to walk invisible. Well then, but how many days could these be, I would fain learn of M. More, when he was not many days in their hands, no longer than they could send up to London for a writ to burn him? Belike then shortly after his apprehension, at the first coming of the friars unto him, by and by he revolted. A strange matter, 
 that he which 2. years before had lain in such a burning hell of despair, for his first abjuration, and could find no other comfort, but only in returning to the same doctrine again, which before he had denied, utterly resigning himself over to death, and taking his leave of his friends, and setting his face with Christ purposely to go to Jerusalem, voluntarily there to fall into the hands of the Scribes & pharisees for that doctrines sake, should now so soon, even at the first brunt, give over to the contrary doctrine again. It is not like. God was so good Lord unto him, saith M. More. That God was good Lord unto him very true it is. But that God did so turn him in deed, to be a member of that Romish Church, that hath not M. More yet sufficiently proved. To affirm without proof or demonstration, in matters of story, it is not sufficient. But what hath been done in deed, that must be proved by good evidence and special demonstration of witnesses, that we may certainly know it so to be.  
It followeth moreover in M. More. And there lacked not some (saith he) that were sorry for it. 
The first reason of M. More.  No doubt, but if our Bilney had so relented, some would have been very sorry therefore. But what one man in all this sum, in all Norwich was sorry that M. More must specify unto us before we believe him: so well are we acquainted with his Poetical fictions But how else should this narration of M. More seem to run with probability, if it were not watered with such additions? He addeth moreover, and saith: And some wrote out of Norwiche to London, that he had not revoked his heresies at all, but still did abide in them. This soundeth rather to come more near to a truth. 
Read of Sinon in the 2. book ●f Virgil: who craftily mixeth one thing, with false, to betray the City of Troy.  And here is a knack of Sinon's art, to interlarde a tale of untruth with some parcel of truth now and then among, that somethings being found true, may win credit to the rest which is utterly false. And why then be not the letters of these Norwich men believed, for the not recanting of Bilney? Because (saith he) afterward they being called to examination: it was there proved plainly to their faces, that Bilney revoked. By whom was it proved? By those (saith he) which at his execution stood by, and heard him read his revocation himself &c. What men were these? or what were their names? or what was any one man's name in all the City of Norwich, that heard Bilney recant? There M. More will give us leave to seek them out if we can, 
M. More h●●e painteth Antics.  for he can name us none. Well, & why could not the other part hear Bilney read his revocation as well as these? Because (saith More) he read so softly, that they could not hear him.  
Well, all this admitted, that Bilney read his revocation so softly, that some could hear, some could not hear him then this would be known, what was the cause why Bilney read his revocation so softly? which must needs be either for lack of good will to read, or good voice to utter. If good will were absent in reading▪ that revocation, than it appeareth that he recanted against his own mind and conscience. If it were by imbecility of voice & utterance, them how followeth it M. More in this your narration, where you say, that the said persons, which could not hear him read the bill, yet notwithstanding could hear him rehearse certain other things spoken by him the same time at the fire, whereby they could not but perceive well, that he revoked his errors. etc. Ah M. More for all your powder of experience, do ye think to cast such a mist before men's eyes, that we cannot see how you juggle with truth, and take you tardy in your own narration? unless peradventure you will excuse yourself, per licentiam Poeticam, after the privilege of Poets and painters, for as ye know the old liberty of these two. Pictoribus atque Poetis.  Quaelibet audendi semper fuit aequa potestas. 
Now if this vain of yours, which so extremely raileth and fareth against the poor Martyrs & servants of Christ, be so copious that you dare take in hand any false matter to prove, and to make men believe, that Bilney died a Papist, yet the manner of handling hereof would have required some more artificial conveyance: Mendacem enim (ut scis) memorem esse oportet: that men, although they see the matter to be false, yet might commend the workmanship of the handler, which (to say the truth) neither hangeth with itself, nor beareth any semblance of any truth. But because M. More is gone and dead, I will cease any further to insult upon him, lest I may seem to incur the same vice of his in mordendo mortuos. Yet for somuch as his books be not yet dead, but remain alive to the hurt of many, having therefore to do, notwt t him, but with his book disciples, this would I know how hangeth this gear together: Bilney was heard, 
Mark how these things hang together.  and yet not heard he spoke so softly & yet not softly. Some said he did recat, some said he did not recant. Over and beside, how will this be answered, that for so much as the said Bilney (as he saith) revoked many days before his burning, & the same was known to him at London, then how chanced the same could not be as well known to them of Norwiche? who (as his own story affirmeth) knew nothing thereof before the day of his execution, then seeing a certain bill in his hand, which some said was a bill of his revocation, some other heard it not. All this would be made ●layne, especially in such a matter as this is, which he knew himself peradventure to be false, at least, he knew would be doubted, 
The second reason of M. More.  suspected, and contraried of a great multitude.  
I pass now to his second reason, where he reporteth, that the said Bilney forthwith upon his judgement and degradation, kneeled down in the presence of all the people, and asked of the Chancellor absolution from the sentence of excommunication, holding him well content with his death which he confessed himself to have deserved. etc. 
Answer.   
As touching the patient receiving of his death. I do well assent, although I do not think that he had deserved any such for his doctrine. And as for his kneeling down in the presence of the people, upon his judgement and degradation, as I do not deny that he might so do, so I suppose again the cause of his kneeling not to be unto the Chancellor to ask absolution from his excommunication. And if he were assoiled from his excommunication, yet doth it not thereupon follow that he recanted, no more than before, when he came to M. Latimer in his study, humbly to be confessed & assoiled from his sins as the blindness of the time than led him. But whether he kneeled down and was assoiled or no, neither was I there to see him, nor yet M. More himself. And therefore with the like authority as he affirmeth, I may deny the same, unless he brought better demonstration for his assertion than he doth, having no more for himself, but only his own 
* That is, he so saith.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And yet nevertheless admit he so did, being a man of a timorous conscience of an humble spirit, and not fully resolved touching that matter of the Church, yet it followeth not thereby (as is said) that he revoked his other Articles and doctrine, by him before professed.  
The like answer may also be shaped to his third reason where he saith: that certain days after his judgement, 
The third reason of M. More.  he made great labour that he might receive the blessed body of Christ in form of bread, which the Chancellor after a great sticking a while, at length did grant, perceiving his devotion thereto etc. Whereunto I answer as before, that it is not unpossible, but that Bilney might both hear Mass, 
Answer.  and desire to receive the sacrament: For in that matter it may be, that he was not resolved otherwise, then common custom then led both him and many other. Neither do I find in all the articles objected against Bilney, that ever he was charged with any such opinion, concerning either the Mass or the Sacrament: which maketh me think, that he was yet ignorant and also devout as other than were.  
Also four, be it admitted, as M. More saith, 
The 4. reason of M. More.  that in receiving of the sacrament, he holding up his hands should say the Collect: Domine jesu Christ: and coming to these words, ecclesiae tuae pacem & concordiam, he knocked upon his breast, divers times repeating the same words▪ etc. all this being granted to M. More, yet it argueth no necessary alteration of his former doctrine, 
Status inficialis, in Rhetoric is when one standeth to the denial of the fact.  which he preached and taught before And yet if I listed here to stand dallying with M. More, in the state inficiall, and deny that he affirmeth: how will he make good that which he saith: He saith that Bilney kneeling before the Chancellor, desired absolution: Then coming to Mass full devoutly, required to receive the body of Christ in form of bread, 
An argument of Moor's authority.  repeating divers times the words of the collect: Domine jesu Christ etc. By what argument proveth he all this to be so? M. More in his preface before the book against Tindal so saith, Ergo it is certain. If M. More had never made fictions in his writings beside, or had never broken the head of verity, in so many places of his books as I could show him, than might this argument go for somewhat. But here I ask, was this M. More present at the judgement of Bilney? No, Or else what registers had he for his direction? None. Or else by what witnesses will he avouch this to be certain? Go, and seek these witnesses (good reader) where thou canst find them, 
M. Moor's credit cracked.  for M. More nameth none. Only because M. More so saith, that is sufficient. Well, give this to M. More, (although he hath cracked his credit so often, and may always be bankrupt) yet let his word go for payment at this time, & let us imagine all to be oracles, that he saith: yet nevertheless, here must needs remain a scruple. For what will M. More (or because he is gone) what will his disciples say to this, that if Bilney was before assoiled upon his judgement, as they pretend, how was he then afterward degraded? What assoiling is this, to be forgiven first, and then to be punished after? Again, if he were (as they surmise) converted so fully to the Catholic faith, and also assoiled, why then did the Chancellor stick so greatly for a while, to housel him with the body of Christ, in form of bread? I am sure that if Christ had been here himself in form of his own flesh, he would nothing have stuck to receive him, being so converted at the first.  
To be short, if Bilney was so graciously reduced to the holy mother the Catholic Church, repenting his errors and detesting his heresies, & now being in no Purgatory, but being a very Saint in heaven, as ye say he is: why then did ye burn him, whom you knew yourselves should be a Saint? Thus ye burned doth God's enemies, and Gods Saints too, 
The law of relapse, extravag de haeret, super co.  what cruel men are you? But here you will allege perhaps, your law of relapse, by the which the first fall is pardonable, but the second fall into heresy, is in no case pardonable: for so standeth your law, I grant. But how this law standeth with the true church of Christ, & with his word, now let us reason. For this being a law not of politic or civil government, (where such laws be expedient for public necessity) but only being a law mere Ecclesiastical, what a cruel mother Church is this, which will not and cannot forgive her children rising and repenting the second fault or error committed, 
Moor's words in his preface.  but needs must burn their bodies, that their souls may be saved from the painful Passion of Purgatory, 
The pope's law disagreeing from the condition of the true church of christ.  whom nevertheless they know forthwith shall be blessed in heaven? If God do save them, why do you burn them? If God do pardon them why do you condemn them? And if this be the law of your Church, according to your doctrine, to burn them at the second time, though they be amended: how then doth this Church agree with the word of Christ, and nature of his true spouse, which only seeketh repentance & amendment of sinners? which once being had, she gladly openeth her bosom, and motherly receiveth them, whensoever they return.  
Wherefore, if Bilney did return to your Church (as ye say he did) then was your Church a cruel mother and unnatural, which would not open her bosom unto him, but thrust him into the fire when he had repent. Furthermore how will you defend this law by the word of God, who in express words teaching all Bishops and Pastors, by the example of Christ the great Bishop of our souls, (being compassed about with temptations, that he might have the more compassion of them which be infirm) exhorted all other spiritual pastors by the like example saying: 
Hebr. 5.  Hebr. 5. For every bishop, which is taken from among men, is ordained for men, in things pertaining to God, to offer gifts and sacrifice for sins, that he may be merciful to the ignorant, and to such as err, for somuch as he himself is compassed about with infirmity etc. 
Bilney needed not to be burned by the sentence of the Canon law.  Besides which Scripture, add also that some Doctors of the Canon law, if they be well scanned, will not deny but that they which be fallen in relapse, whither it be verè, or fictè, yet if they earnestly return from their errors before the sentence be given, they may be sent to perpetual prison in some monastery: 
Ex tractatu cuinsdam Doct. Canonistae.  etc. Wherefore, if Bilney did so earnestly retract and detest his former opinions, so many days (as More saith) before his suffering, than needed not he to suffer that death as he did, but might have been sent to perpetual prison.  
Thus I although I need not to stand longer upon this matter being so plain, and having said enough: yet (briefly to repeat that before hath been said) this I say again: first if Thomas Bilney was assoiled from excommunication, and after that heard his Mass so devoutly, and at the end of the Mass, was confessed, and consequently after confession was housseled, and lastly asked mercy for contemning of the Church, as M. More doth bear us in hand (to see now how this tale hangeth together) why then did the Chancellor stick so greatly to give him the sacrament of the altar, whom he himself had assoiled, and received to the sacrament of penance before, 
M. Moor's tale full of absurdities.  which is plain against the Canon laws. Again the said Thomas Bilney, if he were now received to the mother Church by the Sacraments of penance and of the altar: why then was he afterward disgraded, and cut from the Church, sith the Canon permitteth no degradation, but to them which only be incorrigible? Furthermore, the said Bilney, if he being converted so many days before (as More pretendeth) to the Catholic faith, was now no heretic, how then did the sentence pronounce him for an heretic? or finally how would they, or why could they burn him being a Catholic, especially sith the Canon law would bear in him to be judged rather to perpetual prison in some monastery, as is afore touched, if they had pleased? 
  
Wherefore in three words to answer to M. More. First all this tale of his may be doubted, because of the matter not hanging together. Secondly, it may also well be denied, for the insufficiency of probation, and testimony. Thirdly, if all this were granted, yet neither hath master More any great advantage against Bilney to reprove him to have recanted: nor yet M. Cope against me, which by the authority of M. More seeketh to bear me down, 
Moor's consequent denied.  and disprove my former story.  
For be it granted that Bilney at his death, did hold with the Mass, with confession, and with the authority of their Romish Church, being an humble spirited man, and yet no further brought: yet all this notwithstanding proveth not that he recanted. For so much as he never held nor taught any thing before against the premises, therefore he could not recant that which he never did hold. For the better demonstration whereof, I will recite out of the Registers, some part of his teaching and preaching, as was objected against him by one Richard Nele, Priest: who among other witnesses, 
Ex Registro London. 〈◊〉 82. Bilney against offerings to Images.  deposed against him for preaching in the Town of Wylsedone, these words following.  
Put away your golden Gods, your silver Gods, your stony Gods, and leave your offerings, and lift up your hearts to the sacrament of the altar. Also the said Master Bilney said in his Sermon: I know certain things have been offered in such places, which have been afterward given to whores, of the stews, and I call them whores of the stews that be nought of their living etc. Ex Regist.  
Item, by an other witness named W. Cade, it was deposed against him, thus to preach: That jews and Saracens would have become Christian men long ago, had not idolatry of Christian men been, by offering of Candles, wax, or money to the stocks, and the stones of Images set and standing in the Churches. etc. 
Bilney against Pilgrimage.   
Item, by the said deponent against Bilney: That the Priests take away the offerings, and hang them about their whore's necks: and after that, they take them again from the whores, if they please them not, and hang them upon the Images, and is not that a great relic, when it is hanged there again?  
Item, by the said deponent it was testified against Bilney: that going on Pilgrimage is nought, and that no man should use it, For it were better not, and rather to tarry at home & give somewhat in almose, and offer your hearts, wills, and minds, to the sacrament, and leave your Idolatry to Saints.  
Item, by W. Nelmys of Wylsedone, that Bilney should preach: They gild their Gods, and bear them about, and men say, they do speak: and if they do speak, it is the devil that speaketh in them: and not God. etc.  
Item, by Thomas dally of Wilsedone, that Bilney thus preached▪ You come hither on pilgrimage to stocks and stones, You do nought: keep you at home, and worship the sacrament at home. etc.  
Item, by friar john Hogekyn, that Bilney thus preached at Ipswich: The coming of our Saviour Christ was long desired, and by divers and many prophets prophesied, 
Bilney against false merits▪ Vide supra pag. 976.  that he should come. But john the Baptist, more than a Prophet, did not only prophecy, but with his finger showed: Behold the Lamb of God that taketh away the sins of the world. Then, if this were the very Lamb, which john did demonstrate, and showed, which taketh away the sins of the world, what injury is this Bull of the Bishop of Rome to our Saviour jesus Christ, that to be buryde in the cowl of S. Frances, should or may remit 4. parts of the penance? What is left to our Saviour jesus Christ, which taketh away the sins of the world? This will I justify to be a great blasphemy against the blood of Christ. etc.  
Item, by an other Friar julles, that Bilney thus preached: I trust there shall and will come other beside me, the which shall show and preach to you the same faith, and manner of living that I do, 
Bilney against m●e mediators than one.  which is the very true Gospel of our Saviour, whereby you shall be brought from your errors, wherein you have been so long seduced: for before this, there hath been many, that hath slandered you, and the Gospel of our Saviour Christ. Of whom speaketh our saviour Christ. Mat. 18. Qui scandalizaverint unum de pusillis istis qui crediderunt. etc.  
Add moreover to these the testimony of Richard Seman: that Bilney in Ipswich should preach these words: Our saviour Christ is our mediator between us and the father: what then should need us to seek to any Saint for remedy, inferior to Christ? Wherefore to make such petition to any, but to our Saviour Christ, trusting thereby to have rem●die, doth great injury to the blood of Christ, and deformeth our Saviour Christ, like as, if a man should take and strike o● the head, and set it under the foot, and to set the foot above.  
Thus much being partly touched before, I thought here to insinuate again out of the Registers, touching the opinions of Tho. Bilney. Whereby may appear the whole sum of his preaching & doctrine to proceed chief against Idolatry, invocation of saints, vain worship of Images, false trust to men's merits, & such other gross points of religion, as seemed prejudicial & derogatory to the blood of our saviour jesus Christ. As touching the Mass, and Sacrament of the altar, 
 as he never varied from himself, so he never differred therein from the most grossest Catholics And as concerning his opinion of the Church of Rome, how blind it was at that time, may sufficiently appear by his own answers in time of his abjuration, written with his own hand in Latin, which I have to show, as followeth: Credo plaerasque legis pontificias utiles esse, 
Ex 〈…〉. 37.  necessarias, & ad pietatem quoque plurimum promoventes, nec sacris Scripturis repugnantes, imò ab omnibus plurimum obseruadas. etc. De omnibus non possum pronunciare, utpote quas non legi, & quas legi, nunquam in hoc legi, ut reprehenderen, sed ut discerem intelligere ac pro virili facere, & docere. De multiplicitate legum questus est suo tempore S Augustinus, & item Gersonus, qui miratur quomodo nos post lapsum, inter tot laqueos Constitution un tuti esse possimus, quum primi parentes adhuc puri, & ante lapsum, & unicum praeceptum non obseruarint. etc.  
Moreover, concerning the authority of the keys, thus he writeth, answering to his 12. Article: Soli sacerdotes ordinati ritè per pontifices, habent claves, quarum virtute ligant & soluunt (
 clave non errant) quod & facere eos non dubito, quam libet sint peccatores. Nam Sacramentorum efficaciam non minuit, nedum tollit ministrorum indignitas, quam diu ab Ecclesia tolerantur. etc.  
By these words of Bilney written by him in Latin, although it may be thought how ignorant & gross he was after the rudeness of those days, yet by the same notwithstanding it may appear, how falsely he is noted & slandered by M. More, and Cope my friend, to have recanted the Articles, which he did never hold or maintain otherwise in all his life. And therefore (as I said) though it be granted to M. More, or in his absence, to my friend Cope, that Bilney was assoiled, was confessed, & housseled before his burning, yet all this argueth not that he recanted.  
Now that I have sufficiently (I trust) put of the reasons of M. More and of others, 
 whereby they pretend falsely to face us out, that Bilny the second time again recanted at his death: it remaineth on the other part, that I likewise do infer my probations, whereby I have to argue & convince, that Bilney did not the second time recant, as he is untruly slandered. And first I will begin even with the words and testimony of M. Moor's own mouth, who being Lord Chancellor when message was sent to him for a writ of discharge to burn Bilney, 
M●res own 〈◊〉 against himself.  speaking in this wise to the messengers, that came: Go your ways (said he) and burn him first, and then afterward come to me for a bill of my hand. Which words may give us evidence enough, that Bilney was not thought then to have recanted, for then the Lord Chancellor would not have been so greedy and hasty (no doubt) to have him dispatched. And how standeth this with M. Moor's words now, which beareth us in hand that he recanted many days before his burning?  

〈◊〉 by Bishop 〈…〉 that Bilney did 〈…〉 at his burning.  The like evidence we may also take by the verdict of the Bishop himself, that burned him, whose words were these. After he had burned him, and then heard tell of Doct. Shaxton: Christ's mother, said he (that was his oath) I fear I have burnt Abel, & let Cain go, etc. As who would say: I had thought before, that I had punished Cain, and let Abel go: but now I fear I have burnt Abel, and let Cain escape. Whereby it is plain to understand what was the bishops judgement of Bilney, before his burning: that is, that he was a Cain and the other an Abel. But after the burning of Bilney, the Bishop hearing now of Shaxton, turneth his judgement, and correcteth himself swearing now the contrary: that is, lest he had burned Abel, and let cain go.  
Furthermore, where the Bishop feared, in burning Bilney, that he had burned Abel, what doth this fear of the Bishop import, but a doubting of his mind uncertain? For who feareth that whereof he is sure? Wherefore that case is plain that Bilney at his burning did not recant, as More reporteth: For than that Bish. knowing Bilney to die a Catholic convert, & a true member of the church, would not have feared, nor doubted, but would have constantly affirmed Bilney to have died a true Abel in deed. 
〈◊〉 bur●●th Abel.  And to conclude this matter, if Bilney died an able, than the Bishop by his own confession, must needs prove himself to be a Cain, which slew him. What more clearer probation could we bring, if there were a thousand? Or what need we any other, having this alone?  
Now for testimony and witness of this matter, 
Testimonies proving that M. Bilney did not recant at his death.  to be produced, for somuch as M. More allegeth none to prove that Bilney at his death did recant: I will assay what testimony I have on the contrary side, to avouch and prove that Bilney did not recant.  
And for somuch as Bilney was a Cambrige man, and the first framer of that University in the knowledge of Christ, and was burned at Norwich, 
Witness for Bilney.  being not very far distant from Cambrige: there is no doubt, but among to many friends as he had in that University, some went thither to hear, and see him. Of whom one was Thomas allen fellow them of Penbroke Hall, 
Doct. Turner Dean of Welles▪  who returning the same time, from Bilneyes burning, declared to Doct. Turner, Deane of Welles, being yet alive (a man whose authority neither is to be neglected, nor credit to be disinherited) that the said Bilney took his death most patiently, and suffered most constantly, without any recantation, for the doctrine which he before had professed.  
In the City of Norwiche Necton, 
another witness for Bilney.  and many other be now departed, which were then present at the burning of Bilney: nevertheless some be yet alive, whose witnesses, if need were, I could fetch with a little labour, and will (God willing) as time shall require. In the mean time▪ at the writing hereof, here was one Tho. russel, a right honest occupyer, and a Citizen of Norwich, who lykew●●e being there present on horseback at the execution of this godly man, beholding all things that were done, did neither hear him recant any word, nor yet heard of his recantation.  
I could also add hereunto the testimony of an other, being brother to the Archbishop of Caunterbury, 
another witness for Bilney.  named M. Baker, a man yet alive, who being the same time present at the examination of Bilney, both heard him, and saw him, when as a certain Friar called him heretic. Whereunto Bilney replying again, made answer: if I ●e an heretic (said he) then are you an Antichrist, who of late have buried a certain Gentlewoman with you, in S. France's cowl, assuring her to have salvation thereby. Which fact, although the Friar the same time did deny, yet this cannot be denied, but Bilney spoke these words: whereby he may easily be judged to be far from the mind of any recantation: according as by the said Gentleman, it is also testified, that after that, he never heard of any recantation that Bilney either meant or made.  
If I should recite all, which here might be brought. I might sooner lack room in my book to contain them, than names enough to fill up a grand jury. 
One martyr witness for an other martyr.  But what need I to spend time about witness, when one M. Latymer may stand for a thousand, one martyr to bear witness to an other? And though my friend Cope, pressing me with the authority of M. More, saith, that he will believe him before me: yet I trust, he will not refuse to credit this so ancient a Senior, father Latimer, being both in Bilneys time, and also by Bilney converted, and familiarly with him acquainted: who being the same time at Cambridge, I suppose would inquire as much, and could know more of this matter, than master More.  
Touching the testimonial of which Latimer, 
The testimony of M. Latimer concerning M. Bilney.  I have noted before, how he in ij. sundry places in his sermons, hath testified of good Bilney, of that blessed Bilney of Saint Bilney, how he died patiently against the tyrannical Sea of Rome. etc. And in an other Sermon also how the said Bilney suffered his body to be burned for the gospel sake. etc. Item, in an other place, how the said Bilney suffered death for God's words sake. vid. pag. 1008. 
Vid. supra pag. 1008.   
I may be thought perhaps of some, to have stayed to long about the discourse of this matter. But the cause that moved, and half constrained me thereunto, was sir Tho. More, sometimes Lord Chancellor of England, & now a great Archpiller of all our English Papists, a man otherwise of a pregnant wit, full of pleasant conceits, also for his learning above the common sort of his estate, esteemed industruous, no less in his studies then well exercised in his pen. Who if he had kept himself in his own shop, and applied the faculty, being a lay man, whereunto he was called, and had not over reached himself to prove masteries in such matters, wherein he had little skill, less experience, and which pertained not to his profession, he had deserved, not only much more commendation, but also longer life.  
But for so much as he, not contented with his own vocation, hath with Oza reached out his unmeet hand to meddle with God's Arkematters, wherein he had little cunning and while he thinketh to help religion, destroyeth religion, and is an utter enemy to Christ, and to his spiritual doctrine, and his poor afflicted Church, to the intent therefore that he being taken for a special ringleader, and a chief stay in the Pope's Church, might the better be known what he is, and that the ignorant and simple may see what little credit is to be given unto him, as well in his other false facing out of matters, as namely in this present history of Bilneys recantation: I have diligently searched out and procured the true certificate of M. Bilneys burning, with all the circumstances, and points thereto belonging, testified not by some says & by heareseyes (as M. More useth) but truly witnessed, 
Doct. Parker Archb. of Canterbury, present witness at the burning of Bilney.  and faithfully recordeth by one, who as in a place and degree surmounteth the estate of M. More (though he were Lord Chancellor) so being also both a spiritual person, and there present the same time, coming for the same purpose the day before, to see his burning, was a present beholder of things there done, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of Martyrdom, whose credit I am sure will counterpoise with the credit of M. More. The order of which martyrdom was this, as followeth.  
Thomas Bilney, after his examination and condemnation before Doct. Pelles Doctor of law and Chancellor, first was degraded by Suffragan Underwoode, according to the custom of their popish manner, by the assistance of all the Friars and Doctors of the same suit▪ Which done, he was immediately committed to the ●aye power, and to the two Sheriffs of the City, of whom Thomas Necton was one. 
 This Tho. Necton was Bilneys special good friend, and sorry to accept him to such execution as followed. But such was the tyranny of the time and dread of the Chancellor and Friars, that he could no otherwise do, but needs must receive him. Who notwithstanding, as he could not bear in his conscience himself to be present at his death: so, for the time that he was in his custody, he caused him to be more friendly looked unto, and more wholesomely kept, concerning his diet, than he was before.  
A description of the godly constancy of Thomas Bilney, who being in prison, oftentimes proved the fire with his finger.  
The Saturday next following, when the Officers of execution (as the manner is) with their glaives and halbards were ready to receive him, and to lead him to the place of execution without the City gate, called bishops gate, in a low valley commonly called the Lollards pit, under S. leonard's hill environed about with great hills (which place was chosen for the people's quiet sitting to see the execution) at the coming forth of the said Thomas Bilney out of the prison door, 
Constant Bilney exhorted to constancy▪  one of his friends came to him with few words, as he durst, spoke to him & prayed him & in God's behalf, to be constant and to take his death as patiently as he could. Whereunto the said Bilney answered, with a quiet and mild countenance: Ye see when the Mariner is entered his ship to sail on the troublous Sea, how he for a while is tossed in the billows of the same but yet in hope that he shall once come to the quiet haven, he beareth in better comfort, the perils which he feeleth: So am I now toward this sailing, & what soever storms I shall feel, yet shortly after shall my ship be in the haven: as I doubt not thereof by the grace of God, desiring you to help me with your prayers to the same effect. 
 And so he going forth in the streets, giving much alms by the way, by the hands of one of his friends, & accompanied with one D. Warner Doct. of Divinity and parson of Winterton, whom he did choose as his old acquaintance, to be with him for his ghostly comfort: came at the last, to the place of execution, and ascended down from the hill to the same, appareled in a lay man's gown with his sleeves hanging down, & his arms out, his hear being piteously mangled at his degradation (a little single body in person, but always of a good upright countenance) and drew near to the stake prepared, & somewhat tarrying the preparation of the fire, he desired that he might speak some words to the people, and there standing, thus he said:  
Good people, I am come hither to die, and borne I was to live under that condition, 
 naturally to die again, and that ye might testify that I depart out of this present life as a true Christian man in a right belief towards almighty God, I will rehearse unto you in a fast faith, the Articles of my Creed, and then began to rehearse them in order as they be in the common Creed, with oft elevating his eyes and hands to almighty God, and at the Article of Christ's incarnation having a little meditation in himself, & coming to the word Crucified, he humbly bowed himself and made great reverence, and then proceeding in the Articles and coming to these words, I believe the Catholic Church, there he paused and spoke these words: Good people I must here confess to have offended the Church in preaching once against the prohibition of the same, at a poor Cure belonging to Trinity hall in Cambrige where I was fellow, 
though Bilney p●t to death 〈…〉.  earnestly entreated thereunto by the Curate and other good people of the parish, showing that they had no Sermon there of lonng time before: & so in my conscience moved, I did make a poor collation unto them, and thereby ran into the disobedience of certain authority in the Church, by whom I was prohibited: howbeit I trust at the general day, charity that moved me to this act, shall bear me out at the judgement seat of God: 
M. More proved a liar by witness present at Bilneys death  & so he proceeded on, without any manner of words of recantation, or charging any man for procuring him to his death.  
This once done, he put of his gown, and went to the stake, and kneeling upon a little ledge coming out of the stake, whereon he should afterward stand to be better seen, he made his private prayer with such earnest elevation of his eyes and hands to heaven, and in so good quiet behaviour, that he seemed not much to consider the terror of his death, and ended at the last, 
Tho. Bilney praying at the stake. Psal. 143.  his private prayers with the 143. Psalm beginning Domine exaudi orationem meam, auribus percipe obsecrationem meam. etc. That is, Hear my prayer O Lord, consider my desire: & the next verse he repeated in deep meditation thrice: Et ne intres in judicium cum servo tuo Domine. i. And enter not into judgement with thy servant, for in thy sight shall no man living be justified, and so finishing that Psalm he ended his private prayers.  
After that, he turned himself to the officers, ask them if they were ready, and they answered, yea. Whereupon he put of his jacket and doublet and stood in his hose & shirt, and went unto the stake, standing upon that ledge, and the chain was cast about him, and standing thereon, the said D. Warner came to him to bid him farewell, 
D. Warner taking his farewell of Tho. Bilney  which spoke but few words for weeping. Upon whom the said Tho. Bilney did most gently smile, & inclined his body to speak to him a few words of thanks, and the last were these: O Master Doctor, Pasce gregem tuum, Pasce gregem tuum, ut cum venerit Dominus, 
The words of Tho. Bilney to Doct. Warner.  inveniat te sic facientem. That is, Feed your flock, feed your flock, that when the Lord cometh, he may find you so doing, and farewell good M. Doctor, and pray for me, and so he departed without any answer, sobbing and weeping.  
And while he thus stood upon the ledge at the stake, certain Friars, Doctors and Priors of their houses being there present (as they were uncharitably and maliciously present at his examination and degradation. 
The friars 〈◊〉 Bilny 〈◊〉 for them.  etc.) came to him and said: O M. Bilney the people be persuaded that we be the causers of your death, and that we have procured the same, and thereupon it is like that they will withdraw their charitable alms from us all, except you declare your charity towards us and discharge us of the matter. Whereupon the said Tho. Bilney spoke with a loud voice to the people, and said: I pray you good people be never the worse to these men for my sake, as though they should be the authors of my death. It was not they, and so he ended.  
Then the officers put reed and Faggots about his body and set fire on the reed, which made a very great flame, which sparkled and deformed the viso of his face, he holding up his hands and knocking upon his breast, crying sometimes jesus, sometimes Credo. Which flame was blown away from him by the violence of the wind, which was that day & 2. or 3. days before notable great, in which it was said that the fields were marvelously plagued by the loss of corn: and so for a little pause, 
The patient death & martyrdom of M. Bilney.  he stood without flame, the flame departing & recoursing thrice ere the wood took strength to be the sharper to consume him: and then he gave up the ghost, and his body being withered ●owed downward upon the chain. Then one of the officers with his halberd smite out the staple in the stake behind him, & suffered his body to fall into the bottom of the fire, laying wood on it, and so he was consumed.  
Thus have ye (good readers) the true history, & martyrdom of this good man, that is, 
Saint Bilney.  of blessed Saint Bilney (as M. Latimer doth call him) without any recantation, testified and ratified by the authority abovesaid. By the which authority and party being there present & yet alive, it is furthermore constantly affirmed that Bilney not only did never recant, but also that he never had any such bill, or script or scroll in his hand to read, either softly, or apertly, as M. More per licentiam Poeticam, would bear us down. 
M. Mo●●s false report refuted.  Wherefore even as ye see M. More deal in this, so ye may trust him in the residue of his other tales, if ye will.   

¶ Master Stafford of Cambridge.  
AS the death of this Godly Bilney did much good in Norfolk where he was burnt: so his diligent travel, 
M. Bilney the chief 〈…〉 Apostle of Cambridge.  in teaching and exhorting other, and example of life correspondent to his doctrine, left no small fruit behind him in Cambridge, being a great means of framing that University, & drawing divers unto Christ. By reason of whom, and partly also of an other called M. Stafford, the word of God begun there most luckily to spread, and many toward wits to flourish. In the company of whom was M. Latimer, D. Barnes, D. thistle of Penbroke hall, M. Fooke of Benet College, and M. Soude of the same College, D. Warner above mentioned, with divers other more.  
This M. Stafford was then the public reader of the Divinity lecture in that University. Who, as he was an earnest professor of Christ's Gospel: so was he as diligent a follower of that which he professed, as by this example here following may appear.  
For as the plague was then sore in Cambridge, 
The notable zeal of M. Stafforde, in saving a damnable Priest.  and amongst other a certain Priest called Sir Henry conjuror lay sore sick of the said plague, M. Stafford hearing thereof, and seeing the horrible danger that his soul was in, was so moved in conscience to help the dangerous case of the Priest, that he neglecting his own bodily death, to recover the other from eternal damnation, came unto him, exhorted and so laboured him, that he would not leave him, before he had converted him, and saw his conjuring books burned before his face. Which being done, master Stafford went home, and immediately sickened, & shortly after most christianly deceased. Ex fideli testimonio D. Ridlei, & Edmund. Episcoporum Lond.  
Concerning which M. Stafford, this moreover is to be noted how that M. Latimer being yet a fervent and a zealous Papist, 
M. Latimer asketh M. Stafford forgiveness.  standing in the Schools when M. Stafford read, bade the Scholars not to hear him: and also preaching against him, exhorted the people, not to believe him, and yet the said Latimer confessed himself, that he gave thanks to God, that he asked him forgiveness before he departed.  
And thus much by the way of good M. Stafford, who for his constant and godly adventure in such a cause, may seem not unworthy to go with blessed Bilney, in the fellowship of holy and blessed Martyrs.   

¶ The story of M. Simon Fish.  
BEfore the time of M. Bilney, and the fall of the Cardinal, 
M Simon Fish, author of the book, called the supplication of Beggars.  I should have placed the story of Simon Fish with the book called the Supplication of Beggars, declaring how and by what means it came to the kings hand, and what effect thereof followed after, in the reformation of many things, especially of the Clergy. But the missing of a few years in this matter, breaketh no great square in our story, though it be now entered here which should have come in six years before. The manner and circumstance of the matter is this:  
After that the light of the gospel working mightily in Germany, began to spread his beams here also in England, great stir & alteration followed in the hearts of many: so that coloured hypocrisy, and false doctrine, & painted holiness began to be espied more and more by the reading of God's word. The authority of the Bishop of Rome, and the glory of his Cardinals was not so high, but such as had fresh wits sparkled with God's grace, began to espy Christ from Antichrist, that is, true sincerity, from counterfeit religion. In the number of whom, was the said M. Simon Fish, a gentleman of Brays Inn. It happened the first year that this Gentleman came to London to dwell, which was about the year of our Lord 1525. that there was a certain play or interlude made by one M. roe of the same Inn gentleman, in which play partly was matter against the Cardinal Wolsey. And where none durst take upon them to play that part, which touched the said Cardinal, this foresaid M. Fish took upon him to do it, whereupon great displeasure ensued against him, upon the Cardinal's part: In so much as he being pursued by the said Cardinal, 
Ex certa relatione, 〈…〉 propriae ipsius coniugis.  the same night that this Tragedy was played, was compelled of force to void his own house, & so fled over the Sea unto tindal: upon occasion whereof the next year following this book was made (being about the year .1527.) and so not long after in the year (as I suppose) 1528. was sent over to the Lady Anne Buileyne, who then lay at a place not far from the Court. Which book her brother seeing in her hand, took it and read it, & gave it her again, willing her earnestly to give it to the king, which thing she so did.  
This was (as I gather) about the year of our Lord. 1528. 
The book of the supplication of beggars given to the king.  The king after he had received the book, demanded of her who made it. Whereunto she answered and said, a certain subject of his, one Fish, who was fled out of the Realm for fear of the Cardinal. After the king had kept the book in his bosom 3. or 4. days, as is credibly reported, such knowledge was given by the kings servants, to the wife of the said Simon Fish, that she might boldly send for her husband, without all peril or danger. Whereupon she thereby being encouraged, came first & made suit to the king for the safe return of her husband. Who understanding whose wife she was, showed a marvelous gentle & cheerful countenance towards her, ask where her husband was. She answered, if it like your grace, not far of. Then saith he, fetch him, and he shall come and go safe without peril, & no man shall do him harm, saying moreover that he had much wrong that he was from her so long: who had been absent now the space of two years and a half. In the which mean time, the Cardinal was deposed, as is aforeshewed, and M. More set in his place of the Chauncellorship.  
Thus Fish'S wife being emboldened by the kings words, 
M. Fiche brought, and gently entertained of the king.  went immediately to her husband being lately come over, and lying privily within a mile of the Court, and brought him to the king: which appeareth to be about the year of our Lord 1530. When the king saw him, and understood he was the author of the book, he came and embraced him with loving countenance: who after long talk: for the space of 3. or 4. hours, as they were riding together on hunting, at length dimitted him and bade him take home his wife, for she had taken great pains for him. Who answered the king again and said, he durst not so do, for ●●are of Sir Thomas More than Chancellor, & Stoksley then Bishop of London. This seemeth to be about the year of our Lord. 1530.  
The king taking his signet of his finger, willed him to have him recommended to the Lord Chancellor, 
M. Fish rescued by the king.  charging him not to be so hardy to work him any harm, M. Fish receiving the kings signet, went and declared his message to the Lord Chancellor, who took it as sufficient for his own discharge, but he asked him if he had any thing for the discharge of his wife: for she a little before had by chance displeased the Friars, for not suffering them to say their Gospels in Latin in her house, as they did in others unless they would say it in English. Whereupon the Lord Chancellor, though he had discharged the man, yet leaving not his grudge towards the wife, 
Sir Thomas More persecuteth M. Fishes. w●●e.  the next morning sent his man for her to appear before him: who, had it not been for her young daughter, which then lay sick of the plague, had been like to come to much trouble. Of the which plague her husband, the said M. Fish deceasing with in half a year, 
M. Fish dieth o● the Plague.  she afterward married to one M. james Baynham, Sir Alexander Baynhams son, a worshipful knight of glostershyre. The which foresaid M. james Baynham, not long after was burned, as incontinently after in the process of this story, shall appear.  
And thus much concerning Simon Fish the author of the book of beggars, 
The sum of the Scripture translated by M. Fish.  who also translated a book called the Sum of the Scripture, out of the Dutch.  
Now cometh an other note of one Edmund Moddys the kings footman, touching the same matter.  
This M. Moddys being with the king in talk of religion, and of the new books that were come from beyond the seas, said if it might please his grace to pardon him, & such as he would bring to his grace, 
M. Moddys the kings ●oo●man  he should see such a book, as was marvel to hear of. The king demanded what they were. He said, two of your Merchants, George Elyot, & George Robinson. 
 The king pointed a time to speak with them. When they came afore his presence in a privy closet, he demanded what they had to say, or to show him. One of them said that there was a book come to their h●●s, which they had there to show his grace. When he saw it, he demanded if any of them could read it. Yea said George Elyot, if it please your grace to hear it. I thought so, said the king, for if need were thou canst say it without book.  
The whole book being read out, 
 the king made a long pause, & then said, if a man should pull down an old stone wall and begin at the lower part, the upper part thereof might chance to fall upon his head: and then he took the book and ●ut it into his desk, and commanded them upon their allegiance, that they should not tell to any man, that he had seen the book. etc. The Copy of the foresaid book, entitled of the Beggars, here ensueth.   

¶ A certain Libel or book entitled the Supplication of Beggars, thrown and scattered at the procession in Westminster on Candlemas day, before king Henry the 8. for him to read and peruse, made & compiled by M. Fish.  
¶ To the king our Sovereign Lord.  
MOst lamentably complaineth their woeful misery, unto your highness, 
A libel o●●led the ●●●plication 〈◊〉 beggars▪  your poor daily bedemen the wretched hydious monsters, on whom scarcely for horror any eye dare look, the soul unhappy sort of lepers, and other sore people, needy, impotent, blind, lame, and sick, that live only by alms, how that their number is daily so sore increased, that all the alms of all the well disposed people of this your realm is not half enough for to sustain them, but that for very constraint, they die for hunger. And this most pestilent mischief is come upon your said poor bedemen, by the reason that there is in the times of your noble predecessors passed, craftily crept into this your realm, an other sort, not of impotent, but of strong, puissant, and counterfeit holy and idle beggars and vagabonds, which since the time of their first entry, by all the craft and wiliness of Satan, are now increased under your sight, not only into a great number, but also into a kingdom.  
These are not the herds, but the ravenous wolves, going in herds clothing, devouring the flock, Bishops, 
Strong, valiant, 〈◊〉 & idle be●●gars.  Abbots, priors, Deacons, Archdeacon's, Suffragans, Priests, Monks, Canons, Friars, Pardoners & Summoner's. And who is able to number this idle ravenous sort, which (setting all labour aside) have begged so importunately, that they have gotten into their hands, more than the third part of all your Realm. The goodliest Lordships, manors, lands, and territories are theirs. Besides this, they have the x. part of all the corn, meadow, pasture, grass, wood, colts, calves, lambs, pigs, geese, and chickens. Over and beside, the x. part of every servants wages, 
More than the third▪ part of the realm in the spiritual men's hands▪  the x. part of wool, milk, honey, wax, cheese, and butter: yea & they look so narrowly upon their profits, that the poor wives must be countable to them for every x. egg, or else she getteth not her rights at Easter, and shallbe taken as an heretic. Hereto have they their four offering days. What money pull they in by probates of Testaments, privy tithes, and by men's offerings to their pilgrimages, and at their first Masses. Every man and child that is buried, must pay somewhat for Masses and Diriges, to be song for him, or else they will accuse their friends and executors of heresy. What money get they by mortuaries, by hearing of confessions (and yet they will keep thereof no counsel) by hallowing of Churches, altars, superaltars, Chapels, and bells, by cursing of men, and absolving them again for money? what a multitude of money gather the Pardoners in a year? How much money get the Summoner's by extortion in a year, by asciting the people to the Commissaries Court, and afterward releasing the apparaun●es for money? Finally, the infinite number of begging Friars, what get they in a year?  

* Peradventure the common count of the p●●●shes of England, among men, and in said 〈◊〉 the old time so went. And albeit the 〈◊〉 do not amount now to the same rate of 〈◊〉 yet nevertheless the number (no doubt) is great, and therefore the quarterage of the Friars can●not be little, but riseth to a great penny thro●●● the Realm. Whereupon the scope of this 〈◊〉 reason soundeth to good purpose. For 〈◊〉 he hit not perfectly on the just sums, 〈◊〉 cannot be denied, but the Friars had very 〈◊〉 and much more, than they deserved, 〈◊〉 neither can it be denied, but the more they 〈◊〉 the less redounded to the impotent needs driggars in deed. And what reason is it, that 〈◊〉 beggars, which may work, & yet will 〈…〉, should reap any piece of the crop, 〈…〉 no burden of the harvest, but 〈…〉 & serve to noise necessary in the 〈◊〉 wealth.  Here if it please your grace to mark, you shall see a thing far out of joint. There are within your realm of England. 52000. Parish Churches. And this standing, that there be but x. households in every Parish, yet are there u.c. M. & xx. M. househoulds. And of every of these households hath every of the five orders of Friars, a penny a quarter, for every order: that is, for all the five orders, five pence a quarter, for every house: that is, for all the five orders, 20. d. a year of every house. Summa, 
* Admit the Summa totalis came not to so 〈…〉 came to more than the friars deser●●● which could well work & would not, & 〈…〉 beg, & needed not▪ whereof read 〈◊〉 the story of Armachanus.  v. C. and xx. M. quarters of Angels, that is, 260000. half Angels. Summa 130000. Angels. Summa totalis, 430333. pounds. 6. s. 8. d. sterling. Whereof not 400. years passed, they had not one penny.  

* Oh grievous, etc. these words, saith M. More, 〈…〉 themselves did hear even into Purgatory Belike M. More himself stood behind 〈◊〉 door the same time, or else how 〈…〉 tell, that the souls did hear him?  Oh grievous & painful exaction, thus yearly to be paid: from the which the people of your noble Predecessors the Kings of the ancient Britain's, ever stood free. And this will they have, or else they will procure him that will not give it to them to be taken as an heretic. What Tyrant ever oppressed the people, like this cruel and vengeable generation? what subjects shall be able to help their Prince, that be after this fashion yearly poled? What good Christian people can be able to secure us poor lepers, blind, sore, and lame, that be thus yearly oppressed? Is it any marvel that your people so complain of poverty? Is it any marvel that the taxes, fifteens and subsidies, that your grace most tenderly of great compassion, hath taken among your people to defend them from the threatened ruin of their common wealth, have been so slothfully, yea painfully levied seeing almost the uttermost penny that mought have been levied, hath been gathered before yearly, by this erroneous insatiable generation? Neither the Danes nor the Saxons, in the time of the ancient Britons, should ever have been able to have brought their armies from so far, hither into your land, to have conquered it, if they had had at that time such a sort of idle gluttons to find at home. 
He meaneth all this only of idle Friars.  The noble king Arthur had never been able to have carried his army to the foot of the mountains, to resist the coming down of Lucius the Emperor, if such yearly exactions had been taken of his people. The Greeks had never been able to have so long continued at the siege of Troy, if they had had at home such an idle sort of cormorantes to find. The ancient Romans had never been able to have put all the whole world under their obeisance, if their people had been thus yearly oppressed. The Turk now in your time should never been able to get so much ground of christendom, if he had in his Empire such a sort of Locusts, to devour his substance. Lay then these sums to the foresaid third part of the possessions of the realm, that ye may see whether it draw nigh unto the half of the whole substance of the Realm, or not: so shall ye find that it draweth far above.  

An unequal division that the Friars should have ●●lfe with the m●●ltitude, they being 〈…〉 hundredth 〈◊〉 of the number.  Now let us then compare the number of this unkind idle sort, unto the number of the lay people, & we shall see whether it be indifferently shifted or not, that they should have half. Compare them to the number of men, so are they not the hundredth person. Compare them to men, women & children, then are they not the four hundredth person in number. One part therefore in four hundredth parts divided, were to much for them, except they did labour. What an unequal burden is it that they have half with the multitude, and are not the four hundredth person of their number? What tongue is able to tell that ever there was any common wealth so sore oppressed, since the world first began?  
And what doth all this greedy sort of sturdy, idle, holy thieves, with these yearly exactions that they take of the people? Truly nothing but exempt themselves from the obedience of your grace. Nothing but traslate all rule, power, Lordship, authority, obedience and dignity, from your grace, unto them. Nothing but that all your subjects should fall into disobedience and rebellion against your grace, and be under them, as they did unto your noble predecessor king john: which for because that he would have punished certain traitors that had conspired with the French king, 
The rule of 〈◊〉 empa●red by the Pope's clergy.  to have deposed him from his crown and dignity (among the which a Clerk called Stephen, whom afterward against the kings will, the Pope made Bishop of Caunterbury, was one) interdicted his land. For the which matter your most noble realm wrongfully (alas for shame) hath stand tributary not unto any kind of temporal prince, but unto a cruel devilish bloudsupper, drunken in the blood of the Saints and Martyrs of Christ, ever since.  
Here were an holy sort of Prelates, that thus cruelly could punish such a righteous king, all his realm and succession, for doing right. Here were a charitable sort of holy men that could thus interdite a whole Realm, & pluck away the obedience of the people from their natural liege Lord and king, for none other cause, but for his righteousness. Here were a blessed sort, not of meek herds, but of bloudsuppers, that could set the French king upon such a righteous Prince, to cause him to lose his crown and dignity, to make effusion of the blood of his people, unless this good and blessed king, of great compassion, 
K. john submitted himself unto the Pope, read before.  more fearing & lamenting the shedding of the blood of his people, than the loss of his crown and dignity, against all right and conscience, had submitted himself unto them.  
O case most horrible, that ever so noble a king, realm and succession, should thus be made to stoop to such a sort of bloudsuppers. Where was his sword, power, crown, & dignity become, whereby he might have done justice in this matter? where was their obedience become that should have been subject under his high power in this matter? Yea where was the obedience of all his subjects become, that for maintenance of the common wealth should have helped him manfully to have resisted these bloudsuppers, to the shedding of their blood? was it not altogether by their policy, translated from this good king unto them?  
Yea, and what do they more? Truly nothing, 
If this be not true in the whole, I would the greatest part were not such.  but apply themselves by all the sleights they may, to have to do with every man's wife, every man's daughter, and every man's maid, that cukoldry and bawdry should reign over all, among your subjects, that no man should know his own child. that their bastards might inherit the possessions of every man, to put the right begotten children clear beside their inheritance, in subversion of all estates and godly order. These be they that by their abstaining from Marriage, do let the generation of the people, whereby all the Realm at length, if it should be continued, shallbe made desert and inhabitable.  
These be they that have made an 100000. idle Whores in your realm, 
100000, idle whores made in England by the Pope's clergy.  which would have gotten their living honestly, in the sweat of their faces, had not their superfluous riches illected them to unclean lust and idleness. These be they that corrupt the whole generation of mankind in your Realm, that catch the pocks of one woman, and bear them to another, that be burnt with one woman, & bear it to another, that catch the lepry of one woman, & bear it to another. Yea some one of them shall boast among his fellows, that he hath meddled with an C. women, These be they, that when they have once drawn men's wives to such incontinency, spend away their husband's goods, make the women to run away from their husbands, yea, run away themselves both with wife and goods, bringing both man, wife and children, to idleness, theft and beggary. Yea, who is able to number the great and broad bottomless ocean Sea, full of evils, that this mischievous and sinful generation may lawfully bring upon us unpunished.  
Where is your sword, power, crown and dignity become, that should punish by punishment of death even as other men are punished, the felonies, rapes, murders, and treasons committed by this sinful generation? Where is their obedience become that should be under your high power in this matter? It is not altogether translated and exempt from your grace unto them? Yes cruelly. 
* The realm of England is diminished & decayed by the number of 200000 persons at least, or else replenished with so many whores & whoremasters, by restraining of marriage from priests, Monks▪ Friars, nuns, Colleges, Hospitals, Beadmen, & such like orders within the realm of England. The increase of which number might be recovered, and the realm more peopled, and also God's Commandments better kept, if these vows of bondage were broken, & matrimony permitted free to all men.  What an infinite number of people might have been increased to have peopled the Realm, if this sort of folk had been married like other men? What breach of matrimony is there brought in by them? such truly as was never since the world began, among the whole multitude of the Heathen, Who is she that will set her hands to work, to get 3. d. a day, and may have at least 20. d. a day to sleep an hour with a Friar, a Monk, or a Priest? What is he that would labour for a groat a day, and may have at least 12. d. a day to be bawd to a Priest, a Monk, or a Friar? What a sort are there of them that marry Priests sovereign Ladies, but to cloak the priests incontinency, and that they may have a living of the Priests, themselves for their labour? 
Priests and Doves make foul houses  How many M. doth such lubricity bring to beggary, theft and idleness: which should have kept their good name, & have set themselves to work, had not been this excessive treasure of the spirituality? what honest man dare take any man or woman into his service, that hath been at such a school with a spiritual man?  
Oh the grievous shipwreck of the common wealth, 
The Pope's clergy a shipwreck to all common wealths.  which in ancient time before the coming of these ravenous wolves, were so prosperous, that then there were but few thieves: yea theft was at that time so rare, that Caesar was not compelled to make penalty of death upon felony, as your grace may well perceive in his institutes. There was also at that time, but few poor people, and yet they did not beg, 
The cause of so many beggar's, thieves and idle people in England.  but there was given them enough unasked, for there was at that time, none of these ravenous wolves to ask it from them, as it appeareth in the Acts of the Apostles. Is it any marvel though there be now so many beggars, thieves, and ●ole people? Nay truly. What remedy? make laws against them? I am in doubt whether ye be able. 
The pope● clergy stronger in Parliament, ●hen 〈◊〉, as hath appeared by th●ir cruel laws against the poor Gospelers.  Are they not stronger in your own Parliament house then yourself? What a number of Bishop's Abbots and Priors, are Lords of your Parliament? Are not all the learned men of your realm in fee with them, to speak in your Parliament house for them against your crown, dignity, and common wealth of your realm, a few of your own learned Counsel only excepted? What law can be made against them that may be available? Who is he (though he be grieved never so sore) that for the murder of his ancestor, 
No law nor remedy against the clergy.  ravishment of his wife, of his daughter, robbery, trespass, man, debt, or any other offence, dare lay it to their charge, by any way of action: and if he do, then is he by and by, by their wyknes, accused of heresy: yea they will so handle him ere he pass, that, except he will bear a Faggot for their pleasure, he shallbe excommunicate, & then be all his actions dashed.  
So captive are your laws unto them, that no man whom they list to excommunicate, 
All laws and actions captive 〈◊〉 the clergy men.  may be admitted to sue any action in any of your Courts. If any man in your Sessions dare be so hardy to indite a Priest of any such crime, he hath ere the year go out, such a yoke of heresy laid in his neck, that it maketh him wish that he had not done it. Your grace may see what a work there is in London: 
Of Richard Hun read before pag. 806  how the Bishop rageth for inditing of certain Curates of extortion, & incontinency the last year in the Wardmote quest. Had not Richard Hun commenced action of Praemunire against a Priest, he had been yet alive and no heretic at all, but an honest man. Did not divers of your noble progenitors, 
The statute of mortmain.  seeing their crown and dignity run into ruin, and to be thus craftily translated into the hands of this mischievous generation, make divers statutes for the reformation thereof: among which the statute of mortmain was one, to the intent that after that time they should have no more given unto them? But what availed it? have they not gotten into their hands more lands since, than any Duke in England hath, 
Half the profit of the realm in the clergies hands.  the statute notwithstanding? Yea, have they not for all that translated into their hands from your grace, half your kingdom thoroughly, the only name remaining to you for your aunceters sake: So you have the name and they the profit. Yea I fear, if I should weigh all things to the uttermost, they would also take the name unto them, and of one kingdom make twain: the spiritual kingdom as they call it (for they will be named first) and your temporal kingdom. And which of these 2. kingdoms suppose you, is like to overgrow the other, yea to put the other clear out of memory? Truly the kingdom of the bloudsuppers, for to them is given daily out of your kingdom: and that that is once given them, cometh never from them again. Such laws have they that none of them may neither give nor sell nothing. What law can be made so strong against them, that they either with money or else with other policy, will not break or set at nought? What kingdom can endure, that ever giveth thus from him and receiveth nothing again? Oh how all the substance of your realm, your sword, power, crown, dignity & obedience of your people, runneth headlong into the insatiable whirlepole of these greedy gulfs, to be swallowed and devoured.  
Neither have they any other colour to gather these yearly exactions into their hands, 
The most good that the Pope's clergy doth in England is to pray 〈◊〉 souls out of purgatory.  but that they say they pray for us to God, to deliver our souls out of the pains of Purgatory, without whose prayer they say, or at least without the Pope's pardon, we could never be delivered thence. Which if it be true, than it is good reason that we give them all these things, although it were a hundred times as much. But there be many men of great literature and judgement, that for the love they have unto the truth and unto the common wealth, have not feared to put themselves into the greatest infamy that may be, in abjection of all the world, yea in peril of death, to declare their opinion in this matter: which is, that there is no Purgatory, but that it is a thing invented by the covetousness of the spiritualty, 
Purgatory denied.  only to translate all kingdoms from other princes unto than, and that there is not one word spoken of it in all holy Scripture. They say also, that if there were a Purgatory, and also if that the Pope with his pardons for money may deliver one soul thence: he may deliver him as well without money, if he may deliver one, he may deliver a thousand: if he may deliver a thousand, he may deliver them all, and so destroy Purgatory, and then he●s a cruel tyrant without all charity, if he keep them there in prison and in pain, till men will give him money. 

If the Pope may deliver souls ●ut of Purgatory 〈◊〉 money, he may then as 〈◊〉 deliver them without 〈◊〉 if it pleased him.  
Again, if he deliuer●● he can deliver a thousan●● he can deliver a thousan●● can deliver all, and so ma●▪ ga●●e delivery, and a 〈◊〉 dispatch of all 〈◊〉 if he would: and if he w●ll not when he may, then is there no charity in him.    
Likewise say they of all the whole sort of the spiritualty, that if they will pray for no man but for them that give them money, they are tyrants & lack charity, & suffer those souls to be punished and pained uncharitably for lack of their prayers. This sort of folks they call heretics, these they burn, these they rage against, put to open shame and make them bear Faggots. But whether they be heretics or no, well I wots, that this Purgatory & the pope's pardons are all the cause of the translation of your kingdom so fast into their hands: wherefore it is manifest, it can not be of Christ, 
Christ submitted himself under temporal government. The cause touched, why the Pope's clergy will 〈◊〉 let the 〈◊〉 Testament go ab●●●d the mother tongu●  for he gave more to the temporal kingdom, he himself paid tribute to Cesar, he took nothing from him, but taught that the high powers should be always obeyed, yea he himself (although he were most free Lord of all, & innocent) was obedient unto the high powers unto death. This is the great scab, why they will not let the new testament go abroad in your mother tongue, least men should espy that they by their cloaked hypocrisy do translate thus fast your kingdom into their hands: that they are not obedient unto your high power: that they are cruel, unclean, unmerciful and hypocrites: that they seek not the honour of Christ but their own: that remission of sins are not given by the Pope's Pardon, but by Christ, for the sure faith and trust that we have in him.  
Here may your grace well perceive, that except you suffer their hypocrisy to be disclosed, all is like to run into their hands, and as long as it is covered, so long shall it seem to every man to be a great impiety, not to give them. 
*  For this I am sure your grace thinketh (as the truth is) I am as good a man as my Father: why may I not as well give them as much as my father did? And of this mind I am sure, are all the Lords, knights, squires, gentlemen, & yeomen in England: yea and until it be disclosed, all your people will think that your statute of Mortmain was never made with no good conscience, seeing that it taketh away the liberty of your people, in that they may not as lawfully buy their souls out of Purgatory by giving to the spiritualty, as their predecessors did in times past.  
Wherefore, if you will eschew the ruin of your crown & dignity, let their hypocrisy be uttered, & that shallbe more speedefull in this matter, than all the laws that may be made, be they never so strong. For to make a law for to punish any offender, except it were more for to give other men an ensample to beware how they commit such like, offence, what should it avail? 
Of Doctor allen the cardinals Chancellor read before, pag. 986. Of this Doct. Horsey, the bi●h▪ of London's Chancellor, read before pag. 807.  Did not Doct. allen most presumptuously now in your time, against all his allegiance all that ever he could, to pull from you the knowledge of such pleas, as belong unto your high Courts, unto an other Court in derogation of your crown and dignity? Did not also D. Horsey and his complices most heinously (as all the world knoweth) murder in prison that honest Merchant Rich. Hun, for that he sued your writ of Praemunire against a priest that wrongfully held him in plea in a spiritual court, for a matter whereof the knowledge belonged unto your high Courts? And what punishment was there done, that any man may take example of, to beware of like offence? Truly none, but that the one paid 500 pound (as it is said) to the building of your chamber, & when that payment was once passed, the Captains of his kingdom (because he fought so manfully against your crown and dignity) have heaped to him, benefice upon benefice, so that he is rewarded 
10. times, that is, 10. times as much as he had in 〈◊〉 before, & not as he paid to the king. And although these murderers of Hun●e were not recompensed with 10. times, or with 4. times as much (which More denieth) yet can he never be able to deny the substance of the story, that is, that Hun by these was brought to his death, & that they being put to their fines, were afterward sufficiently recompensed with benefices upon benefices.  x. times as much. The other (as it is said) paid 600. pound for him & his complices: which for because that he had like wise fought so manfully against your crown and dignity, was immediately as he had obtained your most gracious pardon, promoted by the captains of his kingdom, with benefice upon benefice, to the value of four times as much. Who can take example of punishment, to beware of such like offence? Who is he of their kingdom that will not rather take courage to commit like offence, seeing the promotions that fell to these men for their so offending? so weak and blunt is your sword to strike at one of the offenders of this crooked and perverse generation.  
And this is by the reason that the chief instrument of your law, 
unconvenient 〈…〉 spiritual man to be Lord Chancellor  yea the chief of your Council and he which hath your sword in his hand, to whom also all the other instruments are obedient, is always a spiritual man, which hath ever such an inordinate love unto his own kingdom that he will maintain that, though all the temporal kingdoms and common wealths of the world, should therefore utterly be undone. Here leave we out the greatest matter of all, lest that we declaring such an horrible caren of evil against the ministers of iniquity, 
 should seem to declare the one only fault, or rather the ignorance of our best beloved minister of righteousness, which is to be hid till he may be learned by these small enormities that we have spoken of, to know it plainly himself.  
But what remedy to relieve us your poor, sick, lame, and sore bedemen? To make many hospitals for the relief of the poor people? 
 Nay truly. The more the worse, for ever the fat of the whole foundation hangeth on the priests beards. divers of your noble Predecessors, kings of this realm, have given lands to Monasteries, to give a certain sum of money yearly to the poor people, whereof for the ancienty of the time, they give never one penny, They have likewise given to them, to have a certain of masses said daily for them: whereof they say never one. If the Abbot of Westminster should sing every day as many masses for his founders, as he is bound to do by his foundation a thousand Monks were to few. Wherefore, if your grace will build a sure hospital that never shall sail, to relieve us all your poor bedemen, then take from them all these things. Set these sturdy loubies abroad in the world to get them wives of their own, to get their living with their labour in the sweat of their faces, according to the commandment of God, Gen. 1. to give other idle people by their example, occasion to go to labour.  
Tie these holy idle thieves to the carts, to be whipped naked about every market Town, 
〈…〉 and 〈…〉 to the 〈◊〉, by putting out 〈◊〉, Fr●ers, and 〈◊〉.  till they fall to labour, that they by their importunate begging, take not away the alms that the good christian people would give unto us sore, impotent, miserable people, your bedemen. Then shall as well the number of our foresaid monstrous sort, as of the bands, whores, thieves, and idle people decrease. Then shall these great yearly exactions cease. Then shall not your sword, power, crown, dignity, & obedience of your people be translated from you. Then shall you have full obedience of your people. Then shall the idle people be set to work. Then shall matrimony be much better kept. Then shall the generation of your people be increased. Then shall your commons increase in riches. Then shall the Gospel be preached. Then shall none beg our alms from us. Then shall we have enough and more than shall suffice us: which shall be the best hospital that ever was founded for us. Then shall we daily pray to God for your most noble estate long to endure.  
Against this book of the Beggars above prefixed, being written in the time of the Cardinal, 
The supplicat●●● of purgatory, made by Sir Th●. More, against the 〈◊〉 of beggars.  another contrary book or supplication, was devised and written shortly upon the same, by one sir Thomas More knight, Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster, under the name and title of the poor silly souls puling out of Purgatory. In the which book, after that the said M. More writer thereof, had first divided the whole world into four parts, that is, into heaven, hell, middle earth, and purgatory: then he maketh the dead men's souls by a Rhetorical Prosopopoea, to speak out of Purgatory pynfolde, sometimes lamentably complaining, sometimes pleasantly dallying & scoffing at the author of the beggars book, sometimes scolding and railing at him, calling him fool, witless, frantic, an ass, a goose, a mad dog, an heretic, & all that nought is. And no marvel, if these silly souls of purgatory seem so fumish ● testy. For heat (ye know) is testy, & soon inflameth choler, but yet these Purgatory souls, must take good heed how they call a man a fool, and heretic so often. For if the sentence of the Gospel doth pronounce them guilty of hell fire, 
Math. 5.  which say fatue, fool: it may be doubted lest those poor silly melancholy souls of Purgatory, calling this man fool so oft as they have done, do bring themselves thereby out of purgatory fire, to the fire of hell, by the just sentence of the gospel: so that neither the 5. wounds of S. Frances, nor all the merits of S. Dominicke, nor yet of all the Friars can release them poor wretches. But yet for so much as I do not, nor cannot think, that those departed souls, either would so far overshoot themselves if they were in purgatory, or else that there is any such fourth place of Purgatory at all (unless it be in M Mores Utopia) as Master Moor's Poetical vain doth imagine, 
〈◊〉 that is to say, 〈…〉.  I cease therefore to burden the souls departed, and lay all the wit in master More the author and contriver of this Poetical book, for not keeping Decorum personae, as a perfect Poet should have done, 
 They that give precepts of Art, do note this in all Poetical fictions, as a special observation to foresee and express what is convenient for every person, according to his degree and condition to speak and utter. Wherefore if it be true that M. More saith in the sequel of his book, that grace & charity increaseth in them that lie in the pains of Purgatory, then is it not agreeable, that such souls lying so long in Purgatory, should so soon forget their charity, and ●all a railing in their supplication so fumishly, both against this man, with such opprobrious & vn●●cting terms, & also against john Badby, Richard Howndon, john Goose, Lord Cobham and other Martyrs of the Lord burned for his word: also against Luther, William tindal, Richard Hun and other more, falsely belying the doctrine by them taught & defended: which is not like that such charitably souls of Purgatory would ever do, neither were it convenient for them in that case, which in deed though their doctrine were false, should redound to the more increase of their pain. Again, where the B. of Rochester defineth the Angels to be ministers to Purgatory souls some will think peradventure M. More to have miss some part of his Decorum in making the evil spirit of the author & the devil to be messenger between middle earth, & Purgatory, in bringing tidings to the prisoned souls, both of the book, and of the name of the maker.  
Now, as touching the manner how this devil came into Purgatory, laughing, grinning, and gnashing his teeth, 
M. Moor's Antics.  in ●othe it maketh me to laugh, to see the merry Antiques of M. More. Belike them this was some merry devil, or else ha● eaten with his teeth some Nasturcium before: which coming into Purgatory, to show the name of this man, 
Satan nasturciatur.  could not tell his tale without laughing. But this was (saith he) an ●●mious and an envious laughing joined with grinning and gnashing of teeth. And immediately upon the same, was contrived this scoffing & railing supplication of the puling souls of Purgatory, as he himself doth term them. So then here was enmying, envying, laughing, grinning gnashing of teeth, puling, scoffing railing, and begging and altogether to make a very black Sanctus in Purgatory. In deed we read in Scripture, that there shall be weeping and gnashing of teeth in hell, where the souls and bodies of men shallbe tormented. 
A Black Sanctus in purgatory.  But who would ever have thought before, that the evil angel of this man, that made the book of Beggars, being a spiritual and no corporal substance, had teeth to gnash, and a mouth to grin? But where then stood M. More I marvel all this mean while, to see the devil laugh with his mouth so wide, that the souls of purgatory might see all his teeth? Belike this was in Utopia, where M. Moor's Purgatory is founded, but because M. More is hence departed, I leave him with his merry Antiques. 
The answer of john Fryth against M. Moor's purgatory.  And as touching his book of Purgatory, which he hath left behind, because john Frith hath learnedly and effectuously overthrown the same, I will therefore refer the reader to him, while I repair again (the Lord willing) to the history.  
After that the clergy of England, and especially the Cardinal understood these books of the beggars supplications foresaid, to be straw abroad in the streets of London, and also before the king, the said Cardinal caused not only his servants diligently to attend to gather them up, that they should not come into the kings hands but also when he understood, that the king has received one or two of them, he came unto the king's Majesty saying: If it shall please your grace, here are divers seditious persons which have scattered abroad books containing manifest errors and heresies, desiring his grace to beware of them. Whereupon the king putting his hand in his bosom, took out one of the books and delivered it unto the Cardinal. Then the Cardinal together with his bishops, 
Provision by the Bishops, against English Books.  consulted how they might provide a speedy remedy for this mischief, & thereupon determined to give out a commission to forbid the reading of all English books, and namely this book of Beggars, and the new Testament of Tyndals' translation: which was done out of hand by Cuthbert Tonstall Bishop of London, who sent out his prohibition unto his Archdeacon's, with all speed, for the forbidding of that book and divers other more: the tenor of which prohibition here followeth.   

* A prohibition sent out by Cuthbert Tonstall Bysh of London, to the Archdeacon's of his diocese, for the calling in of the new Testaments translated into English, with divers other books: the Catalogue whereof hereafter ensueth.  
CVthbert by the permission of God, Bishop of London, unto our well-beloved in Christ the Archdeacon of London, or to his Official, health, grace & benediction. 
A prohibition against english books.  By the duty of our pastoral office, we are bound diligently with all our power, to foresee, provide for, root out, and put away all those things, which seem to tend to the peril & danger of our subjects, and specially the destruction of their souls. Wherefore we having understanding by the report of divers credible persons, & also by the evident appearance of the matter, that many children of iniquity maintainers of Luther's sect, blinded through extreme wickedness wandering from the way of truth and the Catholic faith, craftily have translated the new Testament into our English tongue, intermeddling therewith many heretical Articles and erroneous opinions, pernicious and offensive, seducing the simple people attempting by their wicked & perverse interpretations, to prophanate the majesty of the Scripture, which hitherto hath remained undefiled, & craftily to abuse the most holy word of God, & the true sense of the same: of the which translation there are many books imprinted, some with gloss and some without, containing in the English tongue that pestiferous and most pernicious poison dispersed throughout all our diocese of London in great number: which truly without it be speedily foreseen, without doubt, will contaminate and infect the flock committed unto us, with most deadly poison and heresy, to the grievous peril & danger of the souls committed to our charge, and the offence of God's divine majesty. Wherefore we Cuthbert the bishop aforesaid, grievously sorrowing for the premises, willing to withstand the craft & subtlety of the ancient enemy and his ministers, which seek the destruction of my flock, & with a diligent care, to take heed unto the flock committed to my charge, desiring to provide speedy remedies for the premises, do charge you jointly and severally, & by virtue of your obedience, straightly enjoin & command you, that by our authority you warn or cause to be warned all & singular, aswell exempt as not exempt, dwelling within our Archdeaconries, that within 30. days space, whereof 10. days shallbe for the first 10. for the second 10. for the third and peremptory term, under pain of excommunication, and incurring the suspicion of heresy, they do bring in and really deliver unto our vicar general, all & singular such books as contain the translation of the new Testament in the English tongue, and that you do certify us or our said Commissary, within a months after the day of the date of these presents, duly, personally or by your letters, together with these presents, under your seals, what you have done in the premises, under pain of contempt given under our seal, the 23. of October, in the 5. year of our consecration an. 1526.  
¶ The like Commission in like manner and form, was sent to the three other Archdeacon's of Middlesexe, Essex, and Co●chester, for the execution of the same matter, under the Bishop's seal.   

* The names of the books that were forbidden at this time, together with the new Testament.  


Books condemned and forbidden  THe supplication of Beggars.  
The revelation of Antechrist, of Luther.  
The new Testament of tindal.  
The wicked Mammon.  
The obedience of a Christian man.  
An introduction to Paul's Epistle to the Romans.  
A Dialogue betwixt the father and the son.  
Oeconomicae Christianae.  
unio dissidentium.  
Piae Precationes.  
Captivitas Babilonica.  
joannes Hus in Oseam.  
Zwinglius in Catabaptistas'.  
De pueris instituendis.  
Brentius de administranda Republica.  
Luther ad Galatas.  
De libertate Christiana.  
Luther's exposition upon the Pater noster.   
¶ Besides these books here before mentioned, within a short time after, there were a great number more of other books in like manner prohibited by the king's proclamation: but yet by the Bishop's procurement. an. 1529. the Catalogue whereof with the names & the authors, are here to be seen.   


* Libri Sectae sive factionis Lutherianae importati ad civitatem London▪ per fautores eiusdem Sectae, quorum nomina & auctores sequuntur.  
joannis Wycleffi viri pijssimi dialogorum libri quatuor, quorum primus divinitatem & ideas tractat. Secundus universarum creationem complectitur. Tertius de virtutibus vitijsque ipsis contrarijs copiosissimè loquitur. Quartus Romanae Ecclesiae sacramenta, eius pestiferam dotationem, antechristi regnum, fratrum fraudulentam originem atque eorum hypocrisim demonstrat.  
De bonis operibus doctoris Ma. Lutheri.  
Epistola Lutheri ad Leonem ten summum Pontificem.  
Tessaradeca consolatoria pro laborantibus & oneratis Mart. Lutheri.  
Tractatus Lutheri de libertate Christiana.  
Sermo doctors Martini Lutheri.  
Enarrationes M. Lutheri in epistolas D. Petri.  
Resposio Martini Lutheri ad librum Magistri Bartholomei Catharini desensoris Siluestri Pontificis cum exposita visione Danielis 8. de an. Christi.  
De operibus Dei, Martino Cellario autore.  
Deutronomos Mosis ex Hebreo castigatus, cum annotationibus Martini Lutheri.  
Lutheri Cathecismus Latina donatus civitate, per johannem Lonicerum.  
jonas Propheta, Martini Lutheri commentariolo explicatus.  
In Epistolam Pauli ad Galathas, Martini Lutheri commmentarius.  
Mart. Lutheri epistolarum farrago pietatis & eruditionis plena, cum Psalmorum aliquot interpretatione.  
Enarrationes seu Postillae Mart. Lutheri in lectiones qua ex Euamgelicis historijs, Apostolorum scriptis, alijsque sacrae scripturae literis desumpta per universum annum, tam diebus dominicis, quam divorum memoriae facris super missam faciendam recitantur.  
Conclusiones sedecim R. patris Domini Martini Lutheri de fide & ceremonijs.  
Eiusdem de fide & operibus saluberrima declaratio.  
Ceremoniarum eruditissima resolutio, quid sint & quomodo eye utendum.  
Conclusiones quinquaginta eiusdem pro timoratis conscientijs.  
Resolutio Lutheriana super propositionem suam. 13. de potestate Papae.  
Didimi Faventini adversus Thomam Placentinun, pro Martino Luthero Theologo oratio.  
Enarrationes novae Domini M. Lutheri in jonam Prophetan.  
De votis monasticis Martini Lutheri judicium.  
Enchiridion piarum precationum Martini Lutheri.  
Conciunculae quaedam Martini Lutheri in deiparae virgins & aliquot festos dies nuper è populari lingua latinè factae.  
In Esaiam Prophetam commentarius joannis Oecolampadij.  
In Danielem Prophetam joannis Oecolampadij libri duo.  
Appologetica joannis Oecolampadij de dignitate Eucharistiae. Item, Sermons duo ad Theobaldum Billicanum, quinam in verbis Cenae alienum sensum inferant.  
De non habendo pauperum delectu, joannes Oecolampadius.  
In postremos tres Prophetas, nempe Haggeum, Zacharian, & Malachiam, commentarius johannis Oecolampadij.  
Quid de Eucharistia veteres tum Graeci, tum Latini senserint dialogus, in quo epistolae Philippi Melanctonis & johannes Oecolampadij insertae sunt.  
Apologetica joannis Oecolampadij de dignitate Eucharistiae.  
joannes Oecolampadius de genuina verborum Domini, Hoc est corpus meum significatione.  
In epistolam Pauli Apostoli adnotationes à joanne Oecolampadio recognitae.  
Accuta exegesis id est expositio Eucharistici negotij ad Martinum Lutherum Huldricho Zwinglio authore.  
Complanationes Esaiae Prophetae foetura prima, cum Apologia per Huldricum Zwinglium.  
Farrago Annotationum in Genesim, ex ore Hulderichi Zwinglij. Annotatiunculae per Leonem judam, ex ore Zwinglij, in utramque Pauli ad Corinthios Epistolam.  
Ad Phillippenses annotatiunculae per Leonem judam, ex ore Huldrichi Zwinglij exceptae,  
Ad illustrissimos Germaniae principes Augusta congregatos de convitijs Eccij.  
In Catabaptistarum Stropeas Elenchus Huldrichi Zwinglij.  
De veteri & falsa religione Huldrichi Zwinglij commentarius.  
Ad illustrissimum cattorum principem Philippum, Sermons de providentia Dei, Huldricho Zwinglio autore.  
Complanationes Ieremiae Prophetae foetura prima, cum Apologia, per Huldricum Zwinglium.  
Ad Theobaldi Bellicani & urbani regij Epistolas resposio Huldrichi Zwinglij.  
Quo pacto ingenui adolescentes formandi sunt, praeceptiones pauculae, Huldricho Zwinglio autore.  
Annotationes johannis Bugehagij Pomerani in Epistolas Pauli ad Galatas, Ephesios, Phillippenses, colossenses, Thessalonicenses, primam & secundam.  
In Regum duos ultimos libros annotationes joannis Bugenhagij pomerani post Samuelem, iam primum emissae.  
johannis Bugenhagij pomerani annotationes in Deuteronomium, & in Samuelem Prophetam, id est duos libros Regum.  
De coniugio Episcoporum & diaconorum, ad venerandum doctorem Wolfgangum Reysenbusts, per joannem Bugenhagium Pomeranum.  
Explicatio brevis, simplex, & canonica libelli Ruth, ea forma qua totius veteris test. canonici libri expofiti sunt, autore Conrado Pelicanio.  
Psalterium Davidis, Conradi Pellicani opera elaboratum: non esse ferendas in templis Christianorum imagines & statuas coli solitas, autoribus ecclesiastis argentoraten.  
Epistola Martini Buceri, Euangelistarum enarrationes nuncupata. De Ebdomadis que apud Danielem sunt opusculum, in quo tractatur de sacrificio missae abolendo, incerto autore.  
Novae doctrinae ad veterem collatio per Vrbanum Regium, in quo tractat de sacris Ecclesiae.  
Collectaneae communíum troporum sacrosanctae scripturae, Batholomeo Westhemero collectore.  
In epistolam ad Romanos, Andreae Kuophen Costermensis interpretatio. Adiecta est Epistola à Philippo Melancthone.  
Loci utriusque testamenti complectentes praecipua capita totius Christianismi, cum adiectis scholijs.  
Epistola Pauli ad Titum iam recens per johannem Agrigolam scholijs novis illustrata.  
In Hoseam Prophetam. 5. sermons Capitonis.  
Dispositio orationis in Epistolam Pauli ad Romanos, Philippo Melancthone autore.  
Sancti Pauli ad Colessenses Epistola, cum còmentarijs Philippi Milanctonis.  
Nova scholia Philippi Melancthonis in Proverbia Salomonis.  
De autoritate, officio, & potestate Pastorum ecclesiasticorum, ex Philippi Melancthonis editione.  
Philippi Melancthonis Annotationes in joannem.  
Annotationes Philippi Melancthonis in evangelium Mathaei.  
Enarrationes perpetuae in sacra quatuor evangelia per Martinum Bucerum.  
In Sancti Pauli Epistolam ad Epheseos, Martinus Bucerus.  
In theophanian, quem Sophoniam vulgo vocant, Epitomographus, ad ebraicam veritatem versus, per Martinum Bucerum.  
job cum commentarijs johannis Brentij.  
Ecclesiastes Salomonis cum commentarijs joannis Brentij.  
In Divi joannis evangelium Io. Brentij exegesis.  
Francisci Lamberti Auinionensis, in divi Lucae evangelium commentarij.  
Francisci Lamberti commentarij de Prophetia, erudition, & linguis, deque litera & spiritu.  
In regulam Minoritarun, & contra universas perditionis Sectas, Francisci Lamberti commentarij.  
Eiusdem libellus de differentia stimuli carnis Sathnae nuncij, & ustionis.  
In Cantica Canticorum Salomonis, libellum quidem sensibus altissimis, in quo sublimia sacri coniugij mysteria quae in Christo, & Ecclesia sunt, pertractantur, Francisci Lamberti commentarij  
In Amos, Abdiam, & jonam, Prophetas, commentarij Francisci Lamberti.  
Francisci Lamberti commentarij in four ultimos Prophetas, nempe Sophoniam, Aggeum, Zachariam, & Malachiam.  
Wessellus de sacramento Eucharistiae, & de audienda missa. Farrago Wesselli Groaning. Lux mundi olim vulgo dicta, in qua tractatur de providentia Dei, de dignitate & pietate Ecclesiastica, de Sacramento penitentiae, & quae sunt claves Ecclesiae, & de purgatorio.  
Weselli Epistola adversus M. Eugelbertum Lerdens, in qua tractatur quid sit tenendum de spirituum & mortuorum apparationibus, ac de suffragijs & celebrationibus.  
Tractatur Wesselli de oratione & modo orandi.  
De Christi incarnatione, de magnitudine, & amaritudine dominicae passionis, libri duo Wisselli Groningensi authore.  
In Dei gratiae & Christianae fidei commendationem, contra falsam & pharisaicam multorum, de iusticijs & meritis operum doctrinam & gloriationem, fragmenta aliquot D. johannis Gocchij, nunquam ante hac excusa.  
Dialogus D. johannis Gocchij Mechliniensis, de quatuor errorib. circa Euangelicam legem exortis.  
Quod non sit onerosa consefsio paradox. joannis Oecolampadij. De celibatu monachatu, & viduitate, Domino Andrea Carolostadio autore.  
Francisci Lamberti commentarij, de causis excaecationis multorum seculorum, ac veritate denuò & novissimè dei misericordia revelata etc. Ex Regist London.   
The new Testament in the Catalogue above recited, began first to be translated by William Tyndall, & so came forth in Print, about the year of our Lord. 1529. wherewith Cuthbert Tonstall Bishop of London, with Sir Thomas More being sore aggrieved, devised how to destroy the false erroneous translation, as he called it. It happened that one Augustine Packington a Mercer, was then at Antwerp, where the Bishop was. This man favoured Tyndall, but showed the contrary unto the Bishop. The Bishop being desirous to bring his purpose to pass, commoned how that he would gladly buy the new Testaments, Packington hearing him say so, said: my Lord I can do more in this matter then most Merchants that be hear, if it be your pleasure: for I know the Dutchmen & strangers that have bought them of Tyndall, and have them here to sell, so that if it be your Lordship's pleasure I must disburse money to pay for them, or else I cannot have them, & so I will assure you to have every book of them that is printed & unsold. The Bishop thinking he had God by the toe, said: do your diligence gentle Master Packington, get them for me, & I will pay whatsoever they cost, 
Augustine Packington, the Bishop of London's merchant.  for I intend to burn & destroy them all at Paul's Crosse. This Augustine Packington, went unto William Tyndall and declared the whole matter, and so upon compact made between them, the Bishop of London had the books, Packington had the thanks, & tindal had the money. After this tindal corrected the same new Testaments again, and caused them to be newly imprinted, so that they came thick and threefold over into England. When the Bishop perceived that, he sent for Packington, and said to him how cometh this that there are so many new Testaments abroad? you promised me that you would buy them all. Then answered Packington: surely I bought all that was to be had, but I perceive the have printed more since. I see it will never be better so long as they have letters and stamps, wherefore you were best to buy the stamps too, & so you shallbe sure. At which answer the Bishop smiled and so the matter ended.  
In short space after: it fortuned that George Constantine was apprehended by sir Thomas More, 
George Constantine.  which was then Chancellor of England, suspected of certain heresies during the time that he was in the custody of M. More. After divers communications amongst other things M. More asked of him, saying: Constantine I would have thee plain with me in one thing that I will ask, and I promise thee I will show thee favour in all other things, whereof thou art accused. There is beyond the Sea, Tyndall, joy, and a great meany of you, I know they can not live without help. There are some that help and secure them with money, and thou being one of them hadst thy part thereof, and therefore knowest from whence it came. I pray thee tell me, who be they that help them thus? My Lord quoth Constantine, I will tell you truly: it is the Bishop of London that hath helped us, for he hath bestowed among us a great deal of money upon new Testaments to burn them, and that hath been and yet is our only succour and comfort: Now by my truth, quoth More I think even the same, for so much I told the Bishop before he went about it.  
Of this Georg Constantine moreover it is reported by Sir Tho. More that he being taken and in hold, 
Out of Moor's preface against Tyndall.  seemed well content to renounce his former doctrine, & not only to disclose certain other of his fellows, but also studied & devised, how those books, which he himself and other of his fellows had brought and shipped, might come to the Bishop's hands to be burned, and showed to the foresaid Sir Tho. More Chancellor, the shipman's name that had them, and the marks of the fardels, 
George Constantine, a discloser of his fellows.  by the which the books afterward were taken & burned. Besides this he is reported also to have disclosed divers of his companions of whom some were abjured after, some had abjured before, as Rich. Necton, who was committed to Newgate upon the same, and is thought there to have died in prison or else had not escaped their hands, but should have suffered burning, if the report of M. More be to be credited. More in his preface against tindal.  
Notwithstanding the same Constantine afterward, by the help of some of his friends, 
George Constantine a troubler of Ferrat Bishop of S. David's.  escaped out of prison over the seas, and after that, in the time of king Edward, was one of them that troubled the good Bishop of S. David's which after in Queen mary's time, was Burned. But of Constantine enough.  
Mention was made in the leaf before. pag. 1040. how the Bishops had procured of the king a proclamation to be set forth in the year of our Lord. 990. for the abolishing of divers books aforenamed, and also for the withstanding of all such as taught or preached any thing against the dignity and ordinances of the Church of Rome. Upon this proclamation ensued great persecution and trouble against the poor innocent flock of Christ, as here following you may see, with the said proclamation also prefixed before the same the tenor whereof is this.   

* A proclamation for resisting and withstanding of most damnable heresies, sown within this realm by the disciples of Luther and other heretics, perverters of Christ's religion.  
THe king our sovereign Lord, of his most virtuous and gracious disposition, 
This proclamation was made throughout all England, the year of our Lord 1519. and the 21. year of K. Henry, 8.  considering that this noble realm of England, hath of long time continued in the true Catholic faith of Christ's religion, and that his noble progenitors, kings of this his said realm, have before this time made and enacted, many devout laws, statutes and ordinances, for the maintenance and defence of the said faith against the malicious and wicked sects of heretics and Lollards, who by perversion of holy Scripture, do induce the erroneous opinions, sow sedition among Christian people, and finally disturb the peace and tranquility of Christian realms, as late happened in some parties of Germany, where, by the procurement and sedition of Martin Luther and other heretics, were slain an infinite number of Christian people: considering also, that as well by the corruption & malice of indiscrete preachers, sautors of the said erroneous sects as by certain heretical and blasphemous books lately made and privily sent into this realm, by the disciples, fautors, & adherents of the said Martin Luther & other heretics, the king's subjects are like to be corrupted, unless his highness (as the defensor of the faith) do put to his most gracious help & authority royal to the due & speedy reformation thereof, his highness therefore, like a most gracious Prince, of his blessed & virtuous disposition, for the incomparable zeal, which he hath to Christ's religion & faith, & for the singular love & affection that he beareth to all his good subjects of this his realm, & specially to the salvation of their souls, according to his office▪ & duty in that behalf, willeth and intendeth to provide with all convenient expedition, that this his noble realm may be preserved from the said pestiferous, cursed, & seditious errors. And for as much as his highness is credibly informed, that some of the said errors be already sown & spread within this his realm, partly by the corruption of indiscreet preachers, partly by erroneous books, compiled, printed & written, as well in the English tongue, as in latin & other languages, replete with most venomous heresies, blasphemies & slanders, intolerable to the clean ears of any good christian man: his highness therefore, like a most gracious & christian Prince only intending the safeguard of this his realm, the preservation of his subjects, and salvation of their souls, willeth to put now in execution, with all diligence possible, all good laws, statutes and ordinances concerning the premises before this time provided, made and ordained by his most noble progenitors kings of England, for that purpose & intent. Which laws and statutes by our sovereign Lord, and his most honourable counsel, by long and deliberate advise for the extirpation suppressing & withstanding of the said heresies, have been seen, examined, & by them in every part, thought good & necessary to be put in execution.  
Wherefore his highness chargeth and straightly commandeth all and every his Lords spiritual and temporal, judges, justices of peace, sheriffs, Mayors, Bailiffs, Constables, and all other his Officers, Ministers, and all his true and loving subjects, that all favour, affection, and partiality laid apart, they effectually with all diligence and study, endeavour themselves substantially for the executing of all and every of the articles hereafter ensuing, without dissimulation, intermission or excuse, as they will avoid his high indignation and displeasure.  
First, that no man within the kings realm or other his dominions, subject to his highness, hereafter presume to preach, teach, or inform any thing openly or privily, or compile and write any book, or hold, exercise, or keep any assembles or schools, in any manner of wise, contrary to the Catholic faith, or determinatyon of holy church, nor that any person within this his said realm & domininions, do presume to preach openly or secretly, without they have first obtained licence of the Bishop of the diocese, where they intend to preach, curates in their parishes, persons privileged, and other by the law of the church only except.  
Also that no man wittingly hereafter favour, support, or maintain any person, which preacheth in form aforesaid, or maketh any such or like conventicles and assembles, holdeth or exerciseth any schools, maketh, writeth, or publisheth any such book, teacheth, informeth, or stirreth the people or any of them, in any manner of form to the said errors. Moreover, that all & every person and persons having any books or writings of any such errors, erroneous doctrine and opinion, do deliver or cause to be delivered effectually and actually, all and every such books and writings, to the Bishops of the diocese, or to the ordinary of the place, within 15 days after this proclamation pronounced. And in case any person or persons, of what estate, condition, or degree soever they be, do or attempt any thing contrary to this Act and proclamation, or do not deliver or cause to be delivered such books, within the time aforesaid, that every bishop in his diocese, or ordinary, shall cause that person or persons, and every of them to be arrested in that behalf defamed or evidently suspected, and detain & keep them under safe custody in their persons, 
Pen●ltye.  until such time that the said persons & every of them, either have purged themselves of the said errors, or else do abjure the said erròneous sects, preachings, doctrines, or opinions, as the law of holy Church doth require.  
Furthermore, if any person by the law of holy Church be convicted before the bishop of the diocese, or his Commissary in any case above expressed, that the said Bishop may keep in prison, the said person or persons so convicted, as it shall seem best to his discretion, after the grievousness or quality of the crime, and further, may set a fine to be paid to the behoove of the king, by the person or persons convicted, as it shallbe thought convenient to the said Bishop having respect to the grievousness of the offence of the said person or people the said fine to be certified by the Bishop, into the king's Exchequer, there to be levied to the king's use, except in such cases in which by the laws of holy church, the said persons convict of heresies, ought totally to be left to the secular jurisdiction.  
Also, if any person within this his realm of England or other his dominions▪ be by sentence judicial convicted of the said preaching and doctrines prohibited, erroneous opinions, schools & informations or any of them, and before the Bishop, or his Commissary do abjure, according to the form of the laws of holy church, the foresaid erroneous sects, doctrines, schools, 
 or informations, or else be pronounced by the bishops or their commissaries after their abjuration by them before made, to be relapsed, so that after the laws of holy church, they ought to be relinquished to the jurisdiction secular (wherein faith is to be given to the Bysh. or his Commissaries in that behalf) than the Sheriff of the County, Mayor, Sheriffs, or Mayor and Bailiffs of the same city, town or borough▪ next unto the said Bishop or Commissaries shallbe personally present in the sentence giving, by the said Bishop or Commissaries thereunto required, and after the said sentence given, 
 shall receive the said persons and every of them, and put them to further execution, according to the laws of this realm.  
Also the Chancellor, treasurer of England, the justice of the one Bench and the other, justices of peace, Sheriffs, Majors and Bailiffs of cities and towns, and other Officers having governance of the people, which now be, or for the time, hereafter shall be, shall make oath in taking their charge and ministration, to put their whole power and diligence, to put away, and to make utterly to cease, and destroy all manner of heresies and errors, commonly called Lollardies, within the precincts of their offices and administrations, from time to time with all their power.  
Also they shall assist the Bishops and their Commissaries, and them shall favour and maintain as oftentimes as that to do, they or any of them, shall be required by the said Bishops or their commissaries, so that the Bishops or their commissaries, shall bear & pay the reasonable costs of the said officers and ministers, when and as often as they shall travail or ride to arrest heretics and Lollards, or to assist the said Bishops or Commissaries by virtue of the king's laws and statutes.  
Moreover the justices of the king's Bench, justices of peace, 
 and justices of Assize shall inquire at their Sessions and sittings, of all those that hold any errors or heresies, and who be their maintainers, receptors, favourers and supporters, common writers of books, as also of their sermons, schools, conventicles, congregations, confederacies.  
Furthermore, if any person be indicted of any of the points abovesaid, the justices of the peace have power to award against them Acapias, and the shrives' be bound to arrest such persons so indicted, as soon as they may be found by themselves, or by their Officers. And forsomuch as cognisance of heresy, errors, and Lollardies, appertaineth to the judge of holy church, and not to the judge secular, the persons so indicted to be delivered to the bishops of the places or their Commissaries, by indenture between them to be made within x. days after their arrest, or sooner if it can be done, thereof to be acquit or convict by the laws of holy church, in case that those persons be not indicted of other things, whereof the knowledge appeareth to the judges & Officers secular. In which case, after they be acquit and delivered afore the justice seculare, of those things pertaining to the judge seculare that they be conveyed in safeguard to ordinaries or their Commissaries, and to them to be delivered by Indentures (as is abovesaid) there to be acquit or convicted of the said heresies, errors and Lollordies, (as is abovesaid) after the laws of holy church. Provided that the indictments be not taken in evidence, but for an information afore the judges spiritual, against such indict, but that the Ordinaries commence their process against those indicts in the same manner as no indictment had been, having no regard to such inditements.  
Moreover, that no manner of person or persons, of what estate, degree or condition he or they be, do from henceforth presume to bring into this realm, or do sell, receive take or detain any book or work printed or written, which is made, or hereafter shall be made against the faith Catholic, or against the holy decrees, laws and ordinances of holy Church, or in reproach, rebuke, or slander of the kings, his honourable counsel, or his Lords spiritual or temporal. And in case they have any such book or work, they shall incontinent, upon the having of them, bring the said book or work to the Bishop of the diocese, without concealment or fraud: or if they know any person having any of the said books, they shall detect them to the said bishop, all favour or affection laid apart, and that they fail not thus to do, as they will avoid the kings high indignation and displeasure.  
The books which in this Proclamation generally are restrained and forbidden, be afterward in the Register more specially named by the Bishops. Whereof the most part were in Latin, as are above recited, and some were in English, as these and other partly also above expressed.  

A disputation between the father and the son.  
A book of the old God and new.  
Godly prayers  
The Christian state of Matrimony.  
The burying of the Mass.  
The sum of the Scripture.  
Matins and Evensong, seven Psalms. and other heavenly Psalms, with the commendations, in English.  
An exposition upon the seven. Chapter of the first Epistle to the Corinth.  
The Chapters of Moses, called Genesis.  
The Chapters of Moses, called Deuteronomos.  
The matrimony of Tyndall.  
David's Psalter in English.  
The practice of Prelates.  
Hotlulus animae in English.  
A. B. C. against the Clergy.  
The examination of William Thorpe. etc.   
Although these books withal other of the like sort by the virtue of this proclamation were inhibited to all english men to use or to read: yet licence was granted before, to sir Tho. More by Tonstall Bishop of London, An. 1527. that he notwithstanding might have and peruse them, with a letter also sent to him from the said Bishop, or rather by the advise of other bishyps, desiring him that he would show his cunning and play the pretty man, like a Demosthenes, in expugning the doctrine of these books & opinions: who albeit he was no great divine, yet because he saw some towardness in him by his book of Utopia, & other fine Poetry of his, 
 therefore he thought him a meet man for their purpose, to withstand the proceedings of the Gospel, either in making some appearance of reason against it, or at least, to outface it and dash it out of countenance. Wherein there lacked in his part, neither good will nor labour to serve the Bishops turn, so far forth as all his Rhetoric could reach: filling up with fineness of wit, and scoffing terms, where true knowledge and judgement of Scripture did fail: as by his works & writings against Bilney, Tyndall, Frith, Fish, Barnes, Luther etc. may soon be discerned, if the reasons and manner of his handling be well weighed: & rightly examined with the touchstone of the scriptures. But now to fall into our story again:  
Upon this fierce and terrible proclamation aforesaid, thus devised and set out in the kings name, an 1529. the Bishops which were the procurers hereof, had that now, which they would have: neither did there lack on their part any study unapplyed, any stone unremoved, any corner unsearched, for the diligent execution of the same. Whereupon ensued grievous persecution, & slaughter of the faithful. Of whom the first that went to wrack was Thomas Bilney, of whom sufficiently afore hath been said: & the next was Richard Bayfield, as in the story here followeth.   

¶ Richard Bayfield Martyr.  
Following the order of years and of times, as the course of our history requireth, next after the consummation of Tho. Bilney, 
Rich. Bayfilde, martyr.  we have to entreat of the martyrdom of Rich. Bayfield, which in the month of novemb. the same year, which was the year of our Lord, 1531. was burned in Smithfield.  
This Rich. Bayfield sometime a Monk of Bury, was converted by D. Barnes, and ij. godly men of London, Brickemakers, M. Maxwell, and M. Stacy Wardens of their company. Who were grafted in the doctrine of jesus Christ, 
Maxwell & 〈…〉.  and through their godly conversation of life, converted many men and women, both in London and in the country: and once a year of their own cost, went about to visit the brethren and sistern scattered abroad. Doctor Barnes at that time much resorted to the Abbey of Bery, where Bayfield was to one D. Ruffam, who had been at Louvain together students. 
Ri●h Bayf●●●● Monk 〈…〉 of 〈◊〉 Abbey of bury.  At that time it happened that this Bayfield the Monk, was Chamberlain of the house to provide lodging for the strangers, and to see them well entertained: who delighted much in Doctor Barnes talk, and in the other lay men's talk afore rehearsed, and at the last Doctor Barnes gave him a new Testament in Latin, and the other two gave him Tyndals' Testament in English, with a book called the wicked Mammon, and the Obedience of a christian man: 
〈…〉 the Friars.  wherein he prospered so mightily in two years space, that he was cast into the prison of his house: there sore whipped, with a gag in his mouth and then stocked, and so continued in the same torment three quarters of a year before D. Barnes could get him out, which he brought to pass, by the means of D. Ruffam aforesaid, & so he was committed to D. Barnes to go to Cambridge with him. By that time he had been there a good while, he tasted so well of good letters, that he never returned home again to his Abbey, but went to London to Maxwel and Stacy, and they kept him secretly a while, & so conveyed him beyond the Sea. D. Barnes being then in the Fleet for God's word. 
Rich 〈…〉 and F●ythe.  This Bayfild mightily prospered in the knowledge of God, and was beneficial to M. Tyndall and M. Frith, for he brought substance with him, and was their own hand, and sold all their works and the germans works both in France & in England, and at the last coming to London to M. Smiths house in Bucklers Bury, there was he bewrayed, & dogged from that house to his Bookebynders in mark lane, and there taken and carried to Lollardes' Tower, & from thence to the coalhouse, by reason that one person Patmore Parson of Much Haddam in Essex than lying in Lollards Tower, was in the doctrine and in the kingdom of Christ there confirmed by him. This Parson Patmore after long trouble was abjured and condemned by the Bishops to perpetual prison and delivered afterward by the kings pardon. 
Person Patmore died in Lollards tower.  As more appeareth in the sequel of his story among abiurers etc. He was taken because he married his priest in those days. He had always corn plenty and when the markets were very dear, he would send plenty of his corn thither to pluck down the prices thereof,  
This Richard Bayfilde being in the coalhouse was worser handled than he was before in the Lollardes' tower, for there he was tied both by the neck, 
The cruel handling of Richard bayfild in the coalhouse.  middle and legs, standing upright by the walls, divers times manacled, to accuse other that had bought his books, but he accused none but stood to his religion and confession of his faith unto the very end, and was in the consistory of Paul's, thrice put to his trial, whether he would abjure or no. He said he would dispute for his faith, & so did to their great shame. Stokesley then being his judge, with the assistance of Winchester and other Bishops, whereof here followeth now the circumstance in order to be seen.  
The articles laid to Richard Bayfield, by the foresaid Bishops were these, an. 1531. novemb. x,   

¶ Articles laid to Richard Bayfield.  
FIrst, that he had been many years a Monk professed of the order of S. Benet, 
Articles objected against Rich. bayfild.  of S. edmund's Bury in the diocese of Norwiche.  
2. That he was a priest and had ministered and continued in the same order, the space of 9 or x. years.  
3. That sithence the feast of Easter last, he being beyond the sea, brought and procured to have divers and many books and treatises of sundry sorts, as well of Martyne Luther's own works, as of divers other of his damnable sect, and of Oecolampadius the great heretic, and divers other heretics, both in Latin and English, the names of which books were contained in a little bill written with his own hand.  
4. That in the year of our Lord. 1528. he was detected & accused to Cutb. then B. of London, 
A rank heresy in the Pope's church, to give all laud & praise to God alone.  for affirming and holding certain Articles contrary to the holy Church, and specially that all laud and praise should be given to God alone and not to saints or creatures.  
5. That every priest might preach the word of God by the authority of the Gospel, and not to run to the Pope or Cardinals for licence as it appeared (said they) by his confession before the said Bishop.  
6. That he judicially abjured the said articles before the said Bishop, and did renounce and forswear them and all other articles contrary to the determination of holy Church, promising that from thenceforth he would not fall into any of them, nor any other errors.  
7. That he made a solemn oath upon a book, & the holy Evangelists, to fulfil such penance as should be enjoined him by the said bishop.  
8. After his abjuration it was enjoined to him for penance that he should go before the cross in procession, in the parish church of S. Buttolphes at Billings gate, and to bear a faggot of wood upon his shoulder.  
9 It was enjoined him in penance, that he should provide an habit requisite and meet for his order and profession, as shortly as he might, and that he should come or go no where without such an habit, the which he had not fulfilled.  
10. That it was likewise enjoined him in penance, that sometime before the feast of the ascension than next ensuing, his abjuration, he should go home unto the Monastery of Bury, and there remain according to the vow of his profession, which he had not fulfilled.  
11. That he was appointed by the said bishop of London to appear before the said bishop, the 25. day of April, next after his abjuration, to receive the residue of his penance, and after his abjuration, he fled beyond the sea, and appeared not.  
11. That the 20. day of june, next following his abjuration, he did appear before the said Bysh. Tonstall in the Chapel of the Bishop of Norwiche his place, and there it was newly enjoined him in part of penance, that he should provide him an habit convenient for his order, & profession, which 8. days then next following, which he had not done.  
That it was there again enjoined him, that he should departed from the city, diocese, & jurisdiction of London, and no more to come within it, without the special licence of the bishop of London, or his successor for the time being, which he had not fulfilled.   

¶ The answer of Richard Bayfield to the Articles prefixed.  
TO the first Article he confessed that he was professed a Monk in the monastery aforesaid, 
The aunswee of Rich. Bayfilde, to the Articles.  in the year .1414.  
To the ij. Article he answered that he was a priest, and took orders. An. 1518.  
To the third Article he confessed the bill and schedule to be written with his hand, which is annexed thereunto, and that he brought over the said books and works a year and a half past, & a great number of every sort. Being further demanded for what intent he brought them into the realm, he answered, to the intent that the Gospel of Christ might be set forward, and God the more glorified in this realm amongst Christian people, and that he had sold and dispersed many of those books before named, to sundry persons within this Realm, and to divers of the diocese of London. Being further demanded whether Martin Luther were condemned as an heretic by the Pope, he answered that he heard say, that Martin Luther with all his sect and adherents, were and are condemned as heretics by the Pope. And being demanded, whether Zwinglius was of Luther's sect: he answered that he never spoke with him. Being asked whether Zwinglius was a Catholic: he answered, that he could not tell. Being inquired whether the books contained in the schedules, did contain any errors in them: he said, he could not tell, neither could he judge. Also he confessed that the common fame hath been within these ij. or iij. years, that Oecolampadius & Zwinglius be heretics: also that such as leave to Martin Luther be heretics. Also he confessed that being beyond the sea, he heard say before be brought into this realm the books contained in the said bills, that the king had by proclamation prohibited that no man should bring into this realm any of Martin Luther's books, or of his sect. Which confession thus ended, the Bishop appointed him to appear the next day.  
Saturday being the xj. of November, Richard Baifield appeared & acknowledged the answers, that he had made in the Session the day before. Which thing done, the Official objected the 4, Article unto him: whereunto he answered, that he could not tell whether there be any heresies in them, for he had read no heresies in them. And being demanded whether he had read any of those books, he answered, that he had read the greater part of them here & there, but not throughout.  
He was demanded, whether he believed the forenamed books to be good, and of the true faith. He answered that he judged they were good, and of the true faith. Being inquired, what books he read in the realm, he said that he had read the new Testament in Latin, and other books mentioned in the bills, 

The book of Thorps' examination.  
The book of I. Fryth. against Purgatory. The practice of Prelates, & wicked Mammon. The book of obedience. The sum of holy Scripture. A Dialogue between the ploughman & the gentleman.   but he read none translated: notwithstanding he did confess that he read a book called Thorpe, in the presence and audience of others, and also a book of john Friths purgatory, which he had read to himself alone as he said, and also had read to himself a book called the practice of Prelates, & also said, that he had read a book called the parable of the wicked Mammon, but in the presence and hearing of others, which he knew not.  
Also he confessed that he had read the obedience of a christian man, and the sum of scripture among company, & also the dialogue betwixt the Ploughman & the Gentleman among company, as he thought: also he had read a piece of the answer of tindal made to sir Thomas More: likewise he had read the dialogue of Frith to himself: he had read also the Prologues of the v. books of Moses contained in the long schedule, and in company, as he thought.  
All which books he had read under manner aforesaid within these ij. years last passed. And as for the new testament in english, he read it before he had these books specified in the schedules before rehearsed.  
To the third article, as touching Zwinglius and others he supposed that they held the same doctrine that Luther did but that he thought them to vary in some points.  
The 16. day of November, Richard Bayfield appeared again before the Bishop, who inquired of him of what sect Zwinglius was. He said, he thought that he held with Luther in some points etc.  
Also he confessed that first he brought books of the sorts abovenamed into this realm, about Midsummer was xii. month, & landed them at Colchester, & afterward brought part of them to this city, & some he dispersed and sold in this city. The second time that he brought books, was about all Hollowntide was xii. month, and landed them at S. Catherines, the which books that L. Chancellor took from him. Also that at Easter last, was the 3. time that he brought over the books now showed unto him, & contained in these two bills, & landed with them in Norfolk, & from thence brought them to the city of London in a male.  
To the v. vj. and seven. articles, he answered and confessed them to be true,  
To the viii. he answered, that it was enjoined him, as is contained in the article, the which injunction he fulfilled.  
To the ix. he answered, that he did not remember it.  
To the x. he answered, that it was adjoined him that he should go to the Abbey of Bery, & there continued: the which he said he did 3. times, but he did not wear his Monks cowl, as he was enjoined.  
The xi. Article he confessed.  
For the xii. Article, that he did not wear his monks habit according to the abjuration, he referred himself to the acts whether he were so enjoined or no.  
To the xiii. Article he said, that he did not remember the contents thereof, but referred himself to the acts. Notwithstanding he confessed, that he had no licence of the Bishop of London, to come to the city or diocese of London, nor to make any abode there. Ex Registro Lond.   

¶ The sentence given against him in a case of relapse.  
IN the name of God Amen. We john by the sufferance of God, Bishop of London, 
The 〈◊〉 given 〈◊〉 Richard bayfild.  in a case of inquisition of heresy and relapse of the same, first begun before M. Rich. Foxfard, Doctor of both laws, our official, now depending before us undecided, against thee Rich. Bayfild Priest and Monk, professed to the order & rule of S. Benedict, in the Monastery of S. Edmondes' Bery, in the diocese of Norwich, and by the means of the causes within written under our jurisdiction, & withal favour rightly and lawfully proceeding, with all favour possible the merits and circumstances of the cause of this inquisition heard, weighed, understand & fully discussed by us the said Bishop, reserving unto ourselves, the which by law ought to be reserved: have thought good to proceed in this manner to the pronouncing of our definitive sentence.  
Forsomuch as by the Acts enacted, inquired, propounded, and alleged, & by thee judicially confessed, we do find that thou hast abjured certain errors & heresies & damnable opinions, by thee confessed, aswell particularly as generally, before our reverent fellow and brother, than thy Ordinary, according to the form and order of the Church and that one M. Luther together with his adherentes and complices, receivers and favourers what soever they be, was condemned as an heretic by the authority of Pope Leo the x. of most happy memory, and by the authority of the Apostolic Sea, and the books & all writings, schedules and Sermons of the said master Luther, his adherentes and complices whether they be found in Latin or in any other languages imprinted or translated, for the manifold heresies and errors, and damnable opinions that are in them, are condemned, reproved, and utterly rejected, and inhibition made by the authority of the said Sea to all faithful Christians, under the pain of excommunication and other punishments in that behalf to be incurred by the law, that no man by any means presume to read, teach, hear, imprint, or publish, or by any means do defend, directly or undirectly, secretly or openly, in their houses or in any other public or private places, any such manner of writings, books, errors or Articles, as are contained more at large in the Apostolic letters, drawn out in form of a public instrument, whereunto and to the contents thereof, we refer ourselves as far as is expedient, and no otherwise: And for somuch as we do perceive that thou didst understand the premises, and yet these things notwithstanding, after thy abjuration made (as is aforesaid) thou hast brought in divers & sundry times, many books of the said Martin Luther and his adherentes and complices, and of other heretics, the names, titles, and authors of which books here follow and are these, Martin Luther of the abrogating of the private Mass. The declarations of M. Luther upon the Epistles of Peter. Luther upon the epistles of Paul and jude. 
A 〈◊〉 of the 〈◊〉 brought by Richard bayfild.  Luther upon monastical vowers. Luther's commentary upon the Epistle of S. Paul to the Galathians.  
johannes Oecolampadius upon the exposition of these words: Hoc est corpus meum. The Annotations of Oecolampadius upon the Epistles of Paul unto the Romans, Oecolampadius his Commentary upon the 3. last prophets, Aggeus, Zacharie, and Malachi. The Sermons of Oecolampadius upon the Catholic Epistles of john. A book of Annotations upon Genesis, gathered of Huldecus Zwinglius. The Commentaries of Pomeran upon four chapters of the 1. Epistle to the Corinth. Annotations of Pomeran upon Deut. and Samuel. Pomeran upon the Psalms. The Commentaries of Frances Lambert of Auinion, upon the Gospel of S. Luke. A Congest of all matters of Divinity by Frances Lambert. The Commentaries of Frances Lambert upon the Prophet joel. The Commentaries of Frances Lambert upon the Prophets, Micheas, Naum, Abacuc, Sophonias, Aggeus, Zacharias, Amos, Abdias, jonas, and Osee. A new G●ose of Philip Melancton upon the proverbs of Solomon. The Commentaries of Philip Melancton, upon the Epistle of S. Paul to the Colos. The Annotations of Philip Melancton, upon the Epistle of S. Paul to the Romans, and upon the Epistle to the Colo. salomon's sentences translated according to the Hebrew by Philip Melancton. Most wholesome Annotations upon the Gospel of S. Mark, by Christopher Hegendorphinus. The Commentaries of john Brentius upon job. The Commentary of john Brentius upon Ecclesiastes of Solomon. Homilies of Brentius upon the Gospel of S. john. The Annotations of Andrew Althomarus, & Brentius upon the Epistle of S. james. The Commentaries of Bucer upon Sophonias. Bucer upon the 4. Evangelists. The process Consistorial of the martyrdom of john Husse. A brief commendatory of M. Luther unto Otho Brunfelsius, as touching the life, doctrine and martyrdom of john Hus. Felmus upon the psalter, his exposition upon Esay, his expositions upon jeremy. Capito upon Oseas. Capito upon Abacuc. unio dissidentium. The Pandect of Otho. The catalogue of famous men. An answer of Tyndall unto Sir Thomas More. A disputation of Purgatory made by joh. Frith in English. A prologue to the v. book of Moses called Deuteronomy. The first book of Moses called Genesis. A prologue to the iij. book of Moses called Leviticus. A prologue to the iiij. book of Moses Num. A prologue to the ij. book of Moses called Exod. The practice of prelate's. The new Testament in English, with an introduction to the Romans. The parable of the wicked Mammon. The obedience of a Christian man. A. B. C. of Thorpes. The Sum of Scripture. The primer in English. 
The Primer and Psalter 〈◊〉 English forbidden.  The Psalter in English. A Dialogue betwixt the Gentleman and the Ploughman: Of all which kind of books both in Latin and English, translated, set forth and imprinted, containing not only Lutherian heresies, but also the damnable heresies of other heretics condemned, for as much as thou hast brought over from the parties beyond the Sea a great number into this Realm of England, & specially to our City and Diocese of London, and hast procured them to be brought and conveyed over, also hast kept by thee and studied those books, and hast published & read them unto divers men, and many of those books also hast dispersed and given unto divers persons dwelling within our City and Diocese of London, & hast confessed and affirmed before our Official, that those books of M. Luther and other heretics his complices and adherentes, and all the conten●es in them are good & agreeable to the true faith, saying thus, that they are good and of the true faith, and by this means and pretence, hast commended and praised M. Luther, his adherents and complices, and hast favoured & believed their errors, heresies and opinions: Therefore we john the Bishop aforesaid, first calling upon the name of Christ, 
If Christ were before you● eyes ye would not condemn this good man for these good 〈◊〉.  and setting God only before our eyes, by the counsel and consent of the Divines, and Lawyers, with whom in this behalf we have conferred, do declare and decree thee the foresaid Richard Bayfild, otherwise called Somersam, for the contempt of thy abjuration, as a favourer of the foresaid M. Luther, his adherentes, complices, favourers, and other condemned heretics, and for commending and studying, reading, having, retaining, publishing, selling, giving, and dispersing the books and writings, as well of the said M. Luther, his adherentes and disciples, as of other heretics before named, and also for crediting, and maintaining the errors and heresies, and damnable opinions contained in the said books and writings, worthily to be and have been an heretic, and that thou by the pretence of the premises art fallen again most damnably into heresy, and we pronounce that thou art and hast been a relapsed heretic, and hast incurred and oughtest to incur the pain and punishment of a relapse, and we so decree & declare, and also condemn thee thereunto, and that by the pretence of the premises, thou hast even by the law, incurred the sentence of greater excommunication, and thereby we pronounce and declare thee to have been and to be excommunicate, and clearly discharge, exonerate and disgrade thee from all privilege and prerogative of the Ecclesiastical orders, and also deprive thee of all Ecclesiastical office and benefice: also we pronounce and declare thee by this our sentence or decree, the which we here promulgate and declare in these writings, that tho● art actually to be disgraded, deposed, and deprived as followeth.  
IN the name of God. Amen. We john by the permission of God, Bishop of London, 
The sentence of degradation against blessed Bayfilde.  rightly and lawfully proceeding in this behalf, do dimisse thee Richard Bayfild, aliâs Somersam, being pronounced by us a relapsed heretic, and disgraded by us from all Ecclesiastical privilege, out of the Ecclesiastical Court, pronouncing that the secular power here present should receive thee under their jurisdiction, earnestly requiring and desiring in the bowels of jesus Christ, 
And they shall cast you out of their Synagogue for my name's sake.  that the execution of this worthy punishment, to be done upon thee, and against thee in this behalf, may be so moderated, that there be neither overmuch cruelty, neither to much favourable gentleness, but that it may be to the health and salvation of thy soul, and to the extirpation, fear, terror, and conversion of all other heretics unto the unity of the Catholic faith. This our final decree by this our sentence definitive, we have caused to be published in form aforesaid.  
Monday the xx. of November. 1531. In the Queer of the Cathedral Church of S. Paul before the said john Bishop of London judicially sitting, 
Anno. 1531.  being assisted with john Abbot of Westminster, and Robert Abbot of Waltham, Nicholas Prior of Christ's Church in London, these honourable Lords being also present, Henry Earl of Essex, Richard Grace, brother of the Marquis of Somerset, john Lambert Mayor of London, Richard Gresham and Edward Altam Shrieffes (the which Mayor and Shrives' were required to be there present by the Bishop of London's letters hereafter written, 
Of this statute read before.  and by virtue of a statute of king Henry the fourth king of England) also in the presence of divers Canons, the Chancellor, Official, and Archdeacon of London, with the bishops Chaplains, and a great number both of the Clergy and laity, Matthew Grefton the Register being also there present: M. Rich. Bayfild aliâs Somersam, was brought forth by Thomas Turnor the Aparator his keeper, 
M. Rich. Bayfild again brought before the bishop.  in whose presence the transumpt of the Apostolic Bull of Pope Leo the x. upon the condemnation of Martin Luther and his adherentes, was brought forth and showed, sealed with the seal of Thomas Wolsey late Legate de Latere, and subscribed with the sign and name of M. Robert Tons, public Notary, and also the decree upon the condemnation of certain books brought in by him, sealed with the seal of the Archbishop of Canterbury, and subscribed by three Notaries.  
Then the Bishop of London repeated in effect before him, his abjuration which he had before made, and other his demerits committed and done, beside his abjuration: and the said Baifield said, that he was not culpable in the articles that were objected against him, and desired that the heresies contained in the books which he brought over, might be declared in open audience. Then the Bishop, after certain talk had with the said Bayfield as touching the desert of his cause, asked him whether he could show any cause why he should not be delivered over unto the secular power, and be pronounced as a relapse, and suffer punishment as a relapse. The said Baifield declared or propounded no cause, but said, that he brought over those books for lack of money, and not to sow any heresies. And incontinent the said Bayfield with a vehement spirit (as it appeared) said unto the Bishop of Lond. the life of you of the spirituality is so evil, that ye be heretics, and ye do not only live evil, 
The saying of Rich. bayfild to the Bishop of London.  but do maintain evil living, and also do let, that what true living is, may not be known, & said that their living is against Christ's Gospel, and that their belief was never taken of Christ's Church. Then the said Bishop, after long deliberation had, for so much as the said Rich. Bayfield (he said) could show no cause why he should not be declared as relapse, he read the decree and sentence against him: by the which amongst other things, he condemned him as an heretic, and pronounced him to be punished with the punishment due unto such as fall again into heresy, and by his words did disgrade him, 
Sentence against Rich. bayfild.  and also declared that he should be actually disgraded, as is more at large contained in the long sentence.  
The foresaid sentence being so read by the Bishop of London, he proceeded immediately to the actual & solemn disgrading of the said Richard Bayfild, aliâs Somersam, and there solemnly and actually disgraded him before the people, the which thing being done, he dismissed him by the sentence aforesaid, from the Ecclesiastical Court. Whereupon the secular power being there present, received him unto their jurisdiction, without any writ in that behalf obtained, but only by virtue of the bishops letters by the statute of king Henry the .4. in that behalf provided and directed unto them under the Bishop's seal. The tenor o● which letters here after follow.  

* The Letters of requiry directed to the Mayor and sheriffs of the City of London, that they should be present that day, when the sentence should be given, to receive the heretic (as they called him) that was condemned.  
john by the permission of God Bishop of London, unto our dearly beloved in Christ, 
The letter● of ●●quiry to the 〈◊〉 and sheriffs of London.  the right honourable Lord Mayor of the City of London, and the sheriffs of the same, health, grace, and benediction. Whereas we have already by our Vicar general proceeded in a certain cause of heresy and relapse into the same, against one Richayd bayfild, alias Somersam, and intend upon Monday next being the xx. day of this present month of November, to give a sentence definitive against the said Richard Bayfild alias Somersam, and to leave and deliver him over unto the secular power: We require you the Lord Maior and sheriffs aforesaid, the kings majesties Vicegerentes, even in the bowels of jesus Christ, that according to the form and effect of the statute of our most noble and famous prince in Christ our Lord, the Lord Henry the fourth by the grace of God late King of England, that you will be personally present in the Queer of the Cathedral Church of Saint Paul, with your favourable aid and assistance in this behalf, the day that the sentence shall be given, and to receive the said Richard Bayfild, aliâs Somersam, after his sentence so given, to discharge us and our Officers, and to do further according to the tenor and effect of the said statute, as far as shall be required of you according to the Canonical Sanctions, and the laudable custom of the famous kingdom of England, in this behalf accustomed.  
In witness whereof we have set our seal unto this present, Dated the 19 day of November. An. 1531. and in the first year of our consecration.   
On Monday the xx. day of November in the year aforesaid, in the Queer of the Cathedral Church of Saint Paul, the bishop of London calling unto him john Abbot of Westminster, Robert Abbot of Waltam, Nicholas Prior of Christ's Church of the City of London, master john Cox Auditor and Vicar general to the archbishop of Canterbury, Peter Ligham Official of the Court of Caunterbury. Thomas Baghe Chancellor of the Church of S. Paul's, William Clief, Archdeacon of London, john Incent canon residentary of the same, William Brytton, Robert Birch, and Hugh Aprice, Doctors of both laws, in the presence of us Matthew Grefton Register, Antony Hussy, Richard Martin and Thomas Shadwall public Notaries and Scribes appointed in this behalf, briefly rehearsed the answers of the same Bayfild in effect, and his abjuration, & other his demerits by him done beside his abjuration. The which religious persons and other Ecclesiastical men above said, 
Rich. Bayfilde, given to the secular power.  thought it good and agreed that the said Bishop should proceed against him in this case of relapse, and should pronounce and give forth the sentence against him, in case aforesaid, and so he was delivered to the Sheriffs to carry to Newgate, being commanded to bring him again upon Monday following, into Paul's upper Queer, there to give attendance upon the bishop of London with the residue till they have done with him, 
Rich. Bayfilde disgraded.  & by and by the Sheriffs were commanded to have him into the Uestry, and then to bring him forth again in Antichristes apparel to be disgraded afore them. 
Bayfild thrown down with the bishops staff.  When he had disgraded him kneeling upon the highest step of the altar, he took his Crosier staff, and smote him on the breast, that he threw him down backwards, and broke his head that he sounded, and when he came to himself again, he thanked God that he was delivered from the malignant Church of Antichrist, & that he was come into the true sincere Church of jesus Christ militant here in earth, and I trust anon (said he) to be in heaven with jesus Christ, & the Church unchangeable for ever, and so was he lead forth through the Queer to Newgate, and there rested about an hour in prayer, and so went to the fire in his apparel manfully & joyfully, and there for lack of a speedy fire, was two quarters of an hour alive. And when the left arm was on fire and burned, he rubbed it with his right hand, & it fell from his body, and he continued in prayer to the end without moving.  
The martyrdom of Richard Bayfield.   

* john Teukesbery Leatherseller of London Martyr.  
IOhn Tewksbery was converted by the reading of Tindals' Testament, and the wicked Mammon. He had the Bible written. 
joh. Tewkesbery Leatherseller of London, Martyr.  In all points of religion he openly did dispute in the bishops Chapel in his palace. Who in the doctrine of justification and all other articles of his faith was very expert, and prompt in his answers, in such sort as Tonstall and all his learned men were ashamed, that a Leatherseller should so dispute with them, with such power of the Scriptures and heavenly wisdom, that they were not able to resist him. This disputation continued a seven-night. The process of whose examinations, Articles and answers, here follow as they are out of the bishops Register extracted.  
On Wednesday the 21. day of April, in the year of our Lord. 1529. 
Ex Regist. London.  john Stewkesbery was brought into the Consistory at London before Cuthbert Bishop of London and his assistaunces, Henry Bishop of S. Ass, and john Abbot of Westminster. Unto whom the Bishop of London declared that he had at divers times exhorted him to recant the errors and heresies, which he held and defended, even as he did then again exhort him, not to trust to much to his own wit & learning, but unto the doctrine of the holy mother the Church. Who made answer that in his judgement, he did not err from the doctrine of the holy mother the Church. And at the last, being examined upon errors, which (they said) were in the said book called that wicked Mammon, he answered thus: Take ye the book and read it over, and I think in my conscience, ye shall find no fault in it. And being asked by the said bysh. whether he did rather give credit to his book or to the Gospel: 
The examination of john Tewkesbery before Tonstal Bishop of London.  he answered that the gospel is and ever hath been true. And moreover being particularly examined what he thought of this article, that the jews of good intent and zeal slew Christ, he answered, look ye the book through, before and after, as it lieth, and ye shall find a better tale in it, than ye make of it, & further thought that whosoever translated the new testament, and made the book, meaning the wicked Mammon, he did it of good zeal, and by the spirit of god.  
Also being farther asked by the said Bishop of London, whether he would stand to the contents of his book, he answered: 
 look ye the book before and after, and I will be content to stand to it. The being examined, whether that all good works must be done without respect of any thing, he answer, that a man should do good works for the love of God only, & for no hope of any reward higher nor lower in heaven: for if he should, it were presumption. Also being demanded whether that Christ with all his works did not deserve heaven. He answered and said: that it was plain enough. Which things being done, the Bishop said further to john Tewkesbery thus: I tell thee before God and those which are here present, in examination of my conscience, that the Articles above named, and many other more contained in the same book, 
 are false heretical, and condemned by the holy Church: how thinkest thou? And further, the said Bishop of London said unto him again: I tell thee before God and those which are here present. etc. and so asked him again what he thought of those Articles. And after many exhortations, he commanded him to answer determinately under pain of the law, saying further unto him, that if he refused to answer, he must declare him an open and obstinate heretic according to the order of the law. Which things so done, the Bishop asked john Tewkesbery again, whether the said book called the wicked Mammon were good?  

 To which interrogatory he answereth, that he thinketh in his conscience, there is nothing in the book, but that which is true. And to this article objected, that is, that faith only justifieth without works, he answereth that it is well said. Whereunto the Bishop inferred again, that the articles before objected, with divers other contained in the book called the wicked Mammon, were false, erroneous, damnable and heretical, and reproved and condemned by the Church: and before God and all those that were present, for the discharge of his conscience, he had often & very gently exhorted the said john Tewkesbery, that he would revoke and renounce his errors, otherwise if he did intend to persevere in them, he must declare him an heretic, which he would be very sorry to do. These things thus done, the Bishop oftentimes offered him, that he should choose what spiritual or temporal man he would to be his Counsellor, and gave him time as before, to deliberate with himself until the next sitting.  
Also in the same month of April, in the year of our Lord aforesaid, 
another examinatyon of john Tew●sbery.  the Bishop of London Cuthbert Tonstal sitting in the Consistory, with Nicolas of Elye, john of Lincoln, and john of bath and Welles. etc. This john Tewkesbery was brought before them. After certain Articles being repeated unto him, the bishop of London brought out before him a certain book called the wicked Mammon, ask him whether the book was of the same impression and making, as was his book that he had sold to others. Who answered and said, it was the same. Whereupon the bishop of London asked him again, whether the book contained the same errors or no. Who answered again, saying, I pray God, that the condemnation of the Gospel and translation of the Testament, be not to your shame, and that ye be not in peril for it: for the condemnation of it, and of the other is all one, Further he said, that he had studied holy Scripture by the space of these 17. years, and as he may see the spots of his face through the glass, so in reading the new Testament he knoweth the faults of his soul. Further, he was examined upon certain points and articles, extracted out of the said book of the wicked Mammon, as followeth.  


Articles 〈…〉 of 〈…〉. His opinion of Antichrist.  
Antichrist no outward thing but a spiritual thing.   FIrst, that Antechrist is not an outward thing, that is to say, a man that should suddenly appear with wonders, as your forefathers talked of him, but Antechrist is a spiritual thing. Whereunto he answered and said that he findeth no fault in it, Again it was demanded of him touching the article, whether faith only justifieth a man. To this he said, that if he should look to deserve heaven by works, he should do wickedly, for works follow faith, and Christ redeemed us all with the merits of his passion.  
That the devil holdeth our hearts so hard, that it is impossible for us to consent to God's law. To that he answered, that he findeth no fault in it.  

No man justified by merits.  That the law of God suffereth no merits, neither any man to be justified in the sight of God. To that he answered, that it is plain enough considering what the law is, and he saith, that he findeth no ill in it.  

The law requires things unpossible.  That the law of God requireth of us things impossible. To that he answered, that the law of God doth command, that thou shalt love God above all things, and thy neighbours as thyself, which never man could do, and in that he doth find no fault in his conscience.  
That as the good tree bringeth forth fruit, 
No law to the just man.  so there is no law put to him that believeth & is justified through faith. To that he answered and said, he findeth no ill in it.  
All good works must be done without respect of any thing, or any profit to be had thereof. To that he answered, it is truth.  
Christ with all his works did not deserve heaven. To that he answered, that the text is true as it lieth, and findeth no fault in it. 
The Saints be friends how & to whom.   
Peter and Paul and Saints that be dead, are not our friends, but their friends whom they did help when they were alive. To that he said, he findeth no ill in it.  
Alms deserveth no reward of God To that he answered, that the text of the book is true. 
The devil not cast out by man's merits.   
The devil is not cast out by merits of fasting or prayer. To that he answered, thinking it good enough.  
We can not love except we see some benefit and kindness, as long as we live under the law of God only, 
The law worketh not in us the love of god.  where we see but sin and damnation, and the wrath of God up on us, yea where we were damned afore we were borne. We cannot love God, nor can not but hate him as a tyrant, unrighteous & unjust, and flee from him, as did Cain. 
Man by nature is condemned.  To that he answereth, and thinketh it good & plain enough.  
We are damned by nature, as a toad is a toad by nature and a Serpent is a Serpent by nature. To that he answered it to be true as it is in the book.  
Item, as concerning the article of fasting. 
He meaneth by communication, not by vendication: and yet this point seemeth to be falsely gathered.  To that he answered and said, the book declareth itself.  
Every one man is a Lord, of whatsoever another man hath. To that he answered, what law can be better than that, for it is plainly meant there.  
Love in Christ putteth no difference betwixt one and another. To that he answered and said, it is plain enough of itself.  
As concerning the preaching of the word of God, and washing of dishes, there is no difference, as concerning salvation, and as touching the pleasing of God To that he answered saying, it is a plain text, and as for pleasing of God, it is all one.  
That the jews of good intent and zeal put Christ to death. To that he answered, that it is true, 
For if they had known the lord of glory, they would not have crucified him.  and the text is plain enough.  
The sects of S. Frances, S. Dominicke, and others be damnable. To that he answered and said S. Paul repugneth against them. 
Lo here is no scripture broug to reveal these opinions but only authority to oppress them.  Which articles being so abjected & answer made unto them by john Tewkesbery, the said Bishop of London asked him whether he would continue in his heresies and errors above rehearsed, or renounce and forsake them. Who answered thus: I pray you reform yourself, and if there be any error in the book, let it be reform: I think the book be good enough.  
Further, the Bishop exhorted him to recant his errors. To the which the said john Tewkesbery answered as is above written: to wit, I pray you reform yourself, and if there be any error in the book, let it be reform, I think it be good enough. Which thing being done, the bishop appointed him to determine better with himself against the morrow, in the presence of M. john Cox, vicar general to the Archbishop of Caunterbury, M. Balfride Warton, Roland Philips, william Philow, and Robert Ridley, professors of divinity.  
The 13. day of April, 
another appearance of john Tewkesbery.  in the year of our Lord abovesaid, in the Chapel within the Palace of London, before Cuthbert bishop of London with his assistance, Nicolas, bishop of Elye. etc. Tewkesbery again appeared and was examined upon the articles drawn out of the book, called the wicked Mammon, as followeth.  
First, Christ is thine and all his deeds be thy deeds: Christ is in thee and thou so knit in him inseparably: neither canst thou be damned, except Christ be damned with thee, neither canst thou be saved except Christ be saved with thee. To this he answered, that he found no fault in it.  
Item, we desire one an other to pray for us. That done, 
We are not saved by other men's prayers.  we must put our neighbour in remembrance of his duty, and that we trust not in his holiness. To this he answered, take ye it as ye will, I will take it well enough.  
Item, 
Alms whom and how far it profiteth.  now seest thou what alms meaneth and wherefore it serveth. He that seeketh with his alms, more than to be merciful: to be a neighbour, to secure his brother's need: to do his duty to his brother: to give his brother that he ought him: the same is blind & seethe not Christ's blood. Here he answereth, 
God to be served and worshipped only, as he commandeth otherwise not.  that he findeth no fault throughout all the book, but all the book is good, and it hath given him great comfort and light to his conscience.  
Item that ye do nothing to please God, but that he commanded. To that he answereth and thinketh it good, by his truth.  
Item, so God is honoured on all sides, in that we count him righteous in all his laws and ordinances. And to worship him otherwise then so, it is Idolatry. To that he answered, that it pleaseth him well.  
The examination of these Articles being done, the Bishop of London did exhort the said john Tewkesbery to recant his errors abovesaid: and after some other communication had by the Bishop with him, the said Bishop did exhort him again to recant his errors, and appointed him to determine with himself against the next Session, what he would do.  

john Tewkesbery submitteth himself.  IN this next Session he submitted himself and abjured his opinions, and was enjoined penance, as followeth, which was the 8. of May.  
In primis, that he should keep well his abjuration under pain of relapse.  
Secondly, that the next Sunday following in Paul's Church in the open procession, he should carry a Faggot, and stand at Paul's Cross with the same.  
That the Wednesday following he should carry the same Faggot about Newgate market and Chepeside.  
That on Friday after, he should take the same faggot again at S. Peter's church in Cornhill, and carry it about the market of Ledenhall.  
That he should have 2. signs of Faggots embrothered, one on his left sleeve, & the other on his right sleeve, which he should wear all his life time, unless he were otherwise dispensed withal.  
That on Whitsonday even he should enter into the Monastery of S. Bartholomew in Smithfield, and there to abide, and not to come out unless he were released by the bishop of London.  
That he should not departed out of the city or diocese of London, without the special licence of the B. or his successors. Which penance he entered into the 8 day of May. an. 1229.  
And thus much concerning his first examination, which was in the year .1529. at what time he was enforced thorough infirmity as is before expressed to retract and abjure his doctrine. 
Tewkesbery returned again to the truth.  Notwithstanding, the same john Tewkesbery, afterward confirmed by the grace of God, and moved by the example of Bayfild aforesaid that was burned in smithfield, did return and constantly abide in the testimony of the truth and suffered for the same. Who recovering more grace, & better strength at the hand of the Lord, two years after being apprehended again, was brought before Sir Thomas More, and the Bishop of London, where certain Articles were objected to him: the chief whereof we intent briefly to recite, for the matter is prolix.  
In primis, that he confesseth that he was baptized, and intendeth to keep the Catholic faith.  

Articles again objected to Tewkesbery.  Secondly that he affirmeth that the abjuration, oath, & subscription that he made before Cuthbert late Bishop of London, was done by compulsion.  
thirdly, that he had the books of the obedience of a Christian man, and of the wicked Mammon in his custody, and hath read them since his abjuration.  
Fourthly, that he affirmeth that he suffered the two faggots that were embrothered upon his sleeve, to be taken from him for that he deserved not to wear them.  
Fiftly, he saith that faith only justifieth, which lacketh not charity.  
Sixtly, he saith that Christ is a sufficient Mediator for us, & therefore no prayer is to be made unto any Saints. Whereupon they laid unto him this verse of the Anthem. Salue Regina, advocata nostra. etc. To the which he answered, that he knew no other Advocate but Christ alone.  
seventhly, he affirmeth that there is no Purgatory after this life, 
Christ is our purgatory.  but that Christ our Saviour is a sufficient purgation for us.  
Eightly, he affirmeth that the souls of the faithful departing this life, rest with Christ.  
Ninthly, he affirmeth that a priest by receiving of orders, receiveth more grace, if his faith be increased, or else not.  
Tenthly, and last of all, he believeth that the sacrament, of the flesh & blood of Christ, is not the very body of Christ, in flesh & blood as it was borne of the virgin Mary. Whereupon the bishops Chancellor asked the said Tewkesbery, if he could show any cause why he should not be taken for an heretic falling into his heresy again, and receive the punishment of an heretic. Whereunto he answered, that he had wrong before, and if he be condemned now, he reckoneth that he hath wrong again.  
Then the Chancellor caused the articles to be read openly, with the answers unto the same, the which the said Tewkesbery confessed, & thereupon the Bishop pronounced sentence against him, & delivered him unto the sheriffs of London for the time being, who were Rich. Gresham, & Edward Altam, who burned him in Smithfield upon S. Thomas even, being the 20. of December, in the year aforesaid, the tenor of whose sentence pronounced against him by the Bishop, doth here ensue word for word.  
IN the name of God, Amen. The deservings and circumstances of a certain cause of heretical pravity, & falling again thereunto by thee john Tewkesbery of the Parish of S. Michael's in the Querne, of the City of London, & of our jurisdiction, appearing before us sitting in judgement, being heard, seen, & understand, & fully discussed by us john by the sufferance of God, bishop of London, because we do find by inquisitions manifestly enough, that thou didst abjure freely & voluntarily before Cuthbert, late Bishop of London thy ordinary, divers & sundry heresies errors & damnable opinions, contrary to the determination of our mother holy church, as well special, as general, & that since and beside thy foresaid abjuration, thou art again fallen into the same damnable heresies, opinions, & errors, (which is greatly to be lamented) & the same dost hold, affirm & believe: we therefore john the Bishop aforesaid, the name of God first being called upon, & the same only God set before our eyes, & with the counsel of learned men assisting us in this behalf (with whom in this cause we have communicated of our definitive sentence & final decree, in this behalf to be done) do intent to proceed & do proceed in this manner. Because as it is aforesaid, we do find thee, the foresaid john Tewkesbery of our jurisdiction, to be a contemner of the first abjuration, & moreover, before & after the foresaid first errors, and other damnable opinions, to have fallen & to be an heretic fallen, & to have incurred the pain of such fallen heretics: we do pronounce, determine, declare, & condemn thee of the premises, to have incurred the danger of the greac excommunication, & do pronounce thee to be excommunicated, & also do declare thee the said Tewkesbery so damnably fallen again into heresy, to be in the secular power & in their judgement, (as the holy Canons have decreed) & here we do leave thee to the foresaid secular power & to their judgement, beseeching them earnestly in the bowels of jesus Christ, that such severe punishment and execution as in this behalf is to be done against thee, may be so moderated, that no rigorous rigour be used, 
In words they pretend moderation, but their doings be clean contrary.  but to the health and salvation of thy soul, and to the terror, fear, and rooting out of heretics & their conversion to the Catholic faith & unity, by this our final decree, which we declare by these our writings.  
This foresaid sentence definitive against john Tewkesbery was read and pronounced by the Bishop of London, the 16, day of the month of December, the year aforesaid, 
The death and martyrdom of john Tewksbery.  in the house of Sir Thomas More high Chancellor of England, in the Parish of Chelsey. After the which sentence, the Sheriffs received the foresaid Tewkesbery into their custody, and carried him away with them, and afterwards burned him in Smithfield, as is aforesaid, having no writ of the king for their warrant.   

* The apprehension of one Edward. Frese, a Painter.  
EDward freeze was borne in York, and was Prentice to a Painter in the same City, and by the reason of working for his master in Bearsy Abbay, 
The story Edward freeze.  or by some such occasion, was known unto the Abbot of the same house, for he was a boy of a pregnant wit, and the Abbot favoured him so much, that he bought his years of his master, and would have made him a Monk. And the lad not liking that kind of living, and not knowing how to get out, because he was a Novice, ran away after a long space and came to Colchester in Essex, and remaining there according to his former vocation, was married and lived like an honest man. After he had been there a good time, he was hired to paint certain clothes for the new Inn in Colchester, which is in the middle of the market place, & in the upper border of the clothes, he wrote certain sentences of the Scripture, and by that he was plainly known to be one of them which they call heretics.  
And on a time he being at his work in the same Inn they of the Town, when they had seen his work, 
The cause 〈◊〉 the taking of Edward freeze.  went about to take him, & he having some incling thereof, thought to shift for himself, but yet was taken forcibly in the yard of the same Inn, & after this he was brought to London, and so to Fulham to the bishop's house, where he was cruelly imprisoned, with certain others of Essex, that is to wit one johnson and his wife, wily, his wife and his son, & father Bate of Rowshedge. 
johnson & his wife, wily, his son. Father Bate.  They were fed with fine manchet made of saw dust, or at the least, a great part thereof, and were so straightly kept, that their wives and their friends could not come at them.  
After the Painter had been there a long space, by much suit he was removed to Lollardes' tower. His wife in the time of her suit, whiles he was yet at Fulham, being desirous to see her husband, & pressing to come in at the gate, being then big with child, the porter lift up his foot and struck her on the belly, 
 that at length she died of the same, but the child was destroyed immediately.  
After that, they were all stocked for a long time, & then they were let lose in their prisons again. Some had horse locks on their legs, & some had other irons. This painter would ever be writing on the walls with chauke or a coal, & in one place he wrote Doct. Dodipall would make me believe that the Moon were made of green cheese. And because he would be writing many things, he was manacled by the wrists, so long till the flesh of his arms was grown higher than his irons. By the means of his manacles he could not kemme his head, and he remained so long manacled that his hear was felded together.  
After the death of his wife, his brother sued to the king for him, and after long suit, he was brought out in the Consistory at Paul's, 
 and as his brother did report, they kept him three days without meat, before he came to his answer. Then, what by the long imprisonment and much evil handling, and for lack of sustenance, the man was in that case, that he could say nothing, but look and gaze upon the people like a wild man, and they asked him any question, he could say nothing, but my Lord is a good man. And thus, when they had spilled his body, and destroyed his wits, they sent him back again to Bersie Abbey, but he came away again from thence, and would not tarry amongst them: albeit he never came to his perfect mind, to his dying day.  

Val●ntine & his wife 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉.  His brother, of whom I before spoke, whose name was Valentine freeze & his wife, gave their lives at one stake in York, for the testimony of jesus Christ.  
Also the wife of the said father Bate, while he was at Fulham, made many supplications to the king, without redress, & at the last she delivered one to his own hands, and he read it himself, whereupon she was appointed to go into Chancery lane, to one whose came (as is thought) was M. Selyard, & at the last, she got a letter of the same Selyard to the Bishop, and when she had it, she thought all her suit welbestowed, hoping that some good should come to her husband thereby. And because the wicked officers in those days, were crafty and desirous of his blood, as some others had proved their practice, some of her friends would needs see the content of her letter, 
God's good providence.  and not suffer her to deliver it to the bishop, & as they thought, so they found in deed, for it was after this manner.  
After commendations had▪ etc. Look what you can gather against Father Bate, send me word by your trusty friend Sir William Saxy, 
A crafty letter of a wicked officer.  that I may certify the kings Majesty. etc. Thus the poor woman, when she thought he● suit had been done, was in less hope of her husbands life than before. But within short space after, it pleased God to deliver him: for he gate out in a dark night & so was caught no more, but died within a short time after.  
In this year also, as we do understand by divers notes of old Registers and otherwise, 
Roy burned in Port●●g●l●.  Friar Roy was burned in Portugal: but what his examination, or articles, or order of his death was, we can have no understanding: but what his doctrine was it may be easily judged by the testimonies, which he left here in England.  
In the beginning of this year which we are now about, through the complaint of the Clergy made to the king, the translation of the new Testament with a great number of other books, were forbidden. For the bishops coming into Star chamber the 25· day of May, and communing with the kings Counsel, after many pretences and long debating, alleged that the translation of tindal and joy were not truly translated, and moreover that in them were Prologues and Prefaces, 
The translation of the new testament inhibited by the Bishops. The bishops commanded by the king to set forth a new translatyon of the new testament.  that smelled of heresy, and railed against the Bishops, wherefore all such books were prohibited, and commandment given by the king to the bishops, that they calling to them the best learned men of the Universities, should cause a new translation to be made, so that the people might not be ignorant in the law of God. Notwithstanding this commandment, the bishops did nothing at all, to the setting forth of any new translation, which caused the people much to study Tyndals' translation, by reason whereof many things came to light, as ye shall hereafter hear.  
This year also, in the month of May, the Bishop of London caused all the new Testaments of Tindals' translation, and many other books which he had bought, to be brought ●nto Paul's Churchyard, and there openly to be burned.   

¶ james Bainham Lawyer and Martyr.  
IAmes Bainham Gentleman, son to one M. Bainham a knight of Glocestershyre, 
james Bay●●●m Martyr.  being virtuously brought up by his parents, in the studies of good letters, had knowledge both of the Latin & the Greek tongue. After that, he gave himself to the study of the law, being a man of virtuous disposition, & godly conversation, mightily addicted to prayer, an earnest reader of the Scriptures, a great maintainer of the godly, a visitor of the prisoners, liberal to scholars, very merciful to his clients, using equity and justice to the poor, very diligent in giving counsel to all the needy, widows, fatherless, and afflicted, without money or reward, briefly a singular example to all Lawyers.  
This M. Bainham, as is above noted, married the wife of Simon Fish aforesaid, for the which he was the more suspected, and at last was accused to Sir Tho. More Chancellor of England, and arrested with a Sergeant at Arms, and carried out of the middle Temple▪ to the chancellors house at Chelsey, where he continued in free prison a while, till the time that Sir Tho. More saw he could not prevail in perverting of him to his sect. Then he cast him in prison in his own house, and whipped him at the tree in his garden, called the tree of troth, and after sent him to the Tower to be racked, and so he was, Sir Tho. More being present himself, till in a manner he had lamed him, because he would not accuse the Gentlemen of the Temple of his acquaintance, nor would not show where his books lay: and because his wife denied them to be at his house, she was sent to the Fleet, & their goods confiscate.  
After they had thus practised against him what they could, by tortures and torments. then was he brought before john Stokesly Bishop of London, the 15. of December, an. 1531. in the said town of Chelsey, and there examined upon these Articles and interrogatories ensuing.  
FIrst whether he believed there were any Purgatory of souls hence departed. 
Interrogatoryes ministered to Baynham.   
Whereunto he made answer as followeth: If we walk in light even as he is in light, we have society together with him, and the blood of jesus Christ his son, hath cleansed us from all sin. If we say we have no sin, we deceive ourselves and the truth is not in us. If we confess our sin, he is faithful and just, and will forgive us our sins, and will purge us from all our iniquities,  
2. Secondly, whether the Saints hence departed, are to to be honoured and prayed unto, to pray for us. 
Answer.   
To which he answered on this wise: My little children, I writ this unto you, that you sin not. If any man do sin, we have an Advocate with the Father, jesus Christ the just, and he is the propitiation for our sins, and not only for our sins, but also the sins of the whole world. And further, upon occasion of these words: Omnes sancti Dei orate pro nobis, being demanded what he meant by these words. Omnes sancti, he answered: that he meant them by those that were alive, as S. Paul did by the Corinthians, and not by those that be dead: 
Omnes sancti dei.  for he prayed not to them (he said) because he thought that they which be dead cannot pray for him. Item, when the whole church is gathered together, they use to pray one for an other, or desire one to pray for an other, with one hart: and that the will of the Lord may be fulfilled and not ours: and I pray, said he, as our Saviour Christ prayed at his last hour. Father, take this cup from me if it be possible, yet thy will be fulfilled.  
3 Thirdly, he was demanded whether he thought that any souls departed were yet in heaven or no.  
To this he answered and said: That he believed that they be thete as it pleaseth god to have them, that is to say, 
Answer. Souls departed.  in the faith of Abraham, and that herein he would: commit himself to the Church.  
4. fourthly, it was demanded of him, whether he thought it necessary to salvation, for a man to confess his sins to a Priest.  
Whereunto his answer was this: 
Answer.  That it was lawful for one to confess and knowledge his sins to another. As for any other confession he knew none. 
Confession and remission of sins.  And further he said that if he came to a Sermon, or any other where, where as the word of God is preached, and there take repentance for his sins, he believed his sins, forthwith to be forgiven of God, & that he needed not to go to any confession.  
5. fifthly, that he should say and affirm, that the truth of holy Scripture hath been hid, and appeared not these 800. years, neither was known before now.  
To this he said: That he meant no otherwise, but that the truth of holy Scripture was never, these 800 years past, 
Answer.  so plainly and expressly declared unto the people, as it hath been within these 6. years.  
6. He was demanded further, for what cause holy Scripture hath been better declared within these 6. years, than it hath been these 800. years before. 
Answer.   
Whereunto he answered: To say plainly, he knew no man to have preached the word of God sincerely & purely, 
The truth of the Scripture, long hid.  and after the vain of Scripture, except M. Crome and M. Latimer, and said moreover, that the new Testament now translated into English, doth preach and teach the word of God, & that before that time, men did preach but only: that folks should believe as the church did believe, and then if the Church erred, men should err to. Howbeit the church said he, 
Two Churches.  of Christ can not err: & that there were 2. Churches, that is, the Church of Christ militant, and the Church of Antechrist, and that this church of Antechrist may & doth err, but the Church of Christ doth not.  
7. seventhly, whether he knew any person that died in the true faith of Christ, since the Apostles time.  

Answer.  He said: He knew Bayfild, and thought that he died, in the true faith of Christ.  

Answer.  8. Eightly, he was asked what he thought of Purgatory and of vows.  
He answered: If any such thing had been moved to saint Paul of Purgatory after this life, 
purgatory.  he thought S. Paul would have condemned it for an heresy. And when he heard M. Crome preach and say, 
Crome belike was now slipped from that he had before taught.  that he thought there was a Purgatory after this life, he thought in his mind that the said M. Crome lied, & spoke against his conscience, and that there was a hundredth more, which thought the same as he did: saying moreover that he had seen the confession of M. Crome in print, God wots a very foolish thing, as he judged.  
And as concerning vows, he granted that there was lawful vows as Ananias vowed Act. 5. for it was in his own power, 
Vows.  whether he would have sold his possession or not, & therefore he did offend. But vows of chastity, and all godliness is given of God by his abundant grace, the which no man of himself can keep, but it must be given him of God. And therefore a Monk, Friar, or Nun, that have vowed the vows of Religion, if they think, after their vows made, that they can not keep their promises that they made at Baptism, they may go forth and marry, so that they keep after their marriage, the promise that they made at Baptism. And finally he concluded, that he thought there were no other vows, but only the vow of Baptism.  
9 Ninthly, he was demanded whether Luther being a Friar, & taking a Nun out of religion, & afterward marrying her, 
Answer.  did well or no, and what he thought therein.  
He answered: That he thought nothing. And when they asked him, whether it was lechery or no. He made answer he could not say so.  
As concerning the Sacrament of anneling, being willed to say his mind.  

Answer. Extreme unction.  He answered & said: It was but a ceremony, neither did he wot what a man should be the better for such an oiling and anointing The best was, that some good prayers he saw to be said thereat.  

Answer.  Likewise, touching the Sacrament of Baptism, his words were these.  
That as many as repent, and do on them Christ, shallbe saved: that is, as many as die concerning sin, shall live by faith with Christ. 
The sacrament of Baptism.  Therefore it is not we that live after that, but Christ in us. And so whether we live, or die, we are Gods by adoption, & not by the water only, but by water and faith: that is by keeping the promise made For ye are kept by grace and faith, saith S. Paul, & that not of yourself: for it is the gift of God.  
He was asked moreover of matrimony, whether it was a Sacrament or not, and whether it conferreth grace, being commanded in the old law, and not yet taken away.  
His answer was: that Matrimony is an order or law, that the Church of Christ hath made, 
Answer.  and ordained, by the which men may take to them women and sin not.  

Mat●imonye.  Lastly, for his books of scripture, & for his judgement of tindal, because he was urged to confess the troth, he said: That he had the new Testament translated into the English tongue by tindal, 
Answer. Reading of  within this month, and thought he offended not God in using and keeping the same, notwithstanding that he knew the kings proclamation to the contrary, and that it was prohibited in the name of the Church at Paul's cross. But for all that he thought the word of God had not forbid it: confessing moreover, that he had in his keeping within this month, these books: the wicked Mammon, the obedience of a Christian man, the practice of Prelates, the answer of tindal to Tho. Moor's Dialogue, the book of Frith against Purgatory, the Epistle of George Gee, aliâs George Clerke: adding furthermore, that in all these books he never saw any errors And if there were any such in them, then if they were corrected, it were good that the people had the said books. 
booke● forbidden.  And as concerning the new Testament in English, he thought it utterly good, and that the people should have it, as it is· Neither did he ever know (said he) that tindal was a naughty fellow. And to these answers he subscribed his name. This examination (as is said) was the 15. day of December.  
The next day following, which was the 16. day of December, the said james Bainham appeared again before the Bishop of London, in the foresaid place of Sir Thomas More at Chelsey, 
M. Bainham submitteth himself.  where, after the guise and form of their proceedings, first his former Articles with his answers were again repeated, and his hand brought forth. Which done, they asked him whether he would persist in that which he had said, or else would return to the Catholic Church from whence he was fallen, and to the which he might be yet received, as they said: adding moreover many fair enticing & alluring words, that he would reconcile himself, saying the time was yet that he might be received: the bosom of his mother was open for him. Otherwise if he would continue stubborn, there was no remedy.  
Now was the time either to save, or else utterly to cast himself away. Which of these ways he would take, the case present now required a present answer, for else the sentence definitive was there ready to be read. etc.  
To conclude long matter in few words, Bainham wavering in a doubtful perplexity between life on the one hand, 
Ex Regi●. Lond.  & death on the other, at length giving over to the adversaries, gave answer unto them that he was contented to submit himself, in those things wherein he had offended, excusing that he was deceived by ignorance. Then the bishop requiring him to say his mind plainly of his answers above declared demanded what he thought thereof, whether they were true, or no.  
To this Bainham said, that it was to high for him to judge. And then being asked of the Bishop, whether there was any Purgatory, he answered, and said: he could not believe that there was any Purgatory after this life.  
Upon other Articles being examined and demanded, he granted as followeth: That he could not judge whether Bayfild died in the true faith of Christ or no. That a man making a vow, can not break it without deadly sin. That a Priest promising to live chaste, may not marry a wife. That he thinketh the Apostles to be in heaven. That Luther did nought in marrying a Nun. That a child is the better for confirmation. That it is an offence to God, if any man keep books prohibited by the Church, the pope, the Bishop, or the King, and said that he pondered those points more now, than he did before. etc.  
Upon these answers the Bishop thinking to keep him in safe custody, to further trial, committed him to one of the Counters.  
The time thus passing on, which bringeth all things to their end, in the month of Febr. next following in the year of our Lord 1532. the foresaid 1 Bainham was called for again to the bishop's Consistory, before his vicar general, & other his assistance: 
Anno. 1532.  to whom Foxford the bishop's Chancellor recited again his articles & answers above mentioned, protesting that he intended not to receive him to the unity of the holy mother church, 
Baynham again brought before the bishops Chancellor.  unless he knew the said Bainham to be returned again purely & unfeignedly to the catholic faith, and to submit himself penitently to the judgement of the Church. To whom Bainham spoke in this effect, saying that he hath and doth believe the holy Church, and holdeth the faith of the holy mother the Catholic Church.  
Whereunto the Chancellor offering to him a Bill of his abjuration, after the form of the Pope's church conceived, required him to read it. Who was contented & read to the clause of the abjuration, containing these words: I voluntarily, as a true penitent person returned from my heresies, utterly abjure. etc. & there he stayed & would read no farther, saying that he knew not the articles contained in his abjuration to be heresy, therefore he could not see why he should refuse them. Which done, the Chancellor proceeded to the reading of this sentence definitive, coming to the place of this sentence: the doctrine & determination of the church. etc. & there paused, saying he would reserve the rest till he saw his time. Whom then Bainham desired to be good unto him, affirming that he did acknowledge that there was a Purgatory: that the souls of the apostles were in heaven. etc. Then began he again to read the sentence but Bainham again desired him to be good unto him. Whereupon he ceased the sentence, & said that he would accept this his confession for that time as sufficient.  
So Bainham for that present was returned to his prison again. Who then the 5. day after, 
Baynham again brought to the consistory. Baynham loath to abjure.  which was the 8. day of February, appeared as before, in the consistory. Whom the foresaid Chancellor repeating again his articles & answers, asked if he would abjure and submit himself: who answered that he would submit himself, and as a good Christian man should. Again the Chancellor the second time asked if he would abjure. I will (said he) forsake all my Articles, and will meddle no more with them, & so being commanded to lay his hands upon the book, read his abjuration openly. After the reading whereof he burst out into these words, saying, that because there were many words in the said abjuration, which he thought obscure & difficile, he protested that by his oath he intended not to go from such defence, which he might have had before his oath. Which done the Chancellor asked him why he made that protestation? Bainham said, for fear lest any man of ill will do accuse me hereafter. Then the Chancellor taking the definitive, sentence in his hand, disposing himself (as appeared) to read the same: Well M. Baynham (said he) take your oath, and kill the book, or else I will do mine office against you, & so immadiatly he took the book in his hand and kissed it, and subscribed the same with his hand.  
* james Baynham enjoined Penance.   

¶ The process against james Baynham, in case of relapse.  
THe 19 day of April. 1532. M. Rich. Foxford vicar general to the bishop of London, accompanied with certain Divines, & Matthew Grefton the Register sitting judicially, 
another process against ●ames. Baynham▪ Ex Regist. Lond.  james Bainham was brought before him by the Lieutenant of the tower, before whom the vicar general rehearsed the articles contained in his abjuration before made & showed him a bound book, which the said Bainham acknowledged to be his own writing, saying that it was good. Then he showed him more of a certain letter sent unto the bishop of London, that which also he acknowledged to be his: objecting also to the said Bainham, that he had made & read the abjuration which he had before recited: 
Anno 1532.  showing him moreover certain letters which he had written unto his brother, the which he confessed to be his own writing, saying moreover, that though he wrote it, yet there is no thing in the same that is nought, if it be as my Lord Chancellor saith. Then he asked of Bainham how he understood this which followeth, which was in his letters: yet could they not see nor know him for God, when in deed he was both God & man, yea he was three persons in one, the father, the son & the holy ghost: & Bainham said it was nought. Which things thus done, there was further objected unto him these words, that he had as leave pray to joane his wife, as to our Lady. The which article Bainham denied. The said Bainham amongst other talk as touching the sacrament of the altar, said: Christ's body is not chewed with teeth, but received by faith. Further it was objected against him, that notwithstanding his abjuration, he had said that the Sacrament of the altar was but a mystical or memorial body: that which article Bainham denied. 
Articles falsely depraved by the adversaries.  It was further laid unto him, that he should say, that S. Thomas of Caunterbury was a thief and murderer, and a devil in hell. Whereunto he answered thus, that S. Thomas of Canterbury was a murderer, and if he did not repent him of his murder, 
Thomas Becket.  he was rather a devil in hell, than a saint in heaven.  
The 20. day of April, in the year aforesaid, the said james Bainham was brought before the vicar general in the church or all saints of Barking, 
another appearance.  where as he ministered these interrogatories unto him. First that since the feast of Easter last passed he said, affirmed and believed, that the sacrament of the altar, was but a mystical body of Christ, and afterward he said, it was but a memorial: that which article Bainham denied. The the vicar general declared unto him, that our holy mother the catholic church determineth & teacheth in this manner: that in the sacrament of the altar, after the words of consecration, there remaineth no bread. The official asked Bainham whether he did so believe or not. Whereunto Bainham answered, saying that S. Paul calleth it bread, 
S Paul calleth the sacrament bread.  rehearsing these words: Quotiescunque comederitis panem hunc, & de poculo biberitis, mortem Domini annunciabitis: and in that point he saith, as S. Paul saith, and believeth as the church believeth. And being demanded twice afterward what he thought therein, he would give no other answer.  
Item, that since the feast of Easter aforesaid, he had affirmed & believed that every man that would take upon him to preach the Gospel of Christ clearly, 
True preachers have as much power of the keys as the Pope.  had as much power as the Pope. To the which article he answered thus: He that preacheth the word of God, whatsoever he be, and liveth thereafter, he hath the key that bindeth and looseth both in heaven and earth. The which key is the same scripture that is preached, and the Pope hath no other power to bind and to lose, but by the key of the Scripture.  
Item, that he affirmed that S. Thomas of Canterbury was a thief and a murderer, & in hell. 
Articles falsely depraved.  Whereunto he answered as before.  
Item, that he said he had as leave pray to joane his wife, as to our Lady: the which he denied as before.  
Item, that he affirmed & believed, that Christ himself was but a man, the which article he also denied.  
The premises thus passed, the vicar general received Frances Realms, john Edwards, Ralph Hilton, john Ridly, Frances Dryland, and Ralph Noble, as witnesses to be sworn upon the articles aforesaid, 
Witness against M. Baynham.  and to speak the truth before the face of the said james Bainham, in the presence of M. john nailer vicar of Barking, M. john Road Bachelor of divinity, William Smith, Richard Grivel, Tho. Wimple, and Richard Gill.  
The 26. day of April in the year aforesaid, before M. joh. Foxford vicar general of the bish. of London, 
The last appearance of james Baynham.  in the presence of Matthew Grefton Register, and Nicolas Wilson, & Will. Philley, professors of divinity, john Oliver, William Midleton, & Hugh Apprise, doctors of the law, M. Richard Gresham Sheriff of London, & a great company of others, james Bainham was brought forth by the Lieutenant of the Tower, in whose presence the vicar general rehearsed the merits of the cause of inquisition of heresy against him, & proceeded to the reading of the abjuration. And when the judge read this article following contained in the abjuration: Iten, 
Souls departed.  that I have said that I will not determine whether any souls departed be yet in heaven or no, but I believe that they be there as it pleaseth God to have them, that is to say, in the faith of Abraham: & I wot not whether the souls of the apostles or any other be in heaven or no. To this james answered, that I did abjure, and if that had not been, I would not have abjured at all.  
After all the articles were read contained in the abjuration, & certain talk had as touching the sacrament of baptism, the said james Bainham spoke these words: If a Turk, a jew, 
The sacrament of Baptism.  or Sarasen do trust in God & keep his law, he is a good Christian man. Then the Official showed unto him the letters which he sent unto his Brother, written with his own hand, and asked him what he thought, as touching this clause following: Yet could they not see and know him for God, when in deed he was both God & man, yea he was three persons in one, the father, the son and the holy ghost. Whereunto Bainham said, that it was nought, & that he did it by ignorance, & did not oversee his letters. Then M. Nicholas Wilson amongst other talk as touching the sacrament of the altar, 
The sacrament of the altar.  declared unto him that the church did believe the very body of Christ to be in the Sacrament of the altar. Bainham answered: The bread is not jesus Christ, for Christ's body is not chewed with teeth, therefore it is but bread. Being further demanded whether in the sacrament of the altar, is the very body of Christ God and man in flesh and blood: after divers doubtful answers, Bainham answered thus: He is there very God and man in form of bread.  
This done, the Official declared unto him the depositions of the witnesses which were come in against him, & objected unto him, that a little before Easter he had abjured all heresies, as well particularly as generally. Then the said vicar general, after he had taken deliberation & advise with the learned his assistants, did proceed to the reading of the definitive sentence against him, & also published the same in writing: whereby amongst other things besides his abjuration, 
Sentence read against Bainham,  he pronounced & condemned him as a relapsed heretic, damnably fallen into sundry heresies, & so to be left unto the secular power, that is to say, to one of the Sheriffs being there present. After the pronouncing of which sentence, M. Nicolas Wilson counseled & admonished that said james, that he would conform himself unto the church. To whom he answered, that he trusted that he is the very child of God, which ye blind Asses (said he) do not perceive. And last of all, departing from his judgement, he spoke these words: 
The words of james Baynham to M. Wilson.  M. Wilson, nor you my Lord Chancellor, shall not prove by scripture, that there is any purgatory. Then the sentence of condemnation was given against him, the which here to repeat word for word, is not necessary, for so much as the tenor thereof is all one with that which passed before in the story of Bayfeld, aliâs Somersam. Here also should ensue the letter of the Bishop of London, directed unto the Mayor and Sheriffs of the same city, for the receiving of him into their power, & that putting of him to death, the tenor whereof is also of like effect to that before written in the story of Bayfeld. After this sentence given, james Bainham was delivered into the hands of Sir Richard Gresham Sheriff, then being present, who caused him by his Officers to be carried unto Newgate, & the said james Baynham was burned in Smithfielde the last day of April, in the year aforesaid, at three a clock at afternoon.  
This M. Bainham during his imprisonment was very cruelly handled. For almost the space of a fortnight he lay in the bishop's coalhouse in the stocks, with irons upon his legs. 
The cruel handling of Bainham.  Then he was carried to the Lord chancellors, and there chained to a post 2. nights. Then he was carried to Fulham, where he was cruelly handled by the space of a seven night. Then to the Tower, where he lay a fortnight scourged with whips, to make him revoke his opinions. From thence he was carried to Barking, them to Chelsey, and there condemned, and so to Newgate to be burned.  
¶ The burning of james Baynham.  
The death and martyrdom of M. james Baynham.  
james Baynham.  
Anno. 1532.  
At whose burning here is notoriously to be observed, that as he was at the stake in the midst of the flaming fire which fire had half consumed his arms & legs, 
A 〈◊〉 and 〈…〉 of God to behold.  he spoke these words: O ye Papists, behold, ye look for miracles, and here now you may see a miracle, for in this fire I feel no more pain, then if I were in a bed of Down: but it is to me as sweet as a bed of roses. These words spoke he in the midst of the flaming fire, when his legs and his arms (as I said) were half consumed.   

¶ john Bent Martyr.  
AT the writing hereof, came to our hands a certain notice of one john Bent, 
joh. Bent, Martyr.  who about this present time or not long before, being a Tailor, & dwelled in a village called Urchevaunt, was burnt in the Town of the devices 
joh. Bent, burnt at Devise.  within the country of Wilkeshire, for the denying of the sacrament of the altar, as they term it.   

¶ One Trapnel Martyr.  
ALso much about the same time, 
trapnel Martyr, burnt at Brodford.  was one Trapnell burned in a Town called Brodford, within the same County.   

* The History of three men hanged for the burning of the Rood of Dovercourt, collected out of a letter of Robert Gardner, which was one of the doers of the same.  
IN the same year of our Lord 1532. there was an Idol named the Rood of Dovercourt, 
Out of a letter of Robert Gardner, written to Chapman Londoner, and yet alive. The Roo●e of Dovercourt.  whereunto was much and great resort of people. For at that time there was great rumour blown abroad amongs the ignorant sort, that the power of the Idol of Dovercourt was so great, that no man had power to shut the Church door where he stood, and therefore they let the Church door both night and day continually stand open, for the more credit unto their blind rumour. Which once being conceived in the heads of the vulgar sort, seemed a great marvel unto many men, but to many again, whom God had blessed with his spirit, was greatly suspected, especially unto these, whose names here follow, as Robert King of Dedham, Robert Debnam of Estbergholt, 
Rob. king, Rob.. D●bnam, Nicholas Marsh, Martyrs.  Nicholas Marsh of Dedham, and Robert Gardner of Dedham, whose consciences were sore burdened to see the honour and power of the almighty living God so to be blasphemed by such an Idol. Wherefore they were moved by the spirit of God, to travel out of Dedham in a wondrous goodly night, both hard frost and fair moon shine, although the nigh before, and the night after were exceeding foul and rainy. It was from the town of Dedham, to the place where the filthy Rood stood x. miles. 
The blind opinions of the people.  Notwithstanding they were so willing in that their enterprise, that they went these x. miles without pain, and found the Church door open, according to the blind talk of the ignorant people: for there durst no unfaithful body shut it. Which happened well for their purpose, for they found the Idol, which had as much power to keep the door shut, 
Experience of ●●lle Idolatry.  as to keep it open. And for proof thereof, they took the Idol from his shrine, and carried him a quarter of a mile from the place where he stood, without any resistance of the said Idol. Whereupon they strake fire with a Flint stone, 
The Id●ll set on a 〈…〉.  and suddenly set him on fire, who burned out so brim, that he lighted them homeward one good mile of the ten.  
This done, there went a great talk abroad, that they should have great riches in that place, 
Fall sur●●●se always ready.  but it was very untrue, for it was not their thought or enterprise, as they themselves afterward confessed, for there was nothing taken away but his coat, his shoes and tapers. The tapers did help to burn him, the shoes they had again, 
The right handling of an Idol.  and the coat one sir Thomas Rose did burn, but they had neither penny, half penny, gold, groat, nor jewel.  
¶ Robert King, Robert Debnam, and Nicholas Marsh hanged for taking down the Rood of Dovercourt.  
The fourth man of this company named Robert Gardner, 
Robert Gardner escaped.  escaped their hands and fled. Albeit he was cruelly sought for, to have had the like death, but the living Lord preserved him, to whom be all honour & glory world without end.  
The same year, and the year before, there were many Images cast down and destroyed in many places: 
Ex te●imonio ipsius 〈…〉.  as the Image of the Crucifix in the high way by Cogshall, the Image of saint Petronil in the Church of great Horksleigh, the Image of saint Christopher by Sudburye, and an other Image of saint Petronil in a Chapel by Ipswiche.  
Also john Seward of Dedham, overthrew a Cross in Stoke Park, and took two Images out of a chapel in the same park, and cast them into the water.   

¶ The story, examination, death, and martyrdom of john Frith.  
Amongst all other chances lamentable, there hath been none a great time which seemed unto me more grievous, 
Anno 153.  than the lamentable death and cruel handling of john Frith, so learned and excellent a young man, which had so profited in all kind of learning and knowledge, that scarcely there was his equal amongst all his companions and besides withal had such a godliness of life joined with his doctrine, 
john Frith Martyr.  that it was hard to judge, in whether of them he was more commendable, being greatly praise worthy in them both. But as touching his doctrine, by the grace of Christ, we will speak hereafter. Of the great godliness which was in him, this may serve for experiment sufficient for that notwithstanding his other manifold and singular gifts & ornaments of the mind in him most pregnant where withal he might have opened an easy way unto honour & dignity, notwithstanding he chose rather wholly to consecrate himself unto the Church of Christ, excellently showing forth & practising in himself the precept so highly commended of the Philosophers, touching the life of man, which life they say, is given unto us in such sort, that how much better the man is, so much the less he should live unto himself, but unto other, serving for the common utility, & that we should think a great part of our birth to be due unto our parents, a greater part unto our country, & the greatest part of all to be bestowed upon the Church if we will be counted good men. First of all he begun his study at Cambridge. 
john Fryth▪ first student in Cambridge.  In whom nature had planted being but a child marvelous instructions & love unto learning, whereunto he was addict. He had also a wonderful promptness of wit & a ready capacity to receive and understand any thing, in so much that he seemed not to be sent unto learning, but also borne for the same purpose: neither was there any diligence wanting in him, equal unto that towardness, or worthy of his disposition. 
Commendation of Firths learning.  Whereby it came to pass that he was not only a lover of learning, but also became an exquisite learned man. In the which exercise, when he had diligently laboured certain years, not without great profit both of Latin and Greek, at the last he fell into knowledge and acquaintance with William tindal, through whose instructions, he first received into his hart the seed of the Gospel and sincere godliness.  
At that time Tho. Wolsey Cardinal of York prepared to build a College in Oxford, 
The College in Oxford of Frydeswide, now called Christ's College.  marvelous sumptuous which had the name & title of Frideswide, but now named Christ's Church, not so much (as it is thought) for the love & zeal that he bore unto learning, as for an ambitious desire of glory & renown, & to leave a perpetual name unto the posterity. But that building, he being cut of by the stroke of death (for he was sent for unto the king, accused upon certain crimes, and in the way by immoderate purgations killed himself) lest partly begun, partly half ended & unperfect, and nothing else save only the kitchen was fully finished. Whereupon Rodulphus Gualterus a learned man, being then in Oxford, & beholding the College, said these words in Latin. 
The saying of Rodolphus Cualterus touching the Cardinal's College.  Egregium opus Cardinalis iste instituit collegium, et absoluit popinam. How large & ample those buildings should have been, what sumptuous cost should have been bestowed upon the same, may easily be perceived by that that which is already builded, as the kitchen, the hall, and certain chambers, where as there is such curious graving and workmanship of stone cutters, that all things on every side did glitter for the excellency of the workmanship, for the finesse of that matter, with the gilt antikes, & emboss, in so much that if all the rest had been finished to that determinate end as it was begun, it might well have excelled not only all Colleges of students, but also palaces of Princes. This ambitious Cardinal gathered together into that College, what soever excellent thing there was in the whole realm, either vestments, vessels, or other ornaments, beside provision of all kind of precious things. Besides that, he also appointed unto that company all such men as were found to excel in any kind of learning & knowledge. Whose names to recite all in order, would be to long. The chief of them which were called from Cambridge were these.  

M▪ Clarke, Master of art, of xxxiiij. years of age.  
M. Friar, afterward Doctor of Physic, after that a strong papist.  
M. Sumner, master of Art.  
M. Harman, master of Art, and after fellow of Eton College, after that a papist.  
M. Bets, master of Art, a good man and zealous, and so remained.  
M. Cox, master of Art, who conveyed himself away toward the North, and aftrr was Schoolmaster of Eton, and then chaplain to Doctor Goodrig Bishop of Ely, and by him preferred to king Henry, and late Bishop of Ely.  
john Frith, Bachelor of Art.  
Bayly, Bachelor of Art.  
Goodman, who being sick in the prison with the other, was had out, and died in the town.  
Drum, who afterwards fell away, and forsook the truth.  
Thomas Lawney, Chaplain of the house, prisoner with john Frith.   
To these join also Taverner of Boston, the good physician, 
This taverner repented him very much that he had made songs to Popish ditties in the time of his blindness.  besides many other called also out of other places most piked young men of grave judgement and sharp wits, who conferring together upon the abuses of religion, being at that time crept into the Church, were therefore accused of heresy unto the Cardinal, and cast into a prison, within a deep cave under the ground, of the same College where their salt fish was laid, so that through the filthy stench thereof, they were all infected, and certain of them taking their death in the same prison, shortly upon the same being taken out of the prison into their chambers, there deceased.  
The troublers and examiners of these good men were these, 
persecutors.  Doct. London, Doctor Higdon, Deane of the same College, and Doct. Cottesford, Commissary.  

M Clarke, M. Sumner, Sir Baily, killed▪ through imprisonment.  Master Clarke, master Sumner, and Sir Bayly, eating nothing but saltfish from February, to the midst of August, died all three together within the compass of one week.  
Master Bets a witty man, having no books found in his chamber, through entreaty and surety got out of prison, and so remaining a space in the College, at last slipped away to Cambridge, and after was Chaplain to Queen Anne, and in great favour with her.  
Taverner, although he was accused and suspected for hiding of Clerks books under the boards in his school, yet the Cardinal for his music excused him, saying, that he was but a physician, and so he escaped.  
After the death of these men, john Frith, with other, by the cardinals letter, which sent word that he would not have them so straightly handled, were dismissed out of prison upon condition, 
Of this Dalaber read more in the story of Tho. Garret.  not to pass above ten miles out of Oxford. Which Frith after hearing of the examination of Dalaber and Garret, which bore then faggots, went over the sea, and after two years he came over for exhibition of the Prior of Reading (as is thought) and had the Prior ●uer with him.  
B●yng at Reading, 
john 〈◊〉 set in the stocks a Reading.  it happened that he was there taken for a vagabond, & brought to examination: where the simple man which could not craftily enough colour himself, was set in the stocks. Where after he had sitten a long time, and was almost pined with hunger, and would not for all that declare what he was, 
Leonard Cox, Schoolmaster of Reading.  at the last he desired that the Schoolmaster of the town might be brought to him, which at that time was one Leonard Cox, a man very well learned. As soon as he came unto him, Frith by and by began in the Latin tongue to bewail his captivity.  
The Schoolmaster by and by being overcome with his eloquence, did not only take pity and compassion upon him, but also began to love and embrace such an excellent wit and disposition unlooked for, especially in such a state & misery. Afterward, they conferring more together upon many things as touching the Universities, schools, and tongues, fell from the Latin into the Greek, Wherein Frith did so inflame the love of that Schoolmaster towards him, that he brought him into a marvelous admiration, especially when the Schoolmaster heard him so promptly by hart, rehearse Homer's verses out of his first book of Iliads. Whereupon the Shoolemaister went with all speed, unto the Magistrates, grievously complaining of the injury which they did show unto so excellent and innocent a young man.  
Thus Frith, through the help of the schoolmaster, was freely dimitted out of the stocks, 
john Frith through the help of the Schoolmaster, was delivered out of the stocks.  & set at liberty without punishment. Albeit this his safety continued not long, thorough the great hatred and deadly pursuit of sir Tho. More, who at that time being chancellor of England, persecuted him both by land and sea, besetting all the ways and havens, yea & promising great rewards, if any man could bring him any news or tidings of him.  
Thus Frith being on every part beset with toubles, not knowing which way to turn him, 
Sir Tho. More a deadly persecuter of john Fryth.  seeketh for some place to hide him in. Thus fleeting from one place to an other, and often changing both his garments and place, yet could he be in safety in no place, no not long amongst his friends: so that at the last, being traitorously taken, (as ye shall after hear) he was sent unto the Tower of London, whereas he had many conflicts with the bishops, but specially in writing with Sir Thomas Moor. 
The occasion of Firths writing against More.  The first occasion of his writing was this: Upon a time he had communication with a certain old familiar friend of his, touching the Sacrament of the body & blood of Christ. The whole effect of which disputation, consisted specially in these four points.  
1 FIrst that the matter of the sacrament is no necessary article of faith under pain of damnation.  
2. Secondly, that for somuch as Christ's natural body in like condition hath all properties of our body, sin only except, it it cannot be, neither is it agreeable unto reason, that he should be in two places or more at once, contrary to the nature of our body.  
3. Moreover it shall not seem meet or necessary, that we should in this place understand Christ's words, according to the literal sense, but rather according to the order and phrase of speech, comparing phrase with phrase, according to the Analogy of the Scripture.  
4. Last of all, how that it ought to be received according to the true and right institution of Christ, albeit that the order which at this time is crept into the Church, and is used now a days by the Priests, do never so much differ from it.  
And for somuch as the treatise of this disputation seemed somewhat long, 
The occasion of Firths writing upon the Sacrament.  his friend desired him that such things as he had reasoned upon, he would briefly commit unto writing, and give unto him for the help of his memory. Frith, albeit he was unwilling, and not ignorant how dangerous a thing it was to enter into such a contentious matter, at the last notwithstanding he being overcome by the entreaty of his friend, rather followed his will, than looked to his own safeguard.  
There was at that time in London a Tailor named William Holt, which feigning a great friendship toward this party, 
William Holte, a judas.  instantly required of him to give him licence to read over that same writing of Frithes, which when he unadvisedly did, the other by and by carried it unto More being then Chancellor, which thing afterward was occasion of great trouble, and also of death unto the said Frith. 
Sir Tho. More Chauncel●r.  For More having gotten a copy of this book, not only of this Sycophant, but also two other copies, which at the same time, in a manner were sent him by other promoters he whetted his wits, and called his spirits together as much as he might, meaning to refute his opinion by a contrary book.  
This in a manner was the whole sum of the reasons of Frithes book: First to declare the Pope's belief of the Sacrament, to be no necessary article of our faith, that is to say, that it is no article of our faith necessary to be believed under pain of damnation, 
The sum 〈◊〉 wrythe 〈◊〉 of the Sacrament.  that the Sacrament should be the natural body of Chryst. Which he thus proveth: For many so believe, & yet in so believing the Sacrament to be the natural body, are not thereby saved but receive it to their damnation.  
Again, in believing the Sacrament to be the natural body, yet that natural presence of his body in the bread, is not that which saveth us, 
The not beleu●●● the corporal 〈◊〉 of Christ in the Sacraments, is no damnation.  but his presence in our hearts by faith. And likewise the not believing of his bodily presence in the Sacrament, is not the thing that shall damn us, but the absence of him out of our hart, through unbelief. And if it be objected, that it is necessary to believe gods word under pain of damnation: to that he answereth, that the word taken in the right sense as Christ meant, maintaineth no such bodily presence as the Pope's church doth teach, but rather a Sacramental presence. And that (saith he) may be further confirmed thus.  

¶ Argument.  
None of the old fathers before Christ'S incarnation, were bound under pain of damnation to believe this point:  

Ce  All we be saved by the same faith that the old fathers were. 
la.   
Ergo, none of us are bound to believe this point under pa●●e of damnation. 
●ent.    
The first part (saith he) is evident of itself. For how could they believe that which they never heard nor saw?  
The second part (saith he) appeareth plainly by saint Augustine, 
August. ad Dardanum.  writing ad Dardanum, and also by an hundredth places more. Neither is there any thing that he doth more often inculcate than this, that the same faith that saved our Fathers, saveth us also. And therefore upon the truth of these two parts thus proved, must the conclusion (saith he) needs follow.  

¶ An other Argument.  
None of that old fathers before Christ's incarnation, did eat Christ corporally in their signs, but only mystically & spiritually, and were saved:  
All we do eat Christ even as they did, and are saved as they were:  
Ergo, none of us do eat Christ corporally, but mystycally, and spiritually in our signs as they did.   
For the probation of the first part, Frith proceeding in his discourse, declared how the ancient fathers before Christ's Incarnation, did never believe any such point of this gross and carnal eating of Christ's body: and yet notwithstanding they did eat him spiritually, and were saved: as Adam, Abraham, Moses, Aaron, Phinees, and other godly Israelites beside. All which (saith he) did eat the body of Christ, and did drink his blood, as we do. But this eating and drinking of theirs was spiritual, pertaining only to faith, 
●. Cor. 10  and not to the teeth: For they were all under the cloud, and drank of the rock which followed them, this rock was Christ, which was promised them to come into the world. And this promise was first made unto Adam, 
Gen. 30.  when as it was said unto the Serpent: I will put hatred between thee and the woman, between her seed and thy seed etc. 
Gen. 26.  And afterward again unto Abraham: In thy seed shall all people be blessed etc. Adding also the Sacrament of Circumcision, 
Bread is called the body, as the sacrament of circumcision is called the covenants.  which was called the covenant, not because it was so in deed, but because it was a sign and a token of the covenant made between God & Abraham, admonyshing us thereby how we should judge & think touching the Sacrament of his body & blood: to wit, that albeit it be called the body of Christ, yet we should properly understand thereby the fruit of our justification, which plentifully floweth unto all faithful by his most healthful body & blood. Likewise the same promise was made unto Moses the most meek & gentle captain of the Israelites, which did not only himself believe upon Christ, which was so often promised, but also did prefigurate him by divers means, 
Manna, a figure of Christ's body.  both by the Manna which came down from heaven, and also by the water which issued out of the rock, for the refreshing of the bodies of his people.  

The water of the rock, a figure of Christ's body.  Neither is it to be doubted, but that both Manna and this water had a Prophetical mystery in them, declaring the very self same thing then, which the bread & the wine do now declare unto us in the sacrament. For this saith S. Augustine: Who soever did understand Christ in the Manna, did eat the spiritual food that we do. 
Bread & wine, a figure likewise of Christ's body. 1. Cor. 10.  But they which by that Manna sought only to fill their bellies, did eat thereof, and are dead. So likewise saith he of the drink: For the rock was Christ. And by and by after he inferreth thus: Moses did eat Manna and Phinees also, and many other also did eat thereof which pleased God, and are not dead. Why? because they did understand the visible meat spiritually. They did spiritually hunger, and did spiritually taste of it, that they might spiritually be satisfied. They all did eat the same spiritual meat, and all did drink the same spiritual drink: 
The old fathers did eat the same spiritual food that we do, but not the same corporal food, For they did eat Christ in manna, we do eat him in bread.  all one spiritual thing, but not all one corporal matter (for they did eat Manna, and we an other thing) but the self same spiritual thing that we do, and although they drank the same spiritual drink that we do, yet they drank one thing, and we an other: which nevertheless signified all one thing in spiritual effect. How did they drink all one thing? The Apostle answereth: Of the spiritual rock which followed them, for the rock was Christ. And Bede also adding these words, saith: Behold the signs are altered, and yet the faith remaineth one. Thereby a man may perceive that the Manna, which came down from heaven, was the same unto them, that our Sacrament is unto us, 
Bede.  and that by either of them is signified that the body of Christ came down from heaven, & yet notwithstanding never any of them said, 
A similitude between Manna, and the body of Christ.  that Manna was the very body of Messiah, as our Sacramental bread is not in deed the body of christ, but a mystical representation of the same. For like as the Manna which came down from heaven, and the bread which is received in the Supper, doth nourish the body, even so the body of Christ coming down from heaven, and being geeven for us, doth quicken up the spirits of the believers unto life everlasting. Then if the salvation of both people be alike, and their faith also one, there is no cause why we should add transubstantiation unto our Sacrament, more than they believed their Manna to be altered and changed. Moreover, for because they are named Sacraments even by the significatyon of the name, they must needs be signs of things, or else of necessity they can be no Sacraments.  
But some may here object and say: If only faith, both unto them & also unto us, be sufficient for salvation, 
Objection.  what need then any sacraments to be instituted? He answered that there are three causes why Sacraments are instituted. The first S. Austen declareth in these words, 
Answer.  writing against Faustus: Men (saith he) cannot be knit together into one name of religion, be it true, or be it false, 
Three causes why Sacraments are ordained, August. contra Faustum.  except they be knit by the society of signs and visible sacraments the power whereof doth wonderfully prevail, in somuch that such as contemn them are wicked: for that is wickedly contemned, without the which godliness cannot be made perfect. etc. An other cause is that they should be helpers to graft and plant faith in our hearts, 
The 2. cause.  and for the confirmation of God's promises. But this use of Sacraments many are yet ignorant of, 
Sacraments not to be worshipped for the things.  and more there be which do preposterously judge of the same, taking the signs for the thing itself, and worshipping the same: even by like reason in a manner, as if a man would take the bush that hangeth at the Tavern door, and suck it for to slake his thirst, and will not go to the Tavern where the wine is. Thirdly, they do serve unto this use, 
The third cause.  to stir up the minds and hearts of the faithfully to give thanks unto God for his benefits. And these in a manner are the principal points of his books.  
When More (as is before said) had gotten a copy of this treatise, he sharped his pen all that he might, to make answer unto this young man (for so he calleth him through out his whole book) but in such sort, that when the book was once set forth, and showed unto the world, 
More writeth against john Frith.  than he endeavoured himself all that he might, to keep it from printing, peradventure lest that any copy thereof should come unto Firths hands. But notwithstanding, when at the last Frith had gotten a copy thereof by means of his friends, 
Frith answereth to More.  he answered him out of the prison, omitting nothing that any man could desire to the perfect & absolute handling of the matter. And as it were a great labour, so do I think it not much necessary to repeat all his reasons and arguments, or the testimonies which he had gathered out of the Doctors: specially for so much as the Archb. of Canterbury Cranmer, in his Apology against the Bishop of Winchester, seemeth to have collected them abundantly, 
Cranmer Archbishop of Canterbury helped by the book of john Frith.  gathering the principal and chiefest helps from thence that he leaned unto against the other: and I doubt much whether the Archbishop ever gave any more credit unto any author of that doctrine, then unto this aforesaid Frith.  
What dexterity of wit was in him, and excellency of doctrine, it may appear, not only by his books which he wrote of the Sacrament, but also in them which he entitled of Purgatory. In the which quarrel he withstood the violence of three most obstinate enemies, that is to say, of Rochester, More, and Rastall, whereof the one by the help of the Doctors, the other by wresting of the scripture, and the third by the help of natural philosophy had conspired against him. But he, as a Hercules, fight not against two only, but even▪ with them all three at once, did so over throw & confound them, that he converted Rastall to his part.  
Besides all these commendations of this young man, there was also in him a friendly & prudent moderation in uttering of the truth, joined with a learned godliness. Which virtue hath always so much prevailed in the Church of Christ, that without it all other good gifts of knowledge, 
Rochester, More and Rastall against Fryth.  be they never so great, cannot greatly profit, but oftentimes do very much hurt. And would God that all things in all places were so free from all kind of dissension, that there were no mention made amongst Christians, 
john Fryth converted Rastall.  of zwinglians & Lutherians, when as neither Zuinglius, neither Luther died for us, but that we might be all one in Christ. Neither do I think that any thing could happen more grievous unto those worthy men, than their names so to be abused to sects and factions, which so greatly withstood and strove against all factions. Neither do I here discourse which part came nearest unto the truth, neither so rashly intermeddle in this matter, 
The prudent temperance and moderation of john Fryth.  that I will detract any thing from either part, but rather wish of God I might join either part unto other. But now for so much as we entreat of the story of john Frith, I cannot choose but must needs earnestly and heartily embrace the prudent and godly moderation which was in that man, who maintaining this quarrel of the Sacrament of the Lords supper, no less godly, then learnedly (and so as no man in a manner had done it more learnedly (and pithily) yet he did it so moderately, without any contention, the he would never seem to strive against the papistes except he had been driven to it even of necessity, In all other matters, where necessity did not move him to contend, he was ready to grant all things for quietness sake, as his most modest reasons and answers did declare.  
For when as More disputing in a certain place upon the Sacrament, laid against him the authority of Doctor Barnes, for the presence of the body and blood in the sacrament, he answered unto More & his companions, that he would promise under this condition, that the sentence of Luther & Barnes might be held as ratified, he would never speak more words of it: for in that point they did both agree with him, that the sacrament was not to be worshipped, 
john Frith speaking according to that time, wished the opinion of Luther might be received.  & that Idolatry being taken away, he was content to permit every man to judge of the sacrament, as God should put into their hearts: for then there remained no more poison, that any man ought or might be afraid on. Wherefore if they did agree in that which was the chief point of the sacrament, they should easily accord & agree in the rest.  
This much he wrote in the treatise, entitled, The exile of Barnes against More. 
Moderation commended in matters of disputation.  Which words of this most meek martyr in Christ, if they would take place in the seditious divisions and factions of these our days, with great ease and little labour men might be brought to a unity in this controversy, and much more concord and love should be in the Church, & much less offence given abroad then there is.  
But to our story again of john Frith, who after he had now sufficiently contended in his writings with More, Rochester, and Rastal Moor's son in law, he was at the last carried to Lambeth, first before the Bishop of Caunterbury, and afterward unto Croyden, before the Bishop of Winchester to plead his cause. Last of all, he was called before the bishops in a common assemble at London, where as he constantly defended himself, if he might have been heard.  

john Frith convented before the Bishops.  The order of his judgement, with the manner of his examination and articles which were objected against him, are comprised and set forth by himself, in a letter written and sent unto his friends, whilst he was prisoner in the Tower.   

¶ A Letter of john Frith to his friends, concerning his troubles: wherein after he had first with a brief preface saluted them entering then into the matter, 
This letter is to be seen in the end of that excellent & worthy work which he made in the tower concerning the Sacrament of the body and blood of christ.  thus he writeth.  
I Doubt not dear brethren, but that it doth some deal vex you, to see the one part have all the words, & freely to speak what they list, and the other to be put to silence, and nor to be heard indifferently. But refer your matters to God, which shortly shall judge after an other fashion. In the mean time I have written unto you as briefly as I may, what articles were objected against me, and what were the principal points of my condemnation, that ye might understand the matter certainly. 
  
The whole matter of this my examination was comprehended in two special articles, that is to say, of Purgatory, and of the substance of the Sacrament.  
And first of all, as touching Purgatory, they inquired of me, whether I did believe there was any place to purge the spots and filth of the soul after this life. But I said that I thought there was no such place. For man (said I) doth consist, and is made only of two parts, that is to say, of the body and the soul, whereof the one is purged here in this world, by the cross of Christ, which he layeth upon every child that he receiveth: as affliction worldly oppression, persecution, imprisonment etc. and last of all the reward of sin, which is death, is laid upon us: but the soul is purged with the word of God, which we receive through faith, to the salvation both of body and soul. Now if ye can show me a third part of men beside the body & the soul, I will also grant unto you the 3. place, which you do call Purgatory. But ye can not do this, I must also of necessity deny unto you the Bishop of Rome's Purgatory. Nevertheless I count neither part a necessary article of our faith, to be believed under pain of damnation, whether there be such a Purgarie or no.  
Secondly, they examined me touching the sacrament of the altar, whether it was the very body of Christ, or no.  
I answered, that I thought it was both Christ's body & also our body, 
The Sacrament of Christ's body.  as Saint Paul teacheth us in the first Epistle to the Corinthians, and tenth Chapter. For in that it is made one bread of many corns, it is called our body, which being divers and many members, are associate and gathered together into one fellowship or body. Likewise of the wine which is gathered of many clusters of grapes, & is made into one liquor. But the same bread again, in that it is broken, is the body of Christ, declaring his body to be broken and delivered unto death, to redeem us from our iniquities.  
Furthermore, in that the Sacrament is distributed, it is Christ's body, signifying that as verily as the Sacrament is distributed unto us, so verily as Christ's body & the fruit of his passion distributed unto all faithful people.  
In that it is received, it is Christ's body, signyfying that as verily as the outward man receiveth the sacrament with his teeth & mouth, so verily doth the inward man through faith receive Christ's body and fruit of his passion, and is as sure of it, as of the bread which he eateth.  
Well (said they) dost thou not think that his very natural bode flesh, blood and bone, 
Transubstantiation.  is really contained under the Sacrament, and there present without all figure or similitude? No, said I, I do not so think. Notwithstanding I would not that any should count, that I make my saying (which is the negative) any article of faith. For even as I say, that you ought not to make any necessary article of the faith of your part (which is the affirmative) so I say again, that we make no necessary article of the faith of our part, but leave it indifferent for all men to judge therein, as God shall open his hart, and no side to condemn or despise the other, but to nourish in all things brotherly love, and one to bear an others infirmity.  
After this they alleged the place of Saint Augustine, 
Ferebatur manibus proprijs.  where he saith: Ferebatur In manibus proprijs. That is to say, he was carried in his own hands.  
Whereunto I answered, that Saint Augustine was a plain Interpreter of himself: for he hath in an other place: 
The place of S. Augustine expounded.  Ferebatur tanquam in manibus suis: That is to say, he was carried as it were in his own hands: which is a phrase of speech, not of one that doth simply affirm, but only of one expressing a thing by a similitude And albeit that Saint Augustine had not thus expounded himself, yet he writing unto Boniface, 
Augustinus ad bonifacium.  doth plainly admonish all men, that the Sacraments do represent and signify those things whereof they are Sacraments, and many times even of the similitudes of the things themselves they do take their names: and therefore according to this rule it may be said, he was borne in his own hands, when as he bore in his hands the Sacrament of his body & blood.  
Then they alleged a place of chrysostom, which at the first blush may seem to make much for them: 
The place of Chrisostom answered.  who in a certain Homily upon the Supper writeth thus: Dost thou see bread and wine? Do they depart from thee into the draft as other meats do? No, God forbid. For as in wax when it cometh to the fire, nothing of the substance remaineth nor abideth: so likewise think that the mysteries are consumed by the substance of the body etc.  
These words I expounded by the words of the same Doctor, which in an other Homily saith on this manner. The inwardeys (saith he) as soon as they see the bread, they flee over all creatures, and do not think of the bread that is baken of the baker, but of the bread of everlasting life, which is signified by the mystical bread. Now confer these places together, & you shall perceive that the last expoundeth the first plainly. For he sayeth, Dost thou see the bread and wine? I answer by the second, nay. For the inward eyes as soon as they see the bread, do pass over all creatures, and do not any longer think upon the breead but upon him which is signified by the bread. And after this manner he seethe it, 
Chrisostom expoundeth himself.  and again he seethe it not: for as he seethe it with his outward and carnal eyes, so with his inward eye he seethe it not, that is to say regardeth not the bread, or thinketh not upon it, but is otherwise occupied. Even as when we play or do any thing else negligently, we commonly are wont to say, we see not what we do: not that in deed we do not see that which we go about but because our mind is fixed on some other thing, and doth not attend unto that which the eyes do see.  
In like manner may it be answered unto that which followeth: Do they avoid from thee (saith he) into the draft as other meats do? I will not so say. For other meats passing through the bowels, after they have of themselves given nourishment unto the body, be voided into the draft, but this is a spiritual meat, which is received by faith, and nourisheth both body and soul unto everlasting life, neither is it at any time avoided as other meats are. 

Argumentum ex Chrisost. The belly of man cannot abide any part of Christ's body.  
The belly of man avoideth some part of every thing that the mouth receiveth.  
Ergo, the mouth of man received not the body of Christ.    
And as before I said, that the external eyes do behold the bread, which the inward eyes being otherwise occupied do not behold or think upon, even so our outward man doth digest the bread, and void into the draft but the inward man doth neither regard nor think upon it, but thinketh upon the thing itself that is signified by that bread. And therefore chrysostom a little before the words which they alleged, saith: Lift up your minds and hearts. Whereby he admonisheth us to look upon and consider those heavenly things which are represented and signified by the bread and wine, and not to mark the bread and wine itself.  
Here they said, that was not Chrisostomes' mind: but that by this example he declareth that there remained no bread nor wine. 
All mysteries to be seen with inward eyes.  I answered, that was false: for the example that he taketh, tendeth to no other purpose, but to call away our spiritual eyes from the beholding of visible things, and to transport them an other way: as if the things that are seen, were of no force. Therefore he draweth away our mind from the consideration of these things, and fixeth it upon him, which is signified unto us by the same. The very words which follow, sufficiently declare this to be the true meaning of the author, where as he commandeth us to consider all things with our inward eyes, that is to say, spiritually.  
But whether Chrisostomes' words▪ do tend either to to this or that sense, 
Chrisostom against the popish doctrine of the Sacrament.  yet do they indifferently make on our part against our adversaries, which way so ever we do understand them. For if he thought that the bread and wine do remain we have no further to travail: but if he meant contrariwise, that they do not remain, but that the natures of the bread and wine are altered, then are the bread and wine falsely named Sacraments and mysteries, 
The objection of Chrisostom avoided by a-Dilemma.  which can be said in no place to be in the nature of things: For that which is in no place, how can it be a Sacrament, or supply the room of a mystery? Finally, if he speak only of the outward forms and shapes (as we call them) it is most certain that they do continually remain, and that they by the substance of the body are not consumed in any place, wherefore it must necessarily follow the words of chrysostom to be understanded in such sense as I have declared.  
Here peradventure many would marvel, that for somuch as the matter touching the substance of the Sacrament, 
A question asked with the cause declared, why that seeing the matter of the sacrament itself, importeth neither salvation nor damnation, why then Frith offereth himself to death for the same.  being separate from the articles of faith, and binding no man of necessity either unto salvation or damnation, whether he believe it or not, but rather may be left indifferently unto all men, freely to judge either on the one part or on the other, according to his own mind, so that neither part do contemn or despise the other, but that all love and charity be still holden and kept in this dissension of opinions: what than the cause is, why I would therefore so willingly suffer death. The cause why I die is this, for that I can not agree with the divines & other head Prelates, that it should be necessarily determined to be an article of faith, and that we should believe under pain of damnation, the substance of the bread and wine to be changed into the body and blood of our saviour jesus Christ, the form and shape only not being changed. Which thing if it were most true (as they shall never be able to prove it by any authority of the Scripture or Doctors) yet shall they not so bring to pass, that that doctrine, were it never so true, should be holden for a necessary article of faith. For there are many things both in the Scriptures and other places, which we are not bound of necessity to believe as an article of faith.  
So it is true, that I was a prisoner and in bonds when I wrote these things, and yet for all that I will not hold it as an article of faith, 
* This is to be weighed with time when Frith wrote.  but that you may without danger or damnation, either believe it, or think the contrary.  
But as touching the cause why I cannot affirm the doctrine of Transubstantiation, divers reasons do lead me thereunto. First, for that I do plainly see it to be false and vain, and not to be grounded upon any reason, either of the Scriptures, 
Three causes why transubstantiation is not to be be believed.  or of approved Doctors.  
Secondly, for that by my example I would not be an author unto Christians to admit any thing as a matter of faith, more than the necessary points of their Creed, wherein the whole sum of our salvation doth consist, specially such things, 
The 2. cause.  the belief whereof have no certain argument of authority or reason.  
I added moreover, that their Church (as they call it) hath no such power and authority, that it either aught or may bind us under the peril of our souls, to the believing of any such articles.  
thirdly, because I will not for the favour of our divines or Priests, be prejudicial in this point, 
The third cause.  unto so many nations of Germans, Heluetians, and other, which altogether rejecting the transubstantiation of the bread and wine into the holy and blood of Christ, are all of the same opinion that I am, as well those that take Luther's part, as those which hold with Oecolampadius. Which things standing in this case, I suppose there is no man of any upright conscience, which will not allow the reason of my death, which I am put unto for this only cause, that I do not think transubstantiation, although it were true in deed, to be established for an article of faith.  
And thus much hitherto as touching the articles and whole disputation of john Frith, which was done with all moderation and uprightness. But when as no reason would prevail against the force and cruelty of these furious foes, the xx. day of june, in the year of our Lord, 1533. he was brought before the bishops of London, Winchester, and Lincoln, who sitting in Paul's upon Friday, the xx. day of june, ministered certain interrogatories upon the Sacrament of the Supper, and Purgatory, unto the said Frith, as is above declared. To the which when he had answered & showed his mind in form and effect, as by his own words above doth appear, he afterward subscribed to his answears with his own hand, in these words.  Ego Frithus ita sentio, & quemadmodum sentio, ita dixi, scripsi, asserui, & affirmavi. 
That is to say. 
The subscription of john Fryth.   
¶ I Frith thus do think, and as I think, so have I said, written, taught, and affirmed, and in my books have published.  
But when as by no means he could be persuaded to recant these articles aforesaid, neither be brought to believe that the sacrament is an article of faith, but said, Fiat judicium & justitia: 
john Fryth condemned.  he was condemned by the Bishop of London to be burned, and sentence given against him: the tenor whereof here ensueth.   

¶ The sentence given against john Frith.  
IN the name of God, Amen. We john by the permission of God, Bishop of London, lawfully and rightly proceeding with all godly favour by authority and virtue of our office, against thee john Frith, of our jurisdiction, 
Sentence against john Frith.  before us personally here present, being accused and detected, and notoriously slandered of heresy, having heard, seen, and understand, and with diligent deliberation weighed, discussed, and considered the merits of the cause, all things being observed which by us in this behalf, by order of law ought to be observed, sitting in our judgement seat, the name of Christ being first called upon, and having 
* As they had which crucified Christ.  God only before our eyes, because by the acts enacted, propounded, and exhibited in this matter, and by thine own confession judicially made before us, we do find that thou hast taught, holden, and affirmed, and obstinately defended divers errors and heresies, and damnable opinions, contrary to the doctrine and determination of the holy Church, and specially against the reverend Sacrament, and albeit that we following the example of Christ, which would not the death of a sinner, but rather that he should convert and live, have oftentimes gone about to correct thee, and by all lawful means that we could, and most wholesome admonitions that we did know, to reduce thee again to the true faith, and the unity of the universal Catholic Church, notwithstanding we have found thee obstinate and stiff necked, willingly continuing in thy damnable opinions & heresies, and refusing to return again unto the true faith and unity of the holy mother Church, and as the child of wickedness and darkness, so to have hardened thy heart that thou wilt not understand the voice of thy sheapeheard, which with a fatherly affection doth seek after thee, nor wilt not be alured with his godly and fatherly admonitions. We therefore john the Bishop aforesaid, not willing that thou which art wicked, shouldest become more wicked, and infect the lords flock with thy heresy, which we are greatly afraid of, do judge thee, and definitively condemn thee, the said john Frith, thy demerits and faults being aggravate through thy damnable obstinacy, as guilty of most detestable heresies, and as an obstinate unpenitent sinner, refusing penitently to return to the lap and unity of the holy mother Church, and that thou haste been, and art by Law excommunicate, and pronounce and declare thee to be an excommunicate person: also we pronounce and declare thee to be an heretic to be cast out from the Church, and left unto the judgement of the secular power, and now presently so do leave thee unto the secular power, and their judgement, most earnestly requiring them in the bowels of our Lord jesus christ, that this execution and punishment worthily to be done upon thee, may so be moderate, that the rigour thereof be not too extreme, nor yet the gentleness too much mitigated, but that it may be to the salvation of thy soul, to the extirpation, terror, and conversion of heretics, to the unity of the Catholic faith, 
Moderation pretended but none showed.  by this our sentence definitive or final decree, which we here promulgate in this form aforesaid.  
This sentence thus read, the Bishop of London directed his letter to Sir Steven Peacock, Mayor of London, 
john Fryth delivered to the secular hands.  and the Sheriffs of the same City, for the receiving of the foresaid john Frith into their charge. Who being so delivered over unto them the fourth day of julie, in the year aforesaid, was by them carried into Smithfield to be burned, and when he was tied unto the stake, there it sufficiently appeared with what constancy and courage he suffered death: 
The constant death of john Fryth.  for when as the faggots and fire were put unto him, he willingly embraced the same, thereby declaring with what uprightness of mind he suffered his death for Christ's sake, and the true doctrine, whereof that day he gave with his blood, a perfect and firm testimony. The wind made his death somewhat the more longer, which bore away the flame from him unto his fellow that was tied to his back: but he had established his mind with such patience, God giving him strength, that even as though he had felt no pain in that long torment, he seemed rather to rejoice for his fellow, than to be careful for himself.  
This truly is the power and strength of Christ, striving & vanquishing in his Saints: who sanctify us together with them, and direct us in all things to the glory of his holy name. Amen.  
This day before the burning of these worthy men of God, the Bishop of London certified king Henry the eight of his worthy, ye rather wolvish proceeding against these men: the tenor whereof, for as much as it proceedeth as the other do before, we therefore omit it, referring the reader to the same.   

¶ Andrew Hewet burned with Master Frith.  
ANdrewe Hewet borne in Feversham, in the county of Kent, 
Andrew Hewet, Martyr.  a young man of the age of four and twenty years, was apprentice with one master Warren Taylor, in Watling street. And as it happened that he went upon a holy day into Fleet street, 
Anno. 1533.  toward Saint Dunstanes, he met with one William Holt, which was foreman with the kings Tailor at that present, called master Malt: and being suspected by the same Holt, (which was a dissembling wretch) to be one that favoured the Gospel, after a little talk had with him, he went into an honest house about Fleet Bridge, which was a bookesellers house. Then Holt thinking he had found good occasion to show forth some fruit of his wickedness, 
Andrew Hewet, apprehended.  sent for certain officers, and searched the house, & finding the same Andrew, apprehended him, and carried him to the bishops house, where he was cast into irons, 
The man that gave him this file was Valentine freeze the Painter's brother, who was afterward with his wife burned in York.  and being there a good space by the means of a certain honest man, he had a File conveyed unto him, wherewith he filed of his irons, & when he spied his time, he got out of the gate. But being a man unskilful to hide himself, for lack of good acquaintance he went into Smythfielde, and there met with one Wythers, which was an hypocrite as Holt was, Which Wythers understanding how he had escaped, and that he knew not whither to go, pretending a fair countenance unto him, willed him to go with him, promising that he should be provided for, and so kept him in the country where he had to do, from Low Sunday till Whitsuntide, and then brought him to London, to the house of one john Chapman in Hosier lane beside Smithfielde, and there left him by the space of two days.  
Then he came to the laid Chapman's house again, and brought Holt with him. 
john Chapman.  And when they met with the said Andrew, they seemed as though they meant to do him very much good: and Holt for his part said, that if he should bring any man in trouble (as the voice was that he had done the said Andrew) it were pity but that the earth should open and swallow him up: 
W. Holte playeth the judas.  in so much that they would needs sup there that night, & prepared meat of their own charges. At night they came & brought certain geasts with them, because they would have the matter to seem as though it had come out by others. When they had supped, they went their way, and Holt took out of his purse two groats, 
john Tybauld five times in bands for Christ.  and gave them to the said Andrew, and embraced him in his arms. As they were gone out, there came in one john Tibaulde, which was banished from his own house by an Injunction, for he had been four times in prison for Christ's Cause. And within an hour after that Holt and Wythers were gone, 
Andrew Hewet again taken.  the bishops chancellor, and one called Sergeant Wever came and brought with them the watch, and searched the house, where they found the said john Chapman and the forenamed Andrew, and john Tibalde, whom they bound with ropes, which Sergeant Wever had brought with him, and so carried them unto the Bishop's house: but Andrew Hewet they sent unto the Lollardes' Tower, and kept Chapman and Tibaulde asunder,, watched with two priests servants. The next day Bishop Stokesley came from Fulham, and after they were examined with a few threatening words, Chapman was committed to the stocks with this threat, that he should tell an other tale, 
Chapman in the stocks.  or else he should sit there till his heels did drop from his arse, and Tibaulde was shut up in a close chamber, but by God's provision he was well delivered out of prison: albeit he could not enjoy his house and land, because of the bishops Injunction, but was fain to sell all that he had in Essex, 
Tibauld enjoined, not to come within 7. mile of his house.  for the tenor of his Injunction was, that he should not come within seven miles of his own house, and the foresaid Chapman, after five weeks imprisonment (whereof three weeks he sat in the stocks) by much suit made unto the Lord chancellor, which at that time was Lord Audley, after many threatenings was delivered: but the said Andrew Hewet after long & cruel imprisonment, was condemned to death, & burned with john Frith: whose examination here followeth.  
The twenty day of the month of April, Andrew Hewet was brought before the chancellor of London, 
Andrew Hewet brought and examined before the Bishop.  where was objected against him, that he believed the Sacrament of the altar after the consecration, to be but a signification of the body of christ, and that the host consecrated was not the very body of Christ. Now for so much as this article seemed heinous unto them, their would do nothing in it without the consent of learned counsel. whereupon the bishop of London, associate with the Bishops of Lincoln and Winchester, called him again before him. Where he being demanded what he thought as touching the Sacrament of the last Supper, answered: even as john Frith doth. Then said one of the Bishops unto him: 
Christ not to be believed to be really in the Sacrament.  dost thou not believe that it is really the body of Christ, borne of the virgin mary? So (saith he) do not I believe. Why not, said the Bishop? Because (saith he) Christ commanded me, not to give credit rashly unto all men, which saith: Behold here is Christ, & there is Christ, for many false prophets shall rise up, saith the Lord.  
The burning of john Frith, and Andrew Hewet.   

The History of the persecution and death of Thomas Benet, burned in Exeter, collected and testified by john Vowel, alias Hoker.  

Tho. Benet, of Exeter, Martyr.  This Thomas Benet was borne in Cambridge, and by order of degree of the University, there made master of Art, and (as some think) was also a Priest, a man doubtless very well learned, and of a godly disposition, being of the acquaintance and familiarity of Thomas Bilney, the famous and glorious Martyr of Christ. This man, the more he did grow and increase in the knowledge of God and his holy word, the more he did mislike and abhor the corrupt state of religion then used, 
Tho. Benet. coming from Cambridge to Devonshire.  and therefore thinking his own country to be no safe place for him to remain in, and being desirous to live in more freedom of conscience, he did forsake the University, and went into Devonshire, in the year of our Lord. 1524. and first dwelled in a market town named Torriton, both town and country being to him altogether unknown, as he also was unknown to all men there. Where for the better maintenance of himself and his wife, he did practise to teach young children, and kept a school for the same purpose. But that Town not serving his expectation, after his abode one year there, he came to the city of Exeter, and there hiring an house in a street called the Bocher row, did exercise the teaching of children, 
Benet came to Exeter.  and by that means sustained his wife and family. He was of a quiet behaviour, of a godly conversation, and a very courteous nature, humble to all men, and offensive to no body. His greatest delight was to be at all Sermons and preachings, whereof he was a diligent and an attentive hearer. The time which he had to spare from teaching, he gave wholly to his private study in the Scriptures, having no dealings nor conferences with any body, saving with such as he could learn and understand to be favourers of the Gospel, and zealous of Gods true religion: of such he would be inquisitive and most desirous to join himself unto them. And therefore understanding that one William Strowde of Newnham, 
W. Strowde prisoned in Exeter for God's word.  in the County of Devonshire Esquire, was committed to the Bishop's prison in Exeter, upon suspicion of heresy, although he were never before acquainted with him, yet did he send his letters of comfort and consolation unto him. Wherein, to avoid all suspicion which might be conceived of him, he did disclose himself, and utter what he was, and the causes of his being in the Country▪ writing among other things these words: Vt ne scortator aut immundus essem, uxorem duxi, cum qua hisce sex annis, ab istorum Antichristianorum manibus in devonia latitavi. That is to say, 
Benet why he married.  because I would not be a whoremonger, or an unclean person, therefore I married a wise, with whom I have hidden myself in Devonshire, from the tyranny of the Antichristians, these 6. years.  
But as every tree and Herb hath his due time to bring forth his fruit, so did it appear by this man. 
Antichristians are those which are against Christ.  For he daily seeing the glory of God to be so blasphemed, idolatrous religion so embraced and maintained, & that most false usurped power of the Bishop of Rome so extolled, was so grieved in conscience, and troubled in his spirit, that he could not be quiet till he did utter his mind therein. Wherefore dealing privately with certain of his friends, he did plainly open and disclose how blasphemously and abominably God was dishonoured, his word contemned, and his people whom he so dearly bought, were by blind guides carried headlong to everlasting damnation, and therefore he could no longer endure, but must needs and would utter their abominations, and for his own part, for the testimony of his conscience, and for the defence of God's true religion, 
The godly zeal of Tho. Benet.  would yield himself most patiently (as near as God would give him grace) to die and to shed his blood therein, alleging that his death should be more profitable to the Church of God, and for the edifying of his people, than his life should be. To whose persuasions when his friends had yielded, they promised to pray to God for him, that he might be strong in the cause, and continue a faithful soldier to the end. Which done, he gave order for the bestowing of such books as he had, and very shortly after, in the month of October, he wrote his mind in certain scrolls of Paper, which in secret manner he set up upon the doors of the Cathedral church of the City, in which was written: The Pope is Antichrist, and we ought to worship God only, 
The Pope is Antichrist.  and no Saints.  
These bills being found, there was no small add, and no little search made for the inquiry of the heretic that should set up these bills: 
Benet setteth up bills against the Pope.  and the Mayor & his officers were not so busy to make searches to find this heretic, but the bishop and all his doctors were as hot as coals, & enkindled as though they had been stung with a sort of wasps. Wherefore to keep the people in their former blindness, order was taken that the doctors should in haste up to the pulpit every day, and confute this heresy. Nevertheless this Thom. Benet keeping his own doings in secret, went the sunday following to the cathedral church to the Sermon, and by chance sat down by 2. men, which were the busiest in all the city, in seeking & searching for this heretic, and they beholding this Benet, said the one to the other. Surely this fellow by all likelihood is the heretic that hath set up the bills, and it is good to examine him. 
Benet almost tak● in the church.  Nevertheless when they had well beheld him, and saw the quiet and sober behaviour of the man, his attentiveness to the preacher, his godliness in the Church, being always occupied in his Book, which was a Testament in the Latin tongue, were astonished and had no power to speak unto him, 
The stories a little vary touching the taking of Benet.  but departed & left him reading in his book. As touching this point of Benet's behaviour in the Church, I find the reports of some other a little to vary, and yet not much contrary one to the other. For in receiving the letters and writings of a certain minister, which at the same time was present at the doing hereof in Exeter, thus I find moreover added concerning the behaviour of this Thomas Benet in the Church.  
At that time (saith he) as I remember, doct. Moreman Crispin, Caseley with such other, bore the swinge there. Beside these were there also preachers there, 
Doctors & friars in Exeter.  one Doctor Bascavild, an unlearned doctor God knoweth, and one D. David, as well learned as he, both Grey friars, and doctor I know not who, a Black friar, not much inferior unto them. 
Gregory Bassed Friar of Exeter.  Moreover there was one Bachelor of Divinity, a Grey friar, named Gregory Bassed, in deed learned more than they all, but as blind and superstitious as he which was most. Which Gregory not long before, was revolted from the way of righteousness, to the way of belial: for in Bristol (saith the author) he lay in prison long, & almost famished, for having a book of M. Luther, called his questions, which he a long time privily had studied, & for teaching of youth a certain catechism. To be short, the brains of the Canons and Priests, the officers and commons of that City were very earnestly busied, how or by what means such an enormous heretic, which had pricked up those bills, might be espied and known, but it was long first. At last the Priests found out a toy to curse him what soever he were, with book, bell and candle, which curse at that day seemed most fearful and terrible. The manner of the curse was after this sort.  
One of the Priests, appareled all in white, ascended up into the pulpit. 
The priests curse they cannot tell whom.  The other rabblement, with certain of the two orders of Friars, and certain superstitious Monks of S. Nicholas house standing round about, and the Cross (as the custom was) being held up, with holy candles of wax fixed to the same, he began his sermon with this Theme of joshua: Est blasphemia in Castris. There is blasphemy in the army: and so made a long protestation, but not so long as tedious and superstitious, and so concluded, that that foul and abominable heretic, which had put up such blasphemous bills, was for that his blasphemy, damnably accursed, and besought God, our Lady, S. Peter Patron of that church, with all the holy company of martyrs, confessors, and virgins, that it might be known what heretic had put up such blasphemous bills, that God's people might avoid the vengeance.  
The manner of the cursing of the said Benet was marvelous to behold, for as much as at that time there was few or none, 
The manner of the pope's black curse, with book, bell, and candle.  unless a Sherman or two (whose houses I well remember were searched for bills at that time, and for books) that knew any thing of God's matters, or how God doth bless their curses in such cases. Then said the Prelate, by the authority of God the father almighty, and of the blessed virgin Mary, of S. Peter and Paul, and of the holy Saints, we excommunicate, we utterly curse and ban, commit and deliver to the devil of hell, him or her, what soever he or she be, that have in spite of God and of S. Peter, whose church this is, in spite of all holy saints, and in spite of our most holy father the Pope God's vicar here in earth, 
Here is cold charity.  and in spite of the reverend father in God, john our Diocesane, and the worshipful Canons, Masters, and Priests, and Clerks, which serve God daily in this Cathedral Church, fixed up with wax such cursed and heretical Bills full of blasphemy, upon the doors of this and other holy Churches within this City. Excommunicate plainly be he or she plenally, or they and delivered over to the devil, as perpetual malefactors and schismatics. Accursed might they be, and given body & soul to the devil. Cursed be they, he, or she in Cities and towns, in fields, in ways, in paths, in houses, out of houses, and in all other places, standing, lying, or rising, walking, 
Bless, and curse not, saith the Lord, Curse, & bless not, saith the Pope.  running, waking, sleeping, eating, drinking, and what so ever thing they do beside. We separate them, him, or her, from the threshold, and from all the good prayers of the church, from the participation of the holy mass, from all Sacraments, Chapels, and altars, from holy bread, and holy water, from all the merits of God's priests, and religious men, and from all their Cloisters, from all their pardons, privileges, grants, and unmunityes, which all the holy father's Popes of Rome have granted to them: and we give them over utterly to the power of the fiend, and let us quench their souls, if they be dead, this night in the pains of hell fire, as this candle is now quenched, 
Mark the apish pageants of these popelings.  and put out (and with that he put out one of the candles) and let us pray to God, (if they be alive) that their eyes may be put out, as this candle light is) so he put out the other candle) and let us pray to God and to our Lady, and to S. Peter and Paul, and all holy Saints, that all the senses of their bodies may fail them, and that they may have no feeling, as now the light of this candle is gone (and so he put out the third candle) except they, he, or she, come openly now and confess their blasphemy, and by repentance (as much as in them shall lie) make satisfaction to God, our Lady, S. Peter, & the worshipful company of this Cathedral Church, and as this holy Cross staff now falleth down, so might they, except they repent and show themselves: and one first taking away the Cross, the staff fell down. But Lord what a shout and noise was there, what terrible fear, what holding up of hands to heaven, that curse was so terrible.  
Now this fond foolish fantasy and mockery being done and played, which was to a Christian heart a thing ridiculous, Benet could no longer forbear, 
Tho. Benet laugheth at their cursing.  but fell to great laughter, but within himself, and for a great space could not cease: by the which thing the poor man was espied. For those that were next to him, wondering at that great curse, and believing that it could not but light on one or other, asked good Benet for what cause he should so laugh. My friends (said he) who can forbear, seeing such merry conceits and interludes played of the priests? Straightway a noise was made, Hear is the heretic, here is the heretic, hold him fast, hold him fast. With that there was a great confusion of voices, and much clapping of hands, and yet they were uncertain whether he were the heretic or no. Some say, 
Tho. Benet setteth up new bills.  that upon the same he was taken and apprehended. Other report, that his enemies being uncertain of him, departed, and so he went home to his house. Where he being not able to digest the lies there preached, renewed his former bills, and caused his boy early in the morning following, to set the said bills upon the gates of the Churchyard. As the boy was setting one of the said bills upon a gate called the little style, it chanced that one W.S. going to the Cathedral church to hear a Mass called barton's Mass, which was then daily said about 5. of the clock in the morning, found the boy at the gate, and ask him whose boy he was, 
Tho. Benet taken by means of his boy setting up his Bills.  did charge him to be the heretic, which had set up the bills upon the gates, wherefore pulling down the bill, he brought the same together with the boy before the Mayor of the city, and thereupon Benet being known and taken, was violently committed to ward.  
On the morrow began both the Canons and heads of the city joined with them, to fall to examination. 
Tho. Benet willingly confesseth.  With whom for the day he had not much communication, but confessed & said to them, it was even I that put up those bills, 
The cause why Benet set up his bills.  and if it were to do, I would yet do it again, for in them have I written nothing but that is very truth. Couldste not thou (said they) as well have declared thy mind by mouth, as by putting up bills of blasphemy? No (said he) I put up the bills that many should read and hear what abominable blasphemers ye are, and that they might the better know your Antichrist the Pope to be the Boar out of the wood, which destroyeth & throweth down the hedges of God's church, for if I had been heard to speak but one word, I should have been clapped fast in prison, and the matter of God hidden. But now I trust more of your blasphemous doings will thereby be opened and come to light, for God will so have it, and no longer will suffer you.  
The next day after he was sent unto the bish. who first committed him unto prison called the bishop's prison, 
Tho. Benet, sent to the bishops prison.  where he was kept in stocks & strong iron, with as much favour as a dog should find. Then the B. associating unto him one D. Brewer his chancellor, & other of his lewd clergy and friars, began to examine him & burden him, 
Articles laid against Benet.  that contrary to the catholic faith, he denied praying to the saints, and also denied the supremacy of the Pope. Whereunto he answered in such sober manner, & so learnedly proved & defended his assertions, that he did not only confound and put to silence his adversaries, but also brought them in great admiration of him, the most part having pity & compassion on him. The friars took great pains with him, to persuade him from his erroneous opinions, to recant & acknowledge his fault touching the bills, but they did but dig after day, for God had appointed him to be a blessed witness of his holy name, and to be at defiance withal their false persuasions.  
To declare here with what cruelty the officers searched his house for bills and books, how cruelly and shamefully they handled his wife, charging her with divers enormities, it were too long to write. But she like a good woman took all things patiently that they did to her: like as in other things she was contented to bear the cross with him, as to far hardly with him at home, and to live with course meat and drink, that they might be the more able somewhat to help the poor, as they did to the uttermost of their power. 
Greg. Basset prisoned at Bristol.  Amongst all other priests and Friars, Gregory Basset was most busy with him. This Gregory Basset, as is partly touched before, was learned, and had a pleasant tongue, 
Greg. Basset compelled by the Friars to recant.  and not long before, was fallen from the truth, for the which he was prisoned in Bristol long time, at whose examination was ordained a great pan of fire, where his holy brethren (as report went abroad) menaced him to burn his hands of, whereupon he there before them recanted, and became afterward a mortal enemy to the truth all his life. This Gregory (as it is said) was fervent with the poor man, to please the Canon's o● that Church, and marvelously tormented his brains, how to turn him from his opinions, yea and he was so diligent and fervent with him, that he would not departed the prison, but lay there night and day, 
Greg. Basset busy against Tho. Benet.  who notwithstanding lost his labour: for good Benet was at a point not to deny Christ before men. So Gregory, as well as the other holy fathers, lost his spurs, in so much that he said in open audience, that there was never so obstinate an heretic.  
The principal point between Basset & him, was touching the supremacy of the B. of Rome, whom in his bills he named antichrist, 
The matter between Basset and Tho. Benet.  the thief, the mercenary, & the murderer of Christ's flock: and these disputations lasted about 8. days, where at sundry times repaired to him both the black and grey Friars, with priests and Monks of that City. They that had some learning, persuaded him to believe the Church, and showed by what tokens she is known. The other unlearned railed, & said that the devil tempted him, and spit upon him, calling him heretic: who prayed God to give them a better mind, & to forgive them: For (said he) I will rather die, then worship such a beast, the very whore of Babylon, 
Railing against Benet.  and a false usurper, as manifestly it doth appear by his doings. They asked what he did, that he had not power and authority to do, being gods vicar? He doth (quoth he) sell the sacraments of the Church for money, he selleth remission of sins daily for money, and so do you likewise: for there is no day but ye say divers Masses for souls in feigned Purgatory, 
The abuses of the pope noted.  yea, and ye spare not to make lying sermons to the people, to maintain your false traditions and foul gains. The whole world doth begin now to note your doings, to your utter confusion & shame. 
Selling of souls.  The shame (said they) shallbe to thee and to such as thou art, thou foul heretic. Wilt thou allow nothing done in holy Church? What a perverse heretic art thou? I am (said he) no heretic, but a Christian man, I thank Christ, and with all my heart will allow all things done & used in the church to the glory of God, and edifying of my soul: but I see nothing in your church, but that maintaineth the devil. What is our church, said they? It is not my church (quoth Benet) God give me grace to be of a better church, 
The pope's Church painted in her colours.  for verily your church is the plain church of Antichrist, the malignant church, the second church, a den of thieves, an awmry of poison, and as far wide from the true universal & Apostolic church, as heaven is distant from the earth.  
Dost not thou think (said they) that we pertain to the universal church? Yes (quoth he) but as dead members, unto whom the church is not beneficial, for your works are the devices of man, and your Church a weak foundation▪ for ye say & preach, 
The keys not only given to Peter but to all the Apostles.  that the pope's word is equal with God's word in every degree. Why (said they) did not Christ say to Peter, To thee I will give the keys of the kingdom of heaven? He said that (quoth he) to all, as well as to Peter, and Peter had no more authority given him then they, or else the churches planted in every kingdom by their preaching, are no churches. 
The church builded upon man, is the devils Church.  Doth not S. Paul say, Upon the foundations of the apostles and prophets? Therefore I say plainly, that the church that is built upon a man, is the devils church or congregation, & not Gods. And as every Church this day is appointed to be ruled by a bishop or pastor, ordained by the word of God in preaching & ministration of the sacraments under the prince the supreme governor under God: so to say, that all the churches with their princes & governors be subject to one bishop, is detestable heresy, & the pope your God challenging this power to himself, is the greatest schismatic that ever was in the church, & most foul whore of whom john in the Revelation speaketh. 
The Whore of Babylon.   
O thou blind & unlearned fool (said they) is not the confession & consent of all the world as we confess & consent, 
Consent of the world.  that the pope's holiness is the supreme head & vicar of Christ? That is (said Benet) because they are blinded & know not the scriptures, but if God would of his mercy open the eyes of princes to know their office, his false supremacy would soon decay. We think (said they) thou art so malicious that thou wilt confess no church. Look (said he) where they are that confess the true name of jesus Christ, 
Where the true Church is.  & where only Christ is the head, & under him the prince of the realm, to order all bishops, ministers, & preachers, and to see them do their duties in setting forth the only glory of God by preaching the word of God, & where it is preached that Christ is our only advocate, mediator, & patron before God his father, making intercession for us, and where the true faith and confidence in Christ's death and passion, and his only merits and deservings are extolled, & our own depressed, where the sacrament is duly without superstition or idolatry administered in remembrance of his blessed passion and only sacrifice upon the cross once for all, and where no superstition reigneth, of that Church will I be.  
Doth not the Pope (said they) confess the true Gospel? do not we all the same? Yes (said he) but ye deny the fruits thereof in every point. Ye build upon the sands, not upon the rock. And wilt thou not believe in deed (said they) that the pope is God's vicar? No (said he) in deed. 
The Pope not God's Vicar and why?  And why, said they? Because (quoth he) he usurpeth a power not given him of Christ, no more then to other Apostles, and also because he doth by force of that usurped supremacy, blind the whole world, and doth contrary to all that ever Christ ordained or commanded. What, said they, if he do all things after God's ordinance and commandment, should he then be his vicar? Then (said he) would I believe him to be a good bishop at Rome over his own Diocese, and to have no further power. And if it pleased God, I would every bishop did this in their diocese: 
What inconvenience followeth, that all Bishops should be ruled by man.  then should we live a peaceable life in the Church of Christ, and there should be no such seditions therein. If every Bishop would seek no further power than over his own diocese, it were a goodly thing.  
Now, because all are subject to one, all must do and consent to all wickedness, as he doth, or be none of his. This is the cause of great Superstition in every kingdom. And what Bishop soever he be that preacheth the Gospel, & maintaineth the truth, is a true Bishop of the church. And doth not (said they) our holy father the pope maintain the Gospel? Yes (said he) I think he doth read it, & peradventure believe it, & so do you also, but neither he nor you do fix the anchor of your salvation therein. Besides that ye bear such a good will to it, that ye keep it close, that no man may read it, but yourselves: & when you preach god knoweth how you handle it: in somuch that the people of Christ knoweth no Gospel well near, but the pope's Gospel, & so the blind lead the blind, & both fall into the pit. In the true Gospel of Christ, confidence is none, but only in your popish traditions and fantastical inventions.  
Then said a black Friar to him, God knoweth a blockhead: do we not preach the Gospel daily? 

The Pope's gospel.  
Benet weary of the friars talk.   Yes (said he) but what preaching of the Gospel is that, when therewith ye extol superstitious things, and make us believe that we have redemption through pardons and bulls of Rome, à poena & culpa, as ye term it, and by the merits of your orders ye make many brethren and sisters, ye take yearly money of them, ye bury them in your coats, and in shrift ye beguile them: yea and do a thousand superstitious things more: a man may be weary to speak of them: I see (said the Friar) that thou art a damned wretch: I will have no more talk with thee.  
Then stepped to him a grey friar, a doctor (God knoweth) of small intelligence, & laid before him great and many dangers. I take God to record said Benet, my life is not dear to me. I am content to departed from it, for I am weary of it, seeing your detestable doings, to the utter destruction of gods flock, & for my part, I can no longer forbear: I had rather by death (which I know is not far of) depart this life, that I may no longer be partaker of your detestable idolatries & superstitions, or be subject to Antichrist your pope. Our pope (said the Friar) is the vicar of God, & our ways are the ways of God. I pray you (said Benet) depart from me, & tell not me of your ways. He is only my way which saith: I am the way, the truth and the life. In his way will I walk, his doings shall be my example, not yours, nor your false pope's. His truth will I embrace, not the lies and falsehood of you and your Pope. His everlasting life will I seek, the true reward of all faithful people. Away from me I pray you. Uexe my soul no longer: ye shall not prevail. There is no good example in you, no truth in you, no life to be hoped for at your hands▪ Ye are all more vain than vanity itself. If I should hear & follow you this day, everlasting death should hang over me, a just reward for all them that love the life of this world. Away from me, your company liketh me not.  
Thus a whole week, night and day was Benet applied of these and such other hypocrites. It were an infinite matter to declare all things done & said to him in the time of his imprisonment, and the hate of the people that time, by means of ignorance, 
Tho. Benet patient & constant.  was hot against him: notwithstanding they could never move his patience. He answered to every matter soberly, and that more by the aid of God's spirit, then by any worldly study. I think he was at the least 50. years old. Being in prison, his wife provided sustenance for him, & when she lamented, he comforted her, and gave her many good and godly exhortations, and prayed her to move him nothing, to apply unto his adversaries.  
Thus when these godly Canons & priests with the monks & friars had done what they could, and perceived that he would by no means relent, 

Sentence read against Tho. Benet.  
Tho. Benet delivered to the secular power.   than they proceeding unto judgement, drew out their bloody sentence against him, condemning him (as the manner is) to be burned. Which being done, and the wryt which they had procured De comburendo, being brought from London, they delivered him the 15. of january 1531. unto sir Tho. Denis Knight, than sheriff of Devonsh. to be burned. The mild martyr rejoicing his end to approach so near, as the sheep before the shearer, yielded himself withal humbleness to abide and suffer the cross of persecution. And being brought to his execution, in a place called Linerie dole, without Exeter, he made his most humble confession and prayer unto almighty God, and requested all the people to do the like for him, whom he exhorted with such gravity and sobriety, & with such a pithy oration to seek the true honouring of God, 
Tho. Benet brought to the place of execution  and the true knowledge of him, as also to leave the devices, fantasies, and imaginations of man's inventions, that all the hearers and beholders of him were astonished & in great admiration: In so much that the most part of the people, as also the Scribe who wrote the sentence of condemnation against him, did pronounce and confess that he was God's servant, and a good man.  
The burning of Thomas Benet.  
To whom the said Thomas Benet with an humble and a meek spirit, most patiently answered: Alas Sir, trouble me not. And holding up his hands, said: Pater ignosce illis. Whereupon the Gentlemen caused the wood and furses to be set a fire, 
The constant end and martyrdom of Tho. Benet.  and therewith this godly man lifted up his eyes and hands to heaven, saying, O Domine, recipe spiritum meum: and so continuing in his prayers, did never stir nor strive, but most patiently abode the cruelty of the fire, until his life was ended. For the which the Lord God be praised, and send us his grace and blessing, that at the latter day we may with him enjoy the bless and joy provided and prepared for the elect children of God.  
This Benet was burned in a jerkine of neats leather, at whose burning, such was the devilish rage of the blind people, that well was he or she that could catch a stick or furs to cast into the fire.  
HItherto we have run over (good reader) the names, the Acts and doings of them which have sustained death and the torment of burning for Christ's cause, 
The king's Proclamation. Vid supra. pag. 991.  through the rigorous proclamation above specified, set out (as is said) in the name of K. Henry, but in deed procured by the Bishops. Which proclamation was so straightly looked upon & executed so to the uttermost in every point, by the said popish Prelates, that no good man habens spiramentum, 
4. Esd. 7.  whereof Esdras speaketh) could peep out with his head never so little, but he was caught by the back, & brought either to the fire, as were these above mentioned: or else compelled to abjure. Whereof there was a great multitude, as well men as women: whose names if they were sought out through all registers in England, no doubt it would make too long a discourse. Nevertheless omitting the rest, it shall content us at this present, briefly as in a short Table, to insinuate the names, with the special Articles, of such as in the diocese of London under Bishop Stokesley, were molested and vexed, and at last compelled to abjure, as here under may appear.  
Persons abjured, with their Articles. Geffrey Lome. 1528. HIs Articles were these: For having and dispersing certain books of Luther. Item, 
Men abjured.  for translating certain chapters of his book De bonis operibus. For holding that faith without works, is sufficient to bring us to heaven. That christian men ought to worship God only and no Saints. That christian men should not offer to images in churches, nor set any light before them. That pardons granted by pope or bishop do not profit man. Sygar Nycolson, Stationer of Cambridge. 1528. His Articles were like: and moreover, for having in his house certain Books of Luther and other prohibited, and not presenting them to the Ordinary. The handling of this man was too too cruel, if the report be true, that he should be hanged up by those parts, which nature well suffereth not to be named. john Raymund a Dutchman. 1528. For causing fifteen hundredth of Tindals' new Testaments to be printed at Antwerp, and for bringing 500 into England. Paul Luther Grace Friar, and Warden of the house at Ware. 1529. His Articles: For preaching and saying that it is pity, that there be so many Images suffered in so many places, where as undiscrete and unlearned people be: for they make their Prayer and Oblations so entirely and heartily before the Image, that they believe it to be the very self Saint in heaven. Item, that if he knew his father and mother were in heaven, he would count them as good as S. Peter or Paul, but for the pain they suffered for Christ's sake. Item, that there is no need to go on pilgrimage. Item, that if a man were at the point of drowning or any other danger: he should call only upon God, and no Saint, for Saints in heaven can not help us, neither know no more what men do here in this world, than a man in the North country knoweth what is done in the South country. Roger Whaplod Merchant Taylor. 1529. 
Roger Whaplod sent by one Thomas Norfolk unto Doctor Goderige this Bill following to be read at his Sermon in the Spittle: 
A bill read by the preacher at the Spittle.   
If there be any well disposed person willing to do any cost upon the reparation of the conduit in Fleetstreet, let him or them resort unto the administrators of the goods and cattle of one Richard Hun, late Merchant Taylor of London, which died intestate, or else to me, and they shall have toward the same vj. li.xiij.s.iiji.d. and a better penny, of the goods of the said Richard Hun: upon whose soul, and all christian souls, jesus have mercy.  
For the which Bill both Whaplod and Norfolk were brought & troubled before the Bishop, and also Doctor Goderige, which took a groat for reading the Bill, 
It was the manner at this time to take money for reading of bills at Sermons. Ex Regist. Lond.  was suspended for a time, from saying Mass, and also was forced to revoke the same at Paul's Cross, reading this Bill as followeth.    

The revocation of Doct. Wil Goodrige read at Paul's Crosse.  
Masters, so it is that where in my late Sermone at S. Marry spittle, the Tuesday in Easter week last passed, I did pray specially for the soul of Richard Hun, 
Doct. Goodrige revoketh his praying for the soul of Richard Hun.  late of London Marchant Tailor, an heretic by the laws of holy Church justly condemned, by reason whereof I greatly offended God and his Church, and the laws of the same, for the which I have submitted me to my ordinary, and done penance therefore: for as much as peradventure the audience that was there offended by my said words, might take any occasion thereby to think that I did favour the said heretic or any other, I desire you at the instance of almighty God to forgive me, and not so to think of me, for I did it unadvisedly. Therefore here before God and you, I declare myself that I have not favoured him or any other heretic, nor hereafter intent to do, but at all times shall defend the Catholic faith of holy church, according to my profession to the best of my power.  
Rob West. Priest. 1529. Abjured for Books and opinions contrary to the Proclamation. Nicholas white of Rye. 1529. His Articles: For speaking against the priests saying of Matins. For speaking against praying for them that be dead: Against praying to God for small trifles, as for the cow calving, the hen hatching. etc. For speaking against the relic of S. Peter's finger: Against oblations to Images: Against vowing of Pilgrimage: Against Priesthood: Against holy bread and holy water. etc. Rich. Kitchen, priest. 1529. His Articles: That pardons granted by the Pope, are naught, and that men should put no trust in them, but only in the Passion of Christ. 
Via lata, Via angusta.  That he being lead by the words of the Gospel. Matt. 7. De via lata, & angusta, and also by the Epistle of the Mass beginning: Vir fortissimus judas, had erred in the way of the Pope, and thought, that there were but two ways and no Purgatory. That men ought to worship no Images, nor set up lights before them. That Pilgrimage doth nothing avail. That the Gospel was not truly preached for the space of 300. years past. etc. Wil Wegen priest at S. Marry hill. 1529. 
His Articles: That he was not bound to say his Matins nor other service, but to sing with the Queer till they came to Prime, and then saying no more service, thought he might well go to Mass. That he had said Mass oftentimes, and had not said his Matins and his divine Service before. That he had gone to Mass without Confession made to a Priest. That it was sufficient for a man being in deadly sin, to ask God mercy only for his sin without farther confession made to a Priest. That he held against Pilgrimages, and called Images stocks and stones, and witches.  
Item, that he being sick, went to the Rood of saint Margarete Patens, and said before him twenty Pater nosters, and when he saw himself never the better, than he said, a foul evil take him, and all other Images.  
Item, that if a man keep a good tongue in his head, he tasteth well.  
Item, for commending Luther to be a good man for preaching twice a day. etc. For saying that the Mass was but a Ceremony, and made to the intent that men should pray only.  
Item, for saying, that if a man had a pair of beads, or a book in his hand at the church, and were not disposed to pray, it was nought. etc.  Wil Hale holy water clerk of Tolenham. 1529. His Articles: That Offering of money and Candles to Images, did not avail, sith we are justified by the blood of Christ. Item, for speaking against worshipping of Saints, and the Pope's pardons. For saying, that sith the Sacraments that the Priest doth minister, be as good as they, which the Pope doth minister, he did not see but the Priest hast as good authority as the Pope. Item, that a man should confess himself to God only, and not to a Priest. etc. Wil Blomfeld Monk of Bu●y. Abjured for the like causes. john Tyndall. 1530. For sending 5. marks to his brother Wil tindal beyond the sea, and for receiving and keeping with him certain letters from his brother. Wil Wor●ley Priest, & Hermit. 1530. His Articles: For preaching at Halestede, having the Curates licence but not the Bishops. Item, for preaching of these words: that no man riding on Pilgrimage, having under him a soft saddle, and an easy horse, should have any merit thereby, but the horse and the saddle etc. Item, for saying that hearing of Matins and mass is not the thing that shall save a man's soul, but only to hear the word of god. john Stacy Tyler. 1530. His Articles were against Purgatory, which he said to be but a devise of the Priests to get money. Against fasting days by man's prescription: and choice of meats. Against superfluous holidays. Item, against Pilgrimage. etc. Laurence Maxwel Taylor. 1530. His Articles: That the Sacrament of the altar was not the very body of Christ in flesh and blood: but that he received him by the word of GOD, and in remembrance of Christ's passion. Item, that the order of Priesthood is no sacrament. Tat there is no purgatory. etc. though Curson, Monk of Eastacre in Norfolk. 1530. His Articles were these: For going out of the monastery and changing his weed, and letting his crown to grow, working abroad for his living, making copes and vestiments. Also for having the new Testament of Tindals' translation, and an other book containing certain books of the old Testament, translated into English by certain, whom the Papists call Lutherans. 
Tho. Corn. well, or Austy. 1530.  
Thomas Philip. 1530.  
His Articles: It was objected, that he being enjoined aforetime by Richard Fitziames' B. of London, for his penance to wear a faggot bordered upon his sleeve under pain of relapse, he kept not the same, & therefore he was condemned to perpetual custody in the house of S. Bartholomew, from whence afterward he escaped and fled away.  
Thomas Philip was delivered by sir Thomas More, to bishop Stokesley by indenture. Besides other Articles of Purgatory, Images, the Sacrament of the altar, Holidays, keeping of books, and such like, it was objected to him, that he being searched in the Tower, had found about him Tracies Testament, and in his chamber in the Tower was found Cheese and Butter in Lent time. Also that he had a letter delivered unto him going to the Tower. Which letter, with the Testament also of Tracie, because they are both worthy to be seen, we mind (GOD willing) to annex also to the story of this Thomas Philip. As he was oftentimes examined before master More and the Bishop, he always stood to his denial, neither could there any thing be proved clearly against him, but only Tracies Testament and his butter in Lente. One Stacie first bore witness against him, but after in the Court openly he protested that he did it for fear. The bishop then willing him to submit himself, & to swear never to hold any opinion contrary to the determination of holy Church, he said he would. And when the form of his abjuration was given him to read, he read it, but the Bishop not content with that, would have him to read it openly. But that he would not, and said he would appeal to the king supreme head of the Church, and so did. Still the Bishop, called upon him to abjure. He answered, that he would be obedient, as a Christian man should, and that he would swear never to hold any heresy during his life, nor favour any heretics.  
But the Bishop not yet content, would have him to read the abjuration after the form of the Church conceived, as it was given him. He answered again that he would forswear all heresies, and that he would maintain no heresies, ne favour and heretics. The Bishop with this would not be answered, but needs would drive him to the abjuration form after the Pope's Church. To whom he said, if it were the same abjuration, that he read, he would not read it, but stand to his appeal made to the king, the supreme head of the Church under God. Again, the Bishop asked him, if he would abjure or not. Except (said he) you will show me the cause, why I should abjure, I will not say yea nor nay to it, but will stand to my appeal, and required the Bishop to obey the same. Then the Bishop reading openly the Bill of excommunication against him, denounced him for contumax, and an excommunicate person, charging all men to have no company or any thing to do with him.  
After this excommunication, what became of him, whether he was helped by his appeal, or whether he was burned, or whether he died in the Tower, or whether he abjured, I find no mention made in the registers.    

* A letter directed to Thomas Philip in the name of the brethren, and given him by the way going to the Tower.  
THe favour of him that is able to keep you that you fall not, and to confess your name in the kingdom of glory, 
A letter se●● by the congregation to Tho. Philippe.  and to give you strength by his spirit to confess him before all his adversaries, be with you ever, Amen.  
Sir, the brethren think that there be divers false brethren craftily crept in among them, to seek out their freedom in the Lord, that they may accuse them to the Lords adversaries, as they suppose they have done you. Wherefore if so be it, that the spirit of God move you thereunto, they as counsellors desire you above all things to be steadfast in the lords verity without fear, for he shall and will be your help according to his promise, so that they shall not minish the least heir of your head without his will: unto the which will, submit yourself, and rejoice: 
2. Pet. 2.  for the Lord knoweth how to deliver the godly out of temptation, and how to reserve the unjust unto the day of judgement to be punished: 
1. Pet. 4.  and therefore, cast all your care on him, for he careth for you. And in that you suffer as a Christian man, be not ashamed, 
1. Pet. 4.  but rather glorify God on that behalf: looking upon Christ the author and finisher of our faith: which for the joy that was set before him, 
Heb. 12.  abode the Cross & despised the shame. Notwithstanding, though we suffer the wrong, after the example of our master Christ, yet we be not bound to suffer the wrong cause, for Christ himself suffered it not, but reproved him that smit him wrongfully. And so likewise saith S. Paul also: So that we must not suffer the wrong, 
Act. 23.  but boldly reprove them that sit as righteous judges, and do contrary to righteousness. Therefore according both to God's law and man's, ye be not bound to make no answer in no cause, till your accusers come before you. Which if you require, and thereon do stick, the false brethren shall be known to the great comfort of those that now stand in doubt whom they may trust: and also it shall be a mean that they shall not craftily by questions take you in snares. And that you may this do lawfully, in the 20. chapter of the Acts it is written. 
Act. 20.  It is not the manner of the Romans to deliver any man that he should perish before that he which is accused, have his accusers before him, and have licence to answer for himself, as pertaining to the crime whereof he is accused. And also Christ will, 
Math. 18.  that in the mouth of two or three witnesses all things shall stand. And in the 5. chap. to Timoth. the first epistle it is written: 
1. Tim. ●.  Against a senior receive none accusation but under two or three witnesses. A senior in this place is any man that hath an house to govern. And also their own law is agreeable to this Wherefore seeing it is agreeable to the word of God, that in accusations such witnesses should be, 
What is a senior by S. Paul.  you may with a good conscience require it. And this the God of grace which hath called you unto his eternal glory by Christ jesus, shall his own self after a little affliction, make you perfect, shall settle, strengthen, and establish you, that to him may be glory and praise for ever. Amen.  
Thus ye have heard the letter delivered to Th. Philip. Now followeth the Testament of William Tracie.   

* Tracie his Testament.  
A Little before this time, William Tracie a worshipful Esquire in Glocestershire, and then dwelling at Todington, made in his will, that he would have no funeral pomp at his burying, neither passed he upon Mass, and farther said that he trusted in God only, and hoped by him to be saved, and not by any Saint. This Gentleman died, and his son as executor, 
M. Tracie taken up being dead and burnt.  brought the will to the Bysh. of Canterbury to prove, which he showed to the convocation, and there most cruelly they judged that he should be taken out of the ground and be brent as an heretic, anno. 1532. This commission was sent to Doc. Parker Chancellor of the Diocese of Worcester, to execute their wicked sentence, which accomplished the same. The king hearing his subject to be taken out of the ground and brent without his knowledge or order of his law, sent for the Chancellor, and laid high offence to his charge: who excused himself by the Archbishop of Caunterburye which was late dead, but in conclusion it cost him CCC. pound to have his pardon. The will and Testament of this Gentleman thus condemned by the Clergy, was as here under followeth.  
IN the name of God, Amen. I William Tracie of Todington in the County of Gloucester Esquire, make my Testament & last will, as hereafter followeth. 
The testament of William Tracie. job. 9  First and before all other things, I commit myself unto God & to his mercy, believing without any doubt or mistrust that by his grace and the merits of jesus Christ, and by the virtue of his passion and of his resurrection, I have and shall have remission of all my sins and resurrection of body & soul, according as it is written: I believe that my redeemer liveth, & that in the last day I shall rise out of the earth, and in my flesh shall see my Saviour: this my hope is laid up in my bosom.  
And touching the wealth of my soul, the faith that I have taken and rehearsed is sufficient (as I suppose) without any other man's works or merits. My ground and belief is, that there is but one God and one Mediator between God and man, which is jesus Christ: so that I accept none in heaven nor in earth to be Mediator between me and God, but only jesus Christ: all other to be but as petitioners in receiving of grace, but none able to give influence of grace: And therefore will I bestow no part of my goods for that intent that any man should say or do, to help my soul, for therein I trust only to the promises of Christ: He that believeth and is baptized, shall be saved, 
Mark. 16.  and he that believeth not, shall be damned.  
As touching the burying of my body it availeth me not whatsoever be done thereto, 
Funeral pomps serve only for the living, and give no help for the dead.  for S. Austen saith De cura agenda pro mortuis, that the funeral pomps are rather the solace of them that live, than the wealth and comfort of them that are dead, and therefore I remit it only to the discretion of mine executors.  
And touching the distribution of my temporal goods, my purpose is, by the grace of God, to bestow them to be accepted as the fruits of faith, 
Our merits be only our faith in Christ.  so that I do not suppose that my merit shall be by the good bestowing of them, but my merit is the faith of jesus Christ only, by whom such works are good according to the words of our Lord: I was hungry and thou gavest me to eat, etc. And it followeth: that ye have done to the least of my brethren, ye have done it to me, etc. And ever we should consider that true saying: that a good work maketh not a good man, but a good man maketh a good work: for faith maketh the man both good and righteous: for a righteous man liveth by faith: and whatsoever springeth not of faith is sin, 
Rom. 14.  etc.  
And all my temporal goods that I have not given or delivered, or not given by writing of mine own hand, bearing the date of this present writing, I do leave and give to Margaret my wife, and to Richard my son, whom I make mine Executors. Witness hereof mine own hand, the tenth of October, in the xxij. year of the reign of King Henry the eight.  
This is the true copy of his will, for the which, as you heard before, after he was almost two years dead, they took him up and burned him.  
Persons abjured, with their Articles. 
john Periman Skinner. 
Ex Regist. Lond.   
1531.  His Articles were much like unto the others before: Adding moreover, that all the Preachers then at Paul's Cross, preached nothing but lies and flatterings, and that there was never a true Preacher but one: naming Edward Crome. Rob. Goldston Glazier. 1531. His Articles: That men should pray to God only, and to no Saints. That Pilgrimage is not profitable. That men should give no worship to Images. Item, for saying, that if he had as much power as any Cardinal had, he would destroy all the Images that were in all the Churches in England. Laurence Staple Serving man. 
His Articles: For having the Testament in English, the five books of Moses, the practice of Prelates, the sum of Scripture, the A B C.  
Item, about the burning of Baineham, for saying: I would I were with Baynham, seeing that every man hath forsaken him, that I might drink with him, and he might pray for me.  
Item, that he moved Henry Tomson to learn to read the new Testament, calling it the blood of Christ.  
Item, in Lent passed, when he had no fish, he did eat eggs, butter, and cheese. Also about six weeks before M. Bilney was attached, 
Eating of eggs made heresy▪  the said Bilney delivered to him at Greenwich four new Testaments of Tindals' translation, which he had in his sleeve, and a budget beside of books, which budget he shortly after riding to Cambridge, delivered unto Bilney, etc. Item, on Friday's he used to eat eggs, & thought that it was no great offence before God, etc.  Henry Tomson Taylor. 1531. 
His Articles: That which the priest lifteth over his head at the sacring time, is not the very body of Christ, nor it is not God, but a thing that God hath ordained to be done.  
This poor Tomson although at the first he submitted himself to the Bishop: yet they with sentence condemned him to perpetual prison.  jasper Wetzell of Colen. 1531. 
His Articles: that he cared not for going to the Church to hear Mass, for he could say Mass as well as the Priest. That he would not pray to our Lady, for she could do us no good.  
Item, being asked if he would go hear Mass, he said he had as lief go to the gallows, where the thieves were hanged.  
Item, being at S. Margaret Patens, and there holding his arms a cross, he said to the people, that he could make as good a knave as he is, for he is made but of wood. etc.  Rob. Man, Seruyngman. 1531. 
His Articles: There is no Purgatory. The Pope hath no more power to grant pardon then an other simple Priest. That God gave no more authority to S. Peter, than to an other Priest. That the Pope was a knave and his priests knaves all, for suffering his Pardons to go abroad to deceive the people. That S. Thomas of Canterbury, is no Saint. That S. Peter was never Pope of Rome.  
Item, he used commonly to ask of Priests where he came, whether a man were accursed if he handled a chalice or no? If the Priest would say yea, 
priests set more store by a pair of gloue● than they do b● a lay man's hand.  then would he reply again this: If a man have a sheeps skin on his hands, meaning a pair of gloves, he may handle it. The priests saying yea: well then (quoth he) ye will make me believe, that God put more virtue in a sheeps skin, than he did in a Christian man's hand, for whom he died.  Henry Feldon. 1531. His trouble was, for having these books in English: a proper Dialogue between a Gentleman, and a husbandman. The sum of Scripture. The Prologue of Mark. A written book containing the Pater noster, ave Maria, and Credo in English. The ten Commandments, and the 16. conditions of Charity. Rob. Cooper, Priest 1531. His Article only was this: for saying that the blessing with a shoe sole is as good as the bishops blessing. etc. Thomas Row. 1531. His Articles were, for speaking against auricular Confession, and Priestly penance, and against the preaching of the Doctors. Wil Walam. 1531. His opinion: That the Sacrament of the altar is not the body of Christ in flesh & blood, and that there is a God, but not that God in flesh and blood in the form of bread. Grace Palmer. 1531. 
Witness was brought against her by her neighbours joh. Rouse, 
Against bearing of Palms▪  Agnes his wife, john Pole of S. Osithes, for saying: Ye use to bear Palms on Palm Sunday: it skilleth not whether ye bear any or not, it is but a thing used and need not.  
Also ye use to go on Pilgrimage to our Lady of Grace, of Walsingham, & other places: ye were better tarry at home, and give money to secure me and my children and other of my poor neighbours, then to go thither: for there ye shall find but a piece of timber painted, there is neither God nor our Lady.  
Item, for repenting that she did ever light candles before Images.  
Item, that the Sacrament of the altar is not the body of Christ: it is but bread which the Priest there showeth for a token or remembrance of Christ's body.  Philip Brasier of Bocksted. 1531. His Articles: That the Sacrament holden up between the Priest's hands, is not the body of Christ, but bread, and is done for a signification. That confession to a Priest needeth not. That images be but stocks and stones. That pilgrimage is vain. Also for saying that when there is any miracle done, the Priests do 'noint the images, and make men believe that the Images do sweat in labouring for them, and with the offerings the priests find their harlots. joh. Fayrestede of Colchester 1531. His Articles: For words spoken against pilgrimage and images. Also for saying these words: 
A prophesy.  that the day should come, that men should say: cursed be they that make these false gods, meaning images. George Bull of Much hadham, Draper. 1531. 
Three confessions.  His Articles: That there be three confessions: One principal to God, another to his neighbour, whom he had offended: and the third to a Priest: and that without the two first confessions to God and to his neighbour, a man could not be saved. The third confession to a Priest, is necessary for counsel to such as be ignorant and unlearned, to learn how to make their confession with a contrite hart unto God, and how to hope for forgevensse: and also in what manner they should ask forgiveness of their neighbour, whom they have offended, etc. Item, for saying that Luther was a good man. 
A wellspring where Wickliffs' bones were burned.  Item, that he reported, through the credence and report of M. Patmore, Parson of Hadham, that where Wickliff's bones were brent, sprang up a well or wellspring. joh. Haymond Milwright. 1531. 
His Articles: For speaking and holding against pilgrimage and images, and against prescribed fasting days.  
That Priests and religious men notwithstanding their vows made, may lawfully forsake their vows and marry. Item, for having books of Luther, and Tyndall.  Rob. Lamb a Harper. 1531. His Article: for that he standing accursed two years together, and not fearing the censures of the Pope's church, went about with a song in the commendation of Martin Luther. 
Against kneeling to the cross.  joh. hews Draper. 1531. 
His Articles: For speaking against Purgatory, and Thomas Becket.  
Item, at the town of Farnsham, he seeing Edward Frensham kneeling in the street to a cross carried before a corpse, asked, to whom he kneeled? He said, to his maker. 
Much Bawdry in pilgrimage.  Thou art a fool (said he) it is not thy maker, it is but a piece of copper or wood, etc.  
Item, for these words: Masters, ye use to go on pilgrimage: it were better first that ye look upon your poor neighbours which lack secure, etc.  
Also, for saying that he heard the vicar of Croidon thus preach openly: That there is as much bawdry kept by going in Pilgrimage to Wilsedone or Mousswell, as in the stews side, etc.  Tho. Patmore Draper. 1531. 
This Patmore was brother to master Patmore Parson of Hadham, who was prisoned in the Lollards tower for marrying a Priest, and in the same prison continued three year.  
This Patmore was accused by divers witnesses, upon these Articles:  
That he had as leanly pray to yonder hunter pointing to a man painted there in a stained cloth, for a piece of flesh, as to pray to stocks that stand in walls meaning Images.  
Item, that men should not pray to Saints, but to God only: for why should we pray to Saints (said he) they are but blocks and stocks? 
The truth of Scripture a long time kept from us.  Item, that the truth of Scripture hath been kept from us a long time, and hath not appeared till now. Item, coming by a tree wherein stood an image, he took away the wax which hanged there offered. Item, that he regarded not the place whether it was hallowed or no, where he should be buried after he was dead. Also, in talk with the Curate of S. Peter's, he defended that Priests might marry.   This Patmore had long hold with the Bishop of London. First he would not swear infamia non praecedente. Then he would appeal to the King, but all would not serve. He was so wrapped in the bishops nets, that he could not get out, but at last he was forced to abjure, and fined to the King an C. pound. 
A note.  Note in the communication between this Patmore, and the priest of S. Peter's, that where as the priest objected against him (as is in the register) that priests have lived unmarried, 
The Papists say falsely that priests have been unmarried these 1500. years.  & without wives these 1500. years in the Church: he & all other such priests therein say falsely and deceive the people, as by story is proved in this volume, that priests here in England had wives by the law within these 500 years & less. Simon Smith master of Art of Gunwell hall in Cambridge, and Benore his wife. 1531. This Simon Smith, and Benoro his wife, were the parties, whom M. Patmore Parson of Hadham above mentioned did marry, & was condemned for the same to perpetual prison. For the which marriage, both the said Simon and Benore his wife were called to examination before the Bishop, and he caused to make the whole discourse of all his doings, how, & where he married. Then, after his marriage, how long he tarried, whether he went beyond Sea, where he was, and with whom. After his return, whether he resorted, how he lived, what mercery ware he occupied, what fairs he frequented, where he left his wife, how he carried her over, and brought her home again, and how she was found, etc. All this they made him confess, & put it in their register. And though they could fasten no other crime of heresy upon him, but only his marriage: yet calling both him and her being great with child to examination, they caused them both to abjure & suffer penance. Tho. Patmore Patson of Hadham. 1531. This Thomas Patmore, being learned and godly, was preferred to the Parsonage of Hadham in Hertfordshire, by Richard Fitz james, Bishop of London, and there continued instructing and teaching his flock during the time of the said Fitz james, and also of Tunstall his successor, by the space of sixteen years or more, behaving himself in life and conversation without any public blame or reproach, until that john Stokesley was preferred unto the said Bishopric. Who, 
priests marriage.  not very long after his installing, either for malice, not greatly liking of the said Patmore, or else desirous to prefer some other unto the benefice (as it is supposed and alleged by his brethren in sundry supplications exhibited unto the King, as also unto Queen Anne, than marchioness of Pembroke) caused him to be attached and brought before him, and then keeping him prisoner in his own Palace a certain time, afterwards committed him to Lollards tower, where he kept him most extremely above two years, without fire or candle, or any other relief, but such as his friends sent him, not suffering any of them notwithstanding, to come unto him, no not in his sickness. Howbeit, sundry times in the mean while he called him judicially, either before himself, or else his vicar general Foxford, that great persecutor, charging him with these sundry Articles, viz. as first, whether he had been at Wittenberg, 2. and had seen or talked with Luther, 3. or with any english man abiding there, 4. who went with him, or attended upon him thither, 5. also what books he bought there either Latin or English, 6. and whether he had read or studied any works of Luther, Oecolampadius, Pomeran, or Melancton. Besides these he ministered also other Articles unto him, touching the marriage of Master Simon Smith (before mentioned) with one joane Bennore, charging him, that he both knew of, and also consented unto their marriage, the one being a Priest, and his Curate, and the other his maydeseruant, and that he had persuaded his said maydeseruant, to marry with his said Curate, alleging unto her, that though it were not lawful in England for Priests to marry, yet it was in other Countries beyond Seas. And that after their said marriage, he (knowing the same) did yet suffer the said Smith to minister in his cure, all Easter time, and fifteen days after: and that at their departure out of England, he supped with them at the Bell in new fishestreete, and again, at their return into England, did meet them at the said Bell, and there lente unto the said Smyth a priests gown. 
He objected moreover against him in the same Articles, that he had affirmed at Cambridge, 1. that he did not set a bottle of hay by the Popes or Bishops curse: 2. and that God bindeth us to impossible things that he may save us only by his mercy: 3. and also, that though young children be baptized, yet they can not be saved except they had faith, 4. and lastly, that it was against God's law to burn Heretics.  
Unto these Articles, after long imprisonment and great threats of the Bishop and his Vicar, he at last answered: making first his appeal unto the King. Wherein he showed, that forasmuch as the Bishop had most unjustly, and contrary to all due order of law and the equity thereof, proceeded against him, as well in falsely defaming him with the crime of Heresy, without having any just proof or public defamation thereof, as also contrary to all justice, keeping him in most strait prison so long time, (both to the great danger of his life by grievous sickness taken thereby, as especially to his no small grief, that through his absence, his flock whereof he had charge, were not fed with the word of God and his Sacraments as he would) and then to minister unto him such Articles, mingled with interrogatories, as neither touched any heresy, nor transgression of any law, but rather showing a mind to pick quarrels against him and other innocent people. He therefore for the causes alleged, was compelled and did appeal from him and all his officers, unto the King's Majesty, whom (under God) he had for his most just and lawful refuge, and defender against all injuries. From which appeal, although he minded not at any time to depart, yet, because he would not show himself obstinate against the Bishop being his Ordinary, (although he had most just cause to suspect his unjust proceeding against him) he was nevertheless content to exhibit unto him this his answer. first, that howsoever the Bishop was privately informed, yet because he was not Publice diffamatus apud bonos & graves according to law, he was not by the law bound to answer to any of those Articles.  
And as touching the first six Articles (as whether he was at Wittenberg, and spoke with Luther or any other, or bought or read any of their books &c.) because none of those things were forbidden him by any law, neither that he was publicly accused of them, (for that it was permitted to many good men to have them) he was not bound to answer, neither was he to be examined of them. But as touching the marriage of Master Simon Smyth with joane Bennore, he granted that he knew thereof by the declaration of Master Smyth, but that he gave his maid counsel thereunto, he utterly denied. And as concerning the contracting of the marriage between them, he thought it not at all against God's law, who at the first creation made marriage lawful for all men. Neither thought he it unlawful for him, after their marriage, either to keep him as his Curate, or else to lend or give him any thing needful, (wherein he said he showed more charity than the Bishop, who had taken all things from them) and therefore he desired to have it proved by the Scriptures, that Priests marriages were not lawful. Against whom, Foxford the bishops vicar often alleged general Counsels, and determinations of the Church, but no Scriptures, still urging him to abjure his Articles, which, Patmore long time refused, and sticking a great while to his former answers, at last was threatened by Foxforde to have the definitive sentence read against him. Whereupon he answered that he believed the holy Church as a Christian man ought to do, and because it passed his capacity he desired to be instructed, and if the Scriptures did teach it, he would believe it: For he knew not the contrary by the Scriptures, but that a Priest mought marry a wife, howbeit by the laws of the Church he thought that a Priest might not marry. But the Chancellor still so urged him to show, whether a Priest mought marry without offence to God, that at length he granted that Priests might not marry without offence to God, because the Church had forbidden it: & therefore a Priest could not marry without deadly sin. Now as touching the four last Articles, he denied that he spoke them as they were put against him: but he granted that he mought perhaps ies●yngly say, that a bottle of hay were more profitable to him, than the Pope's curse: Which, he thought true. Also to the second he affirmed, that God had set before us, by his precepts and commandments the way to justice: which way was not in man's power to go and keep, therefore Paul saith ad Gallathas 3. quod lex erat ordinata per Angelos, but yet to fulfil it, it was in manu (id est in potestate) intercessoris: that none that shallbe saved shall account their salvation unto their own deeds, or thank their own justice in observing the law: for it was in no man's power to observe it. But shall give all thanks to the mercies and goodness of God, according to the Psalm: Laudate Dominum omnes gentes: and according to the saying of Paul, ut qui gloriatur, in Domino glorietur: Which hath sent his son to do for us that, which was not in our own power to do. For if it had been in our own power to fulfil the law, Christ had been sent to us without cause, to do for us that thing, which we ourselves could have done, that is to say, fulfil the law. As for the third he spoke not, for he did never known that any may be baptized without faith: which faith, in as much as it is the gift of God, why may it not be given to pervulis? To the last, he said, that if he spoke it, he meant it not of those that S. Barnard called heretics, with more adulterers thieves, murderers, with other open sinners which blaspheme God by their mouths, calling good evil, and evil good, making light darkness, and darkness light: But he meant it of such as men call heretics; according to the testimony of S. Paul, Act. 24. I live after the way saith he that men call heresy: Whom, Christ doth foretell that ye shall burn & persecute to death.  
After these answers thus made, the Bishop with his persecuting Foxforde, dealt so hardly with this good man, partly by strait imprisonment and partly by threats to proceed against him, that in the end he was fain through humane infirmity to submit himself and was abjured, and condemned to perpetual prison: with loss both of his benefice, as also of all his goods. Howbeit one of his brethren afterwards made such suit unto the King, (by means of the Queen) that after three years imprisonment, he was both released out of prison, and also obtained of the King, a Commission unto the Lord Awdeley being then Lord Chancellor, and to Cranmer Archbishop of Canterbury, and to Crumwell then Secretary, with others, to inquire of the injurious and unjust dealings of the bishop and his Chancellor against the said Patmore, notwithstanding his appeal unto the king and to determine thereof according to true equity and justice: & to restore the said Patmore again unto his said benefice. But what was the end and issue of this Commission wfinde not as yet.  john Row Bookebinder, a French man. 1531. This man for binding, buyng, and dispersing of books inhibited, 
Christopher a bookeseller died in prison.  was enjoined beside other penance, to go to Smithfield with his Books tied about him, and to cast them in the fire & there to abide till they were all brent to ashes. Christ of▪ a dutchman of Antwerp. 1531. This man, for selling certain new Testaments in English to john Row aforesaid, was put in prison at Westminster, and there died. W. Nelson Priest. 1531. His crime was, for having and buying of Peryman certain books of Luther, Tyndall, Thorpe. etc. and for reading and perusing the same, contrary to the King's proclamation: for the which he was abjured, he was Priest at Lith. Tho. Eve Weaver. 1531. His Articles: That the Sacrament of the altar was but a memory of Christ's passion. That men were fools to go on pilgrimage, or to set any candle before images. Item, it is as good to set up staves before the Sepulchre, as to set up tapers of wax. That Priests might have wives. Rob. Hudson of S. Pulchers. 1531. 
A dog offered to S. Nicholas Bishop.  His Article: On Childermas day (saith the Register) he offered in Paul's Church at offering time, to the child Bishop (called S. Nicholas) a dog for devotion (as he said) and meant no hurt, for he thought to have offered a halfpenny, or else the dog, and thought the dog to be more better than a halfpenny, and the dog should raise some profit to the child, and said moreover it was the tenth dog, etc. Ex Regist. Edward Hewet servingman. 1531. His crime: That after the Kings proclamation he had and read the new Testament in English: Also the book of I. Frith against Purgatory, etc. Walter Kiry servant. 1531. His Article: That he, after the king's proclamation, had & used these books, the Testament in English, the sum of Scripture, a Primer and Psalter in English hidden in his bedstrawe at Worcester. 
Michael Lobley.  
1531.  His Articles: That he being at Antwerp bought certain books inhibited, as the Revelation of Antichrist, the obedience of a Christian man, the wicked Mammon, Frith against Purgatory. Item, for speaking against Images and Purgatory. Item, for saying that Bilney was a good man, 
Why then doth M. More say that Bilney recanted and died a good man, if these be punished for commending him to die a good man. A lad of Colchester died in prison for bringing to Bayfilde his books.  and died a good man, because of a Bill that one did send from Norwich, that specified that he took his death so patiently, and did not forsake to die with a good will, etc. A boy of Colchester. 1531. A boy of Colchester, or Norfolk brought to Richard Bayfield, a budget of books, about four days before the said Bayfield was taken: for the which the lad was taken, & laid in the counter by M. More Chancellor, & there died. Wil Smith Taylor. 1531. His Articles: That he lodged oftentimes in his house, Rich. Bayfield, and other good men. That he received his books into his house, and used much reading in the new Testament. He had also the Testament of William Tracy. He believed there was no Purgatory. Wil Lyncoln Prentice. 1532. His Articles: For having and receiving books from beyond the Sea, of tindal, Frith, Thorpe, and other. Item, he doubted whether there were any Purgatory: Whether it were well done to set up candles to Saints: to go on pilgrimage, etc. john Mell of Bocksted 1532. His heresy was this: for having and reading the new Testament in english, the Psalter in English, and the book called A B C. 
john Medwell servant to M. Carkit, 
Heresy with the Pope, to trust only to the merits of Christ.  Scrivener.  
1532.  This Medwell lay in prison xxiv. weeks, till he was almost lame. His heresies were these: That he doubted whether there was any Purgatory. He would not trust in pardons, but rather in the promises of Christ. He doubted whether the merits of any but only of Christ did help him. He doubted whether pilgrimages and setting up of candles to images were meritorious or not. He thought he should not put his trust in any Saint. Item, he had in his custody the new Testament in English, the examination of Thorpe, the wicked Mammon, a book of Matrimony. Ex ipsius scedula ad Episc. Scripta. 
Christofer Fulman, servant to a Goldsmith.  
1532.  This young man was attached for receiving certain books at Antwerp of George Constantine, and transporting them over into England, and selling them to sundry persons, being books prohibited by the proclamation. Item, he thought then those books to have been good, and that he had been in error in times past. 
Margaret Bowgas.  
1532.  Her heresies were these: Being asked if she would go on pilgrimage, she said, I believe in God, and he can do me more good, than our Lady, or any other Saint, and as for them, they shall come to me, if they will, etc. Then Richard Sharples Parson of Millend by Colchester, asked her, if she said her ave Maria, I say (said she) hail Mary, but I will say no further. Then said he, if she left not those opinions, she would bear a faggot. If I do (said she) better than I shall: adding moreover that she would not go from that to die therefore. To whom the Priest answered and said, she would be burned. Hereunto Margaret again replyeng, asked the Priest, who made Martyrs? 
tyrants make Martyrs.  Tyrants (quoth the Priest) make Martyrs, for they put Martyrs to death. So they shall, or may me, quoth Margaret. At length with much ado, and great persuasions, she gave over to Foxford the chancellor, and submitted herself. john Tyrel an Irishman of Billery key, Tailor. His Articles were these: That the Sacrament of the altar was not the body of Christ, but only a cake of bread. Furthermore the occasion being asked, how he fell into that heresy: he answered and said, that about three weeks before Midsummer last passed, he heard M. Hugh Latimer preach at S. Mary Abchurch, that men should leave going in pilgrimage abroad, 
M. Laty●●● preached against Pilgrimages.  and do their pilgrimage to their poor neighbours. Also the said M. Latimer in his Sermon, did set the Sacrament of the altar at little. 
William Lancaster Taylor.  
1532.  The cause laid to this man, was: That he had in his keeping the book of Wickliff's wicket. Item, that he believed the Sacrament of the altar after the words of consecration not to be the body of Christ really, etc. Item, upon the day of Assumption he said, that if it were not for the speech of the people, he would not receive the sacrament of the altar. 
Rob. Topley Friar.  
1532.  His Articles. He being a Friar Augustine of Clare, forsook his habit, and going in a secular man's weed, ten years, married a wife called Margaret Nixon, having by her a child: 
A Friar married.  and afterward being brought before the Bishop, he was by him abjured and condemned to be prisoned in his former Monastery: but at last he escaped out, and returned to his wife again. Tho. Topley Austen Friar at Stokeclare. By the occasion of this Rob. Topley aforesaid, place is offered to speak something likewise of Tho. Topley his brother belike, and also a Friar of the same order & house of Stokeclare. This Tho. Topley had been converted before, by one Richard Fox, priest of bumsted, and Miles Coverdale, in so much that he being induced partly by them, partly by reading certain books, 
miles Co●uerdale.  cast off both his order and habit, and went like a secular Priest. Whereupon he was espied and brought to Cuthbert Bishop of London, ann. 1528. before whom, this confession he made, as followeth.   

* The recantation of Thomas Topley.  
ALl christian men beware of consenting to Erasmus fables, for by consenting to them, they have caused me to shrink in my faith that I promised to God at my christening by my witnesses. 
The 〈…〉 Tho. Topley, Friar.  First, as touching these Fables, I read in Colloquium by the instruction of Sir Richard Fox, of certain Pilgrims, which (as the book doth say) made a vow to go to S. james, 
Colloquia Erasmi.  & as they went, one of them died & he desired his fellows to salute S. james in his name: and an other died homeward, and he desired that they would salute his wife and his children, 
Ex Regist. Lond.  and the third died at Florence, & his fellow said he supposed that he was in heaven, and yet he said that he was a great liar. Thus I mused of these opinions so greatly, that my mind was almost withdrawn from devotion to saints. notwithstanding I consented that the divine service of them was very good, and is though I have not had such sweetness in it as I should have had, because of such Fables, & also because of other foolish pastimes, as dancing, tens and such other, which I think have been great occasions that the goodness of God hath been void in me, and vice in strength.  
Moreover, it fortuned thus about half a year a go, that the said Sir Richard went forth and desired me to serve his Cure for him, and as I was in his chamber, I found a certain book called Wickleffes Wicket, 
Wickliff's Wicket.  whereby I felt in my conscience a great wavering for the time that I did read upon it, and afterward also when I remembered it, it wounded my conscience very sore. Nevertheless I consented not to it, until I had heard him preach, and that was upon S. Anthony's day: yet my mind was still much troubled with the said book (which did make the Sacrament of Christ's body, in form of bread, but a remembrance of Christ's Passion) till I heard Sir miles Coverdale preach, and then my mind was sore withdrawn from that blessed Sacrament, in so much that I took it then but for the remembrance of Christ's body. 
miles Coverdale.  Thus have I wretchedly wrapped my soul with sin, for because I have not been steadfast in that holy order that God hath called me unto by Baptism, neither in the holy order that God & S. Augustine hath called me to by my Religion. etc.  
Furthermore he said and confessed, that in the Lent last passed, as he was walking in the field at bumsted with Sir miles Coverdale late Friar of the same order, 
M. Coverdale.  going in the habit of a secular Priest, which had preached the iiij. Sunday in Lent at Bunstede, they did common together of Erasmus works, and also upon confession: the which Sir miles said & did hold, that it was sufficient for a man to be contrite for his sins betwixt God and his conscience, without confession made to a Priest: which opinion this respondent thought to be true and did affirm and hold the same at that tyme. Also he saith that at the said Sermon made by the said Sir miles Coverdale at bumsted, he heard him preach against worshipping of Images in the Church, saying and preaching that men in no wise should honour or worship them: which likewise he thought to be true, because he had no learning to defend it.  
Wil Gardiner Austen Friar of Clare. With this Topley I may also join William Gardiner one of the same order and house of Clare, who likewise by the motion of the said Rich. Fox Curate of bumsted, & by showing him certain Books to read was brought likewise to the like learning & judgement, and was for the same abjured by Cuthbert Bysh. the same year .1528. 
Richard johnson of Bocstede and Alyce his wife.  
1531.  This Richard and his wife were favourers of God's word, and had been troubled for the same of long time. They came from Salisbury to Bocstede by reason of persecution, where they continued a good space. At length by resort of good men, they began to be suspected, & specially for a book of Wickleffes Wicket which was in their house, they were convented before Stokesly Bishop of London, and there abjured.  
So great was the trouble of those times, that it would overcharge any story to recite the names of all them, 
Perilous days.  which during those bitter days before the coming in of Queen Anne, either were driven out of the Realm, or were cast out from their goods and houses, or brought to open shame by abjuration. Such decrees and Injunctions than were set forth by the Bishops, such laws and proclamations were provided, such watch and narrow search was used, such ways were taken by force of oath to make one detect an other so subtly, that uneath any good man could or did escape their hands, but either his name was known, or else his person was taken. Yet nevertheless so mightily the power of God's Gospel did work in the hearts of good men, that the number of them did nothing lessen for all this violence or policy of the adversaries, but rather increased in such sort, as our story almost suffereth not to recite the particular names of all and singular such as then groaned under the same Cross of affliction and persecution of those days: as of which number were these.  

Arthur.  
Geffray Lome.  

Persons of B●sted abjured.  john Tibold, his mother, his wife, his two sons, and his two daughters.  
Edmond Tibold, and his wife.  
Henry Butcher, and his wife.  
William Butcher, and his wife.  
George Preston, and his wife.  
joane Smith, widow.  
Robert Smith, her son.  
Richard Smith, her son.  
Margaret Smith, her daughter.  
Elizabeth Smith, her daughter.  
Rob. Hempstede, and his wife.  
Tho. Hempstede, and his wife.  
john Hempstede, his son.  
Robert fair.  
William Chatwals.  
joane Smith widow, otherwise called Agnes widow.  
john her son.  
Thomas her son.  
Christopher her son:  
Alyce her daughter.  
joane her daughter.  
john Wiggen.  
Nicholas Holdens wife.  
Alyce Shypwright.  
Henry Browne.  
john Craneford.   
¶ All these were of the Town of bumsted, who being detected by Sir Richard Fox their Curate, and partly by Tibold, were brought up to the Bishop of London, and all put together in one house, to the number of xxxv. to be examined and abjured by the said Bishop.  
Moreover, in other towns about Suffolk and Essex, other also were detected, as in the town of Byrbroke, these following.  

Isabella Choote widow.  

Men & women of Essex & Suffolk troubled for the Gospel.  john Choote her son.  
William Choote her son.  
Christopher Choote her son.  
Robert Choote her son.  
Margeret Choote her daughter.  
Katherine her maid.  
Thomas Choote, and his wife.  
Haruy, and his wife.  
Agnes his daughter.  
Thomas his son.  
Bateman, and his wife.  
john Smith, and his wife.  
Thomas Butcher, and his wife.  
Robert Catlyn, a spoon maker.  
Christmas, and his wife.  
William Bechwith, his wife, and his two sons.  
john Pickas, and his wife.  
William Pickas, his brother.  
Girling, his wife, & his daughter.  
Mathewes wife.  
johnson, his wife, and his son.  
Thomas Hills.  
Roger Tanner.   

Christopher Raven, and his wife.  
john Chapman, his servant.  
Richard Chapman, his servant, and brother to john Chapman. 
john Chapman.    
Who remaineth yet alive, & hath been of a long time a great harberour of many good men & women that were in trouble & distress, & received them to his house, as Tho. Bate, Simon Smith, the Priest's wife, Roger Tanner, with a number more, which ye may see & read in our first edition, pa. 419.  
¶ Touching this Richard Chapman, this by the way is to be noted, that as he was in his coat and shirt enjoined bare head, 
Rich. Chapman.  bare foot, and bare leg, to go before the procession, and to kneel upon the cold steps in the Church all the Sermon time, 
Cruelty showed for mercy.  a little lad seeing him kneel upon the cold stone with his bare knees, & having pity on him, came to him, and having nothing else to give him, brought him his cap to kneel upon. For the which the boy immediately was taken into the Uestry, and there unmercifully beaten for his mercy showed to the poor penitent.  
Besides these, divers other were about London, Colchester, and other places also partakers of the same Cross and affliction for the like cause of the Gospel, in which number cometh in these which hereafter follow.  

Peter Fen, Priest.  
john Turk.  
Robert Best.  
William Raylond of Colchester.  
Henry Raylond, his son.  
Marion Matthew, or Westden.  

This Parker was abjured 24. years before this.  Dorothy Long.  
Thomas Parker.  
Alyce Gardiner.  
john Tomson. of Colchester.  
joh. Bradley, and his wife. 
People abjured.  of Colchester.  

Anno. 1532.  john Hubert of Estdoneland, and his wife.  
M. Forman, Bachelor of divitie, Parson of Hony lane.  
Robert Necton.  
Katherine Swain.  
Master Cowbrige, of Colchester.  
Widow Denby.  
Robert Hedill, of Colchester.  
William Butcher, whose father's grandfather was burned for the same Religion.  
Abraham Water, of Colchester.  
Robert Wygge. of London.  
William Bull. of London.  
George Cooper. of London.  
john Toy, 
All these in this table were troubled & abjured, an. 1527. 1528.  of S. faith. of London.  
Richard Foster. of London.  
Sebastian harry, Curate of Kensington.  
Ex Regist. Lond.   
¶ All these in this table contained, were troubled and abjured. an. 1527. and 1528.  

joh. Wyly the elder.  
Catherine Wyly, his wife.  
Io. Wyly, his son.  
Christian Wyly, his wife.  
W. Wyly, his son.  
Margaret Wyly, his wife.  
Lucy Wyly.  
Agnes Wyly, two young girls.  
An. 1532.   
These eight persons were accused, an. 1532. for eating pottage and fleshmeate five years before, upon S. james even.  
Also another time, upon S. Peter's even, as Catherine Wyly did lie in childbed, the other wives, with the two girls, were found eating altogether of a broth made with the fore part of a rack of Mutton.  
Item, the foresaid john Wyly the elder, had a primer in English in his house, and other books.  
Also, he had a young daughter of ten years old, which could render by hart the most part of the 24. Chapter of S. matthew. Also, could rehearse without book, the disputation between the clerk and the Friar.  
Item, the said john Wyly had in his house a treatise of William Thorpe, and Sir john Oldcastle.  
¶ A note of Richard bayfild above mentioned.  
MEntion was made before of Richard Bayfild Monk of Bury, pag 1024. who in these perilous days, amongst other good Saints of God, suffered death, as ye have heard, but how and by whom he was detected, hath not been showed: which now in searching out of Registers, as we have found, so we thought good here to adjoin the same with the words & confession of the same Edmund Peerson, which detected him in manner as followeth.  

* The accusation of Edmund Peerson against Bayfilde.  

The accusation of Edmund P●●rson, against R●●h. Bayfilde.  THe xiii. day of September at iiij. of the clock at after noon, the year of our Lord. 1527. Sir Richard Bayfilde said that my Lord of London's Commissary was a plain Pharisey, wherefore he would speak with him, and by his wholesome doctrine he trusted in God, he should make him a perfect Christian man and me also, for I was a Pharisey as yet, he said.  
Also he said, that he cared not and if the Commissary and the Chancellor heard him both, for the Chancellor he said, was also a Pharisey, and trusted to make him a Christian man.  
Also he said, he was entreated by his friends, and in manner constrained to abide in the City against his will, to make the Chancellor and many more, perfect Christian men, for as yet many were Phariseis, and knew not the perfect declaration of the Scripture.  
Also he said, that M. Arthur and Bilney were and be more pure and more perfecter in their living to God, then was or is the Commissary, the Chancellor, my Lord of London, or my Lord Cardinal.  
Also he said, that if Arthur and Bilney suffer death in the quarrels and opinions that they be in, or hold, they shall be Martyrs before God in heaven. 
Commendation of Bilney and Arthur.   
Also he said, after Arthur and Bilney were put cruelly to death, yet should there be hundreths of men, that should preach the same that they have preached.  
Also he said, that he would favour Arthur and Bilney, he knew their living to be so good: for they did wear no shirts of linen cloth, but shirts of hear, and ever were fasting, praying, or doing some other good deeds: and as for one of them, whatsoever he have of money in his purse, he will distribute it for the love of God, to poor people.  
Also he said, that no man should give laud nor praise in no manner of wise, to no creature, nor to no Saint in heaven, 
Tim. 1.  but only to God. Soli Deo honour & gloria, that is. To God alone be all honour and glory.  
Also he said, ah good Sir Edmund, ye be far from the knowledge and understanding of the Scripture, for as yet ye be a Pharisey with many other of your company: but I trust in God I shall make you and many other more, good and perfect Christian men ere I depart from the City, 
The Godly courage of Rich Bayfilde.  for I purpose to read a common lecture every day at S. Foster's Church, which lecture shall be to the edifying of your souls that be false Pharisees.  
Also he said, that Bilney preached nothing at Wilsedone, but that was true.  
Also he said, that Bilney preached true at Wilsedone, if he said that our ladies crown of Wilsedone, 
The people's offerings bestowed bestowed upon harlots.  her rings & beads, that were offered to her, were bestowed amongst harlots, by the Ministers of Christ's Church: for that have I seen myself, he said, here in London, and that will I abide by.  
Also he said, he did not fear to comen and argue in Arthur and Bilneys opinions and Articles, and if it were with my Lord Cardinal.  
Also he said, that he would hold Arthur and Bilneys opinions and Articles, and abide by them that they were true opinions, to suffer death therefore: I know them (said he) for so noble and excellent men in learning.  
Also he said, if he were before my Lord Cardinal, he would not let to speak to him, and to tell him that he hath done nought in prisoning of Arthur and Bilney, which were better disposed in their livings to God, than my Lord Cardinal, or my Lord of London, as holy as they make themselves.  
Also he said, my Lord Cardinal is no perfect nor good man to God, for he keepeth not the Commandments of God: for Christ (he said) never taught him to follow riches, nor to seek for promotions nor dignities of this world, nor Christ never taught him to wear shoes of silver and gilt, set with pearl and precious stones, 
The Cardinal's shoes.  nor Christ had never ij. crosses of silver, ij. axes, nor pillar of silver & gilt.  
Also he said, that every Priest might preach the Gospel without licence of the Pope, my Lord Cardinal, my Lord of London, or any other man. And that would he abide by, and thus he verified it as it is written. Mark. 16. Euntes in mundum universum praedicate evangelium omni creaturae. Christ commanded every Priest to go forth throughout all the world, and preach the word of God, by the authority of this Gospel, and not to run to the Pope, nor to no other man for licence, and that would he abide by, he said.  
Also he said: Well Sir Edmund, say you what you will, and every man, & my Lord Cardinal also, and yet will I say and abide by it, my Lord Cardinal doth punish Arthur & Bilney unjustly, for there be no truer christian men in all the world living, than they two be, and that punishment that my Lord Cardinal doth to them, he doth it by might and power, as who say, this may I do, and this will I do, who shall say nay, but he doth it of no justice.  
Also, about the xiv. day of October last passed, at iij. of the clock at after noon, Sir Richard bayfild came to S. Edmund's in Lumbardstreete, where he found me Sir Edmund Peerson, Sir james Smith, and Sir miles Garnet, standing at the uttermost gate of the parsonage, & Sir Edmund said to Sir Richard bayfild: how many Christian men have ye made since ye came to the City? Quoth Sir Richard bayfild, I came even now to make thee a Christian man, and these two other Gentlemen with thee, for well I know ye be all three Phariseis, as yet.  
Also he said to Sir Edmund, that Arthur and Bilney were better Christian men than he was, or any of them that did punish Arthur and Bilney.  
Per me Edmundum Peerson.   
And thus we have, as in a gross sum, compiled together the names and causes, though not of all, yet of a great, and to great a number of good men & good women, which in those sorrowful days (from the year of our Lord 1527. to this present year 1533. that is, till the coming in of Queen Anne) were manifold ways vexed and persecuted under the tyranny of the Bishop of Rome. 
Ten Dutchmen Annabaptists put to death. Segor, Derycke, Simon, Runa, Derycke, Dominicke, David, Cornelius, Ell●en, Milo,  Where again we have to note, that from this present year of our Lord 1533. during the time of the said Queen Anne, we read of no great persecution, nor any abjuration to have been in the Church of England, save only that the Registers of London make mention of certain Dutchmen, counted for Anabaptists, of whom 10. were put to death in sundry places of the realm. an 1535. other 10. repent and were saved. Where note again that 2. also of the said company, albeit the definitive sentence was read, yet notwithstanding were pardoned by the king, which was contrary to the Pope's law.  
Now to proceed forth in our matter, after that the Bishops and heads of the clergy had thus a long time taken their pleasure, 
Anno. 1533.  exercising their cruel authority against the poor wasted flock of the Lord, 
Complaint of the Commons against the Clergy. Ex Edw. nn. A Parliament. an. 1534.  and began furthermore to stretch forth their rigour and austerity, to attach & molest also other greater persons of the temporalty: so it fell, that in the beginning of the next or 2. year following, which was an. 1534. a parliament was called by the king, about the 15. day of jan. In the which parliament, the commons renewing their old griefs, complained of the cruelty of the Prelates & Ordinaries, for calling men before them Ex Officio. For such was then the usage of the Ordinaries and their Officials, 
Cruelty of the clergy against the temporalty.  that they would send for men, & lay accusations to them of heresy, only declaring to them, that they were accused, and would minister Articles to them, but no accuser should be brought forth: whereby the commons was grievously annoyed & oppressed, for the party so acited, must either abjure, or do worse, for purgation he might none make.  
As these matters were long debating in the Common house, as last it was agreed, that the temporal men should put their griefs in writing, and deliver them to the King. Whereupon the 18. day of March, the common speaker accompanied with certain Knights and burgesses of the common house, came to the kings presence, and there declared, how the temporal men of his Realm were sore aggrieved with the cruel demainour of the Prelates & Ordinaries, which touched their bodies and goods so near, that they of necessity were enforced to make their humble suit by their speaker unto his grace, to take such order and redress in the case, as to his high wisdom might seem most convenient. etc.  
Unto this request of the commons, although the King at that time gave no present grant, but suspended them with a delay, yet notwithstanding this sufficiently declared the grudging minds of the temporal men, against the spirituality, lacking nothing but God's helping hand to work in the king's heart for reformation of such things, which all they did see to be out of frame. Neither did the Lords divine providence fail in time of need, 
God's helping hand in time of need▪  but eftsoons ministered a ready remedy in time expedient. He saw the pride and cruelty of the spiritual clergy grown to such an height, as was intolerable. He saw again and heard the groaning hearts, the bitter afflictions of his oppressed flock, his truth decayed, his religion profaned, the glory of his son defaced, his church lamentably wasted: wherefore it was high time for his high Majesty to look upon the matter (as he did in deed) by a strange & wondrous means, which was through the king's divorcement from Lady Katherine Dowager, and marrying with lady Anne Bullen, in this present year: which was the first occasion and beginning of all this public reformation, which hath followed since in this Church of England to this present day, according as ye shall hear.   

The marriage between king Henry VIII. and Queen Anne Bullen, and Queen Katherine divorced.  
IN the first entry of this king's reign, ye heard before, pag. 800. how after the death of Prince Arthur, 
Queen Ann● married, and Lady Katherine divorced.  the Lady Katherine Princes Dowager and wife to Prince Arthur, by the consent both of her father and of his, and also by the advise of the nobles of this realm, to the end her down might remain still within the realm, was espoused after the decease of her husband, to his next brother, which was this king Henry. 
K. Henry marrieth his brother's wife.   
This marriage seemed very strange and hard, for one brother to marry the wife of an other. But what can be in this earth so hard or difficult, wherewith the Pope, the omnipotent Vicar of Christ, can not by favour dispense, if it please him? The pope which then ruled at Rome, was Pope julius the second, by whose dispensation, 
The Pope dispenseth for the brother to marry the brother's wife.  this marriage, which neither sense or nature would admit, nor God's law would bear, was concluded, approved and ratified, and so continued as lawful, without any doubt or scruple, the space near of 20. years, till about the time, that a certain doubt began first to be moved by the Spaniards themselves of the emperors counsel. An. 1523. at what time Charles the Emperor being here in England, promised to mary the Lady Mary daughter to the King of England, with the which promise the spaniards themselves were not well contented, 
The Spaniards first doubted of the king's marriage.  objecting this among many other causes, that the said Lady Marie was begotten of the king of England by his brother's wife.  
Whereupon the Emperor forsaking that marriage, did couple himself with Lady Isabel, daughter to king Emanuel of Portugal. Which Marriage was done in the year of our Lord 1526. After this Marriage of the Emperor, the next year following, King Henry being disappointed thus of the Emperor, entered talk, or rather was laboured too by the French Ambassadors, for the said Lady Mary to be married to the French kings son, Duke of Orliance. Upon the talk whereof, after long debating, at length the matter was put of by a certain doubt of the Precedent of Paris, casting the like objection as the spaniards had done before, that was, 
The second doubt whether the Lady Mary was rightly borne.  whether the Marriage between the king & the mother of this Lady Mary, which had been his brother's wife before, were good or no. And so the marriage twice unluckily attempted, in like sort broke of again and was rejected: which happened in the year of our Lord. 1527.  
The king upon the occasion hereof casting many things in his mind, began to consider the cause more deeply, first with himself, after with certain of his nearest counsel, 
Two perplexityes in the king's mind.  wherein two things there were which chief pricked his mind, whereof the one touched his conscience, the other concerned the state of his Realm. For if that Marriage with his brother's wife stood unlawful by the law of God, than neither was his conscience clear in retaining the mother nor yet the state of the realm firm by succession of the daughter. 
Cardinal Wolsey a helper to the kings divorce.  It happened the same time that the Cardinal which was then nearest about the king, had fallen out with the Emperor, for not helping him to the Papacy, as ye before have heard: for the which cause he helped to set the matter forward, by all practice he might. Thus the king perplexed in his conscience, and careful for the common wealth and partly also incited by the Cardinal, could not so rest, but inquired further, to feel what the word of God & learning would say unto it. Neither was the case so hard, after it began once to come in public question, but that by the word of God and the judgements of the best learned clerks, and also by the censure of the chief Universities of all Christendom, to the number of ten and more, it was soon discussed to be unlawful.  
All these censures, 
The judgements of 10. or 12. universities against the kings marriage. Orleans Paris. Tolouse. Angiewe. Bononye. Padua. The faculty of Paris. Bytures. Oxford. Cambridge.  books and writings of so many Doctors, Clerks, and Universities sent from all quarters of Christendom, to the king albeit they might suffice to have full resolved and did in deed resolve the kings conscience touching this scruple of his marriage: yet would not he straight way use that advantage which learning did give him, unless he had withal the assent, as well of the Pope: as also the Emperor: wherein he perceived no little difficulty. For the Pope, he thought, seeing the marriage was authorised before, by the dispensation of his predecessor, would hardly turn his keys about, to undo that which the Pope before him had locked: & much less would he suffer those keys to be foiled, or to come in any doubt which was like to come, if that marriage were proved undispensable by God's word, which his predecessor, through his plenary power had licensed before. Again the Emperor, he thought, would be no less hard for his part on the other side, for as much as the said Lady Katherine was the emperors near aunt and a spaniard borne. Yet nevertheless his purpose was to prove and feel what they both would say unto it, & therefore sent Steven Gardiner to Rome, to way with Pope Clement. To the Emperor was sent Sir Nicolas Heruy knight, ambassador in the Court of Gaunt. first Pope Clement, not weighing belike, the full importance and sequel of the matter, 
Campeius the Pope's Legate.  sent Cardinal Campeius (as is said) into England, joined with the Cardinal of York.  
At the coming of which Legates, 
The kings persuasion to the Legate.  the King first opening unto them the grief of his conscience, seemed with great reasons and persuasions, sufficiently to have drawn the good will of those two Legates to his side. Who also of their own accord, pretended no less but to show a willing inclination to further the kings cause. But yet the mouths of the common people, and in especial of women, and such other as favoured the Queen, and talked their pleasure, 
Evil language of the people about the kings divorce.  were not stopped. Wherefore, to satisfy the blind surmises, and foolish communication of these also, who seeing the coming of the Cardinals, cast out such lewd words, that the king would for his own pleasure have an other wife, with like unseeming talk, he therefore willing that all men should know the truth of his proceedings, caused all his Nobility, judges, and Counsaillors, with divers other persons, to resort to his Palace of Bridewell the 8. day of novemb. An. 1529. where he openly speaking in his great chamber, had these words in effect as followeth.  

The king's Oration to his subjects.  
Our trusty & well-beloved subjects, both you of the nobility, & you of the meaner sort, it is not unknown both how that we, both by God's provision and true and lawful inheritance, have reigned over this realm of England, almost the term of 20. years. During which time, we have so ordered us, thanked be God, that no outward enemy hath oppressed you, nor taken any thing from us, nor we have invaded no realm, but we have had victory & honour, so that we think that you nor none of your predecessors never lived more quietly, more wealthily, nor in more estimation under any of our noble progenitors. But when we remember our mortality, and that we must die, than we think that all our doings in our life time, are clearly defaced, & worthy of no memory, if we leave you in trouble at the time of our death, for if our true heir be not known at the time of our death, see what mischief and trouble shall succeed to you and to your children. The experience thereof some of you have seen after the death of our noble grandfather, king Edward 4. and some have heard what mischief and manslaughter continued in this realm between the houses of York and Lancaster: by the which dissension, this realm was like to have been clearly destroyed.  
And although it hath pleased almighty God to send us a fair daughter of a noble woman, and of me begotten, to our great comfort and joy, yet it hath been told us by divers great Clerks that neither she is our lawful daughter, nor her mother our lawful wife, but that we live together abominably and detestably, in open adultery: in somuch, that when our Ambassade was last in France, and motion was made that the Duke of Orleans should marry our said daughter, one of the chief Counsellors to the French king, said: It were well done, to know whether she be the king of England's lawful daughter or not, for well known it is, that he begot her on his brother's wife, which is directly against God's law and his precept. Think you my Lords, that these words touch not my body and soul? Think you that these doings do not daily and hourly trouble my conscience, and vex my spirits? Yes we doubt not, but and if it were your cause, every man would seek remedy, when the peril of your soul, and the loss of your inheritance is openly laid to you. For this only cause, I protest before God, and in the word of a Prince, I have asked council of the greatest clerk in Christendom, and for this cause I have sent for this Legate, as a man indifferent only to know the truth, and so to settle my conscience, and for none other cause, as God can judge. And as touching the Queen, if it be adjudged by the law of God that she is my lawful wife, there was never thing more pleasant nor more acceptable to me in my life, both for the discharge and clearing of my conscience, and also for the good qualities and conditions the which I know to be in her. For I assure you all, that beside her noble parentage of the which she is descended (as you well know) she is a woman of most gentleness, of most humility and buxumnesse, yea and of all good qualities appertaining to nobility, she is without comparison, as I this 20. years, almost have had the true experiment: so that if I were to marry again, if the marriage might be good, I would surely choose her above all other women. But if it be determined by judgement that our marriage was against God's law and clearly void, than I shall not only sorrow the departing from so good a Lady and loving companion, but much more lament and bewail my infortunate chance that I have so long lived in adultery to God's great displeasure, and have no true heir of my body to inherit this Realm. These be the sores that vex my mind, these be the pangs that trouble my conscience, and for these grieves I seek a remedy. Therefore I require of you all, as our trust and confidence is in you, to declare to our subjects our mind and intent, according to our true meaning, and desire them to pray with us that the very truth may be known for the discharge of our conscience and saving of our soul, and for the declaration hereof I have assembled you together, and now you may departed.   
Shortly after this Oration of the king, wherewith he stirred the hearts of a number, than the two Legates, being requested of the king for discharge of his conscience, 
The legates talk with the Queen.  to judge and determine upon the cause, went to the Queen lying then in the place of Bridewell, and declared to her, how they were deputed judges indifferent between the king and her, to hear and determine, whether the marriage between them stood with God's law nor not. When she understood the cause of their coming, being thereat some thing astonished at the first, after a little pausing with herself, 
Ex Edw. Hallo.  thus she began, answering for herself.  
ALas my Lord (said she) is it now a question whether I be the king's lawful wife or no, when I have been married to him almost 20. years, and in the mean season never question was made before? divers Prelates yet being alive, and Lords also, 
Queen Katherine's answer to the Cardinals.  and privy counsellors with the king at that time, then adjudged our marriage lawful and honest, and now to say it is detestable and abominable, I think it great marvel: and in especial when I consider what a wise prince the king's father was, & also the love & natural affection, that K. Ferdinando my father bare unto me. I think in myself that neither of our fathers were so uncircumspect, so unwise, & of so small imagination, but they foresaw what might follow of our Marriage, and in especial the king my father sent to the Court of Rome, and there after long suit, with great cost and charge obtained a licence and dispensation, that I being the one brother's wife, and peradventure carnally known, might without scruple of conscience, marry with the other brother lawfully, which licence under lead I have yet to show, which things make me to say, and surely believe, that our marriage was both lawful, good and godly. But of this trouble I only may thank you my L. Cardinal of York. For, because I have wondered at your high pride and vainglory, and abhorred your voluptuous life and abominable lechery, & little regarded your presumptuous power and tyranny, therefore of malice you have kindled this fire, & set this matter abroache, 
The Cardinal cause of this divorce, and why?  and in especial for the great malice that you bear to my nephew the Emperor, whom I perfectly know you hate worse than a Scorpion, because he would not satisfy your ambition, and make you Pope by force, & therefore you have said more than once, that you would trouble him and his friends: & you have kept him true promise, for of all his wars & vexations, he only may thank you. And as for me his poor Aunt and kinswoman, what trouble you have put me too by this new found doubt, God knoweth, to whom I commit my cause according to the truth. The Cardinal of York excused himself, saying, that he was not the beginner nor the mover of the doubt, and that it was sore against his will that ever the marriage should come in question, but he said that by his superior the B. of Rome, he was deputed as a judge to hear the cause, which he swore on his profession to hear indifferently. But whatsoever was said, she believed him not, & so the Legates took their leave of her & departed. These words were spoken in French, & written by Cardinal Campeius Secretary, which was present, and afterward by Edward Hall translated into English.  
In the next year ensuing, an. 1530. at the black Friars of London was prepared a solemn place for two Legates, who coming with their crosses, pillars, axes, 
The vain pomp of the Romish Legates.  and all other Romish ceremonies accordingly, were set in two chairs covered with cloth of gold, and cushions of the same. When all things were ready, than the king & the Qevene were ascited by Doct. Samson, to appear before the said Legates the 28. day of May: 
The king & Queen ascited before the Legates.  where (the commission of the Cardinal's first being read, wherein it was appointed by the Court of Rome, that they should be the hearers & judges in the cause between them both) the king was called by name, who appeared by two Proctors. 
* These 4. bishops were Warham of Canterbury, West of Ely, fisher of Rochester, Standishe of S. Assaph. The Queen appealeth from the Cardinal to the Pope.  Then the Queen was called, who being accompanied with 4. Bishops, and other of her counsel, and a great company of Ladies came personally herself before the Legates: who there after her obeisance, with a sad gravity of countenance, having not many words with them: appealed from the Legates, as judges not competent, to the court of Rome and so departed. Notwithstanding this appeal, the Cardinals sat weekly, & every day arguments on both sides were brought, but nothing definitively was determined.  
As the time passed on, in the month of june, the king being desirous to see an end, came to the Court, and the Queen also, where he standing under his cloth of estate, uttered these or like words in effect as followeth.  
MY lords Legates of the Sea Apostolic, which be deputed judges in this great and weighty matter, 
The kings oration to the Legates.  I most heartily beseech you to ponder my mind and intent, which only is to have a final end for the discharge of my conscience: for every good Christian man knoweth what pain and what unquietness he suffereth which hath his conscience grieved. For I assure you on mine honour, that this matter hath so vexed my mind, and troubled my spirits, that I can scantly study any thing, which should be profitable for my realm and people, and for to have a quietness of body and soul, is my desire and request, and not for any grudge that I bear to her that I have married, for I dare say, that for her womanhood, wisdom, nobility, and gentleness, never Prince had such an other, and therefore if I would willingly change I were not wise. Wherefore my suit is to my Lords at this time, to have a speedy end, according to right, for the quietness of my mind and conscience only, and for no other cause, as God knoweth.  
When the king had said, the Queen departed without any thing, saying. Then she was called, to know whether she would abide by her appeal, 
The Queen abideth by her appeal.  or answer there before the Legates. Her Proctor answered that she would abide by her appeal. That notwithstanding, the Counsaillers on both sides every day almost, met and debated this matter substantially, so that at the last the divines were all of opinion, that the marriage was against the law of God, if she were carnally known by the first brother, which thing she clearly denied. But to that was answered, that prince Arthur her husband confessed the act done, by certain words spoken, which being recorded in other Chronicles, I had rather should there be red, then by me here uttered. Furthermore, at the time of the death of prince Arthur, she thought and judged that she was with child, and for that cause, the king was deferred from the title & creation of the Prince of Wales, almost half a year, which thing could not have been judged, if she had not been carnally known.  
Also she herself caused a bull to be purchased, in that which were these words, Vel forsan cognitam, which is as much to say, as peradventure carnally known, which words were not in the first Bull granted by july at her second marriage, to the king, which second Bull with that clause was only purchased, to dispense with the second matrimony, although there were carnal copulation before, which Bul needed not to have been purchased, if there had been no carnal copulation, for then the first Bull had been sufficient.  
Moreover, for the more clear evidence of this matter that Prince Arthur had carnal knowledge of the said Lady Katherine his wife, 
Queen Katherine carnally known by the king's brother.  it appeareth in a certain book of Records which we have to show touching this marriage, that the same time when Prince Arthur was first married with this Lady Katherine daughter to Ferdinando, certain Ambassadors of Ferdinando his Counsel were then sent hither into England for the said purpose to see and to testify, concerning the full consummation of the said matrimonial conjunction. Which Counsaillers here resident, being solemnly sworn, not only did affirm to both their parents, that the Matrimony was consummate by that act: but also did send over into Spain to her father, such demonstrations of their mutual conjunction, as here I will not name, sparing the reverence of chaste ears: which demonstrations otherwise in those Records being named and testified, do sufficiently put the matter out of all doubt and question.  
Besides that, in the same records appeareth that both he and she not only were of such years as were meet and able to explete the consummation hereof, but also they were and did lie together both here and in Wales by the space of 3. quarters of a year.  
Out of a written book of Records, containing certain conferences betwixt the Cardinal and Queen's Katherine's Amner about this matter, remaining in our custody to be seen.  
Thus when the Divines on her side, were beaten from that ground, 
Three reasons for Queen Katherine.  than they fell to persuasions of Natural reasons, how this should not be undone for three causes. One was because, if it should be broken, the only child of the king should be a Bastard, which were a great mischief to the realm. Secondly, the separation should be cause of great unkindness between her kindred and this Realm. And the third cause was, that the continuance of so long space, had made the Marriage honest. These persuasions with many other, were set forth by the Queen's Counsel, and in especial by the Bishop of Rochester, which stood stiff in her cause. 
Fisher Bish. of Rochester a great doer for Queen Catherine.  But yet God's precept was not answered, wherefore they left that ground and fell to pleading that the court of Rome had dispensed with that Marriage. To this some Lawyers said, that no earthly person is able to dispense with the positive law of God.  
When the Legates hard the opinions of the Divines, and saw whereunto the end of this question would tend, 
The searching of the kings mariege, brought more things to light.  for as much as men began so to dispute of the authority of the Court of Rome, & especially because the Cardinal of York perceived the king to cast favour to the Lady Anne, whom he knew to be a Lutheran, they thought best to wind themselves out of that brake by time, & so Cardinal Campeius dissembling the matter conveyed himself home to Rome again, as is partly above touched, pag. 187. The King seeing himself thus to be differred and deluded by the Cardinals, 
Cardinal Campeius s●ippeth from the king.  took it to no little grief: whereupon, the fall of the Cardinal of York followed not long after.  
This was in the year of our Lord 1530. Shortly after it happened the same year, that the king by his Ambassadors was advertised that the Emperor and the Pope were both together at Bononie: Wherefore he directed Sir Tho. Bullein late created Earl of Wiltshire, and Doctor Stokesley (afterward Bishop of London) and Doctor Lee (afterward bishop of York) with his message to the pope's Court, where also the Emperor was. Pope Clement understanding the kings case and request, 
The king tendeth to the Emperor and the Pope.  and fearing what might follow after, if learning and Scripture here should take place against the authority of their dispensations, and moreover doubting the emperors displeasure, bore himself strange of from the matter, answering the Ambassadors with this delay: that he presently would not define in the case, 
The Pope's answer to the king.  but would hear the full matter disputed when he came to Rome, and according to right he would do justice.  
Although the king ought no such service to the Pope, to stand to his arbitrement either in this case; or in any other having both the Scripture to lead him, 
The king gave more to the Pope than he needed.  and his law in his own hands to warrant him: yet for quietness sake: and for that he would not rashly break order (which rather was a disorder in deed) he bore so long as conveniently he might. At length, after long delays and much dissembling, when he saw no hope of redress, he began somewhat to quicken & to look about him, what was best both for his own conscience, and the establishment of his realm, to do.  
No man here doubteth, 
God's providence working marvelously in this matter.  but that all this was wrought not by man's devise, but by the secret purpose of the Lord himself, to bring to pass further things (as afterward followed) which his divine providence was disposed to work. For else as touching the the kings intent & purpose, he never meant nor minded any such thing as to seek the ruin of the pope, but rather sought all means contrary, how both to 'stablish the Sea of Rome, & also to obtain the good will of the same Sea and Court of Rome, if it might have been gotten. And therefore intending to sue his divorce from Rome, at the first beginning: his devise was by Stephen Gardiner his Ambassador at Rome, to exalt the Cardinal of York, 
Vid. supr. pag. 990.  as is before showed pag. 990. to be made pope and universal Bishop, to the end that he ruling that Apostolic sea, the matter of his unlawful marriage, which so troubled his conscience, might come to a quiet conclusion, without any further rumour of the world. Which purpose of his if it had taken effect as he had devised it, and the englsh Cardinal had once been made Pope, no doubt, but the authority of that sea had never been exterminate out of England. But God being more merciful unto us, took a better way than so. For both without and contrary to the kings expectation, he so brought to pass, that neither the Cardinal of York was Pope (which should have been an infinite cost to the king) and yet nevertheless the king sped of his purpose too, 
Man purposeth● but God disposeth.  and that much better than he looked for: For he was rid, by lawful divorcement, not only from that unlawful marriage which clogged his conscience but also from the miserable yoke of the pope's usurped dominion, which clogged the whole realm, and all at one time.  
Thus Gods holy providence ruling the matter (as I said) when the king could get no faourable grant of the Pope touching his cause being so good and honest, he was enforced to take the redress of his right into his own hands, and seeing this 
* Gordi●m was a City in Asia, where there was a knot so fast tied, and folded so many ways, that (as the saying was) whosoever, could lose it, should have all Asia. So Alexander coming to it when he could not lose it with his hands, he cut it a ●under with his sword.  Gordian knot would not be loosed at room, he was driven against his will (as God would) to play the noble Alexander himself, and with the sword of his princely authority knapped the knot at one stroke clean a sunder, losing as it were with one solution, infinite questions. For where the Doctors and canonists had long disputed, and yet could never thoroughly discuss the largeness and fullness of the pope's two sword both temporal and spiritual: the king with one sword did so cut of both clean out of England, as ye shall see more anon. But first, the king like a prudent prince, before he would come to the head of the sore, thought best to pair away such rank flesh and putrefied places as were about it, and therefore following his own proverb, like as one going about to cast down an old rotten wall, will not begin with the foundation first, but with the stones that lie in the top: so he to prepare his way better unto the Pope, 
The kings pro●●uerbe. Look before.  first began with the Cardinal, casting him by the law of Praemunire, out of his goods & possessions, and so at length by poisoning himself, he procured his own death: which was in the year 1530. This done, shortly after about the the year 1532. the King to provide by time against mischiefs that might come from Rome, gave forth eftsoons this proclamation as followeth.  
THe king's highness straightly chargeth and commandeth, that no manner of person, what estate, degree, 
A restraint of the king that nothing should be purchased from Rome.  or condition so ever he or they be of, do purchase or attempt to purchase from the Court of Rome or else where, nor use and put in execution, divulge or publish any thing heretofore within this year passed, purchased, or to be purchased hereafter containing matter prejudicial to the high authority, jurisdiction and prerogative Royal of this his said realm, or to them let, hindrance or impeach, meant of his graces noble and virtuous intended purposes in the premises, upon pain of incurring his highness indignation and imprisonment, and further punishment of their bodies for their so doing, at his grace's pleasure, to the dreadful ex●mple of all other.  
After this was done, the king then proceeding farther, caused the rest of the spiritual Lords to be called by process into the kings bench to make their appearance, 
Ex Edw. Hallo.  for so much as the whole Clergy of England, in supporting and maintaining the power Legative of the Cardinal, 
The whole clergy of England in the Praemunire.  by the reason thereof were all entangled likewise in the Praemunire, and therefore, were called into the king's bench, to answer. But before the day of their appearance, the Prelates together in their convocation, concluded among themselves an humble submission in writing, and offered the king for a subsidy or contribution, that he would be their good Lord and release them of the Praemunire by Act of Parliament, first to be gathered in the province of Caunterbury a C.M. pounds. And in the Province of York, xviij. hundredth, and xl. pound x. pence. The which offer with much labour was accepted, and their pardon promised. 
The Clergy giveth to the king 11840, pound, to be released from the Praemunire.  In this submission the clergy called the king supreme head of the Church of England, which thing they never confessed before: whereupon many things followed, as after (God willing) ye shall hear.  
But first, forsomuch as we are in hand now with the matter, we will borrow by the way, a few words of the reader, to speak of this clergy money, of a 118840. pounds & x. pence, to be levied to the king, as is above touched. For the levying of which sum, an order was taken among the prelate's, that every B. in his Diocese should call before him all the Priests, Parsons, & Vicars, amongst whom D. Stokesley B. of London, a man then counted to be of some wit and learning, but of little discretion and humanity (which caused him to be out of the favour of the common people) called before him all the Priests within the City of London, whether they were Curates or Stipendaries, the first day of Sept. being Friday, in the Chapter house of S. Paul. At which day the priests appeared, and the Bishop's policy was to have only 6. or 8. priests together, and by persuasions to have caused them to grant some portion toward the payment of the foresaid hundredth M. pound. But the number of the Priests was so great (for they were 6. hundredth at the least, and with them came many temporal men to hear the matter) that the Bishop was disappointed of his purpose. For when the bishops Officers called in certain Priests by name into the chapter house, 
The bishop's policy with the Priests, for payment of the kings money.  with that, a great number entered, for they put the Bishop's Officers that kept the door a side.  
After this, the Officers got the door shut again. Then the Priests without, said: we will not be kept without, and our fellows be within: we know not what the bishop will do with them. The temporal men being present, comforted and encouraged the priests to enter, so that by force they opened the door, and one strake the Bishop's Officer over the face, and entered the Chapter house, and many temporal men with them, and long it was ere any silence could be made. At last, when they were appeased, the bishop stood up and said: Brethren, I marvel not a little, why you be so heady, and know not what shallbe said to you: therefore I pray you to keep silence and to hear me patiently.  
My friends all, you know well that we be men frail of condition and no Angels, and by frailty and lack of wisdom, we have misdemeaned ourself toward the king our sovereign Lord and his laws, 
The bishop's persuasion to the priests to help them to pay there forfeit.  so that all we of the Clergy were in the Praemunire, by reason whereof, all our promotions, lands, goods and cattles were to him forfeit, & our bodies ready to be imprisoned: yet his grace moved with pity and compassion, demanded of us what we could say, why he should not extend his laws upon us. Then the Fathers of the clergy humbly besought his grace of mercy. To whom he answered that he was ever inclined to mercy. Then for all our great offences, we had little penance: For where he might by the rigour of his law, have taken all our livelihood, goods and cattles, he was contented with one hundredth thousand pounds to be paid in 5. years. And although that this sum be more than we may easily bear, yet by the rigour of his laws we should have borne the whole burden. Wherefore my brethren, I charitably exhort you to bear your parts of your livelihood & salary toward the payment of this sum granted.  
Then it was shortly said to the Bishop: My Lord, twenty nobles a year is but a bare living for a Priest: for now victual and every thing is so dear, 
The priest's answer to the bish  that poverty, in manner, enforceth us to say nay. Beside that, my Lord, we never offended in the Praemunire, for we meddled never with the Cardinal's faculties: let the bishops and abbots which have offended, pay.  
Then the Bishop's Officers gave to the priests high words, which caused them to be the more obstinate. Also divers temporal men which were present, comforted the Priests, and bade them agree to no payment. In t●ys rumour, divers of the Bishop's servants were ●u●●ered and stricken, so that the Bishop began to be afraid, and with fair words appeased the noise, and for all things which were done or said there, he pardoned them, & gave to them his blessing, and prayed them to depart in charity. Then they departed, thinking to hear no more of the mat●●●, but they were deceived: For the Bishop went to Sir Thom. More than being Lord Chancellor (which greatly favoured the B. and the clergy) and to him made a grievous complaint, & declared the fact very grievously. 
B. Stokesly complaineth to Sir Tho. More.  Whereupon commandment was sent to sir Tho. Pargitor Mayor of the City, to attach certain priests and temporal men, and so 15. priests & 5. temporal men were arrested, of the which, 
Certain priests and temporal men committed to pri●●.  some were sent to the Tower, some to the Fleet and other prisons, where they remained long after.  
This being done in the year of our Lord 1532. it followeth moreover the same year, that divers preachings were in the realm, one contrary to another, concerning the king's marriage: and in especial one Thom. able Clerk, 
Preaching against the kings first marriage.  which was the Queen's Chaplain, to please her withal, both preached and also wrote a book in defence of the said marriage: whereby divers simple men were persuaded. Wherefore the king caused to be compiled and reduced into a book, the determination of the universities, with the judgements of great Clerks, which book being printed & set abroad, did again satisfy all indifferent and reasonable persons, which were not too much wedded to their wills.  
Mention was made a little before, of a parliament begon the 15. day of january, An. 1533. in the which Parliament the commons had put up a Supplication, complaining of the straight dealing of the Clergy in their proceeding Ex officio. 
The wilked act Ex officio, broken by the king. Statut. an. 25 Reg. Hen. 8.  This complaint, although at the first it seemed not greatly to be tendered of the king, yet in prorogation of the parliament, the time so wrought withal, that the King having more clear understanding of the abuses & enormities of the clergy, and in special of the corrupt authority of the Sea of Rome, provided certain acts against the same: First as concerning the laws, decrees, ordinances and constitutions made and established by the pretenced authority of the Bishops of Rome, to the advancement of their worldly glory: that who so did or spoke any thing either against their usurped power, or against the said laws, decrees, or constitutions of theirs not approved nor grounded upon holy scripture or else being repugnant to the kings prerogative royal, 
An act concerning the pope's laws.  should therefore stand in no danger nor be impeachable of heresy. And likewise touching such constitutions ordinances, & canons provincial or synodal, which were made in this realm in the convocation of bishops, being either prejudicial to the kings prerogative, or not ratified before by the kings assent, or being otherwise onerous to the king and his subjects, or in any wise repugnant to the laws and statutes of this realm, they▪ 
Decrees and constitutions provincial of this realm, committed to examination.  were committed to the judgement of 32. persons chosen by the king, out of that higher & lower house, to be determined either to stand in strength, or to be abrogate at their discretions: and farther that all the Clergy of this realm submitting themselves to the king should and did promise in verbo Sacerdotij, never hereafter to presume to assemble in their convocations without the kings writ, nor to enact or execute such constitutions without his royal assent. etc. Ex Statut. Henr. 8.  
Farther in the same Parliament was enacted and decreed, that in causes and matters happening in contention no person should appeal, pruoke or sue, 
No man to appeal to Rome.  out of the kings dominions, to the Court of Rome, under pain of provisors, provision, or Praemunire.  
Item, in the same parliament was defined and concluded, that all exportation of Annates and first fruits of Archbishoprickes and bishoprics out of this Realm to the Sea of Rome, for any bulls, brieves, or palles, 
* Boner in his prologue before De vera obedientia, saith that this ravenous prey of the pope, cometh to as much almost as the king's revenues. The mane●● of Investing by the king.  or expedition of any such thing should utterly cease.  
Also for the investing of Archbishops, Bishops, or other of any Ecclesiastical dignity, such order in the said Parliament was taken, that the king should send a licence under the great seal, with a letter missive, to the Prior and Covent, or to the Dean and Chapter of those Cathedral Churches where the Sea was vacant: by the virtue of which licence or letters missive, they within 12. days should choose the said person nominated by the king, & none other, and that election to stand effectual to all intents, which election being done, than the party elect, making first his oath and fealty to the king, if it were a bishop that was elect, than the king by his letters patents, to signify the said election to the Archb. of that province, and 2. other Bishops, or else to 4. bishops within this realm, to be assigned to that office, without any other suing, procuring, or obtaining any bulls, breves, or other things from the Sea of Rome.  
Moreover, against all other whatsoever intolerable exactions and great sums of money used to be paid out of this realm to the B. of Rome, in pensions, censures, Peterpence, procurations, fruits, suits for provisions & expeditions of bulls, for Archb. and Bishops, for delegacies and rescriptes in causes of contentions and appeals, 
Peter pence stopped from Rome.  jurisdictions legative: also for dispensations, licences, faculties, grants, relaxations, writs called Perinde valere, rehabilitations, abolitions, canonisations, and other infinite sorts of bulls, breves, and instruments of sundry natures, the number whereof were tedious particularly to be recited. In the said Parliament it was ordained, that all such uncharitable usurpations, exactions, pensions, censes, portions, and Peterpence wont to be paid to the sea of Rome, should utterly surcease, and never more to be levied: so that the king with his honourable counsel should have power and authority from time to time, for the ordering, redress, and reformation of all manner of indulgences, privileges, etc. within this realm.  
Where is to be noted by the way, as touching these Peterpence aforesaid, that the same were first brought in and imposed by K. jua, about the year of our Lord. 720. Which jua K. of the Westsaxons, 
Peter pence how they came, & how long they continnued. Vide supra pag. 127. Vide supra. pag. 114.  caused through all his dominion in every house having a chimney, a penny to be collected & paid to the B. of Rome in the name of S. Peter, & thereof were they called Peterpence vide supra▪ pag. 127. The same likewise did Offa K. of Mercians after him, about the year of our Lord. 794. vide pag. 114. And these Peterpence ever since, or for the most part, have used of a long custom to be gathered and summoned by the Pope's collectors here in England, from the time of jua aforesaid, to this present Parliament. An. 1533.  
Finally, by the authority of the Parliament it was consulted and considered concerning the legality of the lawful succession unto the crown, in ratifying and inhabling the heirs of the king's body and Queen Anne. In the which parliament moreover the degrees of marriage plainly and clearly were explained and set forth, such as be expressly prohibited by God's laws, as in this Table may appear.  

A Table of degrees prohibited by God's law to marry.  
The son not to marry the mother, nor stepmother.  
The brother not to marry the sister.  

Statut. an. 25 Reg. Hen. 8.  The father not to marry his sons daughter, nor his daughter's daughter.  
The son not to marry his father's daughter gotten by his stepmother.  
The son not to marry his aunt, being either his fathers or his mother's sister.  

Degrees prohibited to marry.  The son not to marry his uncles wife.  
The father not to marry his sons wife.  
The brother not to marry his brother's wife.  
No man to marry his wives daughter.  
No man to marry his wives sons daughter.  
No man to marry his wives daughters daughter.  
No man to marry his wives sister.  
All these degrees be prohibited by the scripture.   
All these things thus being defined and determined in this foresaid Parliament, and also being in the same Parliament concluded, that no man of what estate, degree, or condition soever, 
Separation▪ between the king and the Lady Catherine by act of parliament.  hath any power to dispense with God's laws, it was therefore by the authority aforesaid, agreeing with the authority of God's word, assented that the marriage aforetime solemnised between the king and the Lady Katherine, being before wife to prince Arthur the kings brother, and carnally known by him (as is above proved) should be absolutely deemed and adjudged to be unlawful and against the law of God, and also reputed and taken to be of no value nor effect: and that the separation thereof by Thomas Cranmer Archb. of Cant. should stand good and effectual to all intents: and also that the lawful matrimony between the king and the Lady Anne his wife should be established, approved, and ratified for good and consonant to the laws of almighty God. 
The marriage between the king and Queen Anne approved by public parliament 〈◊〉 heirs ●f K. Henry and Queen Anne ratified by Parliament.  And further also, for the establishing of this kings lawful succession, it was fully by the said parliament adjudged that the inheritance of the crown should remain to the heirs of their two bodies, that is, of the King and Queen Anne his wife.  
During the time of this Parliament, before the marriage of Queen Anne, there was one Temse in the Common house, which moved the Commons to sue to the king, to take the Queen again into his company, declaring certain great mischiefs like to ensue thereof, as in bastarding the Lady Marie the king's only child, and divers other inconveniences: which being reported to the king's ears, he sent immediately to sir Thomas Audley, Speaker then of the Parliament, expressing unto him amongst other matters, that he marveled much, why one of the Parliament did so openly speak of the absence of the Queen from him: which matter was not to be determined there, for it touched (said he) his soul, 
The kings words to Sir Tho. Audley speaker of the Parliament.  and wished the Matrimony were good, for than had he never been so vexed in conscience. But the Doctors of Universities (said he) have determined the marriage to be void, and detestable before God, which grudge of conscience (he said) caused him to abstain from her company, and no foolish, nor wanton appetite. For I am (said he) 41. year old, at which age the lust of man is not so quick, as it is in youth. And saving in Spain and Portugal, it hath not been seen, that one man hath married two sisters, the one being carnally known before: but the brother to marry the brother's wife, was so abhorred amongst all nations, that I never heard it, that any christian man so did, but myself. Wherefore ye see my conscience troubled, and so I pray you report. And so the Speaker departing, declared to the Commons the kings saying.  
Not long after that, the King perceiving belike the minds of the Clergy not much favouring his cause, sent for the Speaker again and 12. of the Common house, 
The kings works to certain of the common house.  having with him 8. Lords, and said to them: Well beloved subjects, we had thought the Clergy of our realm had been our subjects wholly, but now we have well perceived that they be but half our Subjects: yea, and scarce our subjects: For all the Prelates at their consecration, make an oath to the Pope, clean contrary to the oath that they make unto us, so that they seem to be his subjects and not ours: and so the King delivering to them the Copy of both the oaths, required them to invent some order that he might not thus be deluded of his spiritual subjects. 
The spiritual men the Pope's subjects 〈◊〉 then the king 〈◊〉▪  The Speaker thus departed, and caused the oaths to be read in the Common house, the very tenor whereof here ensueth.   

The oath of the Clergy to the Pope.  
I john Bishop or Abbot of A. from this hour forward, shall be faithful and obedient to S. Peter, & to the holy church of Rome, and to my Lord the Pope, and his successors Canonically entering. I shall not be of counsel nor consent, 
The oath which the clergy commonly giveth to the Pope  that they shall lose either life or member, or shall be taken or suffer any violence, or any wrong, by any means. Their counsel to me credited by them, their messengers or letters, I shall not willingly discover to any person. The Popedom of Rome, the rules of the holy fathers, and the regalities of S. Peter I shall help and retain, and defend against all men. The legate of the sea Apostolic going & coming, I shall honourably entreat. The rights, honours, privileges, authorities of the Church of Rome, and of the Pope and his successors, I shall cause to be conserved, defended, augmented, & promoted. I shall not be in counsel, treaty, or any act, in the which any thing shall be imagined against him or the Church of Rome, their rights, states, honours, or power: and if I know any such to be moved or compassed, I shall resist it to my power, and assoon as I can, I shall advertise him, or such as may give him knowledge. The rules of the holy fathers, the decrees, ordinances, sentences, dispositions, reservations, provisions and commandments Apostolic, to my power I shall keep and cause to be kept of other. Heretics, schismatics, and rebels to our holy father and his successors, I shall resist and persecute to my power I shall come to the Synod when I am called, except I be letted by a Canonical impediment. The lights of the Apostles I shall visit personally or by my deputy, I shall not alien nor sell my possessions, without the Pope's council, so God me help and the holy Evangelists.  
¶ This oath of the Clergy men, which they were wont to make to the Bishop of Rome (now Pope quondam) was abolished and made void by statute, and a new oath ministered & confirmed for the same, wherein they acknowledged the King to be the supreme head under Christ in this Church of England, as by tenor thereof may appear here under ensuing.   

The oath of the Clergy to the king.  
I john B. of A. utterly renounce and clearly forsake all such clauses words, sentences & grants, which I have or shall have hereafter of the Pope's holiness, 
Pope quondam● The oath of the clergy to the king.  of & for the bishopric of A▪ that in any wise hath been, is, or hereafter may be hurtful or prejudicial to your highness, your heirs, successors, dignity, privilege or estate royal: and also I do swear that I shallbe faithful and true: and faith and truth I shall bear to you my sovereign Lord, and to your heirs kings of the same, of life and limb, and earthly worship above all creatures, for to live & die with you and yours against all people, and diligently I shallbe attendant to all your needs and business, after my wit and power, and your counsel I shall kepee and hold, knowledging myself to hold my Bishopric of you only, beseeching you of restitution of the temporalties of the same, promising (as before) that I shallbe faithful, true, and obedient subject to your said highness, heirs, and successors during my life, and the services and other things due to your highness, for the restitution of the temporalties of the same Bishopric; I shall truly do and obediently perform, so God me help and all Saints.  
These oaths thus being recited and opened to the people, were the occasion that the Pope lost all his interest and jurisdiction here in England, within short while after. Upon the occasion and reason whereof, 
Sir Tho. More.  the matter falling out more & more against the Pope, Sir Thomas More, of whom mention is made before, being a great maintainer of the Pope, & a heavy troubler of Christ's people, and now not liking well of this oath, by God's good work, was enforced to resign up his Chauncelorship, and to deliver up the great seal of England into the king's hands. After whom succeeded sir Thomas Audley, Keeper of the great seal, 
Tho. Audeley made Lord Chancellor.  a man in eloquence and gifts of tongue no less incomparable, then also for his godly disposed mind, and favourable inclination to Christ's religion, worthy of much commendation.  
These things being done in the parliament, the king within short time after, proceeded to the marriage of the foresaid lady Anne Bullen, mother to our most noble Queen now, who without all controversy was a special comforter & aider of all the professors of Christ's gospel, 
The marriage of Queen Anne.  as well of the learned as the unlearned: her life being also directed according to the same, as her weekly alms did manifestly declare: Who besides the ordinary of a C. crowns, and other apparel that she gave weekly a year before she was crowned, 
The great alms of Queen Anne.  both to men and women, gave also wonderful much privy alms to widows and other poor householders continually till she was apprehended, and she ever gave three or four pound at a time to the poor people, to buy them kine withal, and sent her Subamner to the towns about where she lay, that the parishioners should make a bill of all the poor householders in their parish, and some towns received 7.8. or 10. pound to buy kine withal, according as the number of the poor in the Towns were. She also maintained many learned men in Cambridge. Likewise did the Earl of Wiltshire her father, and the Lord Rochfort her brother, and by them these men were brought in favour with the king: of whom some are yet alive and can testify the same, which would to God they were now as great professors of the gospel of Christ, as than they appeared to be, which were D. Heath, and D. Thirlby: with whom was joined the L. Paget, who at that present was an earnest protestant, 
Heath, Thirlby, L. Paget.  & gave unto one Rainolde West, Luther's books, and other books of the Germans, as Franciscus Lambertus de Sectis, and at that time he read Melancthons' Rhetoric openly in Trinity hall in Cambridge, and was with his M. Gardiner a mainetainer of D. Barnes and all the Protestants that were then in Cambridge, 
Lord Paget a maintainer of D. Barnes.  & holp many religious persons out of their cowls.  
It hath been reported unto us by divers credible persons which were about this Queen, and daily acquainted with her doings concerning her liberal and bountiful distribution to the poor, how her grace carried ever about her a certain little purse, 
The praise of Queen Anne.  out of the which she was wont daily to scatter abroad some alms to the needy, thinking no day well spent, wherein some man had not fared the better by some benefit at her hands. And this I writ by the relation of certain noble personages which were chief & principal of her waiting maids about her, especially the Duchess of Richmond by name.  
Also concerning the order of her ladies & gentlewomen about her, one that was her silkwoman, a Gentlewoman not now alive, but of great credit and also of fame for her worthy doings, 
The name of this gentlewoman was Mistress Wilkinson.  did credibly report, that in all her time she never saw better order amongst the ladies & gentlewomen of the Court, than was in this good Queen's days, who kept her maids and such as were about her so occupied in sowing and working of shirts & smocks for the poor, 
The good order of the Court in Queen Annes tyme.  that neither was there seen any idleness then amongst them, nor any leisure to follow such pastimes as daily are seen now a days to reign in princes courts.  
Thus the king being divorced from the lady Dowager his brother's wife, married this gracious Lady, making a prosperous and happy change for us, 
The king divorced from Lady Catherine & from the Pope, both at one tyme.  being divorced from the foresaid Princess and also from the Pope both at one time. notwithstanding as good and godly purposes are never without some incommodity or trouble following, so it happened in this divorcement that the said Princess procuring from Rome the Pope's curse, caused both the king and the realm to be interdicted, whereof more is hereafter to be spoken.  
In the mean time Queen Anne, shortly after her marriage, 
Anno 1533  being great with child, the next year following, which was 1533. after the first divorcement publicly proclaimed, 
Queen Anne crowned. Queen Elizabeth borne.  was crowned with high solemnity at Westminster: and not long after her Coronation, the 7. day of September she was brought a bed, and delivered of a fair Lady, for whose good deliverance Te Deum was song in all places, and great preparation made for the Christening.  
The Mayor and his brethren with 40. of the chief Citizens were commanded to be present withal the nobles and Gentlemen. The king's Palace and all the walls between that and the Friars, was hanged with Arras, and the friars Church. Also the font was of silver, & stood in the midst of the Church three steps high, which was covered with a fine cloth, and divers Gentlemen with aprons and towels about their necks, gave attendance about it. Over the font hung a fair Canapy of crimosine Satin fringed with Gold. About it was a rail covered with say. Between the Choir and the body of the church was a close place with a pan of fire to make the child ready in. These things thus ordered, the child was brought into the Hall, and then every man set forward. First the citizens 2. and 2. Then the gentlemen, esquires and Chapleins. Next after followed the Aldermen and the Mayor alone. Next the Mayor followed the king's Council. Then the king's Chapel. Then Barons, Bishops and Earls. Then came the Earl of Essex, bearing the covered Basins guilt. After him the Marquis of Exeter with the taper of Virgin wax. Next him, the marquess Dorset bearing the Salt. Behind him the Lady Marie of Norfolk bearing the chrisom which was very rich of Pearl and stone. The old Duchess of Norfolk bore the child in a Mantle of Purple Ueluette, with a long train Furred with Ermine. The Duke of Norfolk with his Marshal rod, went on the right hand of the said Duchess, and the Duke of Suffolk on the left hand. Before them went the Officers of arms. The Countess of Kente bore the long train of the child's mantel. Between the Countess and the child, went the Earl of Wiltshire on the right hand, and the Earl of Derby on the left hand, supporting the said train. In the midst over the child was borne a Canopy by the Lord Rochfort, the Lord Hussey, the Lord William Haward, and the Lord Thomas Hawarde the elder. In this order they came unto the Church door where the Bishop of London met it, with divers Abbots and Bishops, and began the observances of the Sacrament. The Archbishop of Caunterbury was Godfather, and the old Duchess of Norfolk, and the old marchioness of Dorset, widows, were Godmothers, and the child was named Elizabeth.  
After all things were done at the Church door, the child was brought to the font & Christened. This done. 
Cranmer godfather to Queen Elizabeth.  Garter the chief king of arms cried aloud: God of his infinite goodness send prosperous life and long, to the high and mighty princess of England, ELIZABETH. Then the Trumpets blew, and the child was brought up to the aultare and immediately confirmed▪ by the Archbishop, the marchioness of Exeter being Godmother. Then the Archbishop of Caunterbury gave to the Princess a standing cup of Gold. The Duchess of Norfolk gave to her a standing cup of Gold, fretted with Pearl. The marchioness of Dorset, three guilt boles pounced, with a cover. The marchioness of Exeter, three standing boles gilded & graven with a cover. And so after a solemn banquet ended with hippocras, Wafers, and such like in great plenty, they returned in like order again unto the Court, with the Princess, and so departed.  
At the Marriage of this noble Lady, as there was no small joy unto all good and godly men, and no less hope of prosperous success to God's true Religion, so in like manner on the contrary part, the papists wanted not their malicious and secret attempts, as by the false hypocrisy and feigned holiness of a false feigned hypocrite this year before espied & found out, may sufficiently appear what their devilish devices and purposes were. For certain Monks Friars, & other evil disposed people, of a devilish intent, had put into the heads of many of the kings subjects, that they had revelation of God and his saints, that he was highly displeased with king Henry, for the divorcement of the Lady Katherine, and surmised amongst other things, that God had revealed to a Nun, named Elizabeth Barton, whom they called the holy maid of Kente, that in case the King proceeded in the said divorce, 
The maid of Kent with her false feigned hypocrisy apprehended.  he should not be king of this realm, one month after, and in the reputation of God, not one day nor hour. This Elizabeth Barton by false dissimulation practised and showed to the people, marvelous alteration of her visage and other parts of her body, as if she had been rapt or in a trance, & in those feigned trances by false hypocrisy (as though she had been inspired of God) she spoke many words in rebuking of sin, and reproving the Gospel which she called heresy, and among them uttered divers things to the great reproach of the king and Queen, & to the establishing of Idolatry, Pilgrimage, and the derogation of God's glory: which her naughtiness being spied out by the great labour and diligence of the Archbishop of Caunterbury, the Lord Cromwell, and Master Hugh Latimer, she was condemned and put to death with certain of her affinity and Council in the month of April, 
Elizabeth 〈◊〉 with her 〈◊〉 conspirators.  an. 1533. The names of which conspirators with her, were these: Edward Bocking, Monk of Canterbury, Richard Master, Person of Aldington, john Dering, Monk of Canterbury, Hugh rich, Friar Warden of the Grey Friars of Canterbury, Richard Risby, Henry Gold, bachelor of Divinity, and Person of Aldermary, Fisher Bishop of Rochester, john Adeson Priest, his Chaplain, Thomas Laurence, the bishops Register of Caunterbury, Edward Thwates, Thomas Abel. Of the which persons, the said Elizabeth Berton, Henry Gold, Richard Master, Edward Bocking, john Dering, Hugh rich, Richard Risby, were attainted of Treason by Act of Parliament, and put to execution.  
The residue as Fisher Bishop of Rochester, Thomas Gold, Thomas Laurence, Edward Thwates, john Adeson, Thomas Abel, being convict and attainted of misprision, were condemned to prison, and forfeited their goods & possessions to the King. Ex Statut an. 25 Reg Hen 8.  
Edward Hall, a writer of our English Stories, making mention of this Elizabeth Barton aforesaid, adjoineth next in his book, 
A marvelous judgement of god against Pavier an open enemy to his word.  the narration of one Pavier or Pavia, a notorious enemy (no doubt) to God's truth. This Pavier being the town Clerk of the City of London, was a man (saith he) that in no case could abide to hear that the Gospel should be in English: In so much that the said Hall himself heard him once say unto him, and to other by, swearing a great oath: that if he thought the King's highness would set forth the Scripture in English, and let it be read of the people by his authority, rather than he would so long live, he would cut his own throat, but he broke promise (saith Hall) for he did not cut his throat with any knife, but with an halter did hang himself. Of what mind and intent he so did, God judge.  
My information farther addeth this, touching the said Pavier or Pavia, that he was a bitter enemy, very busy at the burning of Richard Bayneham above mentioned. Who hearing the said Baynham at the stake speaking against Purgatory and transubstantiation: 
Pavier a bitter eenemy against Rich. Baynham.  set fire (said he) to this heretic and burn him. And as the train of gunpowder came toward the Martyr, he lifted up his eyes and hands to heaven, saying to Pavier: God forgive thee, and show thee more mercy than thou dost to me. The Lord forgive Sir Thomas More, and pray for me all good people: and so continued he praying, till the fire took his bowels and his head, etc.  
After whose martyrdom, the next year following, this Pavier the town Clerk of the City, went and bought ropes. Which done, he went up to an high garret in his house to pray, as he was wont to do, to a rood which he had there, before whom he bitterly wept: And as his own maid coming up found him so doing, he bade her take the rusty sword, and go make it clean, and trouble him no more, and immediately he tied up the rope, and hung himself. The maids hart still throbbed, and so came up, and found him but newly hanged. Then she having no power to help him, ran crying to the Church to her mistress to fetch her home. His servants and Clerks he had sent out before to Finisbery, 
Pavier a persecutor hanged himself.  and to Master Edney Sergeant to the Lord Maior, dwelling over bishops gate, to tarry for him at Finisebery Court till he came: but he had dispatched himself before, so that they might long look for him before he could come. Which was an. 1533.  
To this story of Pavier, may also be added the like terrible example of Doctor Foxford, Chancellor to the Bishop of London, a cruel persecutor and a common butcher of the good Saints of God: who was the condemner of all those aforenamed, 
The terrible hand of God's judgement upon Foxford the bishops Chancellor. The death of W. Warham Archb· of Cant. Tho. Cranmer Archb. of Cant.  which were put to death, troubled, or abjured under Bishop Stokesley through all the diocese of London. This Foxford died about this present year and time: of whose terrible end it was then certainly reported and affirmed by such as were of right good credit, unto certain persons, of whom some be yet alive, that he died suddenly sitting in his chair, his belly being burst, and his guts falling out before him.  
About the same time died also William Warrham Archbishop of Canterbury: in whose room succeeded Thomas Cranmer, which was the Kings chaplain, and a great disputer against the unlawful marriage of Lady Katherine Princess Dowager, being then so called by Act of Parliament.  

Queen Catherine appealeth to Rome.  Ye heard before, how the Parliament had enacted, that no person after a certain day, should appeal to Rome for any cause. Notwithstanding which Act, the Queen, now called Princess Dowager, had appealed to the Court of Rome, before that Act made: so that it was doubted, whether that Appeal were good or not. This question was well handled in the Parliament house, but much better in the Convocation house, and yet in both houses it was alleged, yea and by books showed, that in the Counsels of Calcedone, Africa, Toletane, and divers other famous Counsels in the primative Church, yea in the time of S. Augustine it was affirmed, declared, & determined that a cause rising in one Province, 
Concluded by councils of the primitive church, that none should appeal out of their province.  should be determined in the same & that neither the Patriarch of Constantinople should meddle in causes moved in the jurisdiction of the Patriarch of Antioch, nor no Bishop should intermeddle within an others Province or country. Which things were so clerkly opened, & so cunningly set forth to all intentes, that every man that had wit, & was determined to follow the truth, & not wilfully wedded to his own mind, might plainly see that all appeals made to Rome, were clearly void & of none effect. Which doctrines & counsels, were showed to the Lady Katherine Princess Dowager, but she (as women love to lose no dignity) ever continued in her old song, trusting more to the Pope's partiality, then to the determination of Christ's verity.  
Whereupon the Archbishop of Canterbury Cranmer above named, accompanied with the Bishops of London, Winchester, bath, Lincoln, & divers other great clerks 〈◊〉 a great number, road to Dunstable, which is vi. mile from Ampthyl, where the Princess Dowager lay: & there by a Doctor called Doctor Lee, she was ascited to appear before the said Archbishop, in cause of Matrimony, in the said town of Dunstable: & at the day of appearance, she would not appear, but made default, & so was called peremptorily, every day xu days together, and at the last, for lack of appearance, & for contumacy, by the assent of all the learned men there being present, she was divorced from the king, 
Lady Catherine solemnly divorced from the king.  & their Marriage declared to be void and of none effect: which sentence given, the Archbishop and all the other, returned back again.  
¶ Where note that although this divorce following after the new Marriage, needed not at all to be made, the first Marriage being no Marriage at all before God, 
A note▪  yet to satisfy the voice of the people, more than for any necessity, the king was contented through the persuasions of some, so to do. For else as touching God and conscience, what great need was of any divorce, where before GOD, no Marriage was to be accounted, but rather an incestuous & detestable adultery, as the Act of Parliament doth term it? But to our matter again.  
After the dissolution of this first Marriage made between the king & the Lady Princess Dowager, she nevertheless bearing a stout mind, would not yet relent, neither to the determination of the Universities, nor to the censure of the Clergy, nor of the whole Realm, but following the counsel rather of a few spaniards, to molest the king & the realm by suit, & means made to the Pope, procured certain writings, first of monition and aggravation, them of excommunication and interdiction to be sent down from Rome, 
writings set up at Dunkirk against the king.  wherein the Pope had interdicted both the king & the whole Realm. But the Pope's Cursor being not the hardyest man (belike) that ever showed his head, thought it much more sure for him to discharge his Popish car●age without the kings reach, & so keeping himself aloof of (like a pretty man) set up his writings in the Town of Dunkirk in Flaunders. In the which town, first upon the Northdoore of the Church was set up a monition, 
joh. Butler of Calis took down the writ at Dunkirk against the King.  that the king of England should surcease the suit of divorce, the which john Butler Clerk, then Commissary of Calais, by commandment took down in a night.  
After that, before Whitsonweeke there was set up in the same place an excommunication, aggravation, regranation, & interdiction. For the which also, the said Butler by commandment was sent to Dunkirk to take it down. 
K. Henry & the realm indicted by the Pope.  And because the counsel of Calais would be certified of his diligence therein, they sent a servant of the Lord Lisle, them Deputy of Calais, whose name was Cranuell▪ and upon Wednesday in Whitsonweke, at seven. of the clock in the morning, he took it down whole and brought it with him, & delivered the same to the Lord deputy aforesaid. Which was about the year .1533.  
This being known & certified unto the king, he was motioned by his counsel, that such as were about her, and moved her thereto, should be put from her. And therefore the Duke of Suffolk was sent to Bugden beside Huntyngdom, where the said Lady Katherine lay, who perceiving her stomach to continued froward still, in answering him with high words, 
The Lady Catherines court discharged.  & suddenly so in a fury to part from him into her privy chamber, & shut the door: broke up the door of her Court, & discharged a great sort of her household servants, & yet left her a convenient number to serve her like a Princess. They that remained still, were sworn to serve her as Princess only, and not as Queen. Of whom some said they were once sworn to serve her as Queen, and otherwise would not serve, and so were dismissed. The other which were sworn to serve her as Princess, she utterly refused for her servants, and so she remained with the fewer, living after this about the space of two years.   

¶ The abolishing of the Pope out of England.  
THese things thus finished and dispatched concerning the marriage of Queen Anne, and divorce of Lady Katherine Dowager, 
Anno. 1534.  next followeth the year 1534. In the which was assembled the high Court of Parliament again after many prorogations, upon the third day of February, wherein was made an Act of succession, for the more surety of the crown, to the which every person being of lawful age, 
Preaching against the Pope.  should be sworn. During this Parliament time, every Sunday preached at Paul's cross a Bishop, which declared the Pope not to be head of the Church.  
After this, Commissions were sent over all England, to take the oath of all men and women, to the Act of succession. 
Ex Edw. ●allo.  At which, few repined, except D. john Fisher, bishop of Rochester, sir Tho. More late Lord Chancellor, and D. Nicholas Wilson, parson of S. Thomas Apostles in London. Wherefore these 3. persons, after long exhortation to them made by the Bishop of Canterbury at Lambeth, 
The Bishop of Rochester, & Sir Tho. More, sent to the tower. fisher bishop of Rochester, & Sir Tho. More, refuse to be sworn.  refusing to be sworn, were sent to the Tower, where they rrmained, & were oftentimes motioned to be sworn: but the Bishop and sir Tho. More excused them by their writings, in which they said, that they had written before the said Lady Katherine to be Queen, & therefore could not well go from that which they had written. Likewise the Doctor excused, that he in preaching had called her Queen, and therefore now could not withsay it again: Howbeit▪ at length he was well contented to dissemble the matter, & so escaped: but the other two stood against all the Realm in their opinion.  
From the month of March this Parliament furthermore was prorogued to the iij. day of novemb. abovesaid. At what time, amongst other divers statutes, most graciously and by the blessed will of God it was enacted, that the Pope, and all his college of Cardinals, with his pardons, Indulgences, which so long had clogged this Realm of England, to the miserable slaughter of so many good men, & which never could be removed away before, was now abolished, eradicate, & exploded out of this land, & sent home again to their own country of Rome, from whence they came, God be everlastingly praised therefore, Amen.   

¶ An Act concerning the King's highness to be the supreme head of the Church of England, and to have authority to reform and redress all errors, heresies, and abuses in the same. Cap. 1.  
ALbeit the King's Majesty justly and rightfully is and aught to be the supreme head of the Church of England, and so is recognised by the Clergy of this Realm in their Convocations, yet nevertheless for corroboration & confirmation thereof, and for increase of virtue in Christ's Religion within this Realm of England, and to repress & extirp all errors, heresies, and other enormities & abuses heretofore used in the same: be it enacted by authority of this present Parliament, that the king our sovereign Lord, his heirs & successors, Kings of this Realm, shall be taken, accepted, & reputed the only supreme head in earth of the Church of England, called Anglicana ecclesia, and shall have & enjoy annexed and united to the Imperial crown of this realm, as well the title & style thereof, as all honours, dignities, pre-eminences, jurisdictions, privileges, authorities, immunites, profits, and commodities to the said dignity of supreme head of the same Church belonging & appertaining: and that our said sovereign Lord, his heirs & successors, Kings of this Realm, shall have full power and authority from time to time, to visit, repress, redress, reform, order, correct, restrain, and amend all such errors, abuses, offences, contempts & enormities, whatsoever they be, which by any manner of spiritual authority or jurisdiction ought or may lawfully be reform, repressed, ordered, redressed, corrected, restrained, or amended, most to the pleasure of almighty God, the increase of virtue in Christ's religion, and for the conservation of the peace, unity, and tranquillity of this realm, any usage, custom, foreign laws, foreign authority, prescription or any thing or things, to the contrary hereof notwithstanding.   

The King's Proclamation, for the abolishing of the usurped power of the Pope.  

The kings proclamation against the Pope.  Trusty and well-beloved, we greet you well, and where as not only upon good and just and virtuous grounds and respects, edified upon the laws of holy Scripture, by due consultation, deliberation, advisement, and consent, as well of all other our nobles and commons temporal, as also spiritual assembled in our high Court of Parliament, and by authority of the same, we have by good and wholesome laws and statutes, made for this purpose, extirped, abolished, separated, and secluded out of this our Realm, the abuses of the Bishop of Rome, his authority and jurisdiction of long time usurped, as well upon us and our Realm, as upon all other Kings and Princes and their Realms (like as they themselves have confessed and affirmed) but also for as much as our said Nobles and Commons both spiritual and temporal, assembled in our high Court of Parliament, 
The style of supreme head annexed to the crown of England.  have upon good, lawful, and virtuous grounds, and for the public weal of this our Realm, by one whole assent, granted, annexed, knit, and united to the Crown Imperial of the same, the title, dignity, and style of supreme head or governor in earth immediately under God of the Church of England, as we be, and undoubtedly have hitherto been, which title and style both the Bishops and Clergy of this our Realm, have not only in convocation, assembled, consented, recognised, and approved lawfully and justly to appertain unto us, but also by word, oath, profession and writing under their signs and seals, have confessed, ratified, corroborated and confirmed the same, utterly renouncing all other oaths and obedience to any other foreign Potentates, and all foreign jurisdictions and powers, as well of the said Bishop of Rome, as of all other whatsoever they be, as by their said professions and writings corroborated with the subscription of their names, and apension of their seals, more plainly appeareth: We let you wit, that calling to our remembrance the power, charge, and commission given unto us of Almighty God, and upon a vehement love and affection toward our loving and faithful subjects, perceiving right well what great rest, quietness, and tranquility of conscience, and manifold other commodities might insurge and arise unto them, if that the said Bishops and other of the Clergy of this our Realm, should set forth, declare and preach to them the true and sincere word of God, and without all manner colour, dissimulation and hypocrisy, manifest and publish the great and innumerable enormities and abuses which the said Bishop of Rome, as well in the title and style, as also in authority and jurisdiction of long time unlawfully and unjustly hath usurped upon us and our progenitors, and also other Christian Princes: have therefore addressed our letters unto the Bishop of the diocese, straightly charging and commanding him in the same, that not only he in his own proper person, shall declare, teach, and preach unto the people forthwith upon the receat of our said letters unto him directed, every Sunday and other high feasts through the year, the true, mere, and sincere word of God, and that the same title, style, and jurisdiction of supreme head, appertaineth only to our Crown and dignity Royal, likewise as the said Bishop and all other the Bishops of our Realm, have by oath affirmed and confirmed by subscription of their names, and setting to their seals, but also give warning, monition and charge to all manner Abbots, priors, Deans, Archdeacon's, Provosts, Parsons, vicars, Curates, and all other Ecclesiastical persons, within his said diocese, as well to teach, preach, publish, and declare in all manner Churches, our foresaid just title, style, and jurisdiction, every Sunday and high feast through the year, and further to monish and command all other Schoolmasters within his said diocese, to instruct and teach the same unto the children committed unto them, as also to cause all manner prayers, orisons, rubrickes, Canons of Mass books, and all other books in the Churches, wherein the said Bishop of Rome is named, or his presumptuous and proud pomp and authority preferred, utterly to be abolished, eradicate, and razed out, and his name and memory to be never more (except to his contumely and reproach) remembered, but perpetually suppressed and obscured: and finally to desist and leave out all such Articles as be in the general sentence, 
The Pope's name and memory abolished.  which is usually accustomed to be read four times in the year, and do tend to the glory and advancement of the Bishop of Rome, his name, title, and jurisdiction.  
Whereupon we esteeming and reputing you to be of such singular and vehement zeal and affection toward the glory of Almighty God, and of so faithful, loving, and obedient heart towards us, as ye will not only do and accomplish with all power, wisdom, diligence and labour, whatsoever should or might be to the preferment and setting forward of God's word, but also practise, study, and endeavour yourself, with all your policy, wit, power, and good will, to amplify, defend, and maintain all such interest, right, title, style, jurisdiction, and authority, as is in any wise apertaining unto us, our dignity, prerogative, & crown imperial of this our Realm, have thought good & expedient, not only to signify unto you by these our letters, the particularities of the charge, monition, and commandment given by us unto the said Bishop, as before is specified: but also to require, and straightly charge and command you, upon pain of your allegiance, and as ye shall avoid our high indignation and displeasure at your uttermost peril, laying apart all vain affections, respects, or other carnal considerations, and setting only before your eyes the mirror of truth, the glory of God, the dignity of your sovereign Lord and King, and the great concord and unity, and inestimable profit and utility, that shall by the due execution of the premises, ensue to yourself and all other faithful and loving subjects, ye make or cause to be made diligent search and wait, and especially in every place of your shirewicke, whether the said Bishop do truly, sincerely, and without all manner cloak, colour, or dissimulation, execute, and accomplish our will and commandment, as is aforesaid And in case ye shall hear, perceive, and approvably understand, and know that the said Bishop, or any other ecclesiastical person within his diocese, do omit and leave undone any part 〈◊〉 parcel of the premises, or else in the execution and setting forth of the same, do coldly and feignedly use any manner sinister addition, wrong, interpretation, or painted colour: then we straightly charge & command you, that forthwith upon any such default, negligence, or dissimulation of the said Bishop, or any other ecclesiastical person of his diocese, contrary to the true tenor, meaning, and effect of the said charge by us to him appointed aforesaid, ye do make indelaidly, and with all speed and diligence, declaration and advertisement to us and our Counsel, of the said default, and of the behaviour, manner, and fashion of the same.  
And for as much as we upon singular trust, and assured confidence which we have in you, and for the special love and zeal we suppose and think ye bear towards us and the public and common wealth, unity, and tranquility of this our realm, have specially elected and chosen you among so many, for this purpose, and have reputed you such men, as unto whose wisdom, discretion, truth and fidelity, we might commit a matter of such great weight, moment, and importance, as whereupon the unity and tranquillity of our realm doth consist, if ye should contrary to our expectation and trust which we have in you, and against your duty and allegiance towards us, neglect or omit to do with all your diligence and wisdom, whatsoever shall be in your power for the due performance of our mind and pleasure to you before declared in this behalf, or h●lt, or stumble at any part or speciality of the same, be ye assured that we like a Prince of justice, will so extremely punish you for the same, that all the world beside shall take by you example, and beware contrary to their allegiance, to disobey the lawful commandment of their sovereign Lord and Prince in such things: as by the faithful execution whereof, ye shall not only advance the honour of Almighty God, and set forth the majesty and Imperial dignity of your sovereign Lord, but also bring an inestimable weal, profit and commodity, unity and tranquility, to all the common state of this our Realm, whereunto both by the laws of God, nature, and man, ye be utterly bound.  
Given under our signet at our Palace of Westminster the 9 day of june.  
Furthermore, that no man shall cavil or surmise this fatal fall and ruin of the Pope, to have come rashly upon the Kings own partial affection, or by any sensual temerity of a few, and not by the grave and advised judgement, approbation and consent generally and publicly, as well of the nobles and commons temporal, as also upon substantial grounds, and the very strength of truth, by the discussion and consultation of the spiritual and most learned persons in this Realm: it shall be requisite moreover to these premises, to adjoin the words and testimonies also of the Bishops own oaths and profession made to the King, yielding and rendering unto him only the style of supreme head next under Christ, of the Church of England, all other service, subjection, and obedience to be given to any other foreign Potentate, which should be prejudicial to the King's highness in this behalf being excluded, and that both frankly and freely, of their own voluntary motion, and also upon the faith and fidelity of their priesthood, as by their own words and handwriting may appear, in form as here under followeth.   

The oath of Steven Gardiner to the King.  
EGo Stephanus Wintonien. Episcopus pure, sponte, & absolute, in verbo pontificio, profiteor ac spondeo, Illustrissimae vestrae Regiae maiestati, singulari ac summo Domino meo, & patrono, Henrico Dei gratia Angliae & Franciae, Regi, fidei defensori, Domino Hiberniae, atque in terris Ecclesiae Anglicanae supremo immediatè sub Christo capiti, quod post hac nulli externo Imperatori, Regi, Principi aut Prelato, nec Romano pontifici (quem Papam vocant) fidelitatem & obedientiam, etc.  
In English.  
I Steven Bishop of Winchester, do purely of mine own voluntary accord and absolutely, 
The oath of Steph. Gardiner to the king.  in the word of a Bishop, profess and promise to your princely majesty, my singular and chief Lord and Patron, Henry the 8. by the grace of Gdo King of England & of France, defender of the faith, Lord of Ireland, & in earth of the Church of England supreme head immediately under Christ, that from this day forward I shall swear, promise, give, or cause to be given to no foreign Potentate, Emperor, King, Prince or Prelate, nor yet to the Bishop of Rome, whom they call Pope, any oath or fealty directly or indirectly, either by word or writing, but at all times and in every case & condition I shall observe, hold, & maintain to all effects & intentes, the quarrel & cause of your royal Majesty & your successors, and to the uttermost of my power, shall defend the same against all manner of persons whom soever I shall know or suspect to be adversaries to your Majesty or to your successors, & shall give my faith, truth, & obedience sincerely & with my very hart, only to your royal Majesty, as to my supreme Prince. I profess the Papacy of Rome not to be ordained of God by holy Scripture, but constantly do affirm and openly declare and shall declare it to be set up only by man, 
Stephen Gardiner aprenoun-renounceth the Pope.  and shall cause diligently other men likewise to publish the same. Neither shall I enter any treaty with any person or persons either privily or apertly, or shall consent thereto, that the Bishop of Rome shall have or exercise here any authority or jurisdiction, or is to be restored to any jurisdiction hereafter.  
Furthermore that the said Bishop of Rome now being or any that shall succeed him hereafter, in the said Sea, is not to be called Pope nor supreme Bishop or universal Bishop, nor most holy Lord, but only ought to be called Bishop of Rome and fellow brother (as the old manner of the most ancient Bishops hath been) this I shall to my power openly maintain and defend.  
Also I shall firmly observe & cause to be observed of other, to the uttermost of my cunning, wit, & power, all such laws and Acts of this Realm, how and what soever, as have been enacted & established for the extirpation and suppression of the Papacy, and of the authority, and jurisdiction of the said Bishop of Rome. Neither shall I appeal hereafter to the said bishop of Rome, nor ever consent to any person, that shall appeal to him, neither shall I attempt, prosecute or follow any suit in the Court of Rome for any cause of right or justice to be had, or shall make answer to any plea or action, nor shall take upon me the person and office either of the plaintiff or defendant in the said Court. And if the said Bishop by his messenger or by his letters shall make any means or signification unto me of any matter what soever it be, I shall with all speed & diligence make declaration & advertisement thereof, or cause that same to be signified, either to your princely majesty, or to some of your secret counsel, or to your successors or any of their privy counsel: Neither shall I send or cause to be send at any time, any writing or messenger to the said Bishop or to his Court without the knowledge & consent of your majesty or your successors willing me to send writing or messenger unto him. Neither shall I procure or give counsel to any person to procure bules, brieves or rescriptes whatsoever, either for me or for any other, from the said Bysh. of Rome or his court. And if any such shall be procured against my will & knowledge either in general or in special, or else whosoever they shall be granted unto them, I shall utter & disclose the same, & not consent thereunto, nor use them in any case, & shall cause them to be brought to your majesty or your successors.  
Furthermore for the confirmation hereof, I give my faith & truth by firm promise & in the faith of a Bishop that against this my foresaid profession, & promise made, I shall defend myself by no dispensation, exception, nor any remedy or cautel of law or example, during this my natural life. And if heretofore I have done or made any protestation in prejudice of this my profession & promise here made: the same I do revoke at this present & for ever hereafter, and here utterly do renounce, by these presents. Whereunto I have subscribed & under written the name both of myself & of my Bishopric, with my proper hand, & thereto also have put to my seal, in perpetual & undoubted testimony of the premises.  
Given the x. day of February. an. 1534. & of our sovereign Lord king Henry viii. 26. Steph. Winton.   

* The like oath of john Stokesley Bishop of London.  
I john Bishop of London, do purely, & of mine own voluntary accord, & absolutely in the word of a Bishop profess and promise to your princely majesty, my singular, 
The oath of Stokesley.  and chief Lord and patron Henry 8 by the grace of God king of England, and of France, defender of the faith, Lord of Ireland, and in earth of the same Church of England supreme head immediately under Christ. etc. Like to the oath before.  
joan. London.   

¶ The like oath and handwriting of Edward Lee, Archbishop of York.  
I Edward by the permission of God, Archbishop of York, do purely of mine own voluntary accord, 
The oath of Lee Archb. of York.  and absolutely, in the word of a Bishop, profess and promise to your royal Majesty, my singular and chief Lord and patron, etc. In like form to the oath before.  
Edovardus Eborac.   

The like oath and handwriting of Cuthbert Bishop of Duresme.  
I Cuthbert by the permission of God Bishop of Duresme, do purely of mine own voluntary accord, 
The oath of Tonstal of Durisme.  and absolutely in the word of a Bishop, profess and promise to your royal Majesty, my singular and chief Lord and patron, etc. As before.  
Per me Cutbertum Dulnelm.  
And so likewise all the other Bishops after the same order and form of oath were obliged and bound to the king, as to their supreme head of the Church of England immediately under Christ renouncing and abiuring utterly and voluntarily, the Popes too long usurped jurisdiction in this Realm: testifying moreover the same, both with their own hand, and also with their seal.  
Besides these confirmations & testimonials of the Bishops aforesaid, ye shall hear yet moreover, the decree and public sentence of the university of Cambridge written likewise and subscribed & signed with the public seal of their university, the tenor of which their letter here followeth.   

¶ A letter of the University of Cambridge against the usurped power of the Bishop of Rome.  
universis Sanctae matris Ecclesiae filijs, ad quos praesentes literae perventurae sunt, coetus omnis regentium & non regentium Academiae Cantabrigiensis, salutem in omnium saluatore jesu Christo. Cum de Romani pontificis potestate, etc.  
In English.  
TO all and singular children of the holy mother Church, to whose hands these presents shall come, the whole society of Regentes and not Regentes of the University of Cambridge, 
A letter of the university of Cambridge.  sendeth greeting in our Saviour jesus Christ. Where as now of late it hath risen up in question among us, concerning the power of the Bishop of Rome, which he doth both claim to himself by the holy Scripture over all provinces & nations in Christendom, and hath now of long time exercised in this realm of England: and forasmuch as our censure concerning the cause is required, to wit: whether the Bishop of Rome hath any power or authority in this kingdom of England allotted to him by God in the Scripture, more than any other foreign Bishop, or no: we thought it therefore good reason & our duty, for the searching out of the verity of the said question, that we should employ therein our whole endeavour and study, whereby we might render and publish to the world, what our reason and censure is, touching the premises. For therefore we suppose, that Universities were first provided and instituted of Princes, to the end that both the people of Christ might in the law of God be instructed, and also that false errors, if any did rise, might through the vigilant care and industry of learned Divines, be discussed, extinguished, and utterly rooted out. For the which cause, we in our assemblies and convocations (after our accustomed manner) resorting and conferring together upon the question aforesaid, and studiously debating and deliberating with ourselves, how and by what order we might best proceed for the finding out of the truth of the matter, and at length choosing out certain of the best learned Doctors and Bachelors of Divinity, and other masters, have committed to them in charge, studiously to ensearch and peruse the places of holy Scripture, by the viewing and conferring of which places together, they might certify us what is to be said to the question propounded.  
For as much therefore, as we having heard, and well advised, 
The censure of the university of Cambridge against the Pope's supremacy.  and thoroughly discussed in open disputations, what may be said on both parts of the foresaid question, those reasons and arguments do appear to us more probable, stronger, truer, and more certain, & sounding much more near to the pure and native sense of Scripture, which do deny the Bishop of Rome to have any such power given him of God in the Scripture. By reason & force of which arguments, we being persuaded and conjoining together in one opinion, have with ourselves thus decreed to answer unto the question aforesaid, and in these writings thus resolutely do answer in the name of the whole University, & for a conclusion undoubted, do affirm, approve, & pronounce, that the Bishop of Rome hath no more state, authority, and jurisdiction given him of God in the scriptures, over this Realm of England, 
The bishop of Rome hath no more state in England, then hath any other foreign bishop.  than any other extern Bishop hath. And in testimony and credence of this our answer and affirmation, we have caused our common seal to be put to these our foresaid letters accordingly.  
At Cambridge in our Regent house. an. Domi. 1534.   

¶ Steph. Wint. De Vera Obedientia.  
YOu have heard before of Stephen Gardiner, of Lee, of Tonstal, & of Stokesley, how of their voluntary mind, they made their profession to the king, every one severally, 
Steph. Wint. against the marriage of the king▪ with his brother's wife, in his book De vera obedientia.  taking and accepting a corporal oath, utterly and for ever to renounce and reject the usurped superiority of the Bishop of Rome. Now for a further testimony and declaration of their judgements and opinions which then they were of, following the force both of truth and of time then present, ye shall hear over and beside their oaths, what the foresaid Bishops in their own Books, Prologues, and Sermons do write, and publish abroad in Print, touching the said cause of the Pope's supremacy.  
And first (God willing) to begin with Stephen Gardiner's book De vera Obedientia, we will briefly note out a few of his own words, wherein with great Scriptures and good deliberation he not only confuteth the Pope's usurped authority, 
Steph. Wint. De▪ vera obedientia.  but also proveth the Marriage between the King and Queen Katherine his brother's wife, not to be good nor lawful, in these words:  
Of the which moral precepts in the old law, to speak of some (for to rehearse all it needeth not) the levitical precepts touching forbidden & incestuous marriages, 
Steph. Wint De vera obedientia.  as far as they concern chaste and pure wedlock, wherein the Original of man's increase consists, are always to be reputed of such sort, that although they were first given to the jews: yet because they appertain to the law of nature, & expound the same more plainly unto us, therefore they belong as well to all manner of people of the whole world for evermore. In which doubtless, both the voice of nature & God's Commandment agreeing in one, have forbidden that which is contrary and divers from the one, and from the other. And amongst these, sith there is commandment that a man shall not marry his brother's wife, what could the King's excellent Majesty do otherwise, than he did by the whole consent of the people, and judgement of his Church, that is, to be divorced from unlawful marriage, 
Ste. Wint. against the kings marriage with his brother's wife.  and use lawful and permitted copulation, and obeying (as meet it was) conformably unto the commandment, cast off her whom neither law nor right permitted him to retain, and take him to chaste and lawful marriage? wherein although the sentence of God's word (whereunto all things ought to stoop) might have sufficed: yet his Majesty was content to have the assisting consents of the most notable grave men, and the censures of the most famous Universities of the whole world: and all to the intent, that men should see he did that, both that he might do and aught to do uprightly, seeing the best learned and most worthy men have subscribed unto it, showing therein such obedience, as God's word requireth of every good & godly man: so as it may be said, that both he obeyed God, and obeyed him truly. Of which obedience, forasmuch as I am purposed to speak, I could not pass this thing over with silence, whereof occasion so commodiously was offered me to speak.  

¶ Winchester's reasons against the Pope's supremacy.  
Moreover, 
Ste. Wint. a lutheran in his book De vera obedientia.  the said Gardener in the forenamed book De vera obedientia, what constancy he pretendeth, what arguments he inferreth, how earnestly and pithily he dsputeth on the King's side against the usurped state of the Bishop of Rome's authority, by the words of his book it may appear: whereof a brief collection here followeth.  
IN the process of his foresaid book, he alleging the old distinction of the Papists, 
The sword of the Church how far it extendeth.  wherein they give to the Prince the regiment of things temporal, and to the church of things spiritual, comparing the one to the greater light, the other to the lesser light, he confuteth and derideth the same distinction, declaring the sword of the Church to extend no farther, then to teaching and excommunication, and referreth all pre-eminence to the sword of the Prince, alleging for this the Psal. 2. And now you Kings be wise, 
Psal. 2.  and be learned you that judge the earth, etc.  
Also the example of Solomon: who being a King, 
2. Par. 28.  according to his father's appointment ordained the offices of the Priests in their ministries, 
Exo●. ●2. 1. R●● ●●. 1. M●●h ●●. Math. 16.  and Levites in their order, that they might give thanks, and minister before the Priests, after the order of every day, and porters in their divisions gate by gate.  
And speaking more of the said Solomon, he saith: For so commanded the man of God, neither did the Priests, nor Levites omit any thing of all that he had commanded, etc.  
Beside this, he allegeth also the example of King Ezechias 2. Paralip. 28. He allegeth moreover the example and fact of justinian, which made laws touching the faith, Bishops, Clerks, heretics, and such other.  
Aaron, (saith he) obeyed Moses. Solomon gave sentence upon Abiathar the high Priest.  
Alexander the King in the first of Maccabees, writeth thus to jonathas: Now have we made thee this day the high Priest of thy people, etc. So did Demetrius to Simon.  
Then coming to the words of Christ, spoken to Peter, Math. 16. upon which words the Pope pretendeth to build all his authority: to this he answereth, that if Christ by those words had limited unto Peter any such special state or pre-eminence above all princes, than were it not true that is written, Caepit jesus docere & facere: for as much as the words of Christ should then be contrary to his own facts and example, who in all his life never usurped either to himself any such domination above Princes, showing himself rather subject unto Princes, nor yet did ever permit in his Apostles any such example of ambition to be seen: but rather rebuked them for seeking any manner of majority amongst them.  
And where he reasoneth of the King's style and title, being called the King of England, and of France, defender of the faith, 
The ●inges style and title approved by St●. Wint.  Lord of Ireland, & supreme head in earth of the Church of England immediately under Christ, etc. thus he addeth his mind & censure, saying that he seethe no cause in this title, why any man should be offended, that the King is called head of the Church of England, rather than of the Realm of England, and addeth his reason thereunto saying: If the Prince & King of England be the head of his kingdom, that is, of all English men that be his subjects, is there any cause why the same English subjects should not be subject to the same head likewise in this respect because they are Christians, that is to say, for the title of godliness, as though that God which is the cause of all obedience, should now be the cause of Rebellion?  
At length thus he concludeth with an exclamation, saying: To say (saith he) that a King is the head of the kingdom, and not of the Church, what an absurd, and a foolish saying is this?  
And farther, adding for example, the subjection of the servant and wife: 
The king is as well the head of the Church as of his kingdom.  If the servant (saith he) be subject to his master, or wife to her husband being infidels, doth their conversion afterward, or name of Christians make them less subjects, than they were before? As Religion therefore doth not alter the authority of the Master over the servant, nor the husband over the wife: no more (sayeth he) doth it between the Prince and subjects.  
Paul making no exception nor distinction of subjection, save only of that which belongeth to God, willeth all men to obey their Princes, and what Princes? Those Princes which bear the sword. And although we be bound by the Scripture to obey our Bishops and spiritual Pastors of the Church, yet that obedience diminisheth nothing the chief and head authority that ought to be given to the Prince, no more than the obedience of the servant to his Master, or of the wife to her husband exempteth them from subjection due to their superior powers.  
And heerewithall he inferreth a principle of the Law. divers jurisdictions (saith he) proceeding from one person do not mar nor hinder themselves, 
A rule of the law.  but rather do confirm and fortify one another.  

Wynchesters' wish, that ●he Pope ●ere Peter's successor. Argument. The prerogative was given to him which confessed. Flesh & blood in Peter did not confess Christ. Ergo the prerogative was not given to the flesh and blood of Peter.  Again, where as the Bishop of Rome under the name of Peter doth appropriate to himself the highest place in the Church, for that he is the successor of Peter: thereunto he answereth in one word, but in that one word he answereth enough and to the full: I would (saith he) he were: for so in very deed he might well exceed & pass all kings and princes, if not in pre-eminence of dignity, yet in admiration & excellency of virtue. In which kind of superiority the Lord Christ would his Apostles and Ministers to go before all Kings and Emperors in the whole world.  
After this, in prosecuting the argument of Peter's confession, he argueth thus and saith: That as flesh and blood did not reveal to Peter that confession: so neither was that prerogative given to the flesh and blood of Peter, but to the better part, that is, to the spirit of Peter, which is to mean in respect of the spiritual confession of Peter, and not in respect of any carnal place or person, etc.  
Item, if the scholar ought not to be above the master, how then could either Peter take that upon him, which Christ his master so constantly did refuse, or how can the Bishop of Rome now claim that by succession, whereof no example is to be found either in the head, or his predecessor before him? For so we read in Eusebius, both of Peter, james, & john, that they did arrogate no such primacy unto them, but were content that james surnamed justus, should be the Bishop of the Apostles.  
And as for the name and signification of the word Primatus i. primacy, if it be taken for the first nomination, 
Primatus or Primacy, what it signifieth.  or the first place given, so he granteth that Peter had the preferment of the first name and place in the order of the Apostles. But it followeth not, that with this primacy he had also a kingdom given. 
He sayeth, confirm thy brethren, but not thy subjects.  And though he were bid of the Lord to confirm his brethren: yet was he not bid to exercise an empery upon his brethren, for so were they not his brethren, but his subjects.  
Then Peter was Primus, that is, first or chief in the number of them which confessed Christ, 
Primus, Primatus. 1. Primacy meaneth as much as the first standing in vocation, and is the name of virtue▪ & not of power.  it is not to be denied. For first he confessed, first he taught the jews, first he stood in defence of the verity, and was the first and chief Prolocutor amongst them: but yet that maketh not, that he should therefore vindicate a general primacy and rule over all other states, and potestates of the world, no more than Apelles because he is noted the first and chief of all Painters, therefore he ought to bear rule over all Painters? or because the University of Paris is nominate for the first and chief of other Universities, shall therefore the French king, and all other Princes in their public administration, wherein they are set of God, become subjects and underlings to that University?  
Thus after many other reasons and persuasions contained in the said book De obedientia (for I do but superficially skim over the top only of his probations and arguments) finally in the end of his peroration, he concludeth the whole sum of his mind, in this effect: first denying that the Bishop of Rome had ever any such extern jurisdiction assigned to him absolutely from God, to reign over Kings and Princes. For the probation whereof he hath alleged sufficiently (as he saith) the examples and doings of Christ himself, which ought to be to us all a sufficient document.  
And as concerning the term of Primacy, albeit it be used sometime of the Fathers, yet the matter being well considered and rightly expounded maketh nothing for the large dominion of the Bishop of Rome, which now he doth usurp.  
Also as for the prerogatives granted unto Peter, by the which prerogatives our Saviour would crown his own gifts given unto him, crowning not the flesh and blood of Peter, but the marvelous testimony of his confession, all this maketh nothing for the Pope's purpose.  
Likewise as concerning the local succession of Peter, the Pope hath nothing thereby to claim. 
Succession of Peter.  If he will be successor of Peter, he must succeed him in faith, doctrine, & conditions, & in so doing, he neither will neither yet shall need to seek for honour, but shall be honoured of all good men, according as a good man should be, and that much more than he being a good man would require.  
And thus Steph. Winchester, taking his lean, & bidding the Pope farewell, endeth with a friendly exhortation, 
Steph. Wint. taketh his vale of the Pope, but not his ultimum vale.  willing him to be wise & circumspect, & not to strive stubbornly against the truth. The light of the Gospel (saith he) so spreadeth his beams in all men's eyes, that the works of the Gospel be known, the mysteries of Christ's doctrine are opened: both learned and unlearned, men & women being Englishmen borne, do see & perceive, that they have nothing to do with Rome nor with the Bishop of Rome, but that every Prince in his own dominion, is to be taken and accepted as a Vicar of God, & Vicegerent of Christ in his own bounds. And therefore seeing this order is taken of God, 
The office of teaching. The office of of Ruling.  that one in the Church should bear the office of teaching, an other should bear the office of ruling, (which office is only limited to princes) he exhorteth him to consider the truth, and to follow the same, wherein consisteth our true and special obedience. etc.  
To this book of Stephen Winchester De obedientia, we will adjoin for good fellowship, the Preface also of Edmund Boner Archdeacon then of Leycester, prefixed before the same, to the intent that the reader seeing the judgements of these men as they were then, & again the sudden mutation afterward of the said parties to the contrary opinion, may learn thereby what vain glory and pomp of this world can work in the frail nature of man, where God's grace lacketh to sustain. The Preface of Boner before the said book of Winchester De obedientia, proceedeth thus in effect, as followeth.    

¶ The Preface of Edmund Boner Archdeacon of Leycester, prefixed before Stephen Gardiner's book, De obedientia.  
FOr as much as some there be, no doubt (as the judgements of men be always variable) which think the controversy which is between the King's royal Majesty, 
Boners' preface be●ore Winchester's book of obedience.  and the Bishop of Rome consisteth in this point, for that his Majesty hath taken the most excellent and most virtuous Lady Anne to wife, which in very deed is far otherwise, and nothing so: to the intent therefore that all true hearty favourers of the Gospel of Christ, 
Queen Anne.  which hate not, but love the truth, may the more fully understand the chief point of the controversy, and because they shall not be ignorant what is the whole voice and resolute determination of the best and greatest learned Bishops, with all the nobles and commons of England, not only in that cause of Matrimony, but also in defending the doctrine of the Gospel: 
The doctrine of the Gospel.  here shall be published the Oration of the Bishop of Winchester (a man excellently learned in all kind of learning) entitled DE VERA OBEDIENTIA, that is, 
See how these clawbacks can clung together in truth and in false hood, and all to fashion themselves to the world and the time present.  concerning true obedience. But as touching this Bishops worthy praises, there shall be nothing spoken of me at this time, not only because they are infinite, but because they are far better known to all Christendom, then becometh me here to make rehearsal. And as for the Oration itself (which as it is most learned, so it is most elegant) to what purpose should I make any words of it, seeing it praiseth itself enough, and seeing good wine needeth no tavern bush to utter it? But yet in this Oration, whosoever thou art, most gentle Reader, thou shalt beside other matters, see it notably and learnedly handled of what importance, and how invincible the power and excellency of God's truth is: which as it may now and then be pressed of the enemies, so it can not possibly be oppressed and darkened after such sort, but it showeth itself again at length, 
men's traditons. The contents of Winchester's book De vera obedientia. The kings marriage with Queen Anne.  more glorious and more welcome. Thou shalt see also touching obedience, that it is subject to truth, and what is to be judged true obedience. Besides this, of men's traditions, which for the most part, be most repugnant against the truth of God's law. And there by the way, he speaketh of the Kings said highness marriage, which by the ripe judgement, authority and privilege of the most and principal Universities of the world, and then with the consent of the whole Church of England, 
Supreme head.  he contracted with the most excellent, and most noble Lady Queen Anne. After that, touching the King's majesties title, as pertaining to the supreme head of the Church of England. Lastly of all, 
The Bishop of Rooms pretenced supremacy.  of the false pretenced supremacy of the Bishop of Rome in the Realm of England, most justly abrogated: and how all other Bishops being fellowlike to him in their function, yea and in some points above him within their own provinces, were before time bound to the King by their oath.  
But be thou most surely persuaded of this good Reader, that the Bishop of Rome, if there were no cause else but only this marriage, 
Bo●ner knew well what morsel would best please his father of Rome, & that money & bribes would soon stop his mouth.  would easily content himself, specially having some good morsel or other given him to chaw upon. But when he seethe so mighty a King, being a right virtuous and a great learned Prince, so sincerely and so heartily favour the Gospel of Christ, and perceiveth the yearly and great pray (ye so large a prey, that it came to as much almost as all the King's revenues) snapped out of his hands, and that he can no longer exercise his tyranny in the King's Majesties' Realm (
* Seeing thou knewest the Pope to be such a cruel tyrant, why then wouldst thou against thy knowledge, become his slaughter man?  alas heretofore, too cruel and bitter) nor make laws as he hath done many to the contumely and reproach of the Majesty of God, which is evident that he hath done in time past, under the title of the Catholic Church, and the authority of Peter and Paul, (when notwithstanding he was a very ravening Wolf, dressed in sheeps clothing, calling himself the servant of servants) to the great damage of the Christian common wealth: here, here began all the mischief, thereof rose these discords, these deadly malices, and so great and terrible bustling. For if it were not thus, could any man believe that this jupiter of Olympus (which falsely hath arrogated unto himself an absolute power without controlment) would have wrought so diligently by all means possible, to stir up all other Kings and Princes so traitorously against this so good and godly and so true a Gospellike Prince, as he hath done? Neither let it move thee (gentle Reader) that Winchester did not before now, apply to this opinion, for he himself in this Oration showeth the cause, why he did it not. And if he had said never a word, yet thou knowest well what a witty part it is for a man to suspend his judgement, and not to be too rash in giving of sentence. It is an old said saw: Marry Magdalene profited us less in her quick belief that Christ was risen, 
Wint. writeth against the pope with advised judgement.  than Thomas that was longer in doubt. A man may rightly call him Fabius, that with his advised taking of leisure, restored the matter. Albeit I speak not this as though Winchester had not bolted out this matter secretly with himself before hand (for he without doubt tried it out long ago) but that running fair and softly, he would first with his painful study, pluck the matter out of the dark, although of itself it was clear enough, but by reason of sundry opinions, it was lapped up in darkness, and then did he debate it wittily too and fro, and so at last after long and great deliberation had in the matter, because there is no better counsellor than leisure an● time, he would resolutely with his learned and consummate judgement confirm it.  
Thou shouldest gentle Reader, esteem his censure and authority to be of more weighty credence, 
No new matter, 〈◊〉 writ against the Bishop of Rome.  in as much as the matter was not rashly and at all adventures, but with judgement (as thou seest) and with wisdom examined and discussed. And this is no new example, to be against the tyranny of the Bishop of Rome, seeing that not only this man, but many men often times, yea and right great learned men afore now, have done the same even in writing, whereby they both painted him out in his right colours, and made his sleights, falsehood, frauds, and deceitful wiles, openly known to the world. Therefore if thou at any time heretofore have doubted either of true obedience, or of the kings majesties marriage, or title, either else of the Bishop of Rome's false pretenced supremacy, as if thou hadst a good smelling nose and a sound judgement, I think thou didst not: yet having read this Oration, (which if thou favour the truth, and hate the tyranny of the Bishop of Rome, and his Satanical fraudulent falsehood, shall doubtless wonderfully content thee) forsake thine error, and acknowledge the truth now freely offered thee at length, considering with thyself, that it is better late so to do, than never to repent. Far thou heartily well most gentle Reader, 
Note.  and not only love this most valiant King of England & of France, who undoubtedly was by the providence of God, borne to defend the Gospel, but also honour him and serve him most obediently. As for this Winchester, who was long ago without doubt reputed among the greatest learned men, give him thy good word with highest commendation. The end of Bishop Boners Prologue.  
What man reading and advising this book of Winchester De vera obedientia, 
The inconstant mutabilitye of Wint. and Boner.  with Boners' Preface before the same, would ever have thought, any alteration could so work in man's hart, to make these men thus to turn the cat (as they say) in the pan, and to start so suddenly from the truth so manifestly known, so pithily proved, so vehemently defended, and (as it seemed) so faithfully subscribed. If they dissembled all this that they wrote, subscribed, and swore unto: what perjury most execrable was it before God and man? If they meant good faith, and spoke then as they thought, what pestilent blindness is this so suddenly fallen upon them, to make that false now, which was true before, or that to be now true, which before was false? Thus to say & unsay, & then to say again, to do and undo, & as a man would say, to play fast or lose with truth, truly a man may say, is not the doing of a man, which is in any case to be trusted, whatsoever he doth or saith. But here a man may see what man is of himself, when Gods good humble spirit lacked to be his guide.  
Furthermore, to add unto them, the judgement also and arguments of Tonstall Bishop of Duresme, let us see how he agreeth with them, or rather much exceedeth, 
The sermon of Tonstall before the king, made on Palm Sunday.  them in his Sermon made before King Henry upon Palmesonday, remaining yet in print. In the which Sermon, disputing against the wrongful supremacy of the Bishop of Rome, he proveth by manifest grounds most effectuously, both out of the Scripture, ancient Doctors, and of Counsels, not only that the Bishop of Rome hath no such authority by the word of God committed to him, as he doth challenge: but also in requiring & challenging the same, he reproveth & condemneth him with great zeal & ardent spirit to be a proud Lucifer, disobedient to the ordinary Powers of God set over him, contrary to Christ and Peter, and finally in raising up war against us for the same: he therefore rebuketh and defieth him, as a most detestable sower of discord, and murderer of Christian men.  
FIrst by the scripture he reasoneth thus & proveth, 
That pope's and bishops ought to be subject to theer sovereigns. 1. Pet. 2.  that all good men ought to obey the potestates, & Governors of the world, as Emperors, Kings & Princes of all sorts, what name soever the said supreme powers do bear or use for their countries in which they be, for so S. Peter doth plainly teach us 1. Pet. 2. saying: Be ye subject to every human creature for God's cause, whether it be King as chief head, or Dukes or Governors, etc. So that S. Peter in his Epistle commandeth all worldly Princes in their office to be obeyed as the Ministers of God, by all Christian men. And according unto the same, S. Paul Ro. 13. saith: Let every living man be subject to the high powers, 
Whosoever resisteth the high powers, resisteth God. The Pope resisteth the high powers: Ergo, the Pope resisteth God.  for the high powers be of God, and who soever resisteth the high powers, resisteth the ordinance of God, and purchaseth thereby to himself damnation, etc.  
And in the same place of Tonstall, it followeth: and lest men should forget their duty of obedience to their Princes, it is thrice repeated: that they be the ministers of God, whose place in their governance they represent: so that unto them all men must obey Apostles, patriarchs, Primates, Archbyshops, Bishops, Priests, and all of the Clergy, etc. And therefore (saith he) the Bishop of Rome oweth to his severaigne and superior like subjection by the word of God, taught unto us by Peter and Paul, as other Bishops do to their princes, under whom they be. etc.  
Also, an other express commandment we have of Christ. Luk. 22. who upon the occasion of his disciples striving for superiority, discusseth the matter, saying on this 〈◊〉: The kings of the people and nations have dominion over them, and those that have power over them be called gracious Lords, but so it shall not be amongst you. But whosoever amongst you is the greater shallbe as the younger. And whosoever amongst you shall be chief, shallbe as a servant and a minister. etc.  
And again, Christ speaking to Pilate of his kingdom declareth that his kingdom is not of this world, & therefore saith Tonstall, those that go about to make of Christ's spiritual kingdom, 
〈◊〉 22.  a worldly kingdom, do fall into the error of some heretics that look that Christ after the day of judgement, shall reign with all his saints here in earth carnally in Jerusalem, as the jews do believe that Messiah is yet to come and when he shall come, he shall reign worldly in Jerusalem.  
By these and such other places it may well appear, that Christ neither before his incarnation, 
john. 18.  (as Tonstall saith) nor after his incarnation, did ever alter the authority of worldly kings and Princes, but by his own word, commanded them still to be obeyed of their subjects, as they had been in the ancient time before. etc. And for examples of the same, 
Math. 22. Examples of Christ's humble subjection.  he allegeth first the example of Christ himself. Matthew. 22. who being asked of the jews, whether they should give tribute to Caesar or no, he bade them give to Caesar those things that be his, and to God those things that be his, signifying that tribute was due to Caesar, and that their souls were due to God. etc.  
Also, in the 17. of Matthew it appeareth that Christ bad Peter pay tribute for him and his Disciples, 
Math. 17.  when it was demanded of him. And why? Because he would not change the order of obeisance to worldly Princes due by their subjects. etc.  
another example of Christ he citeth out of the 6. of john, 
john. 6.  where after Christ had fed five thousand and more, with a few loaves, and fewer fishes, and that the jews would have taken him and made him their king, he fled from them, and would not consent unto them. For the kingdom (saith he) that he came to set h●re in earth, was not a worldly and temporal kingdom, but an heavenly and spiritual kingdom, that is, to reign spiritually by grace and faith in the hearts of all Christian and faithful people, of what degree, or of what nation soever they be, and to turn all people and nations, which at his coming were carnal & lived after the lusts of the flesh, to be spiritual and to live after the lusts of the spirit, that Christ with his father of heaven, might reign in the hearts of all men. etc.  
And here in these examples of Christ's humility, farther is to be noted, how Christ the son of God did submit himself, not only to the rulers and powers of this world, but also dejected himself and in a manner, became servant to his own Apostles: so far of was he from all ambitious and pompous seeking of worldly honour: For so appeared in him, not only by washing the feet of his Apostles, but also the same time a little before his passion, when the Apostles fell at contention among themselves, who among them should be superior, he setting before them the example of his own subjection, asketh this question: Who is superior, he that sitteth at the Table, 
Luke. 22.  or he that serveth at the Table? Is not he superior that sitteth? but I am amongst you, as he that ministereth, and serveth. etc.  
The like examples Tonstall also inferreth of Peter's humility. 
Examples of Peter's subjection. Act. 10.  For where we read in the Acts, how the Centurion a noble man of great age, did prostrate himself upon the ground at the feet of Peter: then Peter not suffering that eftsoons took him up and bade him rise, saying: I am also a man as thou art.  
So likewise did the Angel, apocalypse. 19 and 22. to whom when john would have fallen down to have adored him which showed him those visions, 
Apoc. 19.22.  the Angel said unto him: See thou do not so, for I am the servant of God, as thou art. etc.  
Again in the foresaid Peter what an example of reverent humility is to be seen in this, that notwithstanding he with other Apostles having his commission to go over all yet nevertheless he being at joppa and sent for by Cornelius, durst not go to him, without the vision of a sheet let down from heaven, by the which vision he was admonished not to refuse the Gentiles: or else he knew in himself no such primacy over all people and places given unto him, nor no such commission so large above the other. etc.  
Furthermore, the said Peter being rebuked of Paul his fellow brother, took no scorn thereof, but was content, submitting himself to due correction.  
But here, saith Tonstall, steppeth in the B. of Rome and saith that Peter had authority given above all the residue of the Apostles, 
The Pope's objections.  & allegeth the words of Christ spoken to him. Math. 16. Thou art Peter, and upon this rock I will build my Church, & will give to thee, the keys of the kingdom of heaven: and whatsoever thou shalt bind upon earth, 
Math. 16.  shall be bound in heaven. This said Christ, saith the Pope, and S. Peter is buried at Rome, whose succour I am, and aught to rule the Church, as Peter did, and to be porter of heaven gates, as Peter was. etc.  
And Christ said also to Peter after his resurrection: Feed my sheep, which he spoke to him only, 
john. 21.  so that thereby he had authority over all that be of Christ's flock, and I as his successor, have the same. And therefore who so will not obey me, King or Prince, I will curse him, 
The ambitious pride of the Pope.  and deprive him of his kingdom or signory: For all power is given to me, that Christ hath, and I am his Vicar general, as Peter was here in earth, over all & none but I, as Christ is in heaven.  
This ambitious and pompous objection (saith Tonstall) of the Pope, and his adherentes, 
The scriptures falsely perveted by the pope.  hath of late years much troubled the world, and made dissension, bebate, and open war in all parts of Christendom, & all by a wrong interpretation of the Scripture. Who if he would take those places after the right sense of them, as both the Apostles themselves taught us, and all the ancient best learned interpreters do expound them, the matter were soon at a point. But otherwise, sith they pervert the Scripture, and preach an other Gospel in that point to us, than ever the apostles preached, we have therein a general rule to follow: That though an Angel came from heaven, 
Gal. 1.  and would tell us such new expositions of those places, as are now made, to turn the words, which were spoken for spiritual authority of preaching the word of God, and ministering of the Sacraments to a worldly authority, we ought to reject him, as S. Paul willeth us Gala. 1.  
To open therefore the true sense of the Scripture in the places aforesaid, and first to begin with the 16. Chapter of Matthew here is to be observed, that the question being put in general of Christ to all his Apostles, what they thought or judged of him, Peter answering for them all, as he was always ready to answer, said: Thou art Christ, the son of the living God. 
The place of Math. 16. expounded.  To whom jesus answered again: Blessed be thou Simon the Son of jona: for flesh and blood hath not revealed this unto thee, but my Father which is in heaven: And I say to thee, thou art Peter, and upon this rock I will build my Church, and the gates of hell shall not prevail against it. That is to say: upon this rock of thy confession of me to be the Son of GOD, 
Rom. 10.  I will build my Church: for this faith containeth the whole summarye of our faith and salvation, as it is written Rom. 10. The word of faith, that we do preach is at hand, 
Faith, the mother of salvation. Peter the first confessor of Christ.  in thy mouth and in thine hart. For if thou confess with thy mouth our Lord jesus Christ, & with thy hart do believe that God raised him from death to life thou shalt be saved etc. And this confession being first uttered by the mouth of Peter, upon the same confession of his, & not upon the person of Peter, Christ buildeth his Church, as chrysostom expoundeth that place in the 26. Sermon of the feast of Pentecost, saying: Not upon the person of Peter, 
The church builded upon the confession of Peter, not upon the Person of Peter.  but upon the faith, Christ hath builded his church. And what is the faith? This: Thou art Christ the son of the living God. What is to say, upon this rock? That is, upon this confession of Peter. etc. And with this saying of chrysostom, all ancient expositors, saith Tonstal treating that place, do agree, For if we should expound that place, that the church is builded upon the person of Peter, we should put an other foundation of the Church, than Christ, which is directly against S, Paul, saying: No man may put any other foundation, 
1. Cor. 3.  but that which is put already, which is Christ jesus. etc.  
And because Peter was the first of all the Apostles, 
What is the primacy of Peter, and how it cometh.  that confessed this, that Christ is the son of God, by the which faith all men must be saved: thereof cometh the primacy, that is, the first place or standing of Peter in the number of all the Apostles.  
And as Peter was the first of them that confessed Christ to be the son of God, so was he most ardent in his faith, most bold and hardy in Christ, as appeared by his coming out of the ship in the great tempest, and also most vehement in his masters cause, as appeared by drawing out his sword, and after the Lord's resurrection, is declared in the 2.3.4. chapter of the Acts: where as the jews withstanding the Apostles preaching the faith of Christ, Peter as most ardent in faith, 
The honourable names of Peter in the old Doctors, how & wherefore they be given.  was ever most ready to defend the faith against the impugners thereof, speaking for them all unto the people. etc. and therefore hath these honourable names given him, by the ancient interpreters, that some times he is called the mouth of the Apostles, the chief of the Apostles, some time the Prince of the Apostles, some time the Precedent of the whole Church, & some time hath the name of primacy, or priority attributed to him.  
And yet the said Peter notwithstanding these honourable names given unto him, that he should not have a rule or a judicial power above all the other Apostles, it is plain by S. Paul and many other.  

Gala. 2.  First, S. Paul Gal. 2. plainly declareth the same, saying: That as the Apostleship of the Circumcision, that is, of the jews, was given by Christ to Peter: so was the Apostleship of the Gentiles given to me among the Gentiles. 
The authority of the Apostles all a like.  Hereby it appeareth that Paul knew no primacy of Peter concerning people & places, but among the jews. And thereof S. Ambrose expounding that place, saith thus: The primacy of the jews was given chiefly to Peter, 
Ambrose.  albeit james and john were joined with him: as the primacy of the Gentiles was given to Paul, albeit Barnabas was joined with him: So that Peter had no rule over all.  

Act. 10.  Also in the Acts 10. when Peter was sent for to Cornelius a Gentile, he durst not go to him without a special vision given him from heaven by the Lord.  
Item, that all the Apostles had like dignity and authority, 
Ephes. 2.  it appeareth by S. Paul Ephes. 2. Where he saith: Now ye are not strangers, nor foreigners but ye be Citizens with the Saints and of the household of almighty God, builded (saith he) upon the foundation of the Apostles, 
The Church founded not of Peter only, but of the Apostles.  and the Prophets, Christ being the corner stone: upon whom every edifice being builded, groweth up to an holy temple in our Lord. etc. Here he saith that they be builded, not upon the foundation of Peter only, but upon the foundation of the Apostles, so that all they be in the foundation set upon Christ the very rock, whereupon standeth the whole Church.  
In the 21. chap. also of the Apoca. the new City, and the heavenly Jerusalem of almighty God is described of the holy ghost, 
Apoc. 21.  not with one foundation only of Peter, but with 12. foundations, after the number of the Apostles.  
S. Cyprian Lib. De simplic. prael. giveth record likewise to the same, 
Cypria. lib. De simplic. Prelato.  that the Apostles had equal power & dignity given to them by Christ. And because all should preach one thing, therefore the beginning thereof first came by one which was Peter, who confessed for them all: That Christ was the Son of the living God, 
Every bishop hath his part wholly to himself.  saying further, that in the Church there is one office of all the Bishops, whereof every man hath a part allowed wholly unto him. Now, if the Bishop of Rome may meddle over all, where he will: then every man hath not wholly his part, for the bishop of Rome may also meddle in his part jointly, with him: so that now he hath it not wholly: which is against Cyprian.  
S. Austen likewise expounding the Gospel of john, in the 50. treaty, 
Aug. in joan. tractat. 50.  speaketh there of the keys of Peter. Which he saith were given of Christ to Peter, not for himself alonely, but for the whole Church.  
Cyrillus expounding the last chapter of john, & there speaking of the words of Christ spoken unto Peter, 
Cyrillus in vlt. cap. joannis.  Feed my sheep. etc. thus understandeth the same: That because Peter had thrice denied Christ, whereby he thought himself he had lost his Apostleship: Christ to comfort him again, and to restore him to his office that he had lost, asked him thrice, 
Pasce oves meas, maketh nothing for the Pope's universal pastoralitye.  whether he loved him, and so restored him again to his office, which else he durst not have presumed unto, saying unto him: Feed my sheep. etc. With which exposition the ancient holy expositors of that place, do likewise agree: So that by these words of feeding Christ's sheep, the Bishop of Rome can take no advantage to maintain his universal pastoralty over all Christian dominions.  

Act. 20.  Again, where as the Bishop of Rome saith, that Peter by these words of Christ spoken to him, hath a pre-eminence above the other, S. Paul Acts. 20. proveth the contrary: 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  where he speaking to the Bishops assembled at Milete, saith to them: Take heed to yourselves, and to all your flock, in which the holy Ghost hath put you to govern. etc.  
And Peter himself likewise. 1. Pet. 5. saith: Ye that be Priests feed the flock of God amongst you etc.  
So that by these Scriptures conferred together, it may appear that neither the 16. Chapter of Matthew nor the 21. of john do prove that Peter had power, 
Scriptures wrongfully alleged, for the Pope's supremacy.  authority, or dignity given him of Christ, over all the other, that they should be under him: and yet notwithstanding his primacy, in that he first of all the Apostles confessed Christ to be the Son of the living God (with the which confession all the other Apostles did consent, and also preached the same) standeth still· Which confession first by Peter made, all other that will be saved, must follow also, and be taught to confess the same. And thus the Bishop of Rome's power over all, which he would prove by those places wrongfully alleged for his purpose, utterly quaileth, and is not proved. And thus much for the Scriptures and Doctors.  
Now farther proceeding in this matter, the said Tonstall cometh to Counsels and examples of the primitive Church, as followeth.  
Faustinus, 
Example● of the primitive Church against the Pope's supremacy.  Legate to the Bishop of Rome in the v●. Council of Carthage, alleged that the Bishop of Rome ought to have the ordering o● all great matters in all places by his supreme authority, bringing no Scripture for him (for at that time no Scripture was thought to make for it) but allegeth for him, and that untruly, the first Council of Nice, to make for his purpose. After this, when the book was brought forth, 
The supremacy of of Rome reproved by the Council of Nice.  and no such article found in it, but the contrary, yet the Counsel at that time, sent to Constantinople, Alexandria, and Antioch, where the patriarchal seas were, to have the true copy of the Council of Nice, which was sent unto them. And an other copy also was sent from Rome whether also they sent for the same purpose.  
After that the copy was brought to them, and no such Article found in it, but in the fift chapter thereof the contrary, that all causes Ecclesiastical should either be determined within the Diocese, or else, if any were grieved, then to appeal to the Counsel Provincial, and there the matter to take full end, 
The 〈◊〉 of Nice falsified by Faustinus the Pope's Legate.  so that for no such causes men should go out of their Provinces: the whole Counsel of Carthage wrote to Celestine at that time being Bishop of Rome, that since the Counsel of Nice had no such article in it, as was untruly alleged by Faustinus, but the contrary, they desired him to abstain after, to make any more such demand denouncing unto him, that they would not suffer any cause great or small, to be brought by appeal, out of their country, and thereupon made a law that no man shall appeal out of the country of afric upon pain to be denounced accursed. Wherewith the Bishop of Rome ever after held him content, and made no more business with them seeing he had nought to say for himself to the contrary. And at this Counsel S. Austen was present, and subscribed the same. Read more hereof pag 10.  
It was determined also in the sixth Article of the said Counsel of Nice: 
The 6. article of Nicene council, The 4. chief patriarchs equal in power.  that in the Orient the Bishop of Antioch should be chief: in Egypt the Bishop of Alexandria: about Rome, the Bishop of Rome, and like Wise in other countries, the metropolitans should have their pre-eminence: so that the bishop of Rome never had meddling in those countries.  
And in the next Article following, the Bishop of Jerusalem (which City before had been destroyed, and almost desolate) was restored to his old prerogative, to be the chief in Palestine and in the country of Iury.  
By this ye see how the Patriarch of Rome during all this time of the primitive Church, 
Pope Agatho subjecteth to the Emperor.  had no such primacy pre-eminent above other Patriaches, much less over kings and Emperors, as may appear by Agatho bishop of Rome long after that, in whose time was the sixth Council general. Which Agatho after his election: sent to the Emperor then being at Constantinople, to have his election allowed before he would be consecrate, after the old custom at that time used.  
In like sort, 
Pope Vitalianus subject to the Emperor. 63. Dist. Agatho. 63. Dist. cum longè.  an other Bishop of Rome called Uitalianus did the same, as it is written in the Decrees in the 63. Distinct. cap. Agatho.  
The like did S. Ambrose, and S. Gregory, before them, as it is written in the chap. Cum longè, in the same. Distinct. During all which time, the bishops of Rome followed well the doctrine of S. Peter and S. Paul left unto them, to be subjects and to obey their Princes.  
Thus after that Bishop Tonstall playing the earnest Lutheran, both by scriptures and ancient Doctors, 
Bishop Tonstall a right lutherans.  also by examples sufficient of the primitive church, hath proved and declared, how the Bishops of Rome ought to submit themselves to their higher powers, under whom God hath appointed every creature in this world to obey: now let us likewise see how the said Bishop Tonstall describeth unto us his disobedience intolerable, his pride incomparable, and his malignant malice most execrable.  
And first speaking of the disobedience of Adam & Eve, then of the pride of Nabugodonosor, & of Lucifer, 
The disobedience, the pride, & the malice of the Pope described.  at length he compareth the Bishops of Rome to them all. Who first for disobedience refuse to obey God's commandment, but contrary to his word, will be above their governors, in refusing to obey them.  
Secondly, beside this rebellious disobedience in these Bishops of Rome not sufferable, 
The pride of the Pope described▪  their pride moreover so far exceedeth all measure, that they will have their princes, to whom they own subjection, prostrate upon the ground, to adore them by godly honour upon the earth, and to kiss their feet, as if they were God, where as they be but wretched men, and yet they look that their princes should do it unto them, and also all other christian men owing them no subjection, should do the same.  
And who be these I pray you, that men may know them? Surely (saith he) the Bishops of Rome be these whom I do mean. Who following the pride of Lucifer their father, make themselves fellows to God, and do exalt their seat above the stars of God, and do ascend above the clouds, and will be like to almighty God. The stars of God be meant the angels of heaven, for as stars do show unto us in part, the light of heaven, so do Angels sent unto men, show the heavenly light of the grace of God, to those to whom they be sent. And the clouds signified in the old Testament the Prophets, and in the new do signify the Apostles and Preachers of the word of God. For as the clouds do conceive and gather in the sky moisture, 
The Pope 〈◊〉 above the clouds and the 〈◊〉 of heaven.  which they after pour down upon the ground to make it thereby more fruitful: so the Prophets in the old Testament, and the Apostles and Preachers in the new, do pour into our ears the moisture of their heavenly doctrine of the word of God, to make therewith by grace, our souls being scere and dry, to bring forth fruit of the spirit. Thus do all ancient expositors, and amongst them Saint Augustine, interpret to be meant in Scripture, stars and clouds, in the exposition of the 45. Psalm.  
But S. john the Evangelist writeth in the 19 chapter of the apocalypse, 
Apoc. 19.22.  & in the 22. also, that when he would have fallen down at the Angels foot that did show him those visions there written, to have adored him with godly worship, the Angel said unto him: See thou do not so, for I am the servant of God as thou art. give adoration and Godly worship to God, and not to me. Here it appeareth, that the Bishops of Rome suffering all men prostrate before them to kiss their feet (yea the same Princes, 
The Pope exalted above Angels.  to whom they own subjection) do climb up above the stars and Angels too, offering their feet to be kissed, with shoes and all. For so I saw myself being present, 34. years ago, when julius then Bishop of Rome stood on his feet, and one of his chamberlains held up his skyr● because it stood not (as he thought) with his dignity, that he should do it himself, that his shoe might appear, whiles a noble man of great age did prostrate himself upon the ground, and kissed his shoe: which he stately suffered to be done, as of duty. Where me think I saw Cornelius the Centurion, Captain of the Italians ●and, spoken of in the tenth Chapter of the Acts, submitting himself to Peter, and much honouring him: but I saw not Peter there to take him up, and to bid him rise, saying I am a man as thou art, as Saint Peter did say to Cornelius: 
The Pope climbeth above the Apostles.  so that the Bishops of Rome, admittting such adoration due unto God, do clime above the heavenly clouds, that is to say, above the Apostles sent into the world by Christ, to water the earthly and carnal hearts of men, by their heavenly doctrine of the word of God.  
Thus Bishop Tonstall having described the passing pride of the Pope, surmounting like Lucifer, above Bishops, Apostles, Angels, and stars of heaven, proceeding then further to the latter end of his Sermon, cometh to speak of his rage and malice most furious and pestilent, 
The Pope stirreth up war against England.  in that he being justly put from his kingdom here: to wreak his spiteful malice, stirreth up war against us, & bloweth the horn of mischief in giving our land for a spoil and pray to all, whosoever at his setting on, will come and invade us. 
The treason of Cardinal Poole.  But let us hear his own words preaching to the king and all Englishmen, touching both the pope's malice, and the treason of Cardinal Poole.  
Now (saith he) because he can no longer in this realm wrongfully use his usurped power in all things, (as he was wont to do) and suck out of this Realm by avarice insatiable, innumerable sums of money yearly, to the great exhausting of the same: he therefore moved and replete with furious ire and pestilent malice, goeth about to stir all Christian nations, that will give ears to his devilish enchantments, to move war against this realm of England, giving it in prey to all those, that by his instigation will invade it.  
And here expounding these foresaid words (to give in prey) he declareth what great mischief they contain, and willeth every true Englisheman well to mark the same. First to make this realm (saith he) a pray to all ventures, 
The Pope giveth England away for a pray.  all spoilers, all snappehaunses, all forlornehopes, all cormorantes, all ravenors of the world, that will invade this Realm, is to say: thou possessioner of any lands of this Realm, of what degree soever thou be, from the highest to the lowest, shalt be slain and destroyed, and thy lands taken from thee by those that will have all for themselves: & thou mayest be sure to be slain, for they will not suffer thee, nor none of thy progeny to live to make any claim afterward or to be revenged, for that were their unsurety. Thy wife shallbe abused before thy face: thy daughter likewise deflowered before thee: thy children slain before thine eyes: thy house spoiled: thy cattle driu●n away & sold before thy visage: thy plate, thy money by force taken from thee, all thy goods, wherein thou hast any delight, or hast gathered for thy children, ravened, broken and distributed, ●n thy presence, that every ravener may have his share. Thou Merchant art sure to be slain, for thou hast either money or ware, or both, which they search for Thou bishop or priest, whatsoever thou be, shalt never escape, because thou wouldst not take the Bishop of Rome's part, and rebel against God and thy Prince, as he doth. If thou shalt fi●e and escape for a season, whatsoever thou be: thou shalt see and hear of so much misery and abomination, that thou shalt judge them happy, that be dead before: for sure it is, thou shalt not finally escape: For, to take the whole realm in prey, is to kill the whole people, and to take the place for themselves, as they will do if they can.  
And the Bishop of Rome now of late, to set forth his pestilent malice the more, 
Cardinal Poole traitor to England.  hath alured to his purpose a subject of this Realm, Reginald Poole comen of a noble blood, and thereby the more errant traitor, to go about from Prince to Prince, and from country to country, to stir them to war against this Realm, and to destroy the same being his native country: whose pestilent purpose, the Princes that he breaketh it unto, have in much abomination, both for that the Bishop of Rome (who being a Bishop should procure peace) is a stirrer of war: and because this most errant and unkind traitor is his minister to so devilish a purpose, to destroy the country that he was borne in, which any heathen man would abhor to do.  
And so continuing in his discourse against Cardinal Poole and the Bishop of Rome for stirring the people to war and mischief, he further saith, & saith truly, 
The pope's name and memory abolished  that for these many years past, little war hath been in these parts of Christendom, but the Bishop of Rome either hath been a stirrer of it, or a nourisher of it, and seldom any compounder of it, unless it were for his ambition or profit. Wherefore since, as S. Paul saith, 
1. Cor. 14.  that God is not the God of dissension but of peace, who commandeth by his word, peace always to be kept: we are sure that all those, that go about to break peace between Realms, and to bring them to war, are the children of the devil, what holy names soever they pretend to cloak their pestilent malice withal: which cloaking under hypocrisy is double devilishness, and of Christ most detested, because under his blessed name, they do play the devils part. 
Ezech. 39   
And in the latter end of his Sermon concluding with the 39 Chapter of ezechiel, where the Prophet speaketh against Gog and Magog, going about to destroy the people of God, and prophesieth against them, that the people of God shall vanquish and overthrow them on the mountains of Israel that none of them shall escape, but their carcases shall there be devoured of kites, and crows, and birds of the air: so likewise saith he of these our enemies, wishing, that if they shall persist in their pestilent malice, to make invasion into this Realm, than their great Captain Gog (the bishop of Rome he meaneth) may come with them, to drink with them of the same cup, 
The Pope compared to Gog.  which he maliciously goeth about to prepare for us, that the people of God might after quietly live in peace,  
We have heard hitherto the oaths, censures, and judgements of certain particular bishops of York, 
Testimonies out of the bishops book, against the Pope's supremacy.  of Winchester, of London, of Duresme, and also of Edmund Bonor, Archdeacon then of Leycester, against the Pope's unlawful usurpation. Now for the more fortification of the matter, and satisfying of the Reader, it shall not be much out of purpose, besides the consent and approbation of these aforesaid, to infer also the public and general agreement of the whole Clergy of England, as in a total sum together, confirmed and ratified in their own public book, made and set forth by them about the same time, called then the Bishop's book. In the which book, although many things were very slender & unperfect, yet as touching this cause of the Bishop of Rome's regalty, we will hear (God willing) what their whole opinion & provincial determination did conclude, according as by their own words in the same book, is to be seen word for word, as followeth, subscribed also with their own names: the Catalogue of whom under their own confession, shall appear.  
WE think it convenient, that all Bishops and Preachers shall instruct and teach the people committed unto their spiritual charge, that where as certain men do imagine and affirm, that Christ should give unto the Bishop of Rome power and authority, not only to be head & governor of all Priests & Bishops in Christ's Church, but also to have and occupy the whole Monarchy of the world in his hands, and that he may thereby lawfully depose kings and Princes from their realms, dominions, and seignories, and so transfer and give the same to such persons as him liketh that is utterly false and untrue: For Christ never gave unto S. Peter, or unto any of the Apostles, or their successors, any such authority. And the Apostles, S. Peter and S. Paul do teach and command, that all Christian people, as well Priests and Bishops as others, should be obedient and subject unto the Princes and Potentates of the world, although they were infidels.  
And as for the Bishop of Rome, it was many hundredth years after Christ, before he could acquire or get any primacy or governance above any other Bishops, out of his province in Italy: sith the which time he hath ever vsurpe● more and more. And though some part of his power was given unto him by the consent of the Emperors, Kings and Princes, and by the consent also of the Clergy in general Counsels assembled: yet surely he attained the most part thereof by marvelous subtlety and craft, and specially by colluding with great kings and princes, sometime training them into his devotion by pretence and colour of holiness and sanctimony, and sometime constraining them by force and tyranny. Whereby the said Bishops of Rome aspired and ro●e at length unto such greatness in strength and authority, 
How the Bishop of Rome ro●e by Ambition  that they presumed and took upon them to be heads & to put laws by thyr own authority, not only unto all other Bishops within Christendom, but also unto the Emperors, Kings, & other the Princes and Lords of the world, and that under the pretence of the authority committed unto them by the Gospel. Wherein the said Bishops of Rome do not only abuse and pervert the true sense and meaning of Christ's word: but they do also clean contrary to the use and custom of the priprimitive Church: and so do manifestly violate, as well the holy Canons made in the Church immediately after the time of the Apostles, as also the degrees and constitutions made in that behalf, 

first the general Council of Nice decreed, that the patriarchs of Alexandria, & Antiochia, should have like power over the countries about those cities, as the Bishops of Rome had over the countries about Rome.  
In the Council of Milevitane it was decreed, that if a clerk of Aphrick would appeal out of Aphrick unto any Bishop beyond the sea, he should be taken as a person excommunicate.  
In the general Council of Constantinople the first, it was likewise decreed, that every cause between any persons, should be determined within the provinces where the ma●ters did 〈◊〉: And that no Bishop should exercise any power out of his own diocese or provinc. And this was also the mind of holy S. Cyprian, & of other holy men of ●phrica.  
To conclude therefore, the Pope hath no such primacy given him, either by the words of Scripture, or by any general Council, nor by common consent of the holy catholic Church.   by the holy Fathers of the Catholic church assembled in the first general councils. And finally they do transgress their own profession, made in their creation. For all the Bishops of Rome always when they be consecrated and made Bishops of that See, do make a solemn profession and vow, that they shall inviolably observe and keep all the ordinances made in the eight first general Counsels: among the which it is specially provided & enacted, that all causes shall be finished and determined with in the province where the same begun, and that by the bishops of the same province: and that no Bishop shall exercise any jurisdiction out of his own diocese or province. And divers such other Canons were then made and confirmed by the said counsels, to repress and take away out of the Church, all such primacy and jurisdiction over kings and Bishops, as the Bishops of Rome pretend now to have over the same. 
Concilium tertium. Carthaginense, cap. 26▪ Gregorius lib. 4. epistolarum indictione 13. epist. 13.  And we find that divers good father's Bishops of Rome did greatly reprove, yea and abhor (as a thing clean contrary to the Gospel, and the decrees of the church) that any Bishop of Rome, or else where, should presume, usurp, or take upon him the title and name of the universal bishop, or of the head of all priests, or of the highest priest, or any such like title. For confirmation whereof, it is out of all doubt, that there is no mention made, neither in Scripture, nor in the writings of any Authentical doctor or author of the Church, being within the time of the apostles, that Christ did ever make or institute any distinction or difference to be in the pre-eminence of power, order or jurisdiction, between the Apostles themselves, or between the bishops themselves, but that they were all equal in power order, authority, & jurisdiction. And that there is now and sith the time of the Apostles, any such diversity, or difference among the Bishops, it was devised by the ancient fathers of the primitive Church, for the conservation of good order and unity of the Catholic church and that either by the consent and authority, or else at the least by the permission and sufferance of the princes and civil powers for the time ruling. etc.  
And shortly after followeth: And for the better confirtion of this part, we think it also convenient, that all Bishops and preachers shall instruct and teach the people committed unto their spiritual charge, that Christ did by express words prohibit, that none of his Apostles nor any of their successors, should under the pretence of the authority given unto them by Christ, take upon them the authority of the sword: that is to say, the authority of kings, or of any civil power in this world, yea or any authority to make laws or ordinances in cau●●s appertaining unto civil powers. Truth it is, the priests and bishops may execute all such temporal power & jurisdiction, as is committed unto them by the ordinance & authority of kings or other civil powers & by the consent of the people (as officers and ministers under the said kings and powers) so long as it shall please the said kings and people to permit and suffer them so to use and execute the same. Notwithstanding if any bishop of what estate or dignity so ever he be, be he bish. of Rome or of any other city, province, or diocese, do presume or take upon him authority or jurisdiction in causes or matters which appertain unto kings and the civil powers and their Courts, and will maintain or think that he may so do by the authority of Christ and his Gospel, although the kings and princes would not permit and suffer him so to do: No doubt that Bishop is not worthy to be called a Bishop, 
The Bishop of Rome judged to be a tyrant and usurper.  but rather a tyrant & an usurper of other men's rights, contrary to the laws of god, and is worthy to be reputed none otherwise than he that goeth about to subvert the kingdom of Christ. For the kingdom of Christ in his Church is a spiritual, and not a carnal kingdom of the world, that is to say, the very kingdom that Christ by himself, or by his Apostles and disciples sought here in this world, was to bring all nations from the carnal kingdom of the prince of darkness, unto the light of his spiritual kingdom, & so to reign himself in the hearts of the people by grace, faith, hope, and charity. And therefore sith Christ did never seek nor exercise any worldly kingdom or dominion in this world, but rather refusing and fleeing from the same, did leave the said worldly governance of kingdoms, realms, and nations, to be governed by Princes & potentates (in like manner as he did find them) & commanded also his Apostles and Disciples to do the semblable, as it was said before: what soever priest or bishop will arrogate or presume upon him any such authority, and will pretend e the authority of the Gospel for his defence therein, he doth nothing else, but (in a manner as you would say) crowneth Christ again with a crown of thorn, and traduceth & bringeth him forth again with his mantle of purpur upon his back, to be mocked and scorned of the world, as the jews did to their own damnation.  
This doctrine was subscribed and allowed by the witness and testimony of these bishops and other learned men, whose names hereunder follow, as appeareth in the bishops book aforenamed.  

* Testes.  
Thomas Cantarien.  
Edovardus Ebor.  
johannes London.  
Cuthbertus Dunel ..  
Stephanus Winton.  
Robertus Carliolen.  
johannes Exon.  
johannes Lincoln.  
johannes Bathonien.  
Rolandus Coven. & Lich.  
Thomas Elien.  
Nicolaus Sarum.  
joannes Bangor.  
Edovardus Herefor.  
Hugo Wigornien.  
joannes Roffen,  
Richardus Cicestren,  
Guliel. Norwicen.  
Gulielmus Meneven.  
Robertus As●auen.  
Robertus Landaven.  
Richardus Wolman. Archdiaco. Sudbur.  
Gulielmus Knight. Arch. Richmond.  
joannes Bel. Arch. Gloucester. 
Testimonies of Bishops of England against the Pope.   
Edmundus Boner. Archdia Leicester.  
Gulielmus skip, Archdiaco. Doset.  
Nicholaus Heth. Archdiaco Stafford.  
Cuthbertus mashal. Arch. Nottingham.  
Ricardus Curtain. Archdia. Oxon.  
Gulielmus Glife.  
Galfridus Downs,  
Robertus Oking.  
Radulphus Bradford.  
Richardus Smith.  
Simon Matthew.  
joannes Prin.  
Guliel Buckmaster,  
Gulielmus May.  
Nicolaus Wotton.  
Ricardus Cox.  
joannes edmund's.  
Thomas Robertson,  
joannes Baker.  
Thomas Barret.  
johannes Hase.  
joannes Tyson.   
These were Doctors of Divinity, and of both Laws.  
judge now thyself (loving reader) per confessata & allegata: that is, by these things heretofore confessed, alleged, allowed, proved and confirmed, by pen set forth, by words defended, and by oath subscribed by these Bishops and Doctors, if either Martin Luther himself or any lutheran else could or did ever say more against the proud usurpation of the Bishop of Rome, 
The Bishops of England then good Lutherans.  than these men have done. If they dissembled otherwise then they meant, who could ever dissemble so deeply, speaking so pithily? If they meant as they spoke, who could ever turn head to tail so suddenly & so shortly as these men did? But because these things we writ for edification of other, rather than for commendation of them; let us mark therefore their reasons, and let the persons go.  
And although the said proofs and arguments heretofore alleged, might suffice to the full discussion of this matter against the Popes usurped primacy: yet because many do yet remain, which will not be satisfied, to refel therefore & confute this popish article of the pope's vain and proud primacy, with as much matter and furniture of reasons & allegations as the writings and testimonies of these Bishops and others do minister unto us: we mind (the Lord willing) to annex to th●se former confirmations of the bishops aforesaid, 
The epistle of Tonstall & Stokesly, to Cardinal Poole.  an other supplement also of a certain Epistle sent by Bishop Tonstall, and by john Stokesley bishop of London, to Cardinal Poole, for a more ample confutation of the usurped power.  
Concerning the argument of which Epistle, here is first to be understanded, that about this time or not much over, Cardinal Poole brother to the Lord Montagew, was attainted of high treason, and fled away unto Rome, where within a short time after, he was made Cardinal of S. Mary Cosmeden: of whom more is to be spoken hereafter, the Lord so permitting, when we come to the time of Queen Mary. In the mean time he remaining at Rome, there was directed unto him a certain Epistle exhortatory by Stokesley Bishop of London, and Tonstal Bishop of Duresme, persuading him to relinquish and abandon the supremacy of the Pope, and to conform himself to the religion of his king. The copy of which his Epistle for the reasons and arguments therein contained about the same matter, we thought here not unworthily to be put in, or unprofitable to be read. The tenor whereof here followeth.  

* The true copy of a certain letter, written by Cuthbert Tonstall Bishop of Duresme, and john Stokesley Bishop of London, to Cardinal Poole, proving the Bishop of Rome to have no special superiority above other bishops.  

This letter was testified by Cuthbert Tonstall to Matthew Archb. of Canterbury and others to be his own, about 14. days before his death. Read his traitorous Oration to 〈◊〉 Emperor in his book entitled. De Ecclesiae Concordia, moving him to seek the destruction of king Henry and the whole realm of England.  FOr the good will that we have borne unto you in times past as long as you continued the kings true subject, we cannot a little lament & mourn, that you neither regarding the inestimable kindness of the king's highness heretofore showed unto you in your bringing up, nor the honour of the house that you be come of, nor the wealth of the country that you were borne in, should so decline from your duty to your prince, that you should be seduced by fair words and vain promises of the Bishop of Rome, to wind with him, going about by all means to him possible, to pull down and put under foot, your natural Prince & Master, to the destruction of the country that hath brought you up, and for a vain glory of a red Hat, to make yourself an instrument to set forth his malice, who hath stirred by all means that he could, all such Christian Princes as would give ears unto him, to depose the kings highness from his Kingdom, and to offer it as a pray for them that should execute his malice, and to stir if he could his subjects against him in stirring and nourishing rebellions in his realm: where the office & duty of all good Christian men, and namely of us that be priests, should be to bring all commotion to tranquillity, all trouble to quietness, all discord to concord, and in doing contrary, we do show ourselves to be but the ministers of Satan, and not of Christ, who ordained all us that be priests, to use in all places the legation of peace, & not of discord.  
But since that can not be undone that is done, second it is to make amends, and to follow the doing of the prodigal son spoken of in the Gospel: who returned home to his father, & was well accepted, as no doubt you might be, if you will say as he said in knowledging your folly, 
Luke. 15.  and do as he did, in returning home again from your wandering abroad in service of him, who little careth what come of you, so that their purpose by you be served. And if you be moved by your conscience, that you can not take the king your master as supreme head of the Church of England because the Bishop of Rome hath heretofore many years usurped that name universally over all the Church, 
Math. 18.  under pretence of the Gospel of S Matthew, 
The place of Matthew 〈◊〉 Petrus expounded.  saying: Thou art Peter and upon this rock I will build my Church. Surely the text many of the most holy & ancient expositors, wholly do take to be meant of the faith, than first confessed by the mouth of Peter, upon which faith, confessing Christ to be the son of God, 
1. Cor. 3.  the church is builded, Christ being the very lowest foundation stone, whereupon both the Apostles themselves, 
Luke. 22. The place of Luke expounded.  and also the whole faith of the Church of Christ by them preached through the world, is founded and builded, and other foundation none can be, but that only as S. Paul saith: No other foundation can any man lay, besides that which is laid, which is Christ jesus.  
And where you think that the Gospel of Luke proveth the same authority of the Bishop of Rome, saying: Peter, I have prayed for thee; that thy faith should not fail: and thou being once converted, confirm thy brethren, Surely that speaketh only of the fall of Peter known to Christ by his godly prescience, whereof he gave an inkling that after the time of his fall, he should not despair, but return again and confirm his brethren, as he ever being most fervent of them, was wont to do. The place doth plainly open itself that it can not be otherwise taken, but this to be the very meaning of it, and not to be spoken but to Peter: 
The place of john 21. expounded.  For else his successors must first fail in the faith and then convert, and so confirm their brethren. And where as you think that this place of the Gospel of john. Feed my sheep, was spoken only to Peter, and that those words make him shepherd over all, and above all: 
1. Pet. 5.  S. Peter himself testifieth the contrary in his canonical, Epistle, where he saith to all priests▪ Feed the flock of Christ which is among you: which he bade them do by the authority that Christ had put them in, as followeth: And when the chief shepherd shall appear, ye shall receive the incorruptible crown of eternal glory.  
The same likewise Saint Paul in the Acts, testifieth saying: give heed to yourselves and to the whole flock, 
Acts. 20.  wherein the holy ghost hath set you to govern the church of God. Where, in the original text, the word signifying Regere, to govern, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, is the same that was spoken to Peter, Pasce, Feed, for it signifieth both in the Scripture. And that by these words he was not constitue a shepherd over all, it is very plain by the fact of saint Peter, which durst not enterprise much conversation among the Gentiles, but eschewed it as a thing unlawful, and much rather prohibited then commanded by God's law, until he was admonished by the revelation of the sheet full of divers viands, mentioned in the Acts of the Apostles: where if Christ by these words, Feed my sheep, had given such an universal governance to Peter, than Peter being more fervent than other of the Apostles to execute Christ's commandment, 
Acts. 10.  would of his own courage have gone without any such new admonition to Cornelius: except peradventure you would say, that Peter did not understand the said words of Christ, for lack of the light which the latter men have obtained to perceive, and thereby understand the words of Christ to Peter, better than Peter himself did. And strange also it were to condemn Peter as an high Traitor to his master, after his ascension: as he in deed were worthy if his master had signified unto him, that the Bishops of Rome, by his dying there, should be heads of all the church, and he knowing the same by these words, Feed my sheep, yet notwithstanding his masters high legacy and commandment, would flee as he did, from Rome, until his master encountering him by the way, 
Of this flying away of Peter from Rome read before pag. 34.  with terrible words, caused him to return. And because this history peradventure can not weigh against an obstinate mind, to the contrary. What shall we say to the words of Saint Ambrose, declaring and affirming that as great and as ample primacy, was given to Paul, as to Peter? Upon these words of Paul. He that wrought by Peter. etc. thus he writeth: Petrum solum nominat, & sibi comparat, 
As great primacy given to S. Paul, as to Peter.  quia primatum ipse acceperat ad fundandam Ecclesiam: se quoque pari modo electum ut primatum habeat in fundandis Ecclesijs Gentium. etc. That is to say, He nameth Peter only, and compareth him to himself, because he received a primacy to build a church: and that he in like sort was chosen himself to have a primacy in building the churches of the Gentiles. And shortly after it followeth: Of those (that is to say of the Apostles) which were the chiefest, his gift, he saith, was allowed, whither he had received of God, so that he was found worthy to have the primacy in preaching to the Gentiles, as Peter had in preaching to the jews. And as he assigned to Peter for his companions, those which were of the chiefest men amongst the Apostles, even so also did he take to himself Barnabas, who was joined unto him by God's judgement: and yet did he challenge to himself alone the prerogative or primacy which God had given him, as to Peter alone it was granted among the other Apostles. So that the Apostles of the Circumcision gave their hands to the Apostles of the gentiles: to declare their concord in fellowship, that either of them should know that they had received the perfection of the spirit in the preaching of the Gospel, and so should not need either other in any matter. 
Equality of degree among the Apostles.  And shortly after saith Saint Ambrose, who durst resist Peter the chief Apostle, but an other such a one, which by the confidence of his election might know himself to be no less, and so might reprove boldly that thing which he inconsiderately had done.  
This equality of dignity which Saint Ambrose affirmeth by scripture to be equally given to Peter and Paul, 
Cyprian De simplicitate clericorum.  S. Cyprian and S. Jerome do extend to all the Apostles, Cyprian ●aying thus: Hoc erant utique & caeteri apostoli, quod fuit Petrus, pari consortio praediti, & honoris & potestatis: All the rest of the Apostles were the same that Peter was, being endued with like equality of honour and power. 
Contra iovinianum.  And S. Jerome thus: Cuncti Apostoli claves regni coelorum accipiunt, & ex aequo super eos Ecclesiae fortitudo fundatur: All the Apostles received the keys of the kingdom of heaven, & upon them, as indifferently & equally, is the strength of the Church grounded and established. Which S Jerome also, as well in his Commentaries upon the Epistle to Tite, as in his epistle to Euagrius, showeth that these primacies long after Christ's ascension, were made by the devise of men, which before by the common agreement and consent of the clergy, every of the Churches were governed, yea the patriarchal Churches.  
The words of S· Jerome be these: Sciant ergo episcopi se magis ex consuetudine, 
Cap. 1. super Ti●um.  quam dispensationis dominicae veritate, presbitteris esse maiores: Let the bishops understand, that they be greater than other Priests: 
Difference betwixt Bishops & Priests how it is come.  rather of custom, then by the virtue and verity of the lords ordinance. And in his said epistle to Euagrius he hath the like sentence, and addeth thereto: Vbicunque fuerit Episcopus, sive Romae sive Eugubij, sive Constantinopoli. etc. wheresoever a Bishop be, either at Rome, or at Eugubium, or at Constantinople, he is of all one worthiness, & of all one priesthood, & that one was elected which should be preferred before other, it was devised for the redress of schisms, lest any one challenging to much to himself, should rend the church of Christ. These words only of S. Jerome, be sufficient to prove that Christ by none of these 3. texts (which be all that you & others do allege for your opinion) gave to Peter any such superiority, as the B. of Rome by them usurpeth: and that Peter nor no other of the chief Apostles did vindicate such primacy or superiority, but utterly refused it, and therefore gave pre-eminence above themselves, to one that though he be sometimes called an Apostle, yet he was none of the 12. as Eusebius in the beginning of his second book, called Historia ecclesiastica, doth testify, alleging for him the great and ancient clerk Clemens Alexandrinus, saying thus: Petrus, jacobus, ac joannes, post assumptionem salvatoris, quamuis ab ipso fuerant omnibus penè praelati, tamen non sibi vindecarunt gloriam, sed jacobum qui dicebatur justus, apostolorum Episcopum statuunt: Peter, james & john, after Christ's ascension into heaven, although they were by him preferred almost before all other, yet they challenged not that glory to themselves, but decreed that james, 
james the just made the bishop of the Apostles.  who was called justus, should be chief bishop of the Apostles. By these words it is clear, that james was the bish. of the apostles, not because as some men do gloze, he was elected by the Apostles, but because he had thereby the primacy and honour of a bishop in jerusalem, above the rest of the Apostles.  
And one thing is especially to be noted, and also marveled at, that the bishops of Rome do challenge this primacy alonely by Peter, and yet S. Paul, which was his equal, or rather superior by scripture, 
Seing Paul was che●f primate of the Gentiles it is against reason that the Romans should challenge the primacy by Peter. Lib. 3. Cap. 21.  in his Apostleship amongst the Gentiles, whereof Rome was the principal, suffered at Rome where Peter did, and is commonly in all the Roman Church, joined with Peter in all appellations and titles of pre-eminence, and both be called Principes Apostolorum: The chief of the Apostles. Upon both is equally founded the Church of Rome. The accounting of the Bishops of Rome, many years agreeth thereunto. For Eusebius saith, that Clemens tertius post Paulum & Petrum, pontificatum tenebat: Clement was the third Bishop after S. Paul and Peter: reckoning them both as Bishops of Rome, and yet therein preferring S. Paul: with like words, saying of Alexander bishop of Rome: that Quinta successione post Petrum atque Paulum plebis gubernacula sortitus est: Alexander obtained the governance of the people by succession, the fift Bishop after Peter and Paul. Irenaeus also saith as Eusebius reciteth: 
Lib. 5. Cap. 6.  that Fundata & aedificata Ecclesia, beati apostoli Lino officium Episcopatus iniungunt: After the Church was once founded and builded, the holy Apostles charged Linus with the Bishopric. Whereby appeareth, that they both jointly constituted him bishop of Rome, and received only their Apostleship enjoined unto them by Christ. And therefore if the bishops of Rome challenge any pre-eminence of authority by Peter, they should as well or rather challenge the same by Paul, because they both founded it, and both there preached, and both there suffered: resigning first that Bishopric to Linus, and all at once.  
And if you will peradventure leave to the former preaching there by Peter, which by Scripture can not be proved, yet then at least S. Paul and his successors in Ephesus should have like primacy, because he founded first that Church, though S john after that did build it, as witnesseth Eusebius, saying: Ecclesia quae est apud Ephesum, 
Euseb. Lib. 3 Cap. 23.  a Paulo quidem fundata est, à johann ver● aedificata: The Church which is at Ephesus, was founded of Paul, but it was builded of Saint john. And so Peter should have no other primacy in Rome, 
The first foundation of a church maketh no primacy.  but as Paul had in Ephesus, that is to say: to be counted as the first Preacher and converter of the people there to the faith of Christ. And aswell might all the Bishops of Ephesus, challenge the primacy of all nations, both Gentiles & jews by Saint Paul the Apostle of the Gentiles their founder, as the bishop of Rome by S. Peter the Apostle only of the circumcision, in case he were the first founder, challenging primacy over all. But undoubtedly this primacy over all, that the bishops of Rome of late do challenge, was not allowed nor yet known nor heard of amongst the ancient Fathers though they had their church of Rome in high estimation, aswell for the notable virtuous deeds that the Clergy did there show and exercise abundantly to their neighbours (as witnesseth the said▪ Eusebius, alleging there the Epistle that Dionysius Alexandrinus wrote to Soter Bishop of Rome, 
Lib. 4. Cap. 23. Cipri. Lib. ●. ad Cornel●●.  testefying the same) as for that the City of Rome was the most ample and chief City of the world, witnessing Saint Cyprian, saying: Planè, quoniam pro magnitudine sua debeat Carthaginem Roma praecedere, illic maiora & graviora commisit: Certainly, because that Rome ought for the greatness thereof to excel Carthage, there Novatus committed the greater and more grievous offences. Which Saint Cyprian also, when he had ordained and appointed certain decrees and statutes unto the Bishop of Rome, he did not submit them to his reformation or judgement, but only signified his own sentence to like him also: and yet adding thereunto, that if any Bishops (meaning aswell of Rome as of others) which were of the contrary opinions to him, would otherwise think or do, he would not then, that his sentence should be to them prejudicial, neither would he thereby compel them to any thing: but would that they should follow their own minds and customs: partly for that every one of the Bishops hath liberty of his own will, and partly for that every governor shall make an account to God of his own deed, 
Cipri. Lib. ● epist ad Cornelium.  as it appeareth plainly in his Epistle to Stephanus and julianus. And in the 3. Epistle to Cornelius, towards the end: speaking of the appeal that one Felicissimus a Novatian, after his condemnation in Africa, made to Rome, he impugneth such appeals, saying: Quia singulis pastoribus portio gregis est asscripta, quam regat unusquisque & gubernet, rationem sui actus Domino redditurus. etc. Forasmuch as every pastor hath his own flock committed to him, which every one ought to rule and govern, and must give account to the Lord of his administration, it is decreed of us all, and we think it both meet & just, that every man's cause and plea should there be heard, where the crime is committed. This holy and excellent Clerk & Martyr S. Cyprian would never have either impugned their appeal to Rome from their own primacies, 
Appeal to Rome forbidden.  or so earnestly have maintained his determinations in the Counsels of Africa contrary to the opinion of the Bishops of Rome, and to their customs, without any submission by word or writing, if the primacy over all, which the Bishops of Rome do challenge and usurp, had been grounded upon the plain scriptures, as you with some others do think: & it is to be supposed also, that he would in all his Epistles have called them Patres or Dominos, fathers or Lords, as Superiors, and not always Fratres & collegas, brothers and fellows in office, as but only his equals.  
Which thing yet more plainly doth appear by the acts of the Counsels of Africa in S. Augustine's time, 
Concil. Aphricas Aug. epist, 16.  by the which it is evident, that though the faith of Christ was by the Romans first brought into Africa (as S. Augustine doth confess) yet it was not read nor known, that the Bishops of Rome used or challenged any sovereignty in Africa, unto this time. And yet then he did not challenge it by the right of God's word, but by the pretence of a certain Canon supposed to be in the counsel of Nice: Which article could never be found, though it were then very diligently sought for through all the principal Churches of the East and South: but only was alleged of julius Bishop of Rome, out of his own Library. And you may be well assured, 
Vide duas epistolas ad Bonifacium pap. 1. to. conciliorum. Fol. 307.308.  that if the scriptures had made for it, neither the Bishop of Rome would have left that certain proof by scriptures, and trusted only to the testimony of an Article of that Counsel, being in doubt and unlikely to be found, nor yet S. Augustine with his holy and learned company, would have resisted this demand, if it had been either grounded upon scriptures, or determined in that or other Councils, or yet had stand with equity, good order or reason. Howbeit the largeness and magnificence of buildings of that city, 
Dist. 16. Viginti.  and the ancient excellency and superiority of the same in temporal dominions, was the only cause that in the counsels (where the patriarchal seas were set in order) the Bishop of Rome was lotted to the first place, and not by any such constitution made by Christ as appeareth well by that, that Constantinople being at the same time of this ordering of the patriarchal seas, most amply enlarged by the Emperors, being before a small town & of no renown, & by them most magnificently builded & advanced worldly with all titles, prerogatives & privileges temporal like unto Rome, & therefore called Nova Roma, new Rome, was therefore advanced also to the second sea and place Antiochia in the East, (where S. Peter first took the chair before he came to Rome, and where christian men had first their name given them) yea and jerusalem (which was the first mother City of our faith, and where Christ himself first founded the faith) & also Alexandria being recited to the 3.4 and 5. places, because at that time they were not in so high estimation in the world, though in the faith of Christ all they were ancients, and some of them mothers to Rome.  
Truth it is, that the Bishops of the Orient, for debates in matters of the faith amongs themselves, made suits to the Bishop of Rome: but that was not for the superiority of jurisdiction over them, but because they were greatly divided, and those countries, as well bishops as others much infected with the heresies of the Arrians, whereof the West was in a manner clear, and among them of the Orient, none were counted indifferent to decide those matters, but were all suspected of affection for one cause or other▪ Wherefore they desired the opinions of the Bishops of the West, as indifferent, and not tangled with affections of any of those parts, neither corrupted with any of the Arrians, as appeareth by the Epistles of S Basil; written in all their names for the said purpose In the which also it is especially to be noted, that their suit was not to the Bishop of Rome singularly, or by name: but (as the titles do show) to the whole congregation of the Bishops of Italy, and France, or of the whole West, and sometime preferring the French and Italian Bishops, saying, Gallis, & Italis and never naming the Romans. 
The old ●athers never ●new the primacy of the church ●f Rome.  And for a clear proof that the ancient fathers knew not this primacy of one above all, we need none other testimony, but their determination in the Council of Nice, that Alexandria, and Antiochia, and universally all other primates, should have the whole governance of their confine countries, like as the Bishop of Rome had of those that inhabited within his suburbs. And this determination proveth also, that your three Scriptures meant nothing less, than this primacy over all. For God forbidden that we should suspect that Council as ignorant of those plain Scriptures, to the which sith that time, all Christendom hath leaned, as the anchor of our faith. And if you like to read the ancient Ecclesiastical histories, there you may see, that Athanasius and other patriarchs did execute that primacy, as in making consecrating, and ordering of Churches, Bishops and Clerks in their country's East and South, as the bishops of Rome in that time did in the West and North.  
And if you would yet any thing object against any of these witnesses, then for to eschew contention, and for a final conclusion, let the bishop of Rome stand to his own confession made many years passed by his predecessor Agatho to the Emperor Constantine, Heraclius, & Tiberius, in his Epistle written to them in his name, and in the name of all the Synods which he thought to be under the See apostolic: wherein soon after the beginning of the Epistle, he comprehendeth them all under the name of the bishops dwelling in the North and West parts of their Empire: So that there in his own Epistle, he confesseth all his subjects and obedienciaries to be only of the North and West: and so it appeareth evidently by his own confession, that neither by God's law dor man's law he had to do with any person of the East or South. And this his high sovereignty over all, challenged (as you and others say) by Scripture as by his own confession doth appear, is brought into a little and a strait angle. And this Agatho was not a man unlearned, as appeareth by the acts of the vj. synod of Constantinople in the 4. act, 

●n the time of Pope Agatho, the ●ea of Rome had no rule over ●he East and South churches.  
Peter's primacy hath no successors. Apoc. 21.   wherein is written at large and expressed the said Epistle and confession. And the primacy of Peter, which ancient doctors speak of, which was only in preaching and teaching the faith of Christ, which he first among all the Apostles, and first of all mortal men, did express with his mouth, did after so adhere to his own person, that it was never derived either to any successor, or to any other apostle, but chief to himself: for all other afterwards professing the same, spoke it according unto him, who had professed it before. Moreover, all the Apostles (as S. john saith) be foundations in the heavenly jerusalem, and not Peter only. Also Cyprian affirmeth (as is aforesaid) that all the apostles were of equal dignity and power: which all ancient authors likewise do affirm. For Christ gave the apostles like power in the Gospel, saying: Go and teach all nations baptizing them, etc. And S. Paul (as is said before) knew no other primacy given to Peter to preach in any place, 
Math. 28.  but among the jews as he himself had among the Gentiles, as he writeth to Galat. Whereupon S. Ambrose writing (as is aforesaid) affirmeth the same. And that the mother of all Churches is jerusalem (as afore is said) and not Rome, the scripture is plain, both in the prophet Isaiah: Out of Zion shall the law proceed, 
Esa. 2.  and the word of the Lord out of jerusalem. Upon the which place S. Jerome saith: In Jerusalem primum fundata ecclesia, totius orbis ecclesias seminavit: Out of the Church being first founded in Jerusalem, sprung all other churches of the whole world.) And also in the Gospel which Christ before his ascension commanded his Apostles to preach throughout all the world, beginning first at jerusalem: So that the bishop of Rome's universal power by him claimed over all, can not by any scripture be justified: as if you have read the ancient father's expositions of the said scriptures (as we suppose you have, sith your letters sent hither concerning this matter) and would give more credence to their humble and plain speaking▪ than to the latter contentious and ambitious writers of that high and above the Ideas of Plato his subtility (which passeth as you writ) the lawyers learning and capacity: we doubt not but that you perceive and think the same.  

A Prince may be ●●ad of his church and yet not preach nor minister Sacraments.  And where you think that the king can not be taken as supreme head of the Church, because he can not exercise the chief office of the Church in preaching and ministering of the sacraments: it is not requisite in every body natural, that the head should exercise either all manner of offices of the body, or the chief office of the same. For albeit the head is the highest & chief member of the natural body, yet the distribution of life to all the members of the body, as well to the head as to other members, cometh from the heart, and it is the minister of life to the whole body, as the chief act of the body. Neither yet hath this similitude his full place in a mystical body, that a king should have the chief office of administration in the same: And yet notwithstanding the scripture speaking of king Saul, saith I made thee head▪ amongst the tribes of Israel. 
Reg. 15.  And if a king amongst the jews were the head in the tribes of Israel, in the time of the law, much more is a Christian king head in the tribes of spiritual Israel, that is, of such as by true faith see Christ who is the end of the law. The office deputed to the bishops in the mystical body, is to be as eyes to the whole body, 
Ezech. 3. A bishop is a eye in the head, but not the head of the mystical body.  as almighty God saith to the prophet ezechiel: I have made thee an overseer over the house of Israel. And what Bishops soever refuseth to use the office of an eye in the mystical body, to show unto the body the right way of believing and living, which appertaineth to the spiritual eye to do, shall show himself to be a blind eye: and if he shall take any other office in hand then appertaineth to the right eye, he shall make a confusion in the body, taking upon him an other office than is given him of God. Wherefore if the eye will not take upon him the office of the whole head, it may be answered, it cannot so do, for it lacketh brain. And examples show likewise, that it is not necessary always that the head should have the faculty or chief office of administration, as you may see in a navy by sea, where the admiral who is captain over all, doth not meddle with stirring or governing of every ship, but every master particular must direct the ship to pass the sea in breaking the waves by his stering and governance, 
The office of a head standeth not in doing but in commanding.  which the admiral the head of all doth not himself, nor yet hath the faculty to do, but commandeth the masters of the ship to do it And likewise many a captain of great armies, which is not able, nor never could peradventure shoot, or break a spear by his own strength, yet by his wisdom and commandment only atchieveth the wars, and attaineth the victory.  
And where you think that unity standeth not only in the agreeing in one faith and doctrine of the Church, 
Unity what it is and where in it consisteth.  but also in agreeing in one head: if you mean the very & only head over all the church our Saviour Christ: Whom the Father hath set over all the Church: which is his body, wherein all good Christian men do agree, therein you say truth. But if you mean of any one mortal man to be head over all the Church and that to be the bishop of Rome, we do not agree with you: For you do there err in the true understanding of Scripture, or else you must say, that the said Council of Nice, and other most ancient did err, which divided the administration of Churches, the Orient from the Occident, and the South from the North, as is before expressed, and that Christ the universal head is present in every church, the Gospel showeth: Where two or three be gathered together in my name, 
Math. 28.  ● there am I in the mids of them. And in an other place: Behold, I am with you, until the end of the world. 
Math. 28.  By which it may appear christ the universal head, every where to be with his mystical body the Church: who by his spirit worketh in all places (how far so ever they be distant) the unity and concord of the same. And as for any other universal head to be ever all, then christ himself, Scripture proveth not, as it is showed before. And yet for a further proof, to take away the scruples, that peradventure do to your appearance rise of certain words in some ancient authors, and especially in S. Cyprians epistles as that the unity of the church stood in the unity with the bishop of Rome, though they never call him supreme head, 
Answer to S. Cyprian.  if you will weigh and confer all their sayings together, you shall perceive that they neither spoke nor meant otherwise, but when the bishop of Rome was once lawfully elected and enthroned, if then any other would by faction, might force, or otherwise, (the other living and doing his office) enterprise to put him down, and usurp the same Bishopric, or exercise the others office himself, as Novatianus did attempt in the time of Cornelius: then the said fathers reckoned them Catholics that did communicate with him that was so lawfully elected, and the custom was, one primacy to have to do with an other, by congratulatory letters soon after the certainty of their election was known, to keep the unity of the Church: and that they that did take part or maintain the usurper, to be schismatics, because that usurper was a schismatic: Quia non sit fas in eadem ecclesia, duos simul Episcopos esse, nec priorem ligitimum Episcopum sine sua culpa deponi: Because it was not lawful for two Bishops to be at once together in one Church, neither the former Bishop being lawful, to be deposed without his fault were proved. 
The church of Rome hath no more prerogative, than any other Church.  And this is not a prerogative of the church of Rome, more than of any other cathedral, special, patriarchal, or metropolitical church, as appeareth in the third Epistle of the first book, and in the eight of the second, and of the fourth book of S. Syprian to Cornelius. Whose words and reasons, although peradventure they might seem to conclude the unity of the Church in the unity of the Bishop of Rome, 
The unity of the church standeth not in the unity of the bishop of Rome.  because they were all written to him in his own case, may as well be written unto any other bishop lawfully chosen, who percase should be likewise disturbed as the bishops of Rome then were by any factions of ambitious heretics.  
And where you think the name of supreme head under Christ, given and attributed to the kings majesty, maketh an innovation in the Church, and perturbation of the order of the same, it can not be any innovation or trouble to the church, to use the room that God hath called him to, which good Christian Princes did use in the beginning when faith was most pure, 
August. Epist. 162.  as S. Augustine ad Glorium & Eleusium saith? Ait enim quidam, non debuit Episcopus pro consulari judicio purgari etc. One there is which ●aith, that a Bishop ought not to have been put to his purgation before the judgement seat of the Deputy, as though he himself procured it, and not rather the Emperor himself caused this inquiry to be made, to whose jurisdiction (for the which he must answer to God) that cause did especially pertain. chrysostom writeth of that Imperial authority thus: Laesus est qui non habet parem ullum super terram: summitas & caput est omnium hominum super terram: 
The imperial▪ authority is next under God.  He is offended that hath no peer at all upon the earth, for he is the highest potentate, and the head of all men upon earth. And Tertullian ad Scapalum saith: Colimus ergo & Imperatorem sic, quomodo & nobis licet, & ipsi expedit, ut hominem à Deo secundum, etc. We honour & reverence the Emperor in such wise, as is lawful to us and expedient to him, that is to say, as a man next and the second to God, from whom he hath received all the power he hath: and also inferior to God alone, whose pleasure it is so to have it: For thus is he greater than all men, whiles he is inferior but to God alone.  

Tertull. in Apologet.  And the said Tertullian in his book apologetical speaking of Emperors, saith: Sciunt quis illis dederit imperium. etc. They know who hath given to them their government: they know that God is he alone, under whose only power they be, and take themselves as second to God, after whom they be chief before all other. 
Theophil. in Rom.  Theophilacte also to the Rom. upon this place: Omnis anima potestatibus sublimioribus subdita sit: Saith the Apostle there teacheth every man, Sive sacerdos ille sit sive Mona chus, sive Apostolus, ut se principibus subdat: that whether he be a priest or a monk, or an apostle, he should subject himself to princes. That is, although thou be an Apostle, an Evangelist, a Prophet, or whatsoever thou art, be subject. Non enim (saith he) subvertit pietatem haec subiectio: For this subjection overthroweth no godliness. And the Apostle saith not only. Let him obey: but let him be subject.  

1. Paral. 28.  And if the Apostles be subject to princes, much more all bishops and patriarchs, yea the Bishops of Rome and all other.  

2. Paral. 16. 2. Paral 19  It is written also in the Chronicles: David said to Solomon, behold the priest and levites divided in companies, to do all manner of service that pertaineth to the house of God. Also, David did appoint chief to thank the Lord, Asaph and his brethren, etc. And josaphat the king did constitute levites and priests, & the ancient families of Israel for the judgement and cause of the Lord towards all the inhabitants of the earth: 
Chron. 31.  and he charged them saying, thus shall ye do in the fear of the Lord, faithfully & in a perfect heart. Furthermore, Ezechias appointed the priests and the Levites in their order▪ to wait by course every man according to his office. And it followeth Ezechias gave commandment to the people dwelling in Jerusalem, that they should give their portions to the priests and Levites, that they might attend on the law of the Lord. Where it followeth also that by the precept of Ezechias the king, and of Azarias' the bishop of the house of the Lord all things were done to whom pertained all the dispensation the house of the Lord. And in the end it is said: Ezechias did all these things in all jury: he wrought that which was good, right, & true before his Lord God in all the furniture of the ministry of the house of the lord, according to the law & ceremonies desirous to seek his Lord God with all his heart, as he did and prospered therein. 
Chron. 35.  josias also did ordain priests in their offices, and commanded many things.  
By all which it may appear, that Christian kings be sovereigns over the Priests, as over all other their subjects, and may command the priests to do their offices, as well as they do others: and aught by their supreme office, to see that all men of all degrees do their duties, whereunto they be called either by God, or by the king: and those kings that so do, chief do execute well their office. So that the kings highness taking upon him as supreme head of the Church of England, to see, that as well spiritual men as temporal, do their duties, doth neither make innovation in the Church, nor yet trouble the order thereof: but doth as the chief and best of the kings of Israel did, and as all good Christian kings ought to do. Which office good Christian Emperors always took upon them, in calling the universal Counsels of all countries in one place and at one time, to assemble together to the intent that all heresies troubling the Church, might there be extirped: calling and commanding as well the Bishop of Rome, as other Patriakes and all primates, as well of the East as of the West, of the South as of the North, 
General Councell● called by the Emperour●.  to come to the said Counsels. As Martianus the Emperor did in calling the great Counsel of Chalcedon, one of the four chief & first general Counsels, commanding Leo then Bishop of Rome to come unto the same. And albeit Leo neither liked the time, which he would for a season should have been deferred▪ nor yet the place, for he would have had it in Italy, whereas the Emperor by his own commandment had called it to Calchis in Asia, yet he answered the Emperor, that he would gladly obey his commandment, and sent thither his agentes to appear there for him, as doth appear in the Epistles of Leo to Martiane then Emperor. xli.xlvii.xuliij. and in the xlix Epistle to Pulcheria the Empres. And likewise desireth Theodosius the Emperor to command a Council of Bishops to be called in Italy, for taking away such contentions and troubles, as at that time troubled the quietness of the Churches. And in many more Epistles of the same Leo, it doth manifestly appear, that the Emperors always assembled general Counsels by their commandments▪ And in the sixth general Council it appeareth very plainly, that at that time the bishops of Rome made no claim, nor used any title to call themselves heads universal over all the Catholic Church, as there doth appear in the superscription or salutation of the foresaid Synodical preamble, which is this word for word.  
To the most godly Lords and most noble victors and conquerors, the well-beloved Children of God and our Lord jesus Christ, Constantine the great Emperor, and to Heraclius and Tiberius Caesar's, Bishop Agatho the servant of the servants of God, with all the convocations subject to the Council of the See apostolic, sendeth greeting. And he expresseth what Countries he reckoned and comprehended in that superscription or salutation: For it followeth that those were under his assembly, which were in the North and East parts, so that at that time the bishop of Rome made no such pretence to be over and above all, as he now doth by usurpation, vendicating to himself the spiritual kingdom of Christ, by which he reigneth in the hearts of all faithful people, and then changeth it to a temporal kingdom over and above all kings, to depose them for his pleasure, preaching thereby the flesh for the spirit, and an earthly kingdom for an heavenly, to his own damnation, if he repent not. 
Pet. 2.  Where he ought to obey his prince by the doctrine of S. Peter in his first Epistle, saying: Be ye subject to every ordinance of man, 
Rom. 14.  for the lords sake, whether it be to the king as to the chief, or unto governors, as sent of him to the punishment of the evil doers, and to the praise of the good. Again S. Paul: Let every soul be subject to the higher powers. With other things before alleged. So that this his pretenced usurpation to be above all kings is directly against the scriptures, given to the Church by the Apostles▪ whose doctrine whosoever overturneth, can be neither the head, nor yet the least member of the Church.  
Wherefore, albeit ye have hitherto sticked to the said wrongfully usurped power, moved thereto, as ye writ, by your conscience, yet sithence now ye see further, if ye lust to regard the mere truth, and such ancient authors as have been written to you of in times past, we would exhort you for the wealth of your soul, to surrender into the bishop of Rome's hands, your red hat, by which he seduced you, trusting so to make you, being come of a noble blood, an instrument to advance his vain glory, whereof, by the said hat he made you participant, to allure you thereby the more to his purpose.  
In which doing ye shall return to the truth, from which ye have erred: do your duty to your sovereign Lord, from whom ye have declined, and please thereby almighty God, whose laws ye have transgressed, and in not so doing, ye shall remain in error, offending both almighty God, and your natural sovereign Lord, whom chief ye ought to seek to please. Which thing, for the good mind that we heretofore have borne you, we pray almighty God of his infinite mercy, that you do not. Amen.   
When all other kings subjects, 
Anno 1535.  and the learned of the Realm had taken and accepted the oath of the kings supremacy, only Fisher the Bishop of Rochester & Sir Thomas More refused (as is aforesaid) to be sworn: who therefore falling into the danger of the law, were committed into the Tower, and executed for the same. an. 1535. This john Fisher aforesaid, had written before against Oecolampadius, whose book is yet extant, and afterward against Luther. 
john fisher Bishop of Rochester enemy to Christ's Gospel.   
Also amongst other his acts he had been a great enemy and persecuter of john Frith, the godly learned Martyr of jesus Christ, whom he and Sir Thomas Moor caused to be burned a year and a half before, and shortly after the said fisher, to his confusion, was charged with Elizabeth Barton called the holy maid of Kent) and found guilty by act of parliament, as is above recorded. For his learning and other virtues of life, this Bishop was well reputed and reported of many, and also much lamented of some. But whatsoever his learning was, pity it was, that he being endued with that knowledge, should be so far drowned in such superstition: more pity that he was so obstinate in his ignorance: but most pity of all that he so abused the learning he had, to such cruelty as he did. But thus commonly we see come to pass, as the Lord saith: That who so striketh with the sword, shall perish with the sword, 
〈…〉 with 〈◊〉.  and they that stain their hands with blood, seldom do bring their bodies dry to the grave: as commonly appeareth by the end of bloody tyrants, and especially such as be persecutors of Christ's poor members. 
Bishop fisher and Sir Tho. More, persecutors.  In the number of whom was this Bishop and sir Thom. More, by whom good john Frith, Teukesbery, Thomas Hytten, Bayfild, with divers other good saints of God, were brought to their death. It was said, that the Pope, to recompense Bishop Fisher for his faithful service, had elected him Cardinal, and sent him a Cardinal's hat as far as Calais, but the head it should stand upon, was as high as London bridge, ere ever the Pope's hat could come to him. Thus Bishop Fisher and Sir Thomas More, which a little before had put john Frith to death for heresy against the Pope, 
Bishop fisher & Sir Tho. More, beheaded.  were themselves executed and beheaded for treason against the king, the one the xxij. of june, the other the vi. of july. ann. 1535.  
Of sir Tho. More some thing hath been touched before, who was also recounted a man both witty & learned, but whatsoever he was beside, a bitter persecuter he was of good men, 
The lying books of Sir Tho. More.  and a wretched enemy against the truth of the Gospel, as by his books left behind him may appear, wherein most slanderously and contumeliously he writeth against Luther Zwinglius, Tindal, Frith, Barnes, Bayfild, Bainham, Teukesbery, falsely belying their articles & doctrine, 
M. More a persecutor.  as (God granting me life) I have sufficient matter to prove against him.  
Briefly, as he was a sore persecuter of them that stood in defence of the Gospel: so again on the other side, such a blind devotion he bore to the Pope holy See of Rome, & so wilfully stood in the Pope's quarrel against his own prince, that he would not give over till he had brought the scaffold of the Tower hill with the axe and all upon his own neck.  
Edward Hall in his Chronicle writing of the death and manners of this Sir Thomas More, seemeth to stand in doubt, whether to call him a foolish wise man, or a wise foolish man. For as by nature he was endued with a great wit, so the same again was so mingled (saith he) with taunting and mocking, that it seemed to them that best knew him, that he thought nothing to be well spoken, except he had ministered some mock in the communication: in so much as at his coming to the Tower, one of the officers demanding his upper garment for his fee, meaning his gown, he answered that he should have it, and took him his cap, saying it was the uppermost garment that he had. Likewise, even going to his death, at the Tower gate a poor woman called unto him, & besought him to declare that he had certain evidences of hers in the time that he was in office (which after he was apprehended, 
M. More a scoffer unto his death.  she could not come by) and that he would entreat that she might have them again, or else she was 〈◊〉▪ He answered, Good woman, have patience a little 〈◊〉, for the king is good unto me, that even within this half hour he will discharge me of all businesses, and help thee himself. Also when he went up the stair on the Scaffold, he desired one of the sheriffs officers to give him his hand to help him up, and said, when I come down again, let me shift for myself so well as I can. Also the hangman kneeled down to him, ask him forgiveness of his death, as the manner is. To whom he said, I forgive thee, but I promise thee, that thou shalt never have honesty of the striking of my head, my neck is so short. Also, even when he should lay down his head on the block, he having a great grey beard, striked out his beard, and said to the hangman, I pray you let me lay my beard over the block lest you should cut it. Thus with a mock he ended his life.  
There is no doubt but that the Pope's holiness hath hallowed and dignified these two persons long since, for Catholic martyrs. Neither is it to be doubted, but after an hundred years expired, they shall also be shrined & portissed dying as they did in that quarrel of the church of Rome, that is in taking the bishop of Rome's part against their own ordinary & natural prince. Whereunto (because the matter asketh a long discourse, & a peculiar tractation) I have not in this place, much to contend with Cope my friend. This briefly for a memorandum may suffice, that if the causes of true martyrdom ought to be pondered, & not to be numbered, & if the end of martyrs is to be weighed by judgement, & no● by affection: then the cause and quarrel of these men standing as it doth, & being tried by God's word, perhaps in the Pope's kingdom they may go for martyrs, in who●e cause they died: but certes in Christ's kingdom their cause will not stand, how so ever they stand themselves.  
The like also is to be said of the three monks of Charterhouse, Exmewe, Middlemore, and Nudigate, 
Rochester, More▪ Exmew, Myddlemore, Nudigate, executed for treason.  who the same year in the month of june, were likewise attached and arraigned at Westminster, for speaking certain traitorous words against the king's crown and dignity: for the which they were hanged, drawn, and quartered at Tyburn, whom also, because Cope my good friend doth repute & accept in the number of holy Catholic Martyrs, here would be asked of him a question: What Martyrs be they, which standing before the judge, deny their own words and sayings, and plead not guilty, so as these Carthusians did? whereby it appeareth, that they would neither have stand nor have died in that cause as they did, if they might otherwise have escaped by denying. Wherefore if my friend Cope had been so well advised in setting out his martyrs, as God might have made him, he would first have seen the true records, & been sure of the ground of such matters whereupon he so confidently pronounceth, and so censoriously controlleth others.  
In the same cause & quarrel of treason also, the same year, a little before these aforesaid in the month of May, 
Ex acts in termino 〈◊〉. Anno. 2●. Reg. Hen. 8.  were executed with the like punishment, john Houghton, Prior of the Charterhouse in London, Robert Laurence Prior of the Charterhouse of Beluaile, Austen Webste● Prior of the Charterhouse of Exham.  
Beside and with these three Priors, suffered likewise the same time two other Priests, one called Reignolde, brother of Zion, the other named john Hail vicar of Thistleworth. 
9 Carthusians died in prison, refusing the kings supremacy.   
divers other Charterhouse monks also o● London were then put in prison, to the number of nine or ten, and in the same prison died, for whom we will (the Lord willing) reserve an other place hereafter to entreat of more at large.  
In the mean time, 
M. Copes 9 worthies.  for so much as the foresaid Cope in his doughty Dialogues, speaking of these nine worthies, doth commend them so highly, and especially the three prior's above recited, here by the way I would desire master Cope, simply and directly to answer me to a thing or two that I would put to him, and first, of this john Houghton that angelical Prior of the Charterhouse, his old companion & acquaintance of whom thus he writet● 〈◊〉 qui cum joannem illum Houghtonum cogito non tam homi●● 〈◊〉 quàm angelum in humana forma intueri mihi videor, 
Copus in Dialog. 9 pap. 995.  cuius eminentes virtutes, divinas dotes, & heroicam animi magnitudinem, nemo unquam poterit satis pro dignitate explicare, etc. By these his own words it must needs be confessed, that the author of these Dialogues, who so ever he was, had well seen and considered the form and personable stature, proportion and shape of his excellent body, with such admiration of his parsonage, that (as he saith) as oft as he calleth the said john Hughton to mind, it seemeth to him, even as though he saw an angel in the shape and form of a man. Whose eminent virtues moreover, whose divine gifts, and heroical celsitude of mind, no man (saith he) may sufficiently express. etc. And how old was this M. Cope than I would know, when he saw and discerned all this? For as I understand, 
Copes D●alogues suspected not to be his own.  M. Cope being yet at this present scarce come to the age of xl. years, he could not be then above nine year old (the other suffering ann. 1535.) in the which age, in my mind, M. Cope had small discretion to judge either of any such angelical proportion of man's parsonage, or of his divine qualities, and heroical celsitude of his mind, as yet he remembreth in his Dialogues. Which thing among many other probabilities, maketh me vehemently to suspect, that these Dialogues printed in A●twerp, ann. 1566. were brought over by M. Cope, there to be printed, but were penned & framed by an other Pseudocopus, whatsoever, or in what Fleet so ever he was, unless my marks do greatly fail me. But as the case is of no great weight, so I let it pass, returning to other matters of more importance.  
Shortly after, the overthrow of the Pope consequently began by little and little to follow the ruin of Abbeys & religious houses in England, in a right order & method by God's divine providence. For neither could the fall of Monasteries have followed after, unless that suppression of the Pope had gone before, neither could any true reformation of the church have been attempted, unless the subversion of those superstitious houses had been joined withal.  
Whereupon the same year in the month of October, the king having then Tho. Cromwell of his Counsel, 
Suppression of Abbeys first beginneth in England  sent Doct. Lee to visit the Abbeys, Priories, and Nunryes' in all England, & to set at liberty all such religious persons, as desired to be tree, & all other that were under the age of 24. years: Providing withal that such Monks, Canons, & Friars as were dismissed, 
Religious men under age, let out of monasteries.  should have given them by the Abbot or Prior, in steed of their habit, a secular priests gown, and xl. shillings of money: & likewise the Nuns to have such apparel as secular women did then commonly use, and suffered to go where they would. At which time also from the said Abbeys and Monasteries were taken their chief jewels and relics. 
The king first beginneth with the jewels of Abbeys.   
WHen the king had thus established his supremacy, & all things were well quieted within the Realm, he like a wise prince, 
Anno. 1536.  & having wise counsel about him, forecasting with himself, what foreign dangers might fall unto him by other countries about, which all were yet in subjection to the Bishop of Rome, save only a few German princes, and misdouting the malice of the pope: to provide therefore by time for perils that might ensue, thought good to keep in by all means possible with other Princes.  
And first to entertain the favour of the French king, who had been sick a little before, 
A solemn procession in London for joy of the French kings health.  and now was lately recovered to health, in signification of public joy and friendship, the king commanded a solemn and famous procession to be ordained through the city of London, with the Waits and children of Grammar schools, with the masters and ushers in their array: Then followed the orders of the friars and Canons, and the priors with their pomp of Copes, Crosses, Candlesticks, and vergers before them. After these followed the next pagean of Clerks & priests of London, all in Copes likewise. Then the monks of Westminster and other Abeys, with their glorious gardeviance of Crosses, Candlesticks, and Uergers before them in like sort. Last of all came the queer of Paul's, with their residensaries, the Bishop of London and the Abbot's following after in their Pontificalibus. After these courses of the Clergy, went the companies of the city, with the lord Maior & Aldermen in their best apparel, after their degrees And lest it might be thought this Procession of the church of London, to make but a small or beggarly show, the furniture of the gay Copes there worn, was counted to the number of 714. Moreover, to fill up the joy of this procession, and for the more high service to almighty God, beside the singing queeres, & chanting of the priests, there lacked no minstrels withal, to pipe at the processions. Briefly here lacked nothing else, but only the ordinance to shoot of also. 
A piping procession.  But because that is used in the Processions at Rome, therefore for difference sake, the same is reserved only for the Popes own Processions, and for none other, in the month of October.  
This grand processon was appointed, for a triumph or a thanks giving for the late recovery of the French kings health, as is aforesaid.  
Over and beside this, the king to nourish and retain amity with kings and princes, 
Ambassadors sent to sundry kings.  lest the Pope being exiled now out of England, should incite them to war against him, directed sundry Ambassadors and messengers with letters and instructions. To the Emperor was sent sir Tho. Wyatt, to the French king sir Frances Brian, and Doct. Edw. Fox, who was also sent to the Princes of Germany, to the Scots king was sent sir Raffe Sadler, gentleman of the kings privy chamber.  
In scotland the same time were cast abroad divers railing ballets, and slanderous rhymes against the king of England, for casting of the Lady Dowager, and for abolishing the Pope: 
Sir Raffe Sadler ambassador to the Scots king.  for the which cause the foresaid Sir Raffe Sadler being sent into Scotland, with lessons and instructions how to address himself accordingly, after he had obtained access unto the king, and audience to be heard, first declareth the effectuous & hearty commendations from the kings majesty his grace's uncle, and withal delivered his letters of credence. Which done, after a few words of courtly entertainment, as occasion served him to speak, the said Sir Raffe Saddler obtaining audience, thus began in the king his masters behalf, to declare, as followeth.   

* The Oration of the kings ambassador.  
Whereas there is nothing after the glory of almighty God, 
The Oration of Sir Raffe Sadler to the Scottish king.  in this world so much to be tendered by kings, Princes, or any honest persons, or so highly to be regarded and defended, as their honour, estimation, good fame & name, which whosoever neglecteth, is to be esteemed unnatural, and unless a man labour to avoid and extinguish the false reports, slanders, and diffamations made of him by malicious persons, he may well be suspected, in conscience to condemn himself: the king your uncle considering the same, and hearing of sundry ballets, criminations, and famous libels, made and untruly forged and devised in Scotland against his grace, by your grace's subjects, not only upon trust to find with your grace such natural affection, friendship and amity, as the nearness of blood between uncle & nephew, necessitude of reverence, proximity both of kin & of dominions together doth require: but also upon assurance, that your grace and wisdom will consider how these slanders and diffamations, although they were but against a private person, whatsoever he were, most commonly redound and are imputed to the whole degree and estate: as the diffamation of kings toucheth kings, and so of other degrees and dignities: doth send at this time to your grace, his nephew (other he might have sent more worthy, but me at this time, for lack of a better hath he sent) to desire, pray, and require your grace, that according as the nearness of blood, connexion of estate, & other things before expressed, of right and justice do require: beseeching your grace, gently to weigh and balance, & well to ponder the malice of these the said slanderers, and to call in again all the said diffamatory ballets, libels, and other writings, punishing the authors and setters forth thereof according to their demerits: and furthermore to cause open proclamations to be made through your realm, that none of your inhabitants there shall in any manner wise so misuse himself hereafter, upon such great pain and punishment, as to your grace and your Counsel shall be thought convenient for the transgression thereof: so that other by their correction, and by the fearful example of the penalty, may beware how to commit the like offence in time coming.  
The example of such slanders is very pernicious to all kings. For by such slanders of other princes, the slanderers take boldness so to deal afterward with their own king, as they have done with other, 
Evil example a pernicious thing in a common wealth.  and the next step from such slanderous words, is to attempt deeds, and so to fall to sedition: of the importance and danger whereof no man is ignorant.  
Wherefore, your grace, at the comtemplation of your dear uncle, in tendering his proceedings, shall do well to follow therein the loving steps of his good brother and all ye the French king, who hath already at Roan and sundry places else, caused certain slanderous preathers to before punished: and further directed commissions thorough his Realm for repressing the same: As also other Princes shallbe ready (his Majesty trusteth) to do the like in their dominios, if like occasion shallbe given to require the same of them. In which in so doing, your grace may be assured in this your gentle dealing in that part, to win your uncles most sincere & kind hart, to the increase of your amity and alliance, which, as to you shallbe most honourable, so shall it be no less profitable unto him.  
And thus to conclude with the first part of my narration concerning the slanderous and diffamatory libels, 
The second point.  least I should seem with prolixity of matter more than needs, to abuse your grace's silence: I will now descend to the other point of that which I have to utter unto your grace, as touching the Pope's Nuntio or messenger. Of whose late arrival, the kings Majesty your uncle having partly intelligence, but not certainly knowing the special cause of his coming from Rome, and yet fearing by the common bruit and talk of your subjects, what his errand should be,: that is to practise some annoyance by his pretended censures against the kings Majesty your uncle: he therefore premonishing your grace before, as fearing the worst, most justly maketh his complaint thereof unto your grace his nephew, requiring you, that for as much as the foresaid bruits and reports are slanderous to his Majesty: and seeing that neither the Emperor, nor the French king, nor any other Princes have consented thereto, or understood thereof, the king's majesty therefore your uncle willing to stop those brutes & talks, desireth & most heartily prayeth your grace at his instant request, to vouchsafe, to consider & way. First, 
Supremacy of Princes.  the supremacy of princes by the holy scripture granted unto him & other princes in earth under Christ, upon their churches.  
Secondly to weigh what the Gospel and God's word calleth a Church.  
Also what superstitious, idolatries, and blind abuses have crept into all realms, to the high displeasure of almighty God by reason thereof.  
Fourthly, what is to be understanded by the true censure or excommunication of the Church, and how no such can be in the power of the Bishop of Rome, or of any other man, against his Majesty, or any other prince having so just ground to avoid from the root, and to abolish that execrable authority, which the Bishop of Rome hath usurped and doth usurp upon all princes, to their great detriment and damage.  
As touching the consideration of which four points, although the kings majesty your uncle doubteth not your grace to be furnished & provided with sufficient knowledge, rightly to discern and judge upon the same, yet if it shall so please your grace further to know your uncles mind touching the said points, I assure your highness in the behalf of your foresaid uncle his majesty, that he will not stick to send unto you such learned, wise, and discrete men as shall amply inform you thereof, and of such other things as your grace having once a smack thereof, shall think most worthy for a prince to know.  
His request therefore to your highness is, that you will consider of what moment and importance it shall be unto your grace (having the Scots your subjects so evil instructed in the premises) for you to assent and agree to any such censure, and so by such example to give such an upper hand over yourself and other princes, to that usurper of Rome, as is very like hereafter to happen in other places of Christendom, wheresoever the true declaration of the truth and word of God shall have free course, to scourge them, unless they will adore, worship, and kiss the feet of that corrupt holiness, which desireth nothing else but pride, and the universal thrall of Christendom under Rome's yokes.  
But because the censures of that Nuntio be not yet opened, but lie secret and uncertain under muttering, I shall cease further to proceed therein, 
Rome's yokes.  till further occasion shall minister to me more certain matter for to say and to judge. In the mean time for so much as it is most certainly come to the intelligence of the king's majesty, that the Abbot of Arbroth should be chosen of late and elected to be a Cardinal in this your Realm of scotland, 
The Abbot of A●broth 〈◊〉 Cardinal of Scotland.  his majesty therefore for the good love & hearty good will he beareth unto your grace, as the uncle is bound unto the nephew, knowing that you as yet perceive not so well the hypocrisy and deceitful guile and malice of the Romans and their practices, as he himself doth by his long experience: could not but hearing thereof, advertise your grace, that his advise is, you should not suffer any of your subjects to take upon him that red hat of pride: whereby he shall incontinently, the same being received, (unless he be of a contrary nature to any man that ever was yet of that sort) not only be in manner discharged of his obedient, and become the bishop of Rome's true liege man: but also shall presume of his Cardinalshyp to be your fellow, and to have the rule as well as you. Then shall the Bishop of Rome creep into your own very bosom, know all your secrets, and at last, unless you will be yoked, 
Inconvenience that cometh by Cardinals.  and serve their pleasure in all points, your grace is like to smart for it. The thing perchance in the beginning shall seem to your grace very honourable and pleasant: but wisdom would to beware of the tail, which is very black and bitter.  
His majesties father, and Grandfather to your grace, had a Cardinal, whereof he was weary, and never admitted other after his decease, knowing the importable pride of them. In like manner also his highness by the experience of one, hath utterly determined to avoid all the sort: So well his grace hath known & experienced their mischief, yoke, and thraldom▪ that thereby is laid upon princes. By reason whereof, as his highness is the more able by his own experience to inform your grace: so of good will & mere propensity of hart, caused partly by nature and kin, partly by conjunction and vicinity of dominions adjoining so near together, he is no less ready to forewarn your grace before, wishing that God will so work in your princely hart and noble stomach, that his majesties monition & friendly warning, as it proceedeth from a sincere affection and tender care of his part unto his nephew, so it may prevail and take place in your mind, that your grace wisely in weighing with yourself, what supreme right princes have and aught to have upon their Churches and lands where they govern, & what little cause the bishop of Rome hath thereto, to proceed by unjust censures against them: your grace may therein not only stand to the just defence of your dear uncle, but also may endeavour to follow his steps therein, & to take his counsel, which he doubteth not, but shall redound not only to your grace's honour, to the benefit, weal, & profit of your realm & subjects, but especially to the glory of almighty God, and advancement of his true religion.  
And thus have I expounded to your grace, the sum of my errand and message from the king's majesty your uncle, who as he would be glad to be advertised by answer, of your grace's purpose, mind, and intention in this behalf so for my part, according to my charge and duty, I shall be priest and ready with all diligence, to give mine attendance upon your pleasure for the same accordingly.   

* The sum and effect of the kings message sent to the French king, in defence of his proceedings.  
THe king considering the present state of his marriage which was not yet well digested ner accepted in the Courts of other Princes: 
The kings message to the French king.  and also having intelligence of the strait amity intended by the marriages between the Emperor and the French king, and also or the Pope's inclination to pleasure the Emperor, and further understanding of the order and meaning of the French kings counsel, not greatly favouring his purposes, sent therefore unto France for his ambassador Edw. Fox doct. of Divinity, his Chaplain and counsellor, with instructions and admonitions how to frame and attemper himself in those the kings affairs. The contents of which his instructions came to this effect: That the said Edwaad Fox, first declaring to the French king the most affectuous commendations made on the kings behalf, with declaration of the kings most entire and hearty good will to understand of his prosperity, & the good success of his affairs, which his majesty no less desired than his own: and also after the king's letters being delivered to him and to other personages of his Counsel, then, 
Three causes to be declared in the kings defence.  after his access made unto the king, should utter and insinuate unto the king, his masters mind & intent in these three special points following.  
The first was, to declare the justness of the king's cause, concerning the late marriage with queen Anne, & divorcement of the king, from his brother's wife.  
The second, to signify and express the injuries done by the Pope, as afterward shall be declared.  
The third was, to win and allure to the king's devotion the chancellor of France.  
And as touching the declaration of the justness of the kings cause, first he taking with him certain books printed, containing the determinations of universities in that behalf, with reasons and authorities confirming the same, should distribute the said books to the Bishop of S. Line, & to other bishops, to Monsieur de Langez, & other of the kings counsel more, and to prove after the best fashion, to obtain their approbations of the same books, & with dexterity to assay whether he could induce them of the University of Paris, and other learned men, to send forth this book with their authorities and approbations. That done, them he being acquainted with all those points & articles of the kings cause, in communication and conference (as the case required) should not only make answer to such things as should be objected, but also furnish & maintain the justness of that opinion, with his learning in such sort as he could best invent and cogitate.  
As touching the second part which contained the injuries done by the pope against the king the said ambassador in that behalf being a man no less acquainted, 
The Pope's injuries done to the king of England.  then also well beaten and ripe in the manifold misbehaviours of the Pope, from the beginning of the cause, should declare & express to the French king, how injuriously the said Pope had demeaned himself toward the kings highness: first in sending a commission decretal, and then commanding it to be burnt: as also in promising by schedule of his own hand, not to call the cause out of England: 
The Pope inconstant in his deeds, & contrary to himself.  and moreover approving first the justness of the king's cause, yet notwithstanding afterward went from the same, and did contrary.  
Touching all which injuries received at the Pope's hand, although the king had great cause justly to complain yet other injuries there were beside these, wherewith the king most especially was moved.  
The one was for calling and citing the king's highness to appear at Rome. 
The Pope calleth and citeth the K. to Rome.   
The other was for rejecting the person of the kings trusty subject and chaplain, master Kerne his ambassador, from making such allegations, 
Two special injuries of the pope against the king.  as to the king in that case appertained: beside sundry other no small griefs and inconveniences, which here might be showed and alleged: But in these two especial injuries the king thought himself most chief touched, and aggrieved. In opening & ripping up of which injuries, & first in the said injurious calling of the king to Rome, instructions were given to the said ambassador to explicate the open violation therein, 
The Pope violateth the councils of Nice, Aphricke, and Milevitaine.  of the most ancient and general counsels, the Council of Nice, the council of afric, & the council of Milen. In which counsels, the contrary was, for quietness of the world, provided & ordered: declaring withal, how agreeable the same is to all laws, reason, & equity, that Princes should not be compelled to repair to Rome, at the Pope's calling, nor be bound in a matter of such weight & moment, to send out of their realms & dominions, the writings, instruments, & monuments containing the secrets of their affairs, or to make & trust a proctor being in so far distant parties, in a matter of such importance, to abide & fulfil that which the said Proctor should agree unto there. The matter and case whereof did not so much concern the estate of any one prince alone, as it touched the dignity of all other Christian kings so near, that unless they would suffer themselves to be yoked with the Pope's authority, it was time (in as much as the Pope now made this enterprise on them) to ensearch and know the bottom & ground both of his & of their authority: & if any thing by negligence or misuse had been lost, to recover the same, rather than to suffer it to decay any more. As touching all which griefs, hurts, inconveniences, prejudice, & evil example which might thereof ensue, the kings highness doubted not, but that his good brother the French king would assist and concur with his highness for maintenance and defence of the same.  

The second point to be declared.  For declaration of the second notable grief and injury done by the Pope to the king's highness, thus furthermore he was willed to insinuate to the French king, what injury or rather contumely the kings highness received at the Pope's hand, in not suffering the kings subject & ambassador to allege such matter in defence of his Prince, as by law, reason, & equity was to be heard and admitted, for as much as the said ambassador doctor Kerne the king's Chaplain being at Rome, at such time as citations were there published against the kings highness, & understanding his grace by them to be called before one Capasucha, Deane of the Rote, was there ready to make answer to the queens Agents complaint, & had by the advice of other great learned men, 
The kings Ambassador could not be heard at Rome.  conceived a certain matter containing causes reasonable & lawful, why the king's highness should not be bound to appear there, either by himself, or by his proctor. Which matter also he did exhibit on the king's behalf, as a true subject by law of nature is bound to maintain & to allege in defence of his prince that is absent, & aught by equity to preserve him from condemnation. And yet this notwithstanding the said Capasuccha not regarding nor considering the matter alleged, demanded whether the said Doccor had any proxy from the king or no, for such purpose, and upon default and lack of the said Proxy (which was not necessary in this case) Proceeded in the principal cause. By reason whereof the said doctor Kerne appealed to the pope, alleging injury to be done, not only to the king's highness, but also to himself, for that such matter as he did allege, was not considered nor regarded, but process made. To the which appellation, notwithstanding the said Capasuccha gave an ambiguous and a douhtfull answer, which was that as much as Doctor Kerne was by the law a lawful person, so much he would give place, & defer appellationi, and otherwise not.  
Thus upon declaration of this doubtful answer, passed certain days, the said Capasuccha promising always to open his said answer and sentence more plainly, and to give a determinate resolution. Which he nevertheless did not, albeit he was divers times urged thereunto: but so passed the time, and suddenly returned to process. Whereupon the said Doctor Kerne appealed eftsoons again, and put a supplication to the Pope, for admission of the said appeal. By reason whereof the matter was reasoned in the signature. In which signature by no law it could be showed why the said doctor Kerne should not be admitted to allege in defence of the kings highness, but only that they there amongst themselves being the greater number, which were of the emperors dominions, and feed of him (among which was also the said Capasuccha) gave their voices as the Pope said, that Doctor Kerne should not be heard, Sine mandato Regiae maiestatis. Whereunto when Doctor Kerne replied, saying: whatsoever they decreed or said, there was no law to maintain and bear it: it was said again by cardinal Anconitate, that the Pope might judge after his conscience. And upon this resolution, they determined there to proceed in the principal cause, unless the king would send a Proxy, intending by this injury & wrong, to enforce his highness to the exhibition of a Proxy there, 
The pope would have the king to appear by proxy at Rome.  to his highness high prejudice, to the pernicious example of the like to be done to other Princes, and also to the derogation of the liberties & prerogatives of his gracious Realm. Unto the observation whereof his highness is bound by his oath, and also by the same oath bound to recover and restore such liberties and privileges, as by any of his predecessors hath been lost, diminished, or decayed in time past.  
These with other like injuries and wrongs of the pope done to the king, the foresaid ambassador M. Fox according as he had in charge and commission, did declare open, and show unto the French king, to the intent to solicit the said king, to do by his meditation, for the remedying and redressing of those foresaid injuries and wrongful dealings of the Pope in this behalf.  
Furthermore, for the third purpose touching the Chancellor of France, 
The third part of p●●pose of 〈◊〉 message.  for as much as he was one of the chief personages whom the French king most trusted in his great affairs (by whose advise all matters of learning were then conduced and trained) the king thought it not unprofitable, by all ways and means to win and allure his friendship and amity also, unto his devotion, either that by his means and dexterity the kings purposes might be advanced the better: or at least for a Ne noceat: that is to mitigate and diminish such favour as he by the admiral or otherwise, was moved to show to the Imperials. For the which cause the king committing in charge to his ambassador aforesaid, willed and instructed him how and what to do, and after what manner to attemperate himself to all occasions and times of opportunity: as first to deliver to him from the king, his letters of credence, and withal to declare and extend the kings most effectuous commendations, with the hearty good will, and sincere affections which his highness bare to the said Cardinal Chancellor of France, with no less desire also most gladly to do that thing which might be to his commodity and benefit, according as the manifold pleasures, gravities, and kindness done on his part for the kings highness did worthily deserve. Then after such words of mollification, to enter into further communication with him, in such sort as might best serve his honour.  
And forasmuch as the Cardinal was then noted much to be moved with the affections of vain glory, & covetous therefore amongst other communication, 
The vain glory and avarice of the Cardinal.  it was devised to infer mention of the papality, noting what ways & means might be used to attain unto that dignity. Wherein if the kings highness could stand him to any steed, as he thought the person of the said Chancellor most meet for the same: 
The fashyo● of Prince's courts to be noted.  so he would not fail to move and to procure it to the best furtherance of his advancement. And finally to declare how desirous the kings highness was to retain and make sure unto him, the amity and friendship of the said Chancellor, and that his highness devising by what means and ways he might do the same (albeit his grace knew well, that the faith and sincerity of the said Chancellor towards his master, was such, as no gift, pension, or other offer could advance or increase that good will which for his masters sake, he would employ in the kings highness affairs) thought that for declaration of his hearty good will towards the said Chancellor, it were convenient to offer unto him some yearly remembrance. etc.  
This was the sum and effect of the message of the king sent unto the French king, and to other of his counsel, by his ambassador master Edward Fox, which was especially to signify and make manifest unto the said French king the unjust dealings and prejudicial proceedings of the pope, in calling up the king of England to appear at Rome, by Proxy, which was derogatory to the kings dignity and crown, and also prejudicial both to general Counsels of the primitive time, and to the ancient laws and statutes of this Realm (as is afore declared) and no less hurtful for example to all other Princes and kings likewise. etc.  
This message so done, 
Steven Gardiner Ambassador to the French king.  shortly after was sent to the said french king, Stephen Gardinar bish. of Winchester, with the king's answer and message again on this manner: that for so much as the saying of the French king to the ambassadors was this: that notwithstanding all the king's Realm should agree and condescend never so much to the right & title, 
The French kings saying against the kings succession.  which the succession procreated of this his lawful matrimony hath in this his realm: yet when outward parties shall conceive any other or contrary opinion thereof great trouble and vexation might ensue. Whereunto the K. made answer again, declaring that he could not but greatly marvel, that the king his brother being so wise a Prince, 
The kings answer to the French king.  and there to well expert and learned in Chronicles and histories, not only of his own realm, but also of all others, or any of his Counsel, being men of such experience as they were taken to be, would think that the opinion & consent of other outward Realms was so highly to be considered and regarded of any prince or king, in stablishing or in executing of things which might be lawfully done, and which touched the preservation of the rights, pre-eminences, dignity, and state of his realm, and did also notably confer unto the singular benefit and tranquility of the same, so as the words both of the said king his brother, and of the great master did pretend. Who furthermore were not ignorant themselves, 
〈…〉 of 〈◊〉 realm, 〈…〉 bound t● the agreement of outward realms.  that many things have been by his noble progenitors kings of France attempted and done, as well in cases of matrimony, as otherwise, which in some part in the opinion of the Popes of Rome then being, & in some part in the opinion of divers other outward princes, states, signiories, and common people have been thought not perfectly good, nor yet much acceptable unto them: and yet that notwithstanding his said progenitors knowing themselves the prosecuting of those causes to be beneficial to them and to the realm, have not therefore desisted from their said purposes, but diligently employing their own strength and powers with the succours of their friends, have finally achieved their said enterprises, without requiring or greatly regarding the opinion or agreement thereunto of outward princes.  
Again, whereas the chancellor of France made this overture to the ●ayde Bishop of Winchester, whether the king would be content to have indifferent judges to be appointed by the authority of the Pope, 

The overture of the Chancellor 〈◊〉  
France, to the king, to take indifferent judges by the Pope's authority.  
The kings answer to the overture.   to determine his cause, with a commission decretal from the same, declaring Quid juris. etc. The King by his ambassador thereunto answering, declared that the Pope having done unto him so notable and evident injuries, as he had done, it were his office and duty, now to labour himself to end this matter, and to study how to make due satisfaction to God and his justice, which he hath tam indignis modis offended and violated, and to deliver himself out of the danger, and the perpetual infamy of the world, which he hath incurred by reason of these his most ungodly doings, and not to look that the King should make any request or suit unto him therefore, or recompense for the same. etc.  
Furthermore, where as the Pope, at the request of the French king, had in open Consistory prorogued execution of his censures and excommunication against the king unto the first day of November, and word thereof was sent to the king by his ambassadors, from the great master of France, that the king might have the said prorogation made autentikely in writing, if he would: The king answering thereunto, thought it not unprofitable, that his ambassadors resident in France, should receive unto their hands, the possession of the said new prorogation conceived and written in authentic form and manner according to the order of the laws.  
After this again, came other letters to the King from France, namely from the great master of France, tending to this end, that if the king would do nothing for the pope, (meaning by the revocation of such acts of parliament, 
The king requested by the French king to relent to the Pope.  as were made in the Realm of England, to the Pope's prejudice) it were no reason, neither should it be possible for the French king to induce the Pope to any gratuity or pleasure for the king in his affairs.  
Whereunto the king answering again, sendeth word to the French king, 
The kings answer to the French kings request.  trusting and hoping well of the perfect friendship of the French king his good brother, that he will never suffer any such persuasion to enter into his breast, whatsoever the great master or any other shall say to the contrary thereof, nor that he will require any thing more of him to do for the Pope, chancellor or other, than his Counsel hath already devised to be done in this behalf: especially considering the words of the said French kings promise made before, as well to the Duke of Norfolk, as to the other Ambassadors, promising his friendship to to the King simply without requiring him to revocate or infringe any such act or constitution made by the realm and Parliament, to the contrary: Persuading moreover, and laying before the eyes, as well of the Pope, as of the French king, how much it should redound to the Pope's dishonour and infamy, & to the slander also of his cause, if he should be seen so to pact and covenant with the king upon such conditions, for the administration of that thing, which he in his own conscience hath reputed and adjudged to be most rightful & agreeable to justice and equity, and aught of his office and duty to do in this matter simpliciter & gratis, and without all worldly respects, either for the advancement of his private lucre and commodity, 
The Pope seeketh not for justice, but his own lucre and commodity.  or for the preservation of his pretenced power and authority. For surely it is 〈◊〉 to be doubted▪ but that the Pope being minded and determined to give sentence for the invalidity and nullity of the kings first pretenced matrimony, hath conceived and established in his own conscience a 〈◊〉 and certain opinion and persuasion, that he ought of justice and equity so to do.  
Then to see the Pope to have this opinion in deed, and yet refuse this to do for the King, unless he shall be content for his benefit and pleasure, 
The Pope kelleth justice.  ●edere iuri suo, and to do some things prejudicial unto his subjects contrary to his honour: it ●o easy to be foreseen, what the world and the posterity shall judge de tam turpi nundinatione justitiae, & illius tam foeda & sordida lucri & honoris ambitione. And as fo● the king's part, if he shall not attain now justice at the mediation of his good brother, knowing the Pope to be of this disposition and determination in his heart, to satisfy all his desires, being moved thereunto by justice, 
The Pope doth against his 〈◊〉 own conscience.  and that the ●et thereof is no default of justice in the cause, but only for that the king would not condescend to his request: it is to the king matter sufficient enough for discharge of his conscience to God and to the world, although he never did execute in deed his said determination. For sith his corrupt affection is the only impediment thereof, what need either the king to require him any further to do in the cause, or else his subjects to doubt any further in the justness of the same.  
Albeit if respects to benefits & merits done towards the Pope & the See of Rome, 
The Pope forgetteth his old benefactors and friends.  should be regarded in the attaining of justice in a cause of so high consequency as this is, reason would, that if it would please the Pope to consider the former kindness of the King showed unto him in time past (whereof he is very loath to enter the rehearsal, ne videatur velle exprobrare quae de alijs fecerit bene) he should not now require of him any new benefit or gratuity to be showed unto him, but rather study to recompense him for the old graces, merits, pleasures, and benefits before received. For surely he thinketh that the Pope can not forget, how that for the conservation of his person, his estate and dignity, the king hath not heretofore spared for any respect, 
The benefits of the king upon the Pope, when he was taken by the Duke of Burbon●.  in using the office of a most perfect and steadfast friend, to relinquish the long continued good will established between him and the Emperor, and to declare openly to all the world, that for the Pope's sake, and in default of his deliverance, he would become enemy to the said Emperor, and to make against him actual war.  
Besides this, the King hath not failed him with right large and ample subventions of money, for the better supporting of his charges, against the enterprises of the said Emperor, combinding and knitting himself with the French king, to procure the advancement of the said French king's army into Italy, to the charges whereof, the king did bear little less than the one half: Besides notable losses sustained as well in his customs, subsidies, and other duties, as also to the no little hindrance and damage of his subjects and merchants, occasioned by discontinuance of the traffic and intercourse heretofore used with the emperors subjects. In doing of all which things, the king hath not been thus respective, as the Pope now showeth himself towards him, but like a perfect friend hath been always contented frankly, liberally, and openly to expone all his study, labour, travail, treasure puissance, Realm and divers subjects for the Pope's aid, and the maintenance of the state and dignity of the Church and See of Rome. Which things although he doth not here rehearse animo exprobandi, yet he doubteth not, but the same weighed in the balance of any indifferent man's judgement, 
All is lost tha● is done for a churl.  shallbe thought to be of that weight & valour, as that he hath justly deserved to have some mutual correspondency of kindness to be showed unto him at the pope's hands: especially in the ministration of justice and in so reasonable & just cause as this is, and not thus to have his most rightful petition rejected and denied because he will not follow his desire and appetite in revocating of such acts as be here made & passed for the weal & commodity of his realm and subjects.  
¶ Thus ye have heard how instantly the king had laboured by the means of the french king, to the pope being then in France, for right and justice to be done, for the dissolution and nullity of his first pretenced matrimony with his brother's wife. Which when it could not be attained at the pope's hands, unless the king would recompense and require the same by revocating of such statutes as were made and enacted here in the high Court of Parliament, for the surety of succession and establishment of the Realm: what the king thereunto answered again, ye heard, declaring that to be a far unequal recompense and satisfaction for a thing which ought of right and justice to be ministered unto him, that a king therefore should revocate and undo the acts and statutes passed by a whole Realm contrary to his own honour, and weal of his subjects. etc.  
Where is moreover to be understanded, 
The crafty packing of the Papists.  how that the Pope with all his papists, and the French king also, and peradventure Stephen Gardiner too, the kings own Ambassador, had ever a special eye, to disprove and disappoint the kings succession by Queen Anne, whom they knew all to be a great enemy unto the pope, thinking thereby, that if that succession were diminished, the pope's kingdom might soon be restored again in England. But yet for all their unjust and crafty packing, they were through God's providence, frustrate of their desired purpose. For although they so brought to pass the next year following, to ad●●lle the order of that succession by a contrary Parliament: 
The Papists frustrate of their purpose.  yet neither did they so annihilate it, but that both K. Edward followed, yea and also the same succession afterward by the said king and other parliaments was restored again, and yet (God be praised) hath hitherto reigned, & doth yet flourish in the Realm of England.  
Now, as we have declared the King's doings in the Realm of Scotland and of France, proceeding further in the kings proceed with other Princes, let us see how the king defended himself and his cause before the Emperor, sending his ambassador unto him, using these words before his majesty, as here followeth.   

The Oration of the king's Ambassador before the Emperor in defence of his cause.  
SIr, the king my master taking and reputing you as his perfect friend, confederate, and ally, and not doubting but you remembering the mutual kindness between you in times past, 
The Oration of the Ambassador to the Emperor.  will show yourself in all ocurrents to be of such mind and disposition, as justice, truth and equity doth require: hath willed me by his letters, to open and declare unto you, what he hath done, and in what wise he hath proceeded concerning such Marriage as by many years was supposed to have been between your Aunt and his grace. 
Divisions consisting in 2. parts.  In which matter being two principal points specially to be regarded & considered: that is to say, the justice of the cause, and the order of the process therein, his highness hath so used him in both, as no man may right wisely complain of the same.  
First, as touching the justness of the cause, that is to say, of that Marriage between him and your said Aunt to be nought, 
The justness of the kings cause.  and of no moment ne effect, but against the law of God, nature, and man, and indispensible by the Pope, and in no wise available: his highness hath done therein, as much as becometh him for discharge of his conscience, and hath found so certain, so evident, so manifest, so open, and approved truth, as whereunto his majesty ought of good congruence to give place, & which by all other aught to be allowed and received, not as a matter doubtful, disputable, or depending in question and ambiguity: but as a plain determined and discussed verity of the true understanding of god's word and law, which all Christian men must follow and obey, and before all other worldly respects, prefer and execute. In attaining the knowledge whereof, if his highness had used only his own particular judgement & sentence, or the mind only & opinion of his own natural subjects, (although the same might in his conscience have sufficed) would not much have repugned, if some other had made difficulty to assent to him in the same, till further discussion had been made thereupon. But now, forasmuch as besides his own certain understanding, and the agreement of this whole Clergy to the same in both Provinces of his realm, his majesty hath also for him the determinations of the most famous universities of Christendom, 
Universities standing with the kings cause  and most indifferent to pronounce and give judgement in this case, and among them, the University of Bonony, (all fear of the Pope set apart) concluding against his power: and also Padua (the venetians threats not regarded) giving their sentence for the truth & evident words of God's law: there should no man, as seemeth to him, gainsay or withstand, either in word or deed, the truth thus opened, but for his honour and duty to the observation of God's law, willingly embrace and receive the same.  
According whereunto his grace perceiveth also aswell in his Realm, as else where, a notable consent and agreement amongst all Divines, and such as have studied for knowledge of God's law without contradiction of any number, unless it be such applying their mind to the maintenance of worldly affections, do either in defence of such laws as they have studied, either for satisfaction of their private appetite, forbear to agree unto the same. The number of whom is so small, as in the discerning of truth, it ought not to be regarded in a case so plainly described and determined by God's word, as this is.  
And if percase your Majesty here not regarding the number, but the matter, shall seem to consider in this case, not so much who speaketh, as what is spoken, to answer thereunto, I say: Sir, the king my master is of the same mind, for his own satisfaction, & taketh himself to be in the right, 
Both the number and matter maketh with the king.  not because so many sayeth it, but because he being learned, knoweth the matter to be right. Nevertheless, reason would, and enforceth also, that strangers to the cause, and not parties therein, should be induced to believe that to be truth, that such a number of clerk do so constantly affirm, specially not being otherwise learned to be judges of their sayings, as your majesty is not. And if you were, than could your highness show such reasons, authorities, and grounds as cannot be taken away, and be so firm and stable, as they ought not of Christian men in any part to be impugned, like as hath been partly heretofore showed by his sundry ambassadors to your Imperial majesty, and should eftsoons be done, were it not too great an injury to that is already passed in the Realm, to dispute the same again in any other country: which being contrarious to the laws and ordinances of his realm, he trusteth your prudency will not require, but take that is past, for a thing done, and justly done: and as for God's part, to leave his conscience to himself, qui Domino sua stat aut cadit: and for the world to pass over as a friend, that which nothing toucheth you, and not to marvel though the said king my master regarding the wealth of his soul principally, with the commodity of his person, and so great benefit & quiet of his realm, have percase done that he for his private fantasy, would not had chanced: like as his highness also would wish it had not happened that such cause had been given unto him to compel him so to do.  
But these things in their outward visage be but worldly, and inwardly touch and concern the soul. 
The second part of his Oration touching the manner of the kings procedings.  Quid autem prodest homini si universum mundum lucretur, animae vero suae detrimentum patiatur. Primum quaerite regnum Dei. etc. And yet neither his highness ignorant what respect is to be had unto the world: and how much he hath laboured and travailed therein, he hath sufficiently declared and showed to the world in his acts and proceed. For if he had utterly contemned the order and process of the world, or the friendship and amity of your Majesty: he needed not to have sent so often and sundry Ambassates to the Pope, and to you both, nor continued and spent his time in delays, as he hath done hitherto, but might many years past, have done that he hath done now, if it had so liked him, and with as little difficulty then as now, if he would have without such respect, followed his pleasure in that behalf. But now I doubt not, your majesty doth well remember how often the king my master hath sent unto your highness, and that your majesty hath heard also what suits he hath made to the Pope, and how the said Pope hath handled him again only in delay and dalliance, with open commission given to his Legates to determine and give sentence for him by a commission decretal, and secretly to give them instructions to suspend and put over the same. 
How the Pope dallied with the king by delays.  By which means and other semblable, he perceived plainly himself to be brought in such a labyrinth as going forward that way, he were like to come to no end, and was therefore compelled to step right forth at once to the mazes end, there to quiet and repose himself at the last.  
And is it not time to have end in seven year, or else to seek for it an other way? The pope hath showed himself both unwilling to have an end, and also ready and prone to do him injury, as well in citing him to Rome, as also sending forth certain breves to his grace slanderous, and for the injustice and iniquity of them, to himself dishonourable: as he gave his highness good and just cause to suspect, lest any end to be made at his hand (if any he would make) might be in his conscience received and followed. For the pope doing injury in some point, why should he be thought convenient judge, not using himself indifferently in this matter, (as many more particularities may be showed and declared) considering, 
This general Council was the first Council of Constantinople.  there is a general Council, willing all matters to be determined where they first began, and that the whole body of our Realm hath for the wealth of the same, by a law established the determination of such causes? By reason whereof the Bishop of Canterbury as metropolitan of our Realm, hath given sentence in due judgement for the kings party. It is not to be asked nor questioned, whether that matter hath been determined after the common fashion, but whether it hath in it common justice, truth and equity of God's law. For observation of the common order, his grace hath done that lay in him, and enforced by necessity hath found the true order mayntainable by God's word & general Counsels which he hath in substance followed with effect, and hath done as becometh him, tendering either God's law, or his person, or the wealth of his Realm, like as he doubteth not but your majesty (as a wise Prince) remembering his cause from the beginning hitherto, will of yourself consider and think, that among mortal men, nothing should be immortal, & suits must once have an end: Si possis rectè, si non, quocunque modo. And if he cannot as he would, his highness them to do as he may, & he that hath a journey to be perfited, must if he cannot go one way▪ assay an other. What soever hath been herein done, necessity hath enforced him (that is to say God's law) in the matter, and such manner of dealing of the Pope, as he hath showed unto him in the same, doing sundry injuries without effect of justice, wherein he promised the same. But as for the king's matter to the Pope: he shall entreat with him a part. As touching your majesty, he taketh you for his friend, & as to a friend he openeth these matters unto you, trusting to find your majesty no les friendly hereafter unto him, than he hath done heretofore.  
By these matters thus passed and discoursed to and fro between the King and these foreign Princes above rehearsed, many things are to be understanded of the reader, who so is disposed to behold and consider the state & proceeding of public affairs, 
The kings divorce just.  as well to the church appertaining, as to the common wealth. First how the king cleareth himself both justly and reasonably for his divorce made with the Lady Katherine the Emperor's aunt. 
The kings marriage with Q. Anne lawful.  Secondly, how he proveth and defendeth his marriage with Queen Anne, to be just & lawful, both by the authority of God's word, and the comprobation of the best & most famous learned men and universities, and also by the assent of the whole realm.  
Furthermore for the stablishing of the king's succession in the Imperial crown of this Realm, 
The Pope suppressed.  for the suppression of the pope, and uniting the title of supremacy unto the king's Crown, what order therein was taken, and what penalty was set upon the same, 
The kings title of supremacy.  as may appear by the Act of Parliament set forth. An. 1534. Ex Henr. Reg. 26. cap. 13. in these words following.  
If any person or persons after the 1. of February next, do maliciously imagine, 
Statut. An. 26. Hen. 8. cap. 13.  invent, practice, or attempt to deprive the king of the dignity, title, or name of his royal estate. etc. that then every such person and persons so offending in any of the premises, their aiders, counsellors, consenters, and abbettors being thereof lawfully convict, according to the laws and customs of this Realm, shallbe reputed, 
Denying of the kings supremacy▪ made treason.  accepted, and adjudged traitors, and that every such offence in any the premises committed or done after the said first day of February, shallbe reputed, accepted, and adjudged high treason: and the offenders, therein their aiders, consenters, counsellors and abettors being lawfully convict of any such offence, shall have & suffer such pains of death and other penalties, as is limited and accustomed in cases of high treason.  
Upon this and such other Acts concluded in those parliaments, what stomach the Pope took, what stir he kept, and what practices he wrought with Cardinal Poole, to stir up other nations to war against us, what difficulty also there was with the Emperor, with the French king, and with the king of Scots about the matter, and what labour was used on the king's part, to concile these Princes for his own indemnity, to keep him from their wars and invasions, and especially to obtain the Pope's approbation, and to avoid his censures of excommunication, and finally, what despiteful injuries & open wrongs the Pope wrought against him, upon the which Pope the king had bestowed so much money, and great treasures before, all this likewise by the premises may appear.  
Wherefore, to end now with these, and to go forward in our story, as the order and computation of years do give, we have now consequently to enter into the story of the good Martyr of God, William Tindal, being this present year falsely betrayed and put to death. Which William Tyndall, as he was a special organ of the Lord appointed, and as God's mattock to shake the inward roots and foundation of the Pope's proud prelacy: so the great prince of darkness, with his impious imps, having a special malice against him, left no way unsought, how craftily to entrap him, and falsely to betray him, & maliciously to spill his life: as by the process of his story here following may appear.   

¶ The life and story of the true servant and Martyr of God William Tyndall: Who for his notable pains and travel may well be called the Apostle of England in this our latter age.  
WIlliam tindal the faithful Minister and constant Martyr of Christ, 
W. tindal Martyr.  was borne about the borders of Wales, and brought up from a child in the University of Oxford, 
Anno 1536.  where he by long continuance grew up, and increased as well in the knowledge of tongues, and other liberal Arts, as especially in the knowledge of the Scriptures: 
The first taste of god's truth in Magdalen College, by the means of M. ●indall.  whereunto his mind was singularly addicted: In so much that he lying then in Magdalene Hall, read privily to certain students and fellows of Magdalen College, some parcel of Divinity: instructing them in the knowledge and truth of the Scriptures. Whose manners also and conversation being correspondent to the same, were such, that all they which knew him, reputed and esteemed him to be a man of most virtuous disposition, and of life unspotted.  
Thus he in the University of Oxford increasing more and more in learning and proceeding in degrees of the schools, spying his time, removed from thence to the University of Cambridge, where after he had likewise made his abode a certain space, being now further ripened in the knowledge of God's word, leaving that University also, he resorted to one M. Welsh a Knight of Glocestershire, and was there Schoolmaster to his children, and in good favour with his master. This Gentleman, as he kept a good ordinary commonly at his table, there resorted to him many times sundry Abbots, Deans, Archdeacon's, with other divers Doctors and great beneficed men: who there together with M. tindal sitting at the same table, did use many times to enter communication and talk of learned men, as of Luther and of Erasmus: Also of divers other controversies and questions upon the Scripture.  
Then master tindal, 
tindal disputing with the Doctors.  as he was learned and well practised in God's matters, so he spared not to show unto them simply and plainly his judgement in matters, as he thought: and when as they at any time did vary from Tyndal in opinions and judgement, he would show them in the book, and lay plainly before them the open and manifest places of the Scriptures, to confute their errors, and to confirm his sayings. And thus continued they for a certain season, reasoning and contending together divers and sundry times, till at length they waxed weary, and bore a secret grudge in their hearts against him.  
Not long after this, it happened that certain of these great Doctors had invited M. Welche and his wife to a banquet: where they had talk at will and pleasure, uttering their blindness and ignorance without any resistance or gainsaying. Then M. Welche and his wife coming home and calling for M. Tyndall, began to reason with him about those matters, whereof the Priests had talked before at their banquet. M. Tyndall answering by scriptures, maintained the truth, and reproved their false opinions. Then said the Lady Welsh, a stout and a wise woman (as Tyndall reported). Well (said she) there was such a Doctor which may dispend a C.li and an other Cc.li & an other CCC.li. and what? were it reason, think you, 
tindal instructeth M. Welch and his wife in the truth.  that we should believe you before them? Master tindal gave her no answer at that time, nor also after that (because he saw it would not avail) he talked but little in those matters. At that time he was about the translation of a book called Enchiridion milit●s Christiani, which being translated, he delivered to his master and Lady. Who after they had read & well perused the same, 
Enchiridion a book of Erasmus, translated by tindal.  the Doctorly Prelates were no more so often called to the house, neither had they the cheer & countenance when they came, as before they had. Which thing they marking and well perceiving, and supposing no less but it came by the means of M. Tyndall, refrained themselves, and at last utterly withdrew themselves, and came no more there.  
As this grew on, the Priests of the Country clustering together, 
The priests storm against tindal.  began to grudge and storm against tindal, railing against him in Alehouses and other places. Of whom Tyndall himself in his Prologue before the first book of Moses, this testifieth in his own words, and reporteth that he suffered much in that country by a sort of unlearned Priests, being full rude and ignorant (sayeth he) God knoweth: which have seen no more Latin then that only which they read in their Portesses & Missalles: (which yet many of them can scarcely read) except it be Albertus de secretis mulierum, 
The rudeness of the country priests.  in which yet though they be never so sorily learned, they poor day and night, and make notes therein, and all to teach the midwives, as they say: and also an other called Lynwood, a book of constitutions to gather tithes, mortuaries, offerings, customs, and other pillage, which they call not theirs, but God's part, the duty of holy Church, to discharge their consciences withal. For they are bound that they shall not diminish but increase all things unto the uttermost of their powers, which pertain to holy church. Thus these blind & rude Priests flocking together to the Alehouse (for that was their preaching place) raged and rai●ed against him, affirming that his sayings were heresy: 
Tindal troubled by the priests of the country.  adding moreover unto his sayings of their own heads: more than ever he spoke, and so accused him secretly to the chancellor and other of the Bishop's Officers.  
It followed not long after this, that there was a sitting of the bishop's Chancellor appointed, 
tindal called before the Bishop's Chancellor.  and warning was given to the priests to appear: amongst whom M. tindal was also warned to be there. And whether he had any misdoubt by their threatenings, or knowledge given him that they would lay some things to his charge it is uncertain: but certain this is (as he himself declared) that he doubted their privy accusations: so that he by the way in going thetherwards, cried in his mind heartily to God, to give him strength fast to stand in the truth of his word.  
Then when the time came of his appearance before the Chancellor, he threatened him grievously, reviling and rating him as though he had been a dog, & laid to his charge many things, 
Tindal could not have his accusers brought out.  whereof no accuser yet could be brought forth (as commonly their manner is, not to bring forth the accuser) notwithstanding that the Priests of the country the same time were there present. And thus M. Tindal after those examinations escaping out of their hands, departed home and returned to his master again.  
There dwelled not far off a certain Doctor that had been an old Chancellor before to a Bishop, 
One good old Doctor amongst m●ny nought.  who had been of old familiar acquaintance with M. Tyndall, and also favoured him well. Unto whom M. Tyndall went and opened his mind upon divers questions of the scripture: 
The Pope Antichrist.  for to him he durst be bold to disclose his heart. Unto whom the Doctor said: do you not know that the Pope is very Antichrist, whom the Scripture speaketh of. But beware what you say: for if you shall be perceived to be of that opinion, it will cost you your life: and said moreover, I have been an officer of his, But I have given it up and defy him and all his works.  
It was not long after, but M. Tindal happened to be in the company of a certain divine recounted for a learned man, and in commoning and disputing with him, he drove him to that issue, 

The blasphemy of a blind doctor.  
The pope's law preferred before God's law.   that the said great Doctor burst out into these blasphemous words, and said: we were better to be without God's law then the Popes. M. Tyndall hearing this, full of godly zeal, and not bearing that blasphemous saying, replied again & said: I de●ie the Pope and all his laws: and further added, that i● God spared him life, ere many years he would cause a boy that driveth the plough to know more of the Scripture, than he did.  
After this, the grudge of the priests increasing still more and more against Tyndall, they never ceased barking and rating at him, and laid many sore things to his charge, saying that he was an heretic in Sophistry, an heretic in Logic, an heretic in Divinity: and said moreover to him, that he bore himself bold of the Gentlemen there in that country: but notwithstanding, shortly he should be otherwise talked withal. To whom M. Tyndall answering again thus said, that he was contented they should bring him into any country in all England, giving him x. li. a year to live with, and binding him to no more but to teach children and to preach.  
To be short, M. Tyndal being so molested and vexed in the country by the Priests, was constrained to leave that country and to seek an other place: 
tindal departeth from M. Welsh.  and so coming to M. Welsh, he desired him of his good will, that he might departed from him, saying on this wise to him: Sir I perceive I shall not be suffered to tarry long here in this country, neither shall you be able though you would, to keep me out of the hands of the spirituality, & also what displeasure might grow thereby to you by keeping me, God knoweth: for the which I should be right sorry. So that in fine, M. tindal with the good will of his master, 
tindal cometh to London.  departed, & eftsoons came up to London, and there preached a while, according as he had done in the country before, and specially about the town of Bristol, and also in the said town, in the common place called S. Austin's Greene. At length he bethinking himself of Cuthbert Tonstall, than Bishop of London, and especially for the great commendation of Erasmus, 
An oration of Isocrates translated out of Greek into English by W. tindal.  who in his annotations so extolleth him for his learning, thus cast with himself, that if he might attain unto his service he were a happy man. And so coming to Sir Henry Gilford the king's controller, and bringing with him an Oration of Isocrates, which he had then translated out of Greek into English, he desired him to speak to the said B. of London for him. Which he also did, and willed him moreover to write an Epistle to the Bishop, and to go himself with him. 
tindal sueth to bishop Tonstall to be his Chaplain.  Which he did likewise, and delivered his Epistle to a servant of his, named William Hebilthwaite, a man of his old acquaintance. But God who secretly disposeth the course of things, saw that was not the best for Tyndals' purpose, nor for the profit of his Church, and therefore gave him to find little favour in the Bishop's sight. 
Tonstal refuseth M. tindal.  The answer of whom was this, that his house was full, he had more than he could well find, and advised him to seek in London abroad, where he said he could lack no service. etc. and so remained he in London the space almost of a year, beholding and marking with himself the course of the world, and especially the demeanour of the preachers, how they boasted themselves and set up their authority and kingdom: beholding also the pomp of the Prelates, with other things more which greatly misliked him: In so much that he understood, not only there to be no room in the Bishop's house for him to translate the new Testament: but also that there was no place to do it in all England. And therefore finding no place for his purpose within the realm, 
tindal departeth 〈◊〉 Germany.  and having some aid and provision, by God's providence ministered unto him by Humphrey Mummoth above recited, as you may see before, pag. 1076. and certain other good men, he took his leave of the realm, & departed into Germany. Where the good man being inflamed with a tender care and zeal of his country, refused no travel nor diligence how by all means possible, to reduce his brethren and countrymen of England to the same taste and understanding of God's holy word and verity, which the Lord had endued him withal.  
Whereupon he considering in his mind, and partly also conferring with john Frith, 
The cause● moving tindal to translate the Scripture into the English tongue.  thought with himself no way more to conduce thereunto, then if the Scripture were turned into the vulgar speech, that the poor people might also read and see the simple plain word of God. For first he wisely casting in his mind, perceived by experience, how that it was not possible to 'stablish the lay people in any truth, except the Scripture were so plainly laid before their eyes in their mother tongue, that they might see the process, order, and meaning of the text: For else what so ever truth should be taught them, these enemies of the truth would quench it again, either with apparent reasons of Sophistry, and traditions of their own making, founded without all ground of Scripture: either else juggling with the text, expounding it in such a sense, as impossible it were to gather of the text, if the right process, order, & meaning thereof were seen.  
Again, right well he perceived and considered this only, or most chief to be the cause of all mischief in the church, 
Hiding of Scripture the cause of mischief.  that the Scriptures of God were hidden from the people's eyes: For so long the abominable doings and idolatries maintained by the Pharisaical Clergy, could not be espied, and therefore all their labour was with might & main to keep it down, so that either it should not be red at all, or if it were, they would darken the right sense with the mis● of their Sophistry, and so entangle them which rebuked or despised their abominations, with arguments of philosophy, and with worldly similitudes, and apparent reasons of natural wisdom: and with wresting the scripture unto their own purpose, contrary unto the process, order, and meaning of the text, would so delude them in descanting upon it with Allegories, and amaze them, expounding it in many senses laid before the unlearned lay people, that though thou felt in thy hart, & were sure that all were false that they said yet couldst not thou solve their subtle riddles.  
For these and such other considerations, this good man was moved (and no doubt stirred up of God) to translate the Scripture into his mother tongue, 
The new testament and the 5. books of Moses translated with tindal's prologues.  for the public utility and profit of the simple vulgar people of the country: first, setting in hand with the new Testament, which he first translated about the year of our Lord 1527. After that he took in hand to translate the old Testament, finishing the five books of Moses, with sundry most learned and godly prologues prefixed before every one, most worthy to be read and read again of all good Christians: as the like also he did upon the new Testament.  
He wrote also divers other works under sundry titles, among the which is that most worthy monument of his, entitled: The obedience of a Christian man: wherein with singular dexterity he instructeth all men in the office and duty of Christian obedience, with divers other treatises: as The wicked Mammon: The practice of Prelates, with expositions upon certain parts of the Scripture, and other Books also answering to Sir Thom. More and other adversaries of the truth, no less delectable, then also most fruitful to be read, which partly before being unknown unto many, partly also being almost abolished and worn out by time, the Printer hereof (good Reader) for conserving and restoring such singular treasures, hath collected and set forth in Print the same in one general volume, all and whole together, as also the works of john Frith, Barnes, and other, as are to be seen most special and profitable for thy reading.  
These books of W. Tyndal being compiled, published & sent over into England, it cannot be spoken what a door of light they opened to the eyes of the whole English nation, which before were many years shut up in darkness.  
At his first departing out of the realm, he took his journey into the further parts of Germany, as into Saxony, 
Tindal we●● into Saxony.  where he had conference with Luther and other learned men in those quarters. Where, after that he had continued a certain season, he came down from thence into the netherlands, 
Tindal came to Antwerp.  & had his most abiding in the town of Antwerp, until the time of his apprehension: whereof more shallbe said god willing hereafter.  
Amongst his other books which he compiled, one work he made also for the declaration of the sacrament (as it was then called) of the altar: the which he kept by him, considering how the people were not as yet fully persuaded in other matters tending to superstitious ceremonies & gross idolatry. Wherefore he thought as yet time was not come, to put forth that work, but rather that it should hinder the people from other instructions, supposing that it would seem to them odious to hear any such thing spoken or set forth at that time, sounding against their great Goddess Diana, that is, against their Mass, being had every where in great estimation, as was the Goddess Diana amongst the Ephesians whom they thought to come from heaven.  
Wherefore M. tindal being a man both prudent in his doings, and no less zealous in the setting forth of God's holy truth, 
Tindal bearing with ●yme.  after such sort as it might take most effect with the people, did forbear the putting forth of that work, not doubting but by Gods merciful grace, a time should come, to have that abomination openly declared, as it is at this present day: the Lord almighty be always praised therefore. Amen.  
These godly books of tindal, and specially the new Testament of his translation, after that they begun to come into men's hands, and to spread abroad, as they wrought great and singular profit to the godly: 
darkness hateth light.  so the ungodly envying and disdaining that the people should be any thing wiser than they, & again fearing least by the shining beams of truth, their false hypocrisy & works of darkness should be discerned: began to stir with no small ado, like as at the birth of Christ, Herode & all jerusalem was troubled with him. 
Satan an enemy to all good purposes, especially to the Gospel.  But especially Satan the prince of darkness, maligning the happy course and success of the Gospel, set to his might also, how to impeach and hinder the blessed travails of that man: as by this, and also by sundry other ways may appear. For at what time tindal had translated the fift book of Moses called Deuteronomium, minding to Print the same at Hamborough, he sailed thereward: where by the way upon the coast of Holland, he suffered shipwreck, by the which he lost all his books, writings and copies, and so was compelled to begin all again a new, to his hindrance and doubling of his labours. Thus having lost by that ship, both money, his copies and time, he came in an other ship to Hamborough, 
William tindal lost his books & copies, by shipwreck. M. Coverdale a helper of M. tindal in the translation of the testament.  where at his appointment M. Coverdale tarried for him, and helped him in the translating of the whole 5. books of Moses, from Easter till Decemb. in the house of a worshipful widow, Mistress Margaret van Emmerson. Anno 1529. a great sweeting sickness being the same time in the Town. So having dispatched his business at Hamborough, he returned afterward to Antwerp again.  
Thus as Satan is, and ever hath been an enemy to all godly endeavours, and chief to the promoting & furtherance of God's word, as by this & many other experiments may be seen: so his ministers and members following the like quality of their master, be not altogether idle for their parts: as also by the Pope's Chapleins and God's enemies, and by their cruel handling of the said M. tindal the same time, both here in England and in Flanders, may well appear.  
When Gods will was, that the new Testament in the common tongue should come abroad, tindal the translator thereof added to the latter end a certain Epistle, wherein he desired them that were learned to amend, if ought were found amiss. Wherefore, if any such default had been, deserving correction, it had been the part of courtesy and gentleness, for men of knowledge and judgement to have showed their learning therein, and to have redressed that was to be amended. But the spiritual fathers then of the clergy being not willing to have that book to prosper, cried out upon it, bearing men in hand, that there were a thousand heresies in it, & that it was not to be corrected, but utterly to be suppressed. Some said it was not possible to translate the Scripture into English: 
The practice of popish prelate's to keep the Scripture from the people.  some that it was not lawful for the lay people to have it in their mother tongue, some that it would make them all heretics. And to the intent to induce the temporal rulers also unto their purpose, they made more matter, & said, that it would make the people to rebel and rise against the king. All this tindal himself in his own prologue before the first book of Moses declareth: and addeth further, showing what great pains was taken in examining that translation, & comparing it with their own imaginations and terms, that with less labour (he supposeth) they might have translated themselves a great part of the Bible: Showing moreover, that they scanned and examined every title and point in the said translation, in such sort and so narrowly, that there was not one i therein, but if it lacked a prick over his head, they did note it, and numbered it unto the ignorant people for an heresy. So great was then the froward devices of the English Clergy (who should have been the guides of light unto the people) to drive the people from the text & knowledge of the scripture, which neither they would translate themselves, nor yet abide it to be translated of others: 
The causes why the pope's clergy could not abide the Scripture in the common tongue.  to the intent (as tindal sayeth) that the word being kept still in darkness, they might sit in the consciences of the people through vain superstition & false doctrine, to satisfy their lusts, their ambition, and unsatiable covetousness, and to exalt their own honour above King and Emperor, yea and above God himself. Haec ille.  
The Bishops and Prelates of the realm, thus (as ye have hard) incensed and inflamed in their minds, although having no cause against the old and new Testament of the Lord newly translated by tindal, 
The popish prelate's procured not only the condemnation of M. Tindal● books, but also burned both them and the testament, calling it Doctri●● peregrinam, strange doctrine.  and conspiring together with all their heads and counsels, how to repeal the same, never rested before they had brought the king at last to their consent. By reason whereof a proclamation in all haste was devised and set forth under public authority: but no just reason showed, that the testament of Tindals' translation, with other works more both of his and of other writers, were inhibited and abandoned, as ye heard before, page 1018. Which was about the year of our Lord. 1527. And yet not contented herewith, they proceeded further, how to entangle him in their nets, and to bereft him of his life. Which how they brought to pass, now it remaineth to be declared.  
In the registers of London it appeareth manifest, 
Privy consp●●●cyon of 〈◊〉 bishops 〈…〉 tindal.  how that the Bishops & sir Tho. More having any poor man under Coram, to be examined before them, namely, such as had been at Antwerp, most studiously would search and examine all things belonging to tindal, where and with whom he hosted, where abouts stood the house, what was his stature, in what apparel he went, what resort he had. etc. All which things when they had diligently learned (as may appear by the examination of Simon Smith, and others) then began they to work their fears, as you shall hear by the relation of his own host.  
William tindal being in the town of Antwerp, 
The order and manner of taking of Tindal, testified by Poynt●▪ his host.  had been lodged about one whole year in the house of Thomas Pointz an Englishman, who kept there an house of english Merchants. About which time came thither one out of England, whose name was Henry Philip's, his father being customer of Pool, a comely fellow, like as he had been a Gentleman, having a servant with him: but wherefore he came, or for what purpose he was sent thither, no man could tell.  
Master tindal divers times was desired forth to dinner and supper amongst merchants: 
The friendship of Tindal showed to Philip's his betrayer.  by the means whereof this Henry Philip's became acquainted with him, so that within short space M. tindal had a great confidence in him: and brought him to his lodging to the house of Tho. Pointz, and had him also with him once or twice to dinner & supper, and further entered such friendship with him that through his procurement, he lay in the same house of the said Pointz: To whom he showed moreover his books and other secrets of his study, so little did tindal then mistrust this Traitor.  
But Pointz having no great confidence in the fellow, asked Master tindal how he came acquainted with this Philips. Master tindal answered, that he was an honest man handsomely learned, and very comfortable. Then Pointz perceiving that he bore such favour to him, said no more, thinking that he was brought acquainted with him by some friend of his. The said Phillippes being in the Town iij. or iiij. days, upon a time desired Pointz to walk with him forth of the Town to show him the commodities thereof, and in walking together without the town, had communication of divers things, and some of the kings affairs. By the which talk Pointz as yet suspected nothing, but after by the sequel of the matter he perceived more what he intended. In the mean time this he well perceived, that he bore no great favour, 
The papists 〈◊〉 spare no cost to fulfil their malicious enterprises.  either to the setting forth of any good thing, either to the proceedings of the king of England. But after when the time was past, Pointz perceived this to be his mind, to feel if he could perceive by him, whether he might break with him in the matter for lucre of money, to help him to his purpose: for he perceived before that he was moneyed & would that Pointz should think no less: but by whom, it was unknown: For he had desired Pointz before to help him to divers things, and such things as he named, he required might be of the best, for said he, 
Phillippes well moneyed by the English Bishops.  I have money enough, But of this talk came nothing but the men should think he had some things to do, for nothing else followed of his talk. So it was to be suspected, that Philip's was in doubt to move this matter for his purpose to any of the rulers or Officers of the town of Antwerp, for doubt it should come to the knowledge of some Englishmen, & by the mean thereof, M. tindal should have had warning.  
So Phillippes went from Antwerp to the Court of Bruxelles, which is from thence 24. English miles, the K. having there no Ambassador: for at that time the king of England and the Emperor were at a controversy for the question betwixt the King and the Lady Katherine, which was Aunt to the Emperor: and the discord grew so much, that it was doubted lest there should have been war between the Emperor and the king, so that Phillippes as a traitor both against God and the king, was there the better retained, as also other traitors more besides him: who after he had betrayed master Tindal into their hands, showed himself against the kings own person, and there set forth things against the king, to make short, the said Philip's did so much there: that he procured to bring from thence with him to Antwerp that procurer general, which is the emperors Attorney, with other certain officers: as after followeth. The which was not done with small charges and expenses, from whom so ever it came.  
Within a while after, Pointz sitting at his door, Phillippes man came unto him, and asked whether Master Tyndall were there, and said his master would come, to him, and so departed. But whether his M. Phillippes were in the town or not, it was not known: but at that time Pointz heard no more, neither of the master nor of the man. Within 3. or 4. days after, Pointz went forth to the Town of Barrow, being 18. English miles from Antwerp, where he had business to do for the space of a month or six weeks, 
Henry Philipes traitor and betrayer of M. tindal.  and in the time of his absence, Henry Philips came again to Antwerp to the house of Pointz, and coming in, spoke with his wife, asking her for M. tindal, and whether he would dine there with him, saying: what good meat shall we have? She answered, such as the market will give. Then went he forth again (as it is thought) to provide, and set the Officers which he brought with him from Bruxelles, in the street, and about the door. Then about noon he came again and went to M. tindal, and desired him to lend him 40. shillings, for (said he) I lost my purse this morning, coming over at the passage between this and Machelyn. 
The simplicity of M. tindal.  So M. tindal took him 40. shillings, the which was easy to be had of him, if he had it: for in the wily subtleties of this world he was simple and unexpert.  
Then said Philip's, M. tindal you shall be my gest here this day. No said M. tindal, I go forth this day to dinner, and you shall go with me and be my gest, where you shallbe welcome. So when it was dinner time, master Tindal went forth with Philippes, and at the going forth of Pointz house, was a long narrow entry, so that 2. could not go in a frount. 
How tindal was betrayed into his enemy's hands.  M. Tindal would have put Philippes before him, but Philippes would in no wise, but put M. tindal afore, for that he pretended to show great humanity. So master tindal being a man of no great stature, went before, and Philips a tall comely person followed behind him, who had set Officers on either side of the door upon 2. seats: which being there, might see who came in the entry, and coming through the same entry, Philip's pointed with his finger over M. Tindals' head down to him, that the Officers which sat at the door, might see that it was he whom they should take, as the officers that took M. tindal, afterward told Pointz, and said to Pointz when they had laid him in prison, that they pitied to see his simplicity when they took him. Then they took him and brought him to the emperors Attorney or procurer general, where he dined. Then came the Procuror general to the house of Pointz, and sent away all that was there of master tindal's, 
tindal had to the Castle of Fylforde.  as well his books as other things: and from thence tindal was had to the Castle of Filforde, 18. English miles from Antwerp, and there he remained until he was put to death.  
Then incontinent by the help of English merchants, were letters sent in the favour of tindal, to the Court of Brussels. 
Letters sent from England by the Lord Cromwell and others, in the behalf of M. tindal.  Also not long after, letters were directed out of England to the counsel at Brussels, and sent to the merchants adventurers to Antwerp, commanding them to see that with speed they should be delivered. Then such of the chiefest of the merchants as were there at that time being called together, required the said Pointz to take in hand the delivery of those letters, with letters also from them in the favour of M. tindal, to the Lord of barrow and others, the which lord of Barrow (as it was told Pointz by the way) at that time was departed from Brussels, as the chiefest conductor of the eldest daughter of the King of Denmark, to be married to the Palsgrave, whose mother was sister to the Emperor, she being chief Princess of Denmark. Who after he heard of his departure, did ride after the next way, and overtook him at Akon, where he delivered to him his letters. The which when he had received and red, he made no direct answer, but somewhat objecting, said: there was of their countrymen that were burned in England not long before, as in deed there were Anabaptists burnt in Smithfield, and so Pointz said to him: howbeit said he, what so ever the crime was, if his Lordship or any other noble man had written, requiring to have had them, he thought they should not have been denied. Well said he, I have no leisure to write, for the Princess is ready to ride.  
Then said Pointz, if it shall please your Lordship, I will attend upon you unto the next baiting place, which was at Mastright. If you so do, said the Lord, I will advise myself by the way what to write. So Pointz followed him from Akon to Mastright, the which are 15. English miles asunder, & there he received letters of him, 
Letters from the Lord o● Barrow to the Lord Cromwell, concerning M. tindal▪  one to the counsel there, an other to the company of the merchants adventurers, & an other also, to the Lord Cromwell, in England.  
So Pointz road from thence to Brussels, and then and there delivered to the counsel, the letters out of England, with the Lord of Barrowes letters also: and received eftsoons answer into England of the same by letters, which he brought to Antwerp to the English merchants, who required him to go with them into England, and he very desirous to have M. Tindal out of prison, 
Poyntz sent with letters from Brussels to England.  let not for to take pains with loss of time in his own business and occupying, but diligently followed with the said letters, which he there delivered to the counsel, and was commanded by them to tarry until he had other letters, of the which he was not dispatched thence in a month after. At length the letters being delivered him, he returned again & delivered them to the Emperor's counsel at Brussels, and there tarried for answer of the same.  
When the said Pointz had tarried 3. or 4. days, it was told him of one that belonged to the Chancery, that M. tindal should have been delivered to him according to the tenor of the letters: But Phillippes being there, followed the suit against master tindal, and hearing that he should be delivered to Pointz, 
The suit of Philip's against M.  and doubting least he should be put from his purpose, he knew none other remedy but to accuse Pointz, saying: that he was a dweller in the town of Antwerp, and there had been a succourer of Tindal, and was one of the same opinion, and that all this was only his own labour and suit, to have M. tindal at liberty, and no man's else.  
Thus upon his information and accusation, 
tindal. Poyntz attached by Philip's▪  Pointz was attached by the procurer general, the emperors Attorney, and delivered to the keeping of two Sergeants of arms: and the same evening was sent to him one of the Chancery with the Procuror general, who ministered unto him an oath, that he should truly make answer to all such things as should be inquired of him, thinking they would have had no other examinations of him but of his Message. 
Pointz examined.  The next day likewise they came again and had him in examination, and so five or six days one after an other, upon not so few as an hundredth Articles, as well of the king's affairs as of the message concerning Tindal of his aiders and of his religion. Out of the which examinations, the Procurer general drew 23. or 24. articles, and declared the same against the said Pointz: the copy whereof he delivered to him to make answer thereunto, and permitted him to have an Advocate and Proctor, that is a doctor and Proctor in the law: and order was taken, that 8. days after, he should deliver unto them his answer, and from 8. days to 8. days, to proceed till the process were ended: Also that he should send no Messenger to Antwerp, where as his house was, being 24. Engiishe miles from Brussels, where he was prisonner, nor to any other place, but by the post of the town of Brussels: nor to send any letters, nor any to be delivered to him, but written in dutch, and the procurer general, who was party against him, to read them, to peruse & to examine them thoroughly, contrary to all right and equity, before they were sent or delivered: Neither might any be suffered to speak or talk with Pointz in any other tongue or language, except only in the Dutch tongue, so that his keepers who were Dutchmen, might understand what the contents of the letters or talk should be, saving that at one certain time the Provincial of the white friars came to dinner where Pointz was prisoner, and brought with him a young Novice being an englishmen, whom the Provincial after dinner, of his own accord, did bid to talk with the said Pointz, and so with him he was licensed to talk. The purpose and great policy therein was easy to be perceived. Between Pointz & the Novice was much pretty talk, as of sir Tho. More, 
Talk between Poyntz, and a Novice.  and of the bishop of Rochester, and of their putting to death: whose death he seemed greatly to lament, especially dying in such a quarrel, worthy (as he said) to be accounted for Martyrs, with other noble doctrine and deep learning in divinity, meet to feed swine withal. Such blindness then in those days reigned amongst them. After this, Pointz delivered up his answer to the procurer general, and then after, at the days appointed, went forth with replication duplicke, with other answers each to other in writing what they could.  

Poyntz troubled for M. tindal.  As the Commissioners came to Pointz, Philip's the traitor accompanied them to the door in following the process against him, as he also did against M. tindal, for so they that had Pointz in keeping, showed him. Thus Pointz for Master Tyndall was sore troubled, and long kept in prison: but at length, when he saw no other remedy, by night he made his escape, and avoided their hands. But good Tyndall could not escape their hands, but remained in prison still, who being brought unto his answer, was offered to have an advocate and a proctor: for in any criminal cause there, it shall be permitted to have counsel, to make answer in the law. But he refused to have any such, saying: that he would answer for himself: and so he did.  
At last, after much reasoning, when no reason would serve, although he deserved no death, 
The condemnation of M. tindal. The martyrdom of W. tindal.  he was condemned by virtue of the Emperors decree made in the assemble at Augsburg (as is before signified) and upon the same, brought forth to the place of execution, 
Anno 1536  was there tied to the stake, and then strangled first by the hangman, and afterward with fire consumed in the morning at the town of Filford, an. 1536. crying thus at the stake with a fervent zeal; and a loud voice: Lord open the King of England's eyes. 
The prayer of M. Tindall·   
¶ The martyrdom and burning of master William Tyndall, in Flaunders, by Filford Castle.  
Such was the power of his doctrine, and sincerity of his life, 
M. tindal converted his keeper.  that during the time of his imprisonment (which endured a year and a half) it is said, he converted his keeper, his daughter, and other of his household. Also the rest that were with him conversant in the Castle, reported of him, that if he were not a good christian man, they could not tell whom to trust.  
The Procuror general the emperors Attorney being there, 
Commendation of M. tindal, 〈…〉 were about him.  left this testimony of him, that he was Homo doctus, pius, & bonus: that is, a learned, a good, and a godly man.  
The same morning in which he was had to the fire, he delivered a letter to the keeper of the castle, which the keeper himself brought to the house of the foresaid Pointz in Autwerpe, shortly after: which letter, with his examinations & other his disputations, I would might have come to our hands: all which I understand did remain, & yet perhaps do, in the hands of the keeper's daughter. For so it is of him reported that as he was in the Castle prisoner, there was much writing, and great disputation to and fro, between him and them of the University of Louvain (which was not passed ix. or x. miles from the place where he was prisoner) in such sort, that they all had enough to do, and more than they could well wield, to answer the authorities and testimonies of the Scripture, whereupon he most pithily grounded his doctrine.  
Of judas that betrayed Christ, it is written: that he returned the money again to the Phariseis, 
God's judgement upon Philippes the betrayer of tindal  & afterward did hang himself: So philip's this miserable traitor, after he had been received of Tyndal, & borrowed money of him, & yet betrayed him and pursued him to death: albeit he rejoiced a while after that he had done, yet the saying so goeth, that he not long time after enjoyed the price of innocent blood, but was consumed at last with lice.  
The worthy virtues and doings of this blessed Martyr, who for his painful travails, and singular zeal to his country, may be called in these our days, an Apostle of England, it were long to recite. Amongst many other, this because it seemeth to me worthy of remembrance, I thought not in silence to overpass, which hath unto me credibly been testified by certain grave Merchants, & some of them also such as were present the same time at the fact, and men yet alive. The story whereof is this.  
There was at Antwerp on a time, amongst a company of Merchants as they were at supper, a certain juggler, which through his diabolical enchantments or Art Magical, would fetch all kinds of viands, & wine from any place they would, and set it upon the table incontinent before them, with many other such like things. The same of this juggler being much talked of, it chanced that as M. Tyndall heard of it, he desired certain of the Merchants, that he might also be present at supper, to see him play his parts.  
To be brief, the supper was appointed, and the Merchants with Tyndall were there present. Then the juggler being required to play his feats, and to show his cunning, after his wont boldness began, to utter all that he could do, but all was in vain. At the last, 
The power of God's saints against the devil.  with his labour, sweeting, and toiling, when he saw that nothing would go forward, but that all his enchantments were void, he was compelled openly to confess, that there was some man present at supper, which disturbed and letted all his doings. So that a man even in the Martyrs of these our days, can not lack the miracles of true faith, if miracles were now to be desired.  
As concerning the works and books of Tyndall, which extend to a great number, thou wast told before (loving reader) how the Printer hereof mindeth by the lords leave, 
W. tyndal's. works looked for to be all set out in one volume.  to collect them all in one Volume together, and put them out in print. Wherefore it shall not greatly at this time be needful to make any several rehearsal of them.  
And as touching his translation of the new Testament, because his enemies did so much carp at it, pretending it to be so full of heresies, to answer therefore to their slanderoous tongs and lying lips, thou shalt hear and understand, what faithful dealing, and sincere conscience he used in the same, by the testimony & allegation of his own words, 
The faithful dealing of tindal in translating the new testament.  written in his Epistle to john Frith as followeth: I call God to record against the day we shall appear before our Lord jesus, to give a reckoning of our doings, that I never altered one syllable of God's word against my conscience, nor would do this day, if all that is in earth, whether it be honour, pleasure, or riches might be given me, etc.  
And as ye have heard Tyndals own words thus protesting for himself: now let us hear likewise the faithful testimony of john Frith, for tindal his dear companion and brother, thus declaring in his answer to master More, as followeth.   

The testimony of john Frith in his book of the Sacrament concerning William Tyndall.  

The testimony of john Frith, for tindal.  ANd Tyndall I trust liveth, well content with such a poor Apostles life, as God gave his son Christ, and his faithful Ministers in this world, which is not sure of so many mites, as ye be yearly of pounds, although I am sure that for his learning and judgement in Scripture, he were more worthy to be promoted, than all the Bishops in England. 
The words of tindal written to john Frith.  I received a letter from him, which was written since Christmas, wherein among other matters he writeth this: I call God to record against the day we shall appear before our Lord jesus to give a reckoning of our doings, that I never altered one syllable of God's word against my conscience, nor would do this day, if all that is in earth, whether it be honour, pleasure, or riches, might be given me.  
Moreover, I take God to witness to my conscience, that I desire of God to myself in this world, no more than that without which I can not keep his laws, etc. judge Christian Reader whether these words be not spoken of a faithful clear innocent hart. And as for his behaviour, is such, that I am sure no man can reprove him of any sin, howbeit, no man is innocent before God, which beholdeth the hart. This much out of Frith.  
And thus being about to conclude and finish with the life and story of William tindal, 
Ex lib. Tind. praxit Praelatorum.  it shall be requisite now that the Reader do hear some thing likewise of his supplication made to the King, and nobles of the Realm, as they are yet extant in his works to be seen, and worthy in all ages to be marked, the tenor whereof tendeth to this effect as followeth.   

Tyndals' supplications to the King, Nobles, and subjects of England.  
I Beseech the Kings most noble grace, well to consider all the ways, 
Tindals' supplication to the king and states of England.  by the which the Cardinal, and our holy Bishops have led him since he was first King, and to see whereunto all the pride, pomp, and vain boast of the Cardinal is come, and how God hath resisted him and our Prelates in all their wiles. We having nothing to do at all, have meddled yet with all matters, and have spent for our Prelate's causes, more than all Christendom, even unto the utter beggaring of ourselves, and have gotten nothing but rebuke and hate among all nations, & a mock and a scorn of them, whom we have most helped. For the Frenchmen (as the saying is) of late days made a play, or a disguising at Paris, in which the Emperor danced with the Pope, and the French King, and wearied them: the King of England sitting on a high bench, and looking on. 
The king of England pays for all.  And when it was asked why he danced not, it was answered, that he sat there, but to pay the minstrels their wages. As who should say, we paid for all men's dancing. We moneyed the Emperor openly, and gave the french King double and triple secretly: and to the Pope also. Yea and though Ferdinandus had money sent openly to blind the world withal, yet the saying is through all Dutchland that we sent money to the King of Pole, etc.  
Furthermore, 
The secon● petition of tindal.  I beseech his grace also to have mercy of his own soul, and not to suffer Christ and his holy Testament to be persecuted under his name any longer: that the sword of the wrath of God may be put up again, which for that cause, no doubt, is most chief drawn.  
Thirdly, my petition is to his grace, 
The third petition of tindal.  to have compassion on his poor subjects, that the Realm utterly perish not with the wicked counsel of our pestilent Prelates. For if his grace, which is but a man, should die, the Lords and commons not knowing who hath most right to enjoy the crown, the realm could not but stand in great danger.  
My fourth suit and exhortation is to all the Lords temporal of the realm, 

Th● 4. p●●●tion of tindal.  
Limitation of succession to the Crown. I pray God this be not a prophesy against England. The 5. petition of M. tindal.   that they come and fall before the kings grace, and humbly desire his Majesty, to suffer it to be tried, who of right aught to succeed: And if he or she fail, who next, and who third. And let it be proclaimed openly: and let all the Lords temporal be sworn thereto, and all the knights and squires and gentlemen, and the commons above xviij. years old, that there be no strife for the succession. If they try it by the sword, I promise them, I see no other likelihood but it will cost the realm of England, etc.  
Further, of all the subjects of England this I crave: that they repent. For the cause of evil rulers is the sin of the subjects as testifieth the Scripture. And the cause of false Preachers is, that the people have no love unto the truth, saith Paul in the 2. Chapter of the 2. Epistle to the Thessalonians. We be all sinners an hundred times greater than all that we suffer. Let us therefore each forgive other, remembering the greater sinners, the more welcome if we repent according to the similitude of the riotous son, Luk. xv. For Christ died for sinners and is their Saviour, and his blood their treasure to pay for their sins. He is that fatted calf which is slain to make them good cheer withal, if they will repent and come to their father again: and his merits is the goodly raiment to cover the naked deformities of their sins.  
Finally, if the persecution of the King's grace and of other temporal persons conspiring with the spirituality, be of ignorance, I doubt not but that their eyes shall be opened shortly, and they shall see & repent, and God shall show them mercy. But if it be of a set malice against the truth, and of a grounded hate against the law of God, by the reason of a full consent they have to sin and to walk in their old ways of ignorance, whereunto being now past all repentance, they have utterly yielded themselves, to follow with full lust without bridle or snaffle, which is the sin against the holy Ghost: than ye shall see even shortly, that God shall turn the point of the sword wherewith they now shed Christ's blood, homeward to shed their own again, after all the examples of the Bible.  
These things thus discoursed pertaining to the story and doings of tindal, finally it remaineth to infer certain of his private letters and epistles, whereof among divers other which have not come to our hands, two special he wrote to john Frith, one properly under his own name, another under the name of jacob, but in very deed was written and delivered to john Frith, being prisoner then in the Tower, as ye shall further understand by the sequeale hereafter. The copy and tenor of the Epistles here followeth.   

A letter sent from Tyndall, unto Master Frith being in the Tower.  
THE grace and peace of God our Father, and of jesus Christ our Lord be with you, Amen. dearly beloved brother john, 
A letter of tindal to M. Fryth.  I have heard say, how the hypocrites now that they have overcome that great business which letted them, or at the least way, have brought it at a stay, they return to their old nature again. The will of God be fulfilled, and that which he hath ordained to be ere the world was made, that come, and his glory reign over all.  
dearly beloved, how ever the matter be, commit yourself wholly and only unto your most loving Father, and most kind Lord, and fear not men that threat, nor trust men that speak fair: but trust him that is true of promise, and able to make his word good. Your cause is Christ's Gospel, a light that must be fed with the blood of faith. The lamp must be dressed and snuffed daily, and that oil poured in every evening and morning, that the light go not out. Though we be sinners, 
Pet. 2.  yet is the cause right. If when we be buffeted for well doing, we suffer patiently and endure, that is acceptable to God: for to that end we are called. For Christ also suffered for us, leaving us an example that we should follow his steps, who did no sin. Herby have we perceived love, that he laid down his life for us: 
1. john. 3.  therefore we ought also to lay down our lives for the brethren. Rejoice and be glad, 
Math. 5. Rom. 8. Phil. 3.  for great is your reward in heaven. For we suffer with him that we may also be glorified with him: who shall change our vile body, that it may be fashioned like unto his glorious body, according to the working whereby he is able even to subject all things unto him.  
dearly beloved, be of good courage, and comfort your soul with the hope of this high reward, and bear the image of Christ in your mortal body, 
Boldness of spirit.  that it may at his coming be made like to his immortal: and follow the example of all your other dear brethren, which choose to suffer in hope of a better resurrection. Keep your conscience pure and undefiled, and say against that nothing. Stick at necessary things, and remember the blasphemies of the enemies of Christ, 
Wo●nde not Conscience, Standing ●pon things necessary.  saying: they find none but that will abjure rather than suffer the extremity. Moreover, the death of them that come again after they have once denied, though it be accepted with God, and all that believe, yet is it not glorious, for the hypocrites say, he must needs die, denying helpeth not: But might it have helped, they would have denied five hundredth times: 
Death after denying evil spoken of by the adversaries.  but seeing it would not help them, therefore of pure pride and mere malice together, they spoke with their mouths, that their conscience knoweth false. If you give yourself, cast yourself, yield yourself, commit yourself wholly and only to your loving father, then shall his power be in you and make you strong, and that so strong, that you shall feel no pain: which should be to another present death: and his spirit shall speak in you, and teach you what to answer, 
Obedience to God.  according to his promise. He shall set out his truth by you wonderfully, and work for you above all that your hart can imagine: Yea, and you are not yet dead, though the hypocrites all, 

To look for no man's help, bringeth God's help.  
Constancy in standing. Patience in suffering.   with all they can make, have sworn your death. una salus victis, nullam sperare salutem: To look for no man's help, bringeth the help of God to them that seem to be overcome in the eyes of the hypocrites: Yea, it shall make God to carry you through thick and thin for his truths sake, in spite of all the enemies of his truth. There falleth not an hear till his hour be come: and when his hour is come, necessity carrieth us hence though we be not willing. But if we be willing, then have we a reward and thank.  
Fear not threatening therefore, neither be overcome of sweet words: 
Bilney.  with which twain the hypocrites shall assail you. Neither let the persuasions of worldly wisdom bear rule in your hart: 
Perseverance to the end.  no, though they be your friends that counsel you. Let Bilney be a warning to you. Let not their visure beguile your eyes. Let not your body faint. He that endureth to the end, shall be saved If the pain be above your strength, 
Math. 22.  remember: Whatsoever ye shall ask in my name, I will give it you. And pray to your father in that name, and he shall cease your pain, or shorten it. The Lord of peace, of hope, and of faith, be with you, Amen.  
William Tyndall.  
TWo have suffered in Antwerp, In die sanctae Crucis, unto the great glory of the Gospel: 
Two Martyrs at Antwerp. Four Martyrs in Flaunders, & one at S. Luke. Persecution at Roan. Five Doctors at Paris taken for the Gospel.  four at Rysels in Flanders, and at Luke, hath there one at the least suffered, and all the same day. At Roan in France they persecute. And at Paris are five Doctors taken for the Gospel. See, you are not alone: Be cheerful and remember that among the hard hearted in England, there is a number reserved by grace: for whose sakes if need be, you must be ready to suffer. Sir, if you may write, how short soever it be, forget it not, that we may know how it goeth with you, for our heart's ease. The Lord be yet again with you, with all his plenteousness, and fill you that you flow over, Amen.  
If when you have read this, you may send it to Adrian, do I pray you, that he may know how that our heart is with you.  
George joy at Candlemas being at Barrow, printed ij. leaves of Genes. in a great form, and sent one copy to the King, and another to the new Queen, with a letter to N. for to deliver them: and to purchase licence, that he might so go through all the Bible. Out of this is sprung the noise of the new Bible: and out of that is the great seeking for English books at all printers and bookebinders' in Antwerp, and for an English Priest that should print.  
This chanced the 9 day of May.  
Sir, your wife is well content with the will of God, and would not for her sake have the glory of God hindered.  
William Tyndall.   

Another notable and worthy letter of Master William Tyndall sent to the said john Frith, under the name of jacob.  
¶ The grace of our Saviour jesus, his patience, meekness, humbleness, circumspection, and wisdom, be with your hart, Amen.  
dearly beloved brother jacob, mine hearts desire in our Saviour jesus is, 
another letter of W. Tindal.  that you arm yourself with patience, and be cold, sober, wise and circumspect, and that you keep you allow by the ground, avoiding high questions that pass the common capacity. But expound the law truly, and open the veil of Moses to condemn all flesh, 
High questions to be avoided.  & prove all men sinners, & all deeds under the law, before mercy have taken away the condemnation thereof, to be sin and damnable: and then as a faithful minister, set abroach the mercy of our Lord jesus, 
All deeds before they be justified by faith are sin. Preaching the law of God & mercy of Christ. Sacraments without significations to be refused.  and let the wounded consciences drink of the water of him. And then shall your preaching be with power, & not as the doctrine of the hypocrites: and the spirit of God shall work with you, and all consciences shall bear record unto you, and feel that it is so. And all doctrine that casteth a mist on those two, to shadow and hide them I mean the law of God and mercy of Christ, that resist you withal your power. Sacraments without signification, refuse. If they put significations to them, receive them, if you see it may help, though it be not necessary.  
Of the presence of Christ's body in the Sacrament, meddle as little as you can, 
M. tindal here beareth with tyme.  that there appear no division among us. Barnes will be hot against you. The Saxons be sore on the affirmative, whether constant or obstinate, I omit it to God. Philip Melancthon is said to be with the French king. There be in Antwerp that say, they saw him come into Paris with an C. and L. horses, and that they spoke with him. If the Frenchmen receive the word of God, he will plant the 
* By the affirmative he meaneth the opinion which M. Luther and the Saxons do hold● of the sacrament. M. tindal again beareth with tyme.  affirmative in them. George joy would have put forth a Treatise of the matter, but I have stopped him as yet, what he will do if he get money, I wots not. I believe he would make many reasons little serving to the purpose. My mind is, that nothing be put forth till we hear how you shall have sped. I would have the right use preached, and the presence to be an indifferent thing, till the matter might be reasoned in peace at leisure, of both parties. If you be required, show the phrases of the Scripture, and let them talk what they will. For as to believe that God is every where, hurteth no man that worshippeth him no where but within in the hart, in spirit and verity: 
Ubiquity cannot be proved.  even so to believe that the body of Christ is every where (though it cannot be● proved) hurteth no man that worshippeth him no where save in the faith of his Gospel. You perceive my mind: howbeit if God show you otherwise, it is free for you to do as he moveth you.  
I guessed long ago, that God would send a dasing into the head of the spirituality, 

Eating the Whore's flesh, is to spoil the Pope's Church only for the pray and spoil thereof.  
Worldly wisdom so far as it may serve to God's glory may be used.   to catch themselves in their own subtlety, and I trust it is come to pass. And now me thinketh I smell a counsel to be taken, little for their profits in time to come. But you must understand, that it is not of a pure hart and for love of the truth, but to avenge themselves, and to eat the whore's flesh, and to suck the marrow of her bones. Wherefore cleave fast to the rock of the help of God, and commit the end of all things to him: and if God shall call you, that you may then use the wisdom of the worldly, as far as you perceive the glory of God may come thereof, refuse it not: and ever among, thrust in, that the Scripture may be in the mother tongue, and learning set up in the Universities. But and if ought be required contrary to the glory of God and his Christ, then stand fast, and commit yourself to God, and be not overcome of men's persuasions, which happily shall say: we see no other way to bring in the truth.  
Brother jacob, beloved in my hart, there liveth not in whom I have so good hope and trust, and in whom mine hart rejoiceth and my soul comforteth herself, as in you: 
Low walking.  not the thousand part so much for your learning, and what other gifts else you have, as that you will creep allow by the ground, and walk in those things that the conscience may feel, and not in the imaginations of the brain: in fear and not in boldness: in open necessary things, and not to pronounce or define of hid secrets, or things that neither help or hinder whether they be so or no in unity and not in seditious opinions: in so much that if you be sure you know, yet in things that may abide leisure, you will defer, or say (till other agree with you●) me think the text requireth this sense or understanding: Yea and that if you be sure that your part be good, and an other hold the contrary, yet if it be a thing that maketh no matter, you will laugh and let it pass, and refer the thing to other men, and stick you stiffly and stubbornly in earnest and necessary things. And I trust you be persuaded even so of me. For I call GOD to record against the day we shall appear before our Lord jesus, 
The upright handling in the translation of M. tindal.  to give a reckoning of our doings, that I never altered one syllable of God's word against my conscience, nor would this day if all that is in the earth, whether it be pleasure, honour or riches, might be given me. Moreover I take God to record to my conscience: that I desire of God to myself in this world, no more than that without which I can not keep his laws.  
Finally, if there were in me any gift that could help at hand, and aid you if need required: I promise you I would not be far of, and commit the end to God: my soul is not faint, though my body be weary. But God hath made me evil favoured in this world, and without grace in the sight of men, speechless and rude, dull and slow witted: your part shallbe to supply that lacketh in me, remembering, that as lowliness of hart shall make you high with GOD, even so meekness of words shall make you sink into the hearts of men. Nature giveth age authority, but meekness is the glory of youth, and giveth them honour. Abundance of love maketh me exceed in babbling. 
A low hart maketh a man high with God. Authority is the glory of age.   
Sir, as concerning Purgatory, and many other things, if you be demanded, you may say, if you err, the spirituality hath so led you, and that they have taught you to believe as you do. For they preached you all such things out of God's word, and alleged a thousand texts, by reason of which texts you believed as they taught you. 
Meekness is the glory of youth.  But now you find them liars, and that the texts mean no such things, and therefore you can believe them no longer, but are as you were before they taught you, and believe no such thing: howbeit you are ready to believe, if they have any other way to prove it, for without proof you can not believe them, when you have found them with so many lies, etc. If you perceive wherein we may help, other in being still, or doing somewhat, let us have word, and I will do mine uttermost.  
My Lord of London hath a servant called john Tisen with a red beard, and a black reddish head, and was once my scholar, he was seen in Antwerp, but came not among the Englishmen: whether he is gone an Ambassador secret, I wots not.  
The mighty God of jacob be with you to supplant his enemies, and give you the favour of joseph: and the wisdom, and the spirit of Stephen be with your hart and with your mouth, 
Purgatory hath no proof by Scripture.  and teach your lips what they shall say, and how to answer to all things. He is our God if we despair in ourselves, and trust in him: and his is the glory, Amen.  
William Tyndall. ¶ I hope our redemption is nigh.  
¶ This letter was written an. 1533. in the month of january. Which letter although it do pretend the name of jacob, yet understand (good Reader) that it was written in very deed to john Frith, as is above told thee. For the more proof and evidence whereof, read Frithes book of the Sacrament, and there thou shalt find a certain place of this Epistle repeated word for word, beginning thus: I call God to record, against the day we shall appear before our Lord jesus to give a reckoning of our doings, that I never altered one syllable of God's word against my conscience, etc. Which Epistle john Frith himself witnesseth that he received from Tyndall, as in his testimony above appeareth.   

¶ The death of the Lady Katherine and of Queen Anne.  
THe same year in the which W. Tyndall was burned, which was the year of our Lord 1536. in the beginning of the year, 
Anno. 1536.  first died Lady Katherine Princes Dowager in the month of january.  

The death of Lady Katherine, 〈◊〉 Dowagar.  After whom the same year also, in the month of May next following, followed the death also of Queen Anne, who had now been married to the King the space of three years. In certain records thus we find, that the King being in his Iustes at Greenwich, suddenly with a few persons, departed to Westminster, and the next day after Queen Anne his wife was had to the Tower, 
The death of Queen Anne.  with the Lord Rochfort her brother, and certain other: and the nineteen. day after was beheaded. The words of this worthy and Christian Lady at her death, were these:  
Good Christian people, I am come hither to die, for according to the Law, and by the Law I am judged to death, and therefore I will speak nothing against it. 
The words of Queen Anne at her death.  I am come hither to accuse no man, nor to speak any thing of that, whereof I am accused and condemned to die, but I pray God save the King, and send him long to reign over you, for a gentler, or a more merciful Prince was there never: and to me he was ever a good, a gentle, and sovereign Lord. And if any person will meddle of my cause, I require them to judge the best. And thus I take my leave of the world, and of you all, and I heartily desire you all to pray for me. O Lord have mercy on me. To God I commend my soul. And so she kneeled down, saying: To Christ I commend my soul: jesus receive my soul: repeating the same divers times, till at length the stroke was given, and her head was stricken off.  
And this was the end of that godly Lady and Queen. Godly I call her, 
Queen Anne beheaded. Commendations of Queen Anne.  for sundry respects, whatsoever the cause was, or quarrel objected against her. first, her last words spoken at her death, declared no less her sincere faith and trust in Christ, then did her quiet modesty utter forth the goodness of the cause and matter, whatsoever it was. Besides that, to such as wisely can judge upon cases occurrent, this also may seem to give a great clearing unto her, that the King the third day after was married in his whites unto an other. Certain this was, that for the rare and singular gifts of her mind so well instructed, and given toward God, with such a fervent desire unto the truth and setting forth of sincere Religion, joined with like gentleness, modesty, and pity toward all men, there hath not many such Queens before her borne the Crown of England. Principally this one commendation she left behind her, that during her life, the Religion of Christ most happily flourished, and had a right prosperous course.  
Many things might be written more of the manifold virtues, and the quiet moderation of her mild nature, how lowly she would bear, not only to be admonished, 
The mild nature of Queen Anne in taking admonition.  but also of her own accord would require her chaplains plainly and freely to tell whatsoever they saw in her amiss. Also, how bountiful she was to the poor, passing not only the common example of other Queens, but also the revenues almost of her estate: in so much that the almose which she gave in three quarters of a year, in distribution, is summed to the number of xiv. or xv. thousand pounds. Beside the great piece of money which her grace intended to impart into four sundry quarters of the Realm, as for a stock there to be employed to the behoof of poor artificers and occupiers. Again, 
The great Almose of Queen Annne.  what a zealous defender she was of Christ's Gospel, all the world doth know, and her acts do and will declare to the worlds end. Amongst which other her acts, this is one, that she placed M. Hugh Latymer in the Bishopric of Worcester, and also preferred Doctor Shaxton to his Bishopric, being then accounted a good man. Furthermore, what a true faith she bore unto the Lord, this one example may stand for many: for that when King Henry was with her at Wodstocke, and there being afraid of an old blind prophesy, for the which neither he, nor other Kings before him, durst hunt in the said park of Woodstock, nor enter into the Town of Oxford, at last through the Christian and faithful counsel of that Queen, he was so armed against all infidelity, that both he hunted in the foresaid park, and also entered in the Town of Oxford, and had no harm. But because touching the memorable virtues of this worthy Queen, partly we have said something before, partly because more also is promised to be declared of her virtuous life (the Lord so permitting) by other who then were about her: I will cease in this matter further to proceed.  
This I can not but marvel, why the Parliament holden this year, that is, the xxviij. year of the King, (which Parliament three years before had established and confirmed this Marriage as most lawful) should now so suddenly and contrary to their own doings, 
Statu●. An. 28. Hen. 8. cap. 7.  repeal and disable the said Marriage again as unlawful, being so lawfully before contracted. But more I marvel, why the said Parliament, after the illegitimation of the Marriage enacted, not contented with that, should further proceed, and charge her with such carnal desires of her body, as to misuse herself with her own natural brother the Lord Rochfort, and others, 
Parliaments not always constant.  being so contrary to all nature that no natural man will believe it.  
But in this Act of Parliament did lie (no doubt) some great mystery, which here I will not stand to discuss, but only that it may be suspected some secret practising of the Papists hear not to be lacking, considering what a mighty stop she was to their purposes and proceed, and on the contrary side, what a strong Bulwark she was for the maintenance of Christ's Gospel and sincere religion, which they then in no case could abide. By reason whereof, it may easily be considered that this Christian and devout Deborah could lack no enemies amongst such a number of Philistians, both within the Realm and without.  
Again, neither is it unlike but that Stephen Winchester, being then abroad in Embassy, was not altogether asleep. The suspicion whereof may be the more conjectural, for that Edmund Boner Archdeacon of Leicester, and then Ambassador in France succeeding after Stephen Winchester, did manifestly detect him of plain Papistry, as in the sequeale of their stories, when we come to the time, more ample (the Lord granting) shall be expressed.  
And as touching the King's mind and assent, 
The lawfulness of Queen Anne's succession defended.  although at that time through crafty setters on, he seemed to be sore bend both against that Queen, and to the disheriting of his own daughter: yet unto that former will of the King so set against her then, I will oppose again the last will of the King, wherein expressly and by name he did accept, and by plain ratification did allow the succession of his Marriage to stand good and lawful.  
Furthermore, 
Defence of Queen Anne against privy backbiters.  to all other sinister judgements and opinions, whatsoever can be conceived of man against that virtuous Queen: I object and oppose again (as in stead of answer) the evident demonstration of God's favour, in maintaining, preserving, & advancing the offspring of her body, the Lady ELIZABETH, now Queen, whom the Lord hath so marvelously conserved from so manifold dangers, so royally hath exalted, so happily hath blessed with such virtuous patience, and with such a quiet reign hitherto, that neither the reign of her brother EDWARD, nor of her sister Mary, to her is to be compared, whether we consider the number of the years of their reigns, or the peaceableness of their state. In whose royal and flourishing regiment we have to behold, not so much the natural disposition of her mother's qualities, as the secret judgement of God in preserving and magnifying the fruit and offspring of that godly Queen.  
And finally, as for the blasphemous mouth both of Cardinal Poole, 

Paulus 〈◊〉 can find no whoredom in all Rome, but must come and 〈◊〉 matter where none 〈◊〉, in England.  
The Protestants of Germanye forsake king Henry for the death of Queen Anne.  
The wily practices of the Papists.   and of Paulus iovius, that Popish Cardinal, who measuring belike other women by his curtesanes of Rome, so impudently abuseth his pen in lying and railing against this noble Queen: to answer again in defence of her cause to that Italian, I object and oppose the consent and judgement of so many noble Protestants and Princes of Germany, who being in league before with King Henry, and minding no less but to have made him the head of their confederation, afterward hearing of the death of this Queen, utterly broke from him and refused him, only for the same cause.  
But all this seemeth (as is said) to be the drift of the wily Papists, who seeing the Pope to be repulsed out of England by the means chief of this Queen, and fearing always the succession of this Marriage in time to come: thought by sinister practice to prevent that peril before, whispering in the King's ears, what possibly they could, to make that Matrimony unlawful, and all for the disheriting of that succession.  
Again, Stephen Gardiner (who was a secret worker against that marriage, and a perpetual enemy against Lady Elizabeth) being then abroad with the French King and the great Master of France, ceased not in his letters still to put the King in fear, that the foreign Princes and powers of the world, with the Pope, would never be reconciled to the King, neither should he be ever in any perfect security, unless he undid again such acts before passed for the ratification of that succession. Which thing when they had now brought to pass after their own desire, that both now the Queen was beheaded, 
God's providence still disappointeth the papists. The king married Lady jane.  and Elizabeth the King's daughter disherited, they thought all things to be sure for ever. But yet God's providence still went beyond them, and deceived them. For incontinently after the suffering of Queen Anne, the King within three days after, married Lady jane Semer, of whom came King Edward, as great an enemy to God's enemy the Pope, as ever his father was, and greater too.  
In the mean time, as these troublous tumults were in doing in England, Paul the third Bishop of Rome, for his part was not behind to help forward for his own advantage. Who seeing his usurped kingdom & feat to be darkened in the countries of Germany, 
The feat of the beast darkened. Apoc. 16.  & also in England, thought it high time to bestir him, and therefore, to provide some remedy against further dangers, appointed a general Council at Mantua in Italy, requiring all kings and princes either personally to be there, or else to send their Ambassadors, under fair pretences, as to suppress heresies, and to restore the Church▪ and to war against the Turk, etc. This Bull was subscribed with the hands of 26. Cardinals, and set up in divers great Cities, that it might be known and published to the whole world. Unto the which Bull, first the Protestants of Germany do answer, declaring sufficient causes why they refused to resort to that Council, being indicted at Mantua in the Pope's own Country. Whose declaration, with their causes grave and effectual, 
Ex joan. Sledano. Lib. 10.  being set forth in print, and in the English tongue, although they were worthy here to be inserted, yet for brevity, and more speed in our story, I will pretermit the same, and only take the Oration or answer of our King here: Wherein he likewise rendereth reasons and causes most reasonable, why he refuseth to come or to send at the Popes call to his Council, indicted at Mantua. Whose Oration or Protestation, because it containeth matter of some w●ight and great experience, I thought here good to express, as followeth.   

¶ A Protestation in the name of the King, and the whole Counsel, and Clergy of England, why they refuse to come to the Pope's Council at his call.  
seeing that the Bishop of Rome calleth learned men from all parties, 
The kings protestation why he sen●eth not to ●he Pope's Council.  conducting them by great rewards, making as many of them Cardinals as he thinketh most meet and most ready to defend frauds and untruths: we could not but with much anxiety cast with ourselves, what so great a preparance of wits should mean. As chance was, we guessed even as it followed. We have been so long acquainted with Roman subtleties and popish deceits, that we well and easily judged the Bishop of Rome to intend an assemble of his adherents and men sworn to think all his lusts to be laws. We were not deceived. 
The Pope's crafts espied.  Paul the Bishop of Rome hath called a Council, to the which he knew well either few or none of the Christian Princes could come. Both the time that he indicted it, and also the place where he appointed it to be, might assure him of this. But whether wandereth not these Popish Bulls? whether go they not astray? what King is not cited and summoned by a proud Minister and servant of Kings, to come to bolster up errors, frauds, deceits, and untruths, and to set forth this feigned general Council? For who will not think that Paul the Bishop of Rome goeth sooner about to make men believe that he intendeth a general Council, then that he desireth one in deed: No, who can less desire it, than they that do despair of their cause, except they be judges, and give sentence themselves against their adversaries? We, which very sore against our will, at any time leave off the procurement of the Realm and common weal, need neither to come ourselves, 
The king not bound to come at the Pope's call.  nor yet to send our procurators thither, no nor yet to make our excuse for either of both. For who can accuse us, that we come not at his call, which hath no authority to call us?  
But for a season let us (as a sort of blyndlynges do) grant that he may call us, 
Who be they that have place in the Pope's Council.  and that he hath authority so to do: yet (we pray you) may not all men see, what availeth it to come to this Council, where ye shall have no place, except ye be known both willing to oppress truth, and also ready to confirm and 'stablish errors? Do not all men perceive as well as we, with what integrity, fidelity, and Religion, these men go about to discuss matters in controversy, that take them in hand in so troublesome a time as this is? Is it not plain what fruit the common weal of Christendom may look for there, 
The place of the Council not indifferent.  where as Mantua is chosen the place to keep this Council at? Is there any Prince, not being of Italy, yea, is there any of Italy, Prince or other dissenting from the Pope, that dareth come to this assemble, and to this place? If there come none, that dare speak for trodden truth, 
No reason that the pope should be judge in his own cause.  none that will venture his life, is it marvel if the Bishop of Rome being judge, no man repining, no man gainesaieng, the defenders of the Papacy obtain that Popish authority now quailing and almost fallen, be set up again?  
Is this the way to help things afflict? 
The Bishop of Rome in learning and life far under other Bishops.  to redress troubled Religion? to lift up oppressed truth? Shall men this way know, whether the Roman Bishops (which in very deed are, if ye look either upon their doctrine or life, far under other Bishops) ought to be made like their fellows, that is, to be pastors in their own Diocese, and so to use no further power: or else whether they may make laws, not only unto other Bishops, but also to Kings & Emperors? O boldness, meet to be beaten down with force, and not to be convinced with arguments. Can either Paul that now Lordeth, or any of his, earnestly go about (if they alone, or at the lest without any adversary, be thus in a corner assembled together) to heal the sicknesses, to take away the errors, to pluck down the abuses that now are crept into the Church, and there be bolstered up, by such Counsels as now is like to be at Mantua?  
It is very like, that these, which prole for nothing but profit, will right gladly pull down all such things, as their forefathers made, only for the increase of money. 
Paul the Pope proleth for his own profit.  Where as their forefathers, when their honour, power, primacy, was called into question, would either in spite of God's law, maintain their dignity, or (to say better) their intolerable pride: is it like, that these will not tread in their steps, and make naughty new Canons, whereby they may defend old evil decrees? Howbeit, what need we to care, either what they have done, or what they intent to do hereafter, for as much as England hath taken her leave of Popish crafts for ever, never to be deluded with them hereafter? 
England taketh her leave of the Pope for ever.  Roman Bishops have nothing to do with English people: the one doth not traffic with the other: at the least, though they will have to do with us, yet we will none of their merchandise, none of their stuff. We will receive them of our Council no more. We have sought our hurt, and bought our loss a great while too long. Surely their Decrees, either touching things set up, or put down, shall have none other place with us, than all Bishop's Decrees have, that is, if we like them, we admit them: if we do not, we refuse them. But lest peradventure men shall think us to follow our senses too much, 
England refuseth the Pope's merchandise.  & that we, moved by small or no just causes, forsake the authority, censures, Decrees, and Popish Councils, we thought it best here to show our mind to the whole world.  
Wherefore we protest before God and all men, that we down of his usurped power, and proud primacy: for expelling of his usurped jurisdiction: and for delivering of our realm from his grievous bondage and pollage? Who seethe not him even inflamed with hatred against us, and the flames to be much greater, 
〈◊〉 hatred 〈◊〉 the Pope 〈…〉.  than he can now keep them in? He is an open enemy, he dissembleth no longer, provoking all men by all the means that he can to endamage us and our country. These 3. years he hath been occupied in no one thing so much, as how he might stir up the commons of England, now corrupting some with money, some with dignities. We let pass, what letters he hath written to Christian Princes: with how great fervent study, he hath exhorted men to set upon us. The good Vicar of Christ, by his doing showeth how he understandeth the words of Christ. 
The Pope 〈…〉 put the ●orde to the earth, otherwise ●hen Christ did.  He thinketh, he playeth Christ's part well, when he may say as Christ did: Non veni pacem mittere in terram, sed gladium: I come not to make peace in earth, but to send sword about: and not such sword, as Christ would his to be armed with all, but such as cruel manquellers, abuse in the slaughter of their neighbours. We marvel little, though they vex other Princes oft, seeing they recompense our favour showed to them, with contumelies, our benefits with injuries.  
We will not rehearse here, how many our benefits bestowed upon Roman bishops, be lost. God be with such ungrate earls, 
Benefits ●ast away upon the Pope.  unworthy to be numbered amongst men: Certes, such that a man may well doubt, whether God or man hath better cause to hate them. But that we have learned to owe good will, even to them that immortally hate us, what could we wish them so evil, but they have deserved much worse? We wish them this hurt alone, that God send them a better mind. God be thanked, we have made all their seditious intents, sooner to show their great malice towards us, then to do us much hurt: yet they have well taught us, evermore to take good heed of our enemies. Undoubtedly it were good going to Mantua, and to leave their whelps amongst the lambs of our flock. When we be weary of our wealth, we will even do then, as they would have us now do. No, no, as long as we shall see his heart so good towards us, we trust upon his warning, we shall well provide to withstand his cruel malice. No, let him now, spend his deceits, when they can hurt none but such as would deceive, and are deceived.  
They have by sundry ways, made us privy, how much we be bound to them. It went nigh their hearts, to see the judgement of july, of Clement the 7. of Paul the 3. nothing to be regarded with us. 
The Pope's ●ur●es not feared in England.  They be afraid, if we should sustain no hurt because we justly rejected their primacy, that other Princes would begin to do likewise, and to shake of their shoulders, the heavy burdens that they so long have borne, against Scripture, all right and reason▪ They be sorry to see the way stopped, that now their tyranny, avarice, and pride can have no passage into England, which was wont to walk, to triumph, to toss, to trouble all men. They can scarce suffer privileges, that is to say, licence to spoil our Citizens, given them by our forefathers, and brought in by errorful custom, to be taken from them. They think it unlawful, that we require things lawful of them that will be under no laws. They think, we do them wrong, 
The Pope's trumpery dispatched out of England.  because we will not suffer them to do us wrong any longer. They see their merchandise to be banished, to be forbidden. They see, that we will buy no longer, chalk for cheese. They see they have lost a fair flese, vengeable sorry, that they can dispatch no more pardons, dispensations, totquots, with the rest of their baggage and trumpery. England is no more a babe. There is no man here, but now he knoweth that they do foolishly, that give gold for lead, more weight of that than they receive of this. 
Gold given 〈◊〉 lead.  They pass not, though Peter & Paul's faces be graven in the lead, to make fools feign. No, we be sorry that they should abuse holy Saints visages, to the begiling of the world.  
Surely, except God take away our right wits, not only his authority shallbe driven out for ever, 
God grant.  but his name also shortly shall be forgotten in England. We will from henceforth, ask counsel of him and his, when we lust to be deceived, when we covet to be in error, when we desire to offend God, troth, and honesty. If a man may guess the whole work by the foundation, 
The Pope's 〈…〉.  where deceits beginneth the work, can any other than deceits be builded upon this foundation? What can you look for in this Mantuan council, 
●he Pope 〈◊〉 a few ●●nges well, ●t many 〈◊〉 may 〈◊〉 better 〈◊〉.  other than the oppression of truth & true religion? If there be any thing well done, think as every man doth, bishops of Rome to be accustomed to do a few things well that many evil may the better be taken at their hands. They when they lust, can yield some part of their right. They are content, that some of their decrees, some of their errors & abuses be reprehended: but they are never more to be s●ared, then when they show themselves most gentle. For if they grant a few, they ask many: if they leave a little, they will be sure of a great deal. Scarce a man he may know how to handle himself, that he take no hurt at their hands, yea when they bless him: which seldom do good, but for an intent to do evil. Certainly come who so will to these shops of deceits, to these taires of frauds, we will lose no part of our right in coming at his call, 
The pope ought to be called and not to call.  that aught to be called, and not to fall. We will neither come at Mantua, nor send thither for this matter. etc.  
And so the king proceeding in the said his Protestation, declareth moreover, how the Pope, after he had summoned his Council first to be kept at Mantua, the 23. of May, An. 1537. shortly after directed out an other Bull, to prorogate the same Council to the month of November, pretending for his excuse, that the Duke of Mantua would not suffer him to keep any Council there, 
The Pope again prorogeth his Council.  unless he maintained a number of warriors, for defence of the town. And therefore in his latter bull, he prorogeth this assemble, commanding patriarchs, Archbishops, Bishops, Abbots, and other of the spirituality, by the virtue of obedience and under pain of cursing, to be present, but showeth no place at all where he would be, nor whether they should come. And in very deed no great matter, though no place were named. For as good council no where to be called, as where it could not be. And aswell no place served him, that intended no Council, as all places. And to say truth, much better no place to be named, then to name such, as he purposed not to come too: for so should he break no promise, which maketh none. And so going forward in his oration, toward the latter end, he thus inferreth by his words of Protestation, saying.  
No, we will the Pope and his adherents to understand that, that we oft have said, and now say, and ever will say: 
Princes as the● gave the Pope primacy, 〈◊〉 they take 〈…〉 him again.  He nor his hath no authority, no jurisdiction in England. We give him no more than he hath, that is never a deal. That which he hath usurped against God's law, & extorted by violence, we by good right, take from him again. But he & his will say: we gave them a primacy. We hear them well. We gave it you in deed. If you have authority upon us, as long as our consent giveth it you, and you evermore will make your plea upon our consent, then let it have even an end, where it began: we consent no longer, your authority must needs be gone. If we being deceived by false pretence of evil alleged scriptures, gave to you that ye ought to have refused: why may we not, our error now perceived, your deceit espied, take it again? We princes wrote ourselves to be inferours to pope's. As long as we thought so, we obeyed them as our superiors. Now we writ not as we did, and therefore they have no great cause to maruill, if we hereafter do not as we did, both the laws civil, and also the laws of God, be on our side. For a free man borne doth not lose his liberty, no nor hurt the plea of his liberty, though he writ himself a bond man.  
Again, if they lean to custom, we send them to saint Cyprian, which saith that custom, 
Custom▪  if troth be not joined with it is nothing, but erroris vetustas, that is, an old error. Christ said: Ego sum via, veritas, & vita: I am the way troth and life. He never said: Ego sum consuetudo, I am the custom. Wherefore, seeing custom serveth you on the one side, and Scripture us upon the other, are ye able to match us? In how many places doth Christ monish you to seek no primacy, to prefer yourselves before no body? no, 
The Pope's 〈◊〉 and his digni●● agree not to gather.  to be obedient unto all creatures? Your old title, servus servorum, evil agreeth with your new forged dignity. But we will not tarry in matters plain: We only desire God, that Cesar & other Christian Princes, would agree upon some holy Council, where troth may be tried and Religion set up, which hath been hurt by nothing so sore, as by general not general Counsels. Errors and abuses grow to fast. 
Best that every Prince reform his own realm and tarry not for general councils.  Erudimini, erudimini qui iudicatis terram: Get you learning you that judge the earth: & excogitate some remedy for these so many diseases of the sick Church. They that be wisest, do despair of a general Council. Wherefore we think it now best, that every Prince call a Council provincial, and every Prince to redress his own Realm. We make all men privy, what we think best to be done for the redress of religion. If they like it, we doubt not, but they will follow it, or some other better. Our trust is, that all Princes will so handle themselves in this behalf, that Princes may enjoy their own, and Priests of Rome content themselves with that they ought to have. Princes as we trust, will no longer nourish Wolves whelps: they will subscribe no more to popish pride, to the Papacy. etc.  
Favour our doings, O Christian Princes. Your honour & ancient Majesty is restored. Remember, there is nothing pertaining so much to a Prince's honour, as to set forth truth, and to help religion. Take you heed that their deceit work not more mischief, than your virtue can do good: & everlasting war we would all Princes had with this Papacy. As for their Decrees, so hearken to them, that if in this Mantua assemble, things be well done, ye take them, but not as authorised by them, but that troth and things that maintain Religion, are to be taken at all men's hands. And even as we will admit things well made, so if there be any thing determined in prejudice of troth, for maintenance of their evil grounded primacy, or that may hurt the authority of kings, we protest unto the whole world, that we neither allow it, nor will at any time allow it.  
Ye have, Christian Readers, our mind concerning the general Council. We think you all see, that Paul & his Cardinals, bishops, Abbots, Monks, Friars, with the rest of the rabblement, do nothing less intent, than the knowledge or search of troth. Ye see, this is no time meet, Mantua no place meet, for a general Council. And though they were both meet, yet except some other call this Council, you see, that we neither need to come, nor to sand. You have heard how every Prince in his own Realm, may quiet things amiss. If there be any of you, that can show us a better way, we promise with all hearty desire, to do that, that shallbe thought best for the settling of Religion, & that we will leave our own advises, if any man show us better. Which mind of ours, we most heartily pray GOD, that gave it us, not only to increase in us, but also to send it unto all Christian Princes, all Christian Prelates, and all Christian people.  
A little before the death of Queen Anne, there was a Parliament at Westminster, wherein was given to the king by consent of the Abbots, all such houses of religion, as were under 300. marks. Which was a shrewd prognosticate of the ruin of greater houses, which in deed followed shortly after, as was & might easily be perceived before of many, who then said: that the low bushes and brambles were cut down before, but great oaks would follow after.  
Although the proceeding of these things did not well like the minds of the Pope's friends in England, 

The Papists purpose disappointed.  
Queen jane married to the king.   yet notwithstanding they began again to take some breath of comfort, when they saw the foresaid Queen Anne dispatched. Nevertheless they were frustrate of their purpose (as is aforeshewed) and that doblewise. For first, after they had their wills of Queen Anne, the Lord raised up an other Queen, not greatly for their purpose, with her son king Edward. 
L. Cromwell groweth in authority.  And also for that the Lord Cronwell the same time began to grow in authority. Who like a mighty pillar set up in the Church of Christ, was enough alone to confound and overthrow all the malignant devices of the adversaries, so long as God gave him in life here to continue: whose story hereafter followeth more at large.  
Shortly after this foresaid Marriage of the king with this Queen jane Semer above mentioned, in the month of june, during the continuation of the Parliament, by the consent of the Clergy holding them a solemn convocation in the Church of S. Paul, 
Alteration of religion a little beginneth.  a book was set forth containing certain Articles of religion necessary to be taught to the people, wherein they entreated specially but of three Sacraments: Baptism, Penance, & the lords Supper. Where also divers other things were published concerning the alteration of certain points of Religion, as that certain holy days were forbidden, and many abbeys began to be suppressed. For the which cause, the rude multitude of Lincolneshyre fearing the utter subversion of their old Religion, 
Commotion in Lincolnshire.  wherein they had been so long nuzzled, did rise up in a great commotion, to the number: well-near of 20. thousand, having for their Captain, a Monk named D. Makerell, calling himself then Captain Cobbler: but these rebels being repressed by the kings power, and desiring pardon, 
A monk stirrer of the commotion  soon broke up their assembly. For they hearing of the royal army of the king coming against them with his own person there present, & fearing what would follow of this, first the noble men and Gentlemen, which before favoured them, began to with themselves, so that they were destitute of Captains: and at the last, they in writing made certain petitions to the king, protesting that they never intended hurt toward his royal person. These petitions the king received, and made this answer again to them as followeth.   

The king's answer to the rebels.  
FIrst, we begin and make answer to the fourth and sixth articles, 
The kings answer to the rebels.  because upon them dependeth much of the rest. Concerning choosing of Counsellors, I never have red, heard, nor known, that Princes, Counsellors and Prelates, should be appointed by rude and ignorant common people, nor that they were persons meet, or of ability to discern and choose meet and sufficient Counsellors for a Prince: How presumptuous then are ye the rude commons of one shire, and that one the most base of the whole realm, and of the least experience, to find fault with your Prince, for the electing of his Counsellors and Prelates, and to take upon you, contrary to God's law, and man's laws, to rule your Prince, whom ye are bound by all law, to obey and serve with both your lives, lands and goods, and for no worldly cause, to withstand?  
As to the suppression of religious houses & Monasteries, we will that ye and all our subjects should well know, 
For suppression of religious houses.  that this is granted us by all the nobles spiritual & temporal of this realm, and by all the commons in the same, by Act of Parliament, and not set forth by any counsellor or Counsellors upon their mere will and fantasy, as ye full falsely would persuade our realm to believe.  
And where ye allege, that the service of God is much diminished, the truth thereof is contrary: for there be no houses suppressed where God was well served, but where most vice, mischief, and abomination of living was used, and that doth well appear by their own confessions subscribed with their own hands in the time of their visitations, and yet we suffered a great many of them (more than we needed by the Act) to stand: wherein, 
In these visitations of religious houses, horrible it is to read what wickedness and abomination was there found and registered by the vysitors.  if they amend not their living, we fear, we have more to answer for, then for the suppression of all the rest. And as for the hospitality for the relief of the poor, we wonder ye be not ashamed to affirm, that they have been a great relief of poor people, when a great many or the most part hath not past four or five religious persons in them, & divers but one, which spent the substance of the goods of their houses in nourishing of vice and abominable living. Now, what unkindness and unnaturalitie may we impute to you and all our subjects that be of that mind, which had lever such an unthrifty sort of vicious persons should enjoy such possessions, profits and emoluments, as grow of the said houses, to the maintenance of their unthrifty life, than we your natural Prince, sovereign Lord and King, which doth & hath spent more in your defences of our own, than six times they be worth?  
As touching the act of uses, we marvel what madness is in your brain, 
The act of uses.  or upon what ground ye would take authority upon you, to cause us to break those laws and statutes, which by all the noble Knights and Gentlemen of this Realm (whom the same chief touched) hath been granted and assented too: seeing in no manner of things, it toucheth you the base commons of our realm.  
Also, the grounds of all those uses were false, and never admitted by law, but usurped upon the prince, contrary to all equity and justice, as it hath been openly both disputed & declared by all the well learned men in the Realm of England, in Westminster Hall: whereby ye may well perceive, how mad and unreasonable your demands be, both in that and in the rest, and how unmeet it is for us, & dishonourable, to grant or assent unto, and less meet and decent for you in such a rebellious sort, to demand the same of your Prince.  
As touching the fifteen which ye demand of us to be released, think ye that we be so faint hearted, 
The act of fifteen.  that perforce ye of one shire (were ye a great many more) could compel us with your insurrections & such rebellious demeanour, to remit the same? or think ye that any man will or may take you to be true subjects, that first make & show a loving grant, and then perforce would compel your sovereign Lord and King to release the same? The time of payment whereof is not yet come: yea and seeing the same will not countervail the tenth penny of the charges, which we have and daily do sustain for your tuition & safeguard: make you sure by your occasions of these your ingratitudes, unnaturalness, and unkindness to us now administered, ye give us cause (which hath always been asmuch dedicated to your wealth, as ever was King) not so much to set our study for the setting forward of the same, seeing how unkindly and untruly ye deal now with us, without any cause or occasion. And doubt ye not, though you have no grace nor naturalness in you to consider your duty of allegiance to your king & sovereign Lord, the rest of our Realm (we doubt not) hath, & we and they shall so look on this cause, that we trust it shallbe to your confusion, if according to your former letters you submit not yourselves.  
As touching the first fruits, we let you to wit, it is a thing granted us by Act of Parliament also, 
The act of first fruits.  for the supportation of part of the great and excessive charges, which we support & bear for the maintenance of your wealths and other our subjects: and we have known also that ye our commons have much complained in times passed, that the most part of our goods, lands, and possessions of the Realm, were in the spiritual men's hands: and yet bearing us in hand, that ye be as loving subjects to us as may be, ye can not find in your hearts, that your Prince and sovereign Lord should have any part thereof (and yet it is nothing prejudicial unto you our commons) but do rebel and unlawfully rise against your Prince, contrary to the due●y of allegiance & God's commandment. Sirs, remember your follies and traitorous demeanours, and shame not your native country of England, nor offend no more so grievously your undoubted king & natural prince, which always hath showed himself most loving unto you, and remember your duty of allegiance, and that ye are bound to obey us your king, both by God's commandment, and law of nature.  
Wherefore we charge you eftsoons upon the foresaid bonds and pains, that ye withdraw yourselves to your own houses every man, and no more to assemble contrary to our laws and your allegiaunces, and to cause the provokers of you to this mischief, to ●e delivered to our lieutenants hands or ours, and you yourselves to submit you to such condign punishment, as we and our nobles shall think you worthy: for doubt you not else, that we & our nobles can nor will suffer this injury at your hands unrevenged, if ye give not place to us of sovereignty, & show yourselves as bounden and obedient subjects, and no more to intermeddle yourselves from henceforth with the weighty affairs of the Realm, the direction whereof only appertaineth to us your king, and such noble men and counsellors, as we list to elect and choose to have the ordering of the same.  
And thus we pray unto almighty God, to give you graee to do your duties, to use yourselves towards us like true and faithful subjects, so as we may have cause to order you thereafter: and rather obediently to consent amongst you, to deliver into the hands of our Lieutenant, a hundredth persons to be ordered according to their demerits, at our will and pleasure, then by your obstinacy and wilfulness, to put yourselves, your wines, children, lands, goods and cattles, beside the indignation of God, in the utter adventure of total destruction, & utter ruin, by force and violence of the sword.  
After the Lyncolneshyre men had received this the Kings answer aforesaid, 
The commotion of Lincolnshire assuaged.  made to their petitions, each mistrusting other who should be noted to be the greatest meddler, even very suddenly they began to shrink and out of hand, they were all divided, and every man at home in his own house in peace: but the Captains of these rebels escaped not all clear, but were after apprehended, and had as they deserved. Ex Edw. Hallo.  
After this, immediately within six days, upon the same, followed a new insurrection in Yorkshire for the same causes, 
A Popish insurrection in yorkshire.  through the instigation and lying tales of seditious persons, especially Monks and Priests, making them believe, that their silver chalices, crosses, jewels, and other ornaments should be taken out of their Churches, and that no man should be married, or eat any good meat in his house, but should give tribute therefore to the King: but their special malice was against Cromwell, and certain other Counsellors.  
The number of these rebels were near about 40. M. having for their badges the 5. wounds, 
The badges of the rebels.  with the sign of the Sacrament, and jesus written in the midst.  
This their devilish rebellion, they termed by the name of a holy pilgrimage, 
A holy Pilgrimage.  but they served a wrong and a naughty Saint. They had also in the field their streamers and banners, whereupon was painted Christ hanging upon the Cross on the one side, and a chalice with a painted cake in it, on the other side, with other such ensigns of like hypocrisy and feigned sanctity, pretending thereby to fight for the faith, and right of holy Church.  
As soon as the king was certified of this new seditious insurrection, he sent with all speed against them, the Duke of Norfolk, 
The kings power against the ●ebels in the North.  Duke of Suffolk, Marquis of Excetor, Earl of Shrewsbury & other, with a great army, forthwith to encounter with the rebels.  
These noble Captains and Counsellors thus well furnished with habilement of war, approaching toward the rebels, and understanding both their number, and how they were full bend to battle, first with policy went about to assay and practise how to appease all without bloudsheding: 
The blind ●●●burnnes ●f superstitious people, rebelling ●here they ●●ue no 〈◊〉.  but the Northern men stoutly and sturdely standing to their wicked cause and wretched enterprise, would in no case relent from their attempts. Which when the nobles perceived, & saw no other way to pacify their furious minds utterly set on mischief, determined upon a battle. The place was appointed, the day assigned, and the hour set, but see that wanderous work of God's gracious providence.  
The night before the day of battle came (as testifieth Edward Hall) fell a small rain, nothing to speak of: 
A great 〈◊〉 of God in d●●fēding the 〈◊〉 of his Gospels.  but yet, as it were by a great miracle of God, the water which was but a very small ford, and that men, in manner the day before, might have gone brishod over, suddenly rose of such a height, deepness, and breadth, that the like no man that there did inhabit, could tell that ever they saw afore: so that the day, even when the hour of battle should come, it was impossible for the one army to come at the other.  
After this, the appointment made between both the armies being thus disappointed, as it is to be thought, only by God (who extended his great mercy, and had compassion on the great number of innocent persons, that in that deadly slaughter had like to have been murdered) could take no place: then by the great wisdom and policy of the said Captains, a communication was had, & a pardon of the king's Majesty obtained, for all the captains and chief doers of this insurrection, and they promised that such things as they found themselves aggrieved with all they should gently be heard, and their reasonable petitions granted, & that their articles should be presented to the king, that by his highness authority, and wisdom of his Counsel, all things should be brought to good order and conclusion: and with this order every man quietly departed, and those which before were bend as hot as fire, to fight, being letted thereof by God; went now peaceably to their houses, and were as cold as water. A Domino factum est istud.  
In the time of this ruffle in yorkshire, and the king lying the same time at Windsor there was a Butcher dwelling within 5. miles of the said town of Windsor, 
Popish priests rebelling against the king.  which caused a Priest to preach, that all they that took part with the Yorkshire men, whom he called God's people did fight in God's quarrel: for the which both he and the priest were apprehended, and executed.  
divers other priests also, with other, about the same time committing in like sort treason against the king, suffered the like execution. Such a business had the King then to rid the realm from the servitude of the Romish yokes. Tantae molis erat Romanam evertere sedem. But God's hand did still work with all, in upholding his Gospel and trodden truth, against all seditious stirs, commotions, rebellions, and what soever was to the contrary as both by these stories aforepassed, and by such also as hereafter follow, may notoriously appear.  
The year next after this, which was of the Lord. 1537. after that great execution had been done upon certain rebellious Priests and a few other lay men, 
Anno. 1537.  with certain noble persons also and gentlemen, amongst whom was the Lord Darcy, the Lord Hussy, Sir Robert Constable Sir Thomas Percy, Sir Frances Bygot, Sir Stephen Hamelton, Sir john Bulmer, and his wife, William Lomeley, Nicholas Tempest, with the abbots of Gerney, and of Rivers. etc. in the month of October, the same year following, was borne Prince Edward. Shortly after whose birth, Queen jane his mother, the second day after, died in childbed, & left the king again a widower, which so continued the space of two years together. Upon the death of which Queen jane, 
Prince Edward borne.  and upon the birth of prince Edward her son, these two verses were made which follow.  
Phoenix jana jacet nato Phoenicia, 
Queen jane died in childbed.  dolendum  
Secula Phoenices nulla tulisse duas.  
Here is by the way to be understand, that during all this season, since the time that the king of England had rejected the pope out of the Realm, both the Emperor, 
These verses were thought to be made by M. Armigyl Wade.  the French king, and the king of Scots, with other foreign potentates (which were yet in subjection under the Pope) bore no him do great good favour inwardly, what soever outwardly they pretended. Neither was here lacking privy setters on, nor secret working among themselves, how to compass ungracious mischiefs, if God by contrary occasions had not stopped their intended devices. For first the Pope had sent Cardinal Poole to the French king, to stir him to war against the realm of England.  
Secondly where as the French king, 

The Pope stirreth war against England by Cardinal Poole.  
The Emperor, the French king, and the king of Scots, set against the king of England.   by treaty of perpetual peace, was bound yearly to pay to the king of England at the first days of May, and November about xcv. thousand crowns of the sum, and odd money, and over, that 10000 crowns at the said ij. terms, for recompense of salt due, as the treats thereof did purport: that pension remained now unpaid iiij. years and more.  
Furthermore, the Emperor and the French K. both retained Grancetor a traitorous rebel against the king, & condemned by Act of Parliament, with certain other traitors more, and yet would not deliver him to the king at his earnest suit and request.  
The French king also digressing from his promise and treaty, made alliance with the Bishop of Rome, Clement in marrying the Dolphin to his Niece, called Katherine de Medicis.  
The said French king moreover, contrary to his contract made, married his daughter to the king of Scots. All which were prejudicial: and put the king (no doubt) in some fear and perplexity (though otherwise a stout and valiant Prince) to see the Pope, the Emperor, the French king, and king of Scots so bend against him.  
And yet all this notwithstanding, the Lord still defended the justness of his cause against them all. For although the French king was so set on by the Pope, and so linked in marriage with the Scots, and sacked nothing now but only occasion to invade the realm of England: yet notwithstanding he hearing now of the birth of Prince Edward, the kings son by Queen jane, and understanding also by the death of the said Queen jane, that the King was a widower, and perceiving moreover, talk to be that the king would join in marriage with the Germans, began to wax more calm and cold, and to give much more gentle words, and to demean himself more curtuously, labouring to marry the Queen of Navare his sister to the king.  
The Ambassadors resident then in France for the king, were Ste. Gardiner, with Doctor Thirleby, etc. Which Steven Gard. what he wrought secreately for the Pope's devotion, I have not expressly to charge him. Whether he so did, or what he did, the Lord knoweth all. But this is certain, that when D. Boner archdeacon then of Leicester, was sent into France by the King (through the means of the Lord Cromwell (to succeed Steven Gardinar in Embassy, which was about the year of our Lord 1538. he found such dealing in the said Bishop of Winchester, as was not greatly to be trusted, beside the unkind parts of the said Bishop against the foresaid Boner, 
Anno. 1538.  coming then from the King and Lord Cromwell, as was not to be liked.  
Long it is to recite from the beginning, & few men perventure would believe, 
Doct. Boner, the kings Ambassador in France  the brawling matters, the privy complaints, the contentious quarrels, and bitter dissensions between these two, and especially what despiteful contumelies D. Boner received at the hands of Winchester. For understand (good Reader) that this doctor Boner all this while remained yet (as he seemed) a good man, 
Doct. Boner in the beginning a favourer of the truth and a lutheran.  and was a great furtherer of the kings proceed, and a favourer of Luther's doctrine, and was advanced only by the Lord Cromwell. Whose promotions here to rehearse: first he was Archdeacon of Leycester, person of Bledon, of Dereham, Cheswike, and Cheriburton. Then was made Bishop of Hereford, and at last preferred to be Bish. of London. The chief of which preferments and dignities were conferred unto him only by the means and favour of the L. Cromwell, 
L. Cromwell the only setter up of Doct. Boner.  who was then his chief and only patron, and setter up: as the said Boner himself in all his letters doth manifestly protest and declare. The Copies of which his letters I could here produce and exhibit, but for prolonging my story with superfluous matter. Yet that the world and all posterity may see, how the coming up of D. Boner was only by the Gospel (howsoever he was after unkind unto the Gospel) this one letter of his, 
Doct. Boners coming up, was by the Gospel.  which I will here infer, written to the Lord Cromwell out of France, may stand for a perpetual testimony, the tenor whereof here ensueth.  
* A letter of Doctor Boner the king's Ambassador resident in France, sent to the Lord Cromwell, declaring the order of his promotions and coming up.  
MY very singular especial good Lord, as one most bounden, I most humbly commend me unto your honourable good Lordship. 
Out of Boners own hand writing.  And whereas in times passed in hath liked the same, without any my deserts or merits, even only of your singular exceeding goodness, to bestow a great deal of love, benevolence, and good affection upon me so poor a man, and of so small qualities, expressing in deed, sundry ways, the good effects thereof to my great preferment, I was very much bound thereby unto your honourable good Lordship, and thought it always my duty (as in deed it was) both to bear my true hart again unto your Lordship, 
D. Boner confesseth himself much bound to the L. Cronwell.  and also, remembering such kindness, to do unto the same all such service & pleasure as might then lie in my small power to do.  
But where of your infinite & inestimable goodness, it hath further liked you of late, first to advance me unto the office of Legation from such a Prince as my sovereign Lord is, unto the Emperor and French king, and next after to procure and obtain mine advancement to so honourable a promotion as the bishopric of Hereford: I must here knowledge the exceeding greatness of your lordships benefit, 
Boner preferred to the Bishopric of Hereford, by the L. Cromwell.  with mine own imbecility to recompense it, and say (as Virgil writeth) Grates persoluere dignas non opis est nostrae.  
Surely my good Lord, I neither am, neither shall be able to requite thus your Lordship's most special kindness and bountiful goodness at any time, unless I should use that civil remeady called in law acceptilation, which great debtors especially, are accustomed to procure at the hands of their creditors: 
Acceptilation.  whereby yet nevertheless your goodness the only doer thereof, should rather be increased, than my duty towards the same, thereby diminished. And cessio Bonorum (the only extreme refuge and help of poor debtors devised also in 
* Here seemeth to lack some word, but that I would not alter any thing in his own copy.  civil) might somewhat help herein, saving that it is not possible that I shall come Ad tam pinguem fortunam (Whereupon that remedy is grounded) whereby I may recompense and requite this debt worthily.  
So that in conclusion there resteth this, that unless your Lordship's self do lose me as you have bound me, I shall (and that full gladly) remain continually your most bound beadesmen. And Sir I most humbly beseech your good Lordship, in the honour of God, seeing this thing is begun, and advanced only by your goodness and means you will to the intent the act may be wholly your own, stretch out your goodness, not suffering the rest to be perfited otherwise than by your own hands: wherein as I must & shall knowledge myself to be exceedingly beholden unto your good Lordship: so shall the same more esteem and set by, during my life, having so attained it by your only goodness: And verily, if your good Lordship be not better to me herein then I can, 
L. Cromwell only the advancer of D. Boner, & therefore in an other letter he calleth him his only Maecenas. The promotions of Boner.  unless it be of your own goodness, desire you, I know not how I shall be able to overcome the great charges annexed to this promotion. For though my promotions afore, were right honest and good, yea, and such as one of far better qualities than I was or am of, ought therewith to have been contented, yet considering that of divers of them, it is to wit, Leicester, Bledon, Derham, Cheswicke, and Cheryburton, the first fruits, tenths, and charges borne, I have not received clearly one penny, I am now never a whit the more able to bear the great charges of this.  
I shall therefore herein and in all things else pertaining hereunto, seeing your Lordship is so great a patron, and will needs bind me for ever to be your own (as in deed I will) refer all together unto your goodness, beseeching you to take the order and disposition of all into your hands. I cannot tell whether the late Bishop standeth bounden for the first fruits, tenths, or other duties, which by stature may be demanded of his successor, but I fear it greatly, and beseech your Lordship that I may be helped therein. My charges now here enforceth me the more to speak and trouble your good Lordship, which at the beginning are not a few, and yet not ended. Of my fidelity to your good I have of five hundredth crowns, remaining forty, bestowed upon horses, m●le, mulet, raiment, and other necessaries, standing debtor to M Thirlby nevertheless, and also to M. Doctor Heynes for one hundredth marks or fast upon, to them both. And besides this (such is my chance now at the beginning) divers of my servants have fallen sick, being in great peril and danger, putting me to no little charges.  
Over and beside these displeasures coming unto me, by not having their service, and other to keep them, and also wanting mine other servants in England, which though I have sent for them, yet neither they, neither my horses or stuff are come, I must and do take patience, trusting it will mend.  
Upon the closing up of this letter and depeache of this bearer, God willing I will pack up my gear, and to morrow betime follow the French king, who yesterday departed from Shambour, and maketh haste towards Paris. And▪ thus our blessed Lord long and well preserve your good Lordship in health. At Bloyse the 2. of September in the evening.  
scribbled by the weary hand of him that is bounden to be and is in deed, your Lordship's beadsman ● at commandment. Edmund Boner.  
divers other Letters beside this, of Doct. Boner remain in writing upon the like effect and purport, which here also I might add for a further demonstration hereof: but this one in stead of many, may suffice. 
D. Boner all this while showed himself to be a goo● man, and a good gospeler.  Now to our purpose again: which is to declare how this Doct. Boner in the time of his first springing up, showed himself a good man, & a fast friend to the Gospel of Christ & to the kings proceedings & contrariwise, how Steven Gardiner did halt then both with God & with the king. Also what unkindness and contumelies the said Boner received at his hands: what rancour and heartburning was between them: 
Rancour and hartburning betweene● the bishop of Winchester and Boner.  and what complaints the one moveth against the other, remaineth consequently by their writings & records to be opened. For the more evident demonstration whereof, they that have the letters of the said Doct. Boner written from France to the king, and the Lord Cromwell may right well perceive. And first to note what a gospeler he was, in his letter from Rouen, he speaking of his trusty companion, and bearer of his letters (who was belike D▪ Heines) he giveth this report both of him, and of himself, saying:  
If this bearer had been so much desirous to please the Emperor and follow his religion, 
The words of Boner declaring himself to be a gospeler.  as he was studious to serve truly your grace: and to advance the truth: he had not wanted, etc. And again:  
And besides that he hath not wanted the evil report of naughty fellows, 
Boner recompted a lutheran.  naming him a lutheran: wherein for company I was joined, such was their goodness, etc.  
Again in an other letter written to the Lord Cromwell these words he hath, speaking of his companion Doctor Heines:  
Especially for that the said D. Heines by his upright dealing herein, 
Doct. Boner and Doct. Heynes noted for Lutherans.  and professing the truth, neither gate thanks nor reward, but was blazed abroad by honest folks to be a lutheran. The les he pleaseth in Spain, the better argument it is, that his intent was to serve none but the king's highness, and the truth, etc.  
And furthermore in an other minute writing to the L. Cromwell of Steven Win. and of his churlishness toward him, thus he saith:  
And there found I in M. Doct. Thirlby much kindness, and in the Bishop of Winchester as little. 
Wynchester against Boner.  &c: And in the same letter it followeth:  
And if I had received any entertainment of the bishop of Winchester, I would likewise have sent you word. I thank God, I need not, for I had nothing of him. etc.  
Also in an other letter the said Boner writing to the L. Cromwell concerning one Barnaby, and himself, what cold welcome they both had at the hands of Winchester, useth these words following.  
And my good Lord I beseech you to continue your good favour to this honest poor man Barnaby, 
Ste. Wint. against Barnaby, because the Lord Cronwell favoured him.  who is body and soul assuredly your own, and as well beloved of the B. of Winchester as I am: and of my troth I suppose and believe verily, one of the chief grudges the Bishop hath against him, is because your Lordship of your charitable goodness doth love and favour him.  

another letter of Doctor Boner to the Lord Cromwell, complaining of Winchester, and also declaring how he was promoted by the said L. Cromwell, to the Bishopprike of Herforde.  
MY very singular especial good Lord, according to my most bounden duty, I recommend me right humbly unto your good Lordship, advertising the same, that the 29. of the last, about 4. of the clock at after noon, there arrived here Bernabe with your Lordships letters dated at Ewrige, the 24. of the same, and thinking that at his said arrival, the Bishop of Winchester, M. Thirleby and I had been all lodged together, wherein very deed we had several lodgings, he went strait to the Bishop of Winchester's lodging (M. Thirleby and I being then walking in the fields) and the Bishop incontinently inquired of him, 
The bishop of Wint. inquired not how the king did.  not how the king's grace did, as was his duty: but (as Barnaby told me) inquired of him where he left the king's grace at his coming away whether he had brought any letters for him: whether M. Brian and M. Wallop were in the Court at his departing: and finally what news were in England. To the which questions, when Barnaby had made answer, saying, that he left the king's grace at Byrling, and that M. Brian, and M. Wallop were in the Court at his departing, and withal that he had no letters from them, ne any other to him, and finally, for the news that the kings highness' had given me the Bishopric of Herforde: the Bishop (as Barnaby reporteth, and I doubt not but he sayeth truly) cast down his head, making a plaice mouth with his lip, and afterward lifting up his eyes and hands (as cursing the day & hour it chanced) seemed so evil contented therewith, 
The plaice mouth of Wynchester against Boner.  that he would neither bid Barnaby drink, or tarry supper, ne yet further common with him, but turning from him called one M. Meadow, and showed him of the same tidings, taking it (as it appeared) very hevily, semblably as he doth every thing, that is or may be for my preferment. And when Barnaby perceived that I was not there, and that also this comfortable countenance and good cheer made unto him, 
S●e. Wint. against Bo●ers preferment.  he went thence and searched me, who then was walking with M. Thirlby (as is afore) and by chance commoning with him of the Bishop of Winchester, giving him advertisement that he should not be abused by the said Bishop, whom I said made of him not for any hearty love I thought he bore unto him, but either in despite of me, to whom he thought it should be greatly displeasant: either else under colour thereof, and by familiarity, for to grope him and to serve his own crafty purposes by him And soon after the departure of M. Thirlby from me, who then went to the Bishop to supper, I returned towards my lodging, 
●. Boner ●ade Bish. Hereford.  and by the way met with Barnaby, whose salutation was after that sort, that it caused me to wonder at it, especially I having no expectation or hope of such thing as he rehearsed unto me. And surely my good Lord, I would not believe him in the thing he told, till I perceived the same by the superscription of your Lordship's letter, which he afterwards delivered unto me: declaring withal (to my great comfort) the prosperous estate of the king's highness and of your good Lordship. Which known, I besought almighty God to grant the long continuance thereof, and also as was my duty, did give most humble thanks to the king's highness and to your said good Lordship. And hereupon, 

See how Boner rejoiceth at his great good fortune, as thou● he had not enough before having 4. livings and being meetly well sped for one man.   keeping your Lordship's letters still in my hands unbroken, I went incontinently to the lodging of M Thirleby which was in my way, to communicate these my news and great good fortune with him, and not finding him there, I red over your Lordship's letters, sending the same afterward to M. Thirlby, and perceiving by Barnaby that he had other letters for me, which he told me he must deliver unto me secretly, I went to mine own lodging with him, and there receiving them accordingly, did read them over, both that your Lordship's second letter sent to me, and also the other sent to Master Wyat. etc.  
Your Lordship's most bounden beadsman, and always at commandment. Edmund Boner.   
When the king, by the advise of the Lord Cromwell and other of his Counsel had appointed D. edmund Boner to return from the Emperor, and to be resident in France, in the place of Winchester and of Doct. Thirleby he sent his letters to the said B. of Winchester, and to M. Thirleby showing his pleasure unto them in that behalf, with this clause in the same letters contained in express words as followeth.  
And where the said M Boner wanteth furniture of stuff and plate meet for that office, our pleasure is, 
The king's pleasure was not regarded of the Bishop of Winchester.  that you M. Thirleby shall deliver unto him by indenture, all the plate you have of ours in your custody, and that you my Lord of Winchester shall furnish him with all such other stuff, as shall be necessary for him. Wherein as you shall do unto us pleasure, so we shall be content at your return, to satisfy you for the same. etc.  
The Bishop of Winchester receiving these letters from the king, and being loath to come into England (what soever the matter was) also hearing that doctor Boner should succeed him, his disdainful nature did stomach him exceedingly. But because there was no other remedy but the king's commandment must be done, first he sendeth the king's letter, with his also to the Emperor's court, unto M. Boner, and to D. Heynes, willing them in all haste to repair to Lions within 2. days. Beside these letters of Winchester, D. Thirleby adjoined his letters also with like quickness to the said D. Heyns' and to Boner, the contents whereof here followeth.  

The letter of Doct. Thirleby to Doct. Heynes and Boner.  
WIth my hearty commendations, and the desire of your company, 
Doct. Thirlebies quick letter to D. Heines and Doct· Boner.  and now so much rather that I shall thereby have a great benefit, viz. the deliverance from trouble to ease, from a strange country to mine own, from the waiting upon 
* He meaneth here the French king.  him that forceth as little for me, as I am acquainted with him, to the service of him whose prosperity and love I account as my life: these shall be to pray you to make no less speed hither, than you would make to a good feast, when that you be hungry. M. Boner shall know many things, but when you come I shall tell you more, so that you haste you. Come I pray you, I would feign be at home. I saw not my 
* The king of England he meaneth.  master these 4. months. When as you M. Boner shall come to Lions, it shallbe good to go to Bonuise, he is a good money maker: In faith I can write no more, but bid you come heartily, hastily I would have written, and the sooner, the better welcome to Lions, where this was given the last of july.  
By him that hath loved you well, and now will love you better, if you hast you hither. Th. Thirlby.   
At the receipt of these letters, Doctor Boner and Doctor Heynes did put themselves in a readiness to repair incontinent unto Lions, thinking there to have found Win. and Thirleby, according to the purport of their letters. But Wint. and Thirlby not abiding their coming, made haste away from Lions to la Barella: where Boner riding in post after him, over took him. With whom what entertainment and talk he had, and what accusations he laid to his charge, & what brawling words passed between them, and what great misliking Boner had of him for special causes here in this brabbling matter, or brawling dialogue under following may appear, which for thy recreation, and the further understanding of Winchester's qualities, I wish thee (loving Reader) to peruse and consider.  
But first here is to be noted, that the King and the L. Cromwell, at what time they had appointed D. Edmund Boner to be resident ambassador in France, required in their letters, that he should adverse them by writing, what he misliked in the doings and behaviour of certain persons whom they did note then unto him. Whereupon the said D. Boner sendeth this declaration of Steven Gardiner B. of Wint. as followeth.  

A declaration sent by D. Boner to the Lord Cromwell, 
Out of the copy of Boners own letters by his own hand writing which I have to show.  describing to him the evil behaviour of Steven Winchester, with special causes therein contained, wherefore and why he misliked of him▪  
FIrst I mislike in the B. of Winchester, that when any man is sent in the king's affairs, and by his highness commandment, the Bishop, 
Complaints of Doct· Boner against Steven Gardiner.  unless he be the only and chief inventor of the matter and setter forth of the person, he will not only use many cavillations, but also use great strangeness in countenance and cheer to the person that is sent: over and beside, as small comfort and counsel as may be in the matter, rather dissuading & encouraging the person earnestly to set forthward his message, then boldening and comforting him, as is his duty, with help & counsel to adventure and do his best therein. 
The vain glorious pride & ambition of the B. of Winchester.  The experience whereof I have had myself with him, as well at Rouen the first time I was sent to Rome, commanded by the king's highness to come by him, and at Marsels, the time of the intimation of the kings protestation, provocation, and appeal, as also lately going to Nice, touching the general Counsel, 
What experience Doct. Boner hath of Winchester's pride.  and the authority of the B. of Rome: and ●●nally, now last of all, at my return from Spain, where neither my diligence in coming to him and using him in the beginning with all the reverence I could, neither the king's letters written unto him in favour, ne yet other thing could mollify his hard heart, 
The cankered malicious stomach of Winchester.  and cankered malicious stomach, but that he would spitefully speak, & unkindly do, as in deed he did, to his great shame and my dishonesty, as followeth.  
When riding in post I came to La Barclla, a post a this side Lions, the 7. day of August, he being in bed there, I tarried till he rising up and making himself ready, came at last out to me, standing and tarrying for him in a second chamber, and at his coming thither, he said: what M. Boner, good morrow. A Sir ye be welcome, 
The dialogue between Boner and Gardiner beginneth.  and herewithal he put out his hand, and I kissing mine, took him by it, and incontinently after he said: Come on, let us go and walk a while into the fields, and withal drew towards the door, preparing him to walk. To whom I said, I would wait upon him. His going to the fields (as appeared afterwards) was not so much to walk, as to have a place where he might speak loud, and triumph alone against me, calling in his words again. If he spoke any amiss, or utterly deny them if that made for his purpose. And by chance, rather than by good wisdom, afore I went forth, I asked for M. Thirleby, and desired I might see him, and speak with him. The Bishop that perceiving, and with all that I stack upon it, he commanded one of his servants to call M. Thirleby, but yet afore his coming, the Bishop could not be idle, but said this to me:  
M. Boner, your servant was yesterday with me, and as I told him, 
Winchester will do nothing f●r Doctor Boner.  I will tell you. In good faith, ye can have nothing of me. Nothing my Lord (quoth I) merely speaking? Marry God forbidden, that is a heavy word, and much uncomfortable to him that wanteth all things, and trusteth much upon your goodness, that hath a great deal. In faith (quoth he) ye shall have nothing of me, marry ye shall have of M. Thirleby his carriage, mules, his bed, and divers other things, that he may spare, and which he hath kept for you. Well my Lord (quoth I) if I shall have nothing of you, I must make as good shift as I can for myself otherwise, & provide it where I may get it. And here the Bishop, because I would not give him thanks, 
Doct. Boner will give no thanks to winchester for nothing. Winchester beginneth to kindle.  for that thing which was not worthy thanks, and that also I would not show myself greatly contented and pleased, though I received nothing at his hands, he began somewhat to kindle, and asked what I wanted. I told him again, that I wanted all thing saving money and good will to serve the king's highness.  
Tell me one thing (quoth he) that ye want. One thing quoth I? Marry, amongst many things that I want, I want naperye. That shall ye not need (quoth he) here in this country, and here he began to tell a long tale, that none used that, but M. Wallop and he in the beginning: which is not true generally. And from this, he began to go, descending by his negatives: my Mulettes (saith he) ye can not have: 
Winchester's negatives.  for if ye should, I must needs provide other for them again: my Mulet clothes ye can not have, because mine arms are on them, not meet for you to bear: my raiment (I being a Bishop) that is not meet for you: and so proceeding forth in the rest, nothing had he for me, and nothing should I have.  


D. Thirleby present at this parley.  
The pilate's voice of Winchester.   And here came master Thirlby, who welcomed me very gently, and after an honest sort: to whom the Bishop rehearseth again his negatives, and maketh a long discourse, bringing in conclusion for all that he could do, that nothing I should have of him, and this rehearsed he still on end, I am sure above a dozen imes, and that with a pilate's voice, so that all his company standing more than three or four pair of butts length off, heard hym·  
When I saw that he would make no end, but ever rehearsing one thing still, I said to him, my Lord, I beseech you, seeing I shall have nothing of you, but of M. Doctor here, let me give him thanks that deserveth it, and not trouble you therein no more, 
Steven Gardiner more respective to his own matters, then to the kings affairs.  but leaving communication therein, let me desire and pray you, that we may common of the king's matters. And that I may have therein knowledge as well of the state thereof, as also of your counsel in that behalf. The Bishop was so hot and warm in his own matters, that he would not hear, but needs would return again, and show why that I could have nothing of him. My Lord (quoth I) here is still on end one tale, which me thinketh, seeing that I understand it, ye need not so oft to repeat it, 
Ye lie quoth Wynchester.  especially seeing that it cometh always to this conclusion, that I shall have nothing of you. Ye lie (quoth he) I said not so. I report me (quoth I) to M. Thirleby here present, whom I shall desire to bear record of your sad and discrete honest behaviour with me. I say you lie (quoth he.) My Lord (quoth I) I thank you.  
I do not say (quoth he) that ye shall have nothing of me: but I say, ye can have nothing of me. 
Winchester's old sophistication  And though the one here comprehendeth the other, yet there is a great diversity between these two manners of speakings: I can spare nothing unto you, and therefore ye shall have nothing, and though I can spare you, yet you shall have nothing: for in the one is an honesty in the speaker, which would if he could do pleasure, and in the other, there lacketh that honesty.  
My Lord (quoth I) to examine whether I shall have nothing, because ye can spare nothing: or shall have nothing, though ye have plenty, because ye will I shall have nothing, it shall not much help me in my journey. Wherefore, seeing ye bide upon this, that I shall have nothing, I will thank you for nothing, and provide otherwise for myself. Torde in your teeth (quoth he) and provide as ye will. Bishoplike spoken, 
Bishop like spoken.  by my faith (quoth I) and well it becometh you to speak thus to me. Yea marry doth it become me (quoth he) and repeating the words again, said with a sharp accent: have nothing of me? Torde in your teeth. Well my Lord (quoth I) this needeth not▪ saving that ye have a full stomach, and your wit abroad willingly hereby to ease your stomach against me. Yes marry (quoth he) it needeth for me, 
The mellyfluous and honey mouthed words of Winchester to Boner.  though it needeth not for you, for I intend (quoth he) I would ye should know it, to justify myself to the king in all things. If ye do so (quoth I) ye shall do the better. Nay (quoth he) I do it, and will do it. Well (quoth I) ye are the more to be commended, if ye so can do. Yes (quoth he) I can do it.  
Now by my troth (quoth I) seeing the king's highness hath written so tenderly for me unto you, as appeareth by his highness letters that his grace hath done: me thinketh, ye having so great plenty of all things, and I so great need thereof, coming post as I do: ye go about as evil to justify yourself to the king, as any one that I have seen: And iwisse my Lord (quoth I) I would have reckoned that, coming as I do come, I should have been both better welcome, and better entreated of you then now I am, even and it had been for no other respect, then because I am an Englishman.  
I shall tell you (quoth he) for the kings sake, 
The stomach of Steph. Gardiner against Boner.  ye may look to have: but for your own sake ye get nothing. Well (quoth I) then having nothing, I will give no thanks at all, and having any thing, I shall give thanks to the king, and none to you. I tell you (quoth he) ye get nothing. And I tell you again (quoth I) that I will not thank you for nothing: and here his flesh of his cheek began to swell and tremble, and he looked upon me, as he would have run through me, and I came and stood even by him and said: trow you my Lord (quoth I) that I fear your great looks? Nay faith do I not. 
The like trembling and leaping of his veins & flesh for anger, did M. Bucer also note in this Gardener, disputing with him in Germany. Vid. Bucer. De Coelibatu.  Ye had need to get another stomach to whet upon, then mine, and a better whettestone than any ye have. For I assure you, ye shall not whet me to your purpose: and if ye knew how little I do set by this unloving and indiscrete behaviour of yours, ye would not use it upon me. And I shall tell you (quoth I) if I were not bridled, and had other respects both to the king's highness my sovereign Lord, and also to other that may command me, I would have told you ere this time my mind after an other sort. Tell me, quoth he? Toorde in your teeth. Well my Lord (quoth I) ye would, I perceive by you and by your words, provoke me to speak as undiscreetly and 
* 
Steph. Gardiner Bedlam-like.  
All the company ashamed of Gardiner's talk.   bedlemly, as ye do. But surely ye shall not, how so ever ye shall speak. But this will I tell you, I shall show how I am handled of you. Marry spare not (quoth he,) Well my Lord (quoth I) you have here full well played the part of a Bishop, and it is great joy of you, that with this your furious anger and choler, ye can make all the company here about you to be ashamed of you, as I am sure they are. And for my part, if ye yourself be not ashamed, or coming to yourself (for now your anger is such that you hear not yourself) be not displeased, I shall be ashamed and pity this your doing without wisdom, and the oftener you use this manner, the more shall it be to your dishonesty.  
Lo (quoth he) how fond he speaketh, as who saith, I were all in the blame. Will you not hear (quoth he) this wise man? My Lord (quoth I) I would you could hear with indifferent ears, and see with indifferent eyes yourself. Ye have made a brabbling here for nothing, 
●●abling 〈◊〉 nothing.  and would that I would give you thanks for that thing which master Thirleby hath done for me. I look for no thanks of you (quoth he) and said withal looking spitefully, that he knew me well enough, and that he was not deceived in me. Well (quoth I) and me think I know you well enough too, wherefore as ye say you are not deceived in me, 
The spiteful 〈◊〉 of Winchester.  so I trust I will not be deceived by you. But I pray you sir (quoth I) because ye say ye know me well enough, and that ye be not deceived in me, how do you know me? for honest and true, or otherwise? If you do, say it, and I shall make answer.  
I could not drive him to answer hereunto, so that I suppose, either of his own naughty nature he hath made me an image after his own fantasy, or else believed the report of such in conditions, as he is himself, who in malice, I suppose, and disdain may be compared to the Devil in hell, 
Steph. Gardener for malice and disdain and ●ride, compared by Boner to the devil of hell.  not giving place to him in pride at all. In communication he repeated oft the provision of the thousand crowns. I told him they went in my diets, and that it would be a good while, afore they were come out: and further I said, that seeing they had been simpliciter given to me, I would never thank him for them, but the King's highness: and I said, that if they were twenty thousand, he should break so many sleeps afore he should have any part thereof, entreating me as he did. Well (quoth he) you have them. That is truth (quoth I) and nothing thankful to you.  
Why then (quoth he) seeing you have here divers things of M. Thirlbies', and all other things are parabilia pecunia, which you have, ye may make thereby good provision for yourself. That is truth (quoth I) and that can I and will do, though ye tell me not, 
Wynchester putteth Boner to his shifts for provision.  seeing I have nothing of you, and afore this, had provided at Lions for all things necessary, if ye without necessity had not made that great haste to departed thence, enforcing me thereby to follow you. And yet (quoth I) one thing may I tell you: ye are very desirous I should be provided well for, as appeareth in that you have taken away at lions one horse that Frances had provided for me, and also your servant Mace having a horse to sell and knowing my need, by your consent hath sold his horse to a stranger, rather than he would sell him to me, so that nothing suffering me to have of you, and taking away that provision which I make and go about to make, you well declare how heartily you desire I should be provided for. In faith (quoth he) choose you, ye may provide and you will, and seeing your journey hither from Lions is vain, you may thither return again and make there provision for yourself. 
The churlish dealing of Winchester.  I thought (quoth he) departing from Lions, to have made easy journeys, and to have followed the Court till you had come, and now come you squirting in post, and trouble all. I came forth in post (quoth I) by the commandment of the King my master, and had liberty to return at pleasure by his grace's letters, and seeing that I had no horses for the journey, me thought better to ride in post then go a foot. Well (quoth he) I will not depart hence this twelve month, except ye be otherwise provided. Provided (quoth I?) I must tarry till I may be provided for horses, if ye speak of that provision: and seeing that this riding in post grieveth you, it causeth me to think you are loath to departed, 
Wynchester angry that Boner should succeed him  and angry that I shall succeed you. I have here already two gowns, and a velvet jacket, so that you shall not be letted an hour by me.  
I tell you (quoth he) ye shall otherwise provide, or else I will not departed, For I tell you (quoth he) though ye care not for the King's honour, but wretchedly do live with ten shillings a day, as ye did in yonder parts, you and your companion, I must and will consider the King's honour. And I tell you again (quoth I) I will and do consider the King's honour, as much as ye at any time will do, and as sorry will be that it should be touched by any negligence or default in me: yea, and I say more to you (quoth I) though ye may spend far above me, I shall not stick if any thing be to be spent for the Kings honour, to spend as liberally as you, so long as either I have it, or can get it to spend. And whosoever informed you of the wretchedness and spending scarcely of my companion and me in the parts where we have been, made a false lie, and ye show your wisdom full well in so lightly believing and rehearsing such a tale.  
I can not tell (quoth he) but this was openly rehearsed by Master Brian's servants at my table. Yea was (quoth I?) Yea marry was it (quoth he.) Now by my troth (quoth I) then was the fare that was bestowed upon them, very well cast away. For of my fidelity, that week that Master Brian and his servants were with us at Villa Franca, it cost my companion and me five and twenty pound in the charges of the house. This they say (quoth he. 
Wynchester reproved to his face of false slander. ) Yea (quoth I) and therein they lie. And here I showed him, that being well settled at Nice, and having made there good and honest provision to our no little charges, M. Wyatt would not rest, till he had gotten us to Villa Franca, where even upon the first word of M. Heynes, he was right well content to take of us xx. shillings by the day. Which was not during x. days: where at his coming to us to Nice, himself and all his servants, & then tarrying with us two days, we took not one penny of him. And moreover, at the departing of M. Wyatt from Villa Franca, in post into England, we found ourselves, our servants, all M. Wyates servants to the number of 16. all his acquaintance, which dinner and supper continually came to us, sometimes twelve sometimes ten, and when they were least six or eight and for this, had not one penny of M. Wyatt, and yet at our coming from Barcelone where we tarried about viii. days, we gave to M. Wyatt 28. li. and to his servants u.li. besides xl. shillings that privately I gave to some being of gentle fashion out of mine own purse: so that I told him, it was neither M. Wyatt, ne Mason that found us & our servants, but we paid for the finding of them, and here it chanced to us to have all the charge and other men to have all the thanks.  
The Bishop when he heard this, was amazed and stood still, finally saying: By my troth (quoth he) I tell you as it was told me, and Master Doctor here can tell whether it was so or no. Yea and I will tell you more (quoth he) they said that Master Heynes would have been more liberal a great deal, if you had not been. Now by my troth (quoth I) I shall therein make Master Heynes himself judge thereof, who can best tell what communication hath been between him and me therein.  
Thinking that this communication had driven the other matters out of the bishops wild head, 
The Bishop of Winchester's wild head.  I held my peace, and by and by was he in hand again with them as ever he was. My Lord (quoth I) I desired ere while, your lordship to make an end of this communication, wherein the longer ye talk, the more ye make me believe that ye would, where ye have spoken undiscreetly, yea, and unkindly, not regarding the Kings Letters, with multitude of words and great countenance, I should think ye had not done amiss: but surely you lose your labour, for ye shall never make me think that ye are desirous to do me pleasure, 
Winchester regarded not the kings letters.  neither for mine own sake, nor for the kings. For if your words be well weighed, I have as much of you in deed for mine own sake, as I have for the kings sake, that is nothing at all. Here both of us were talking together, but I held on still, and ever enforced him to this: My Lord (quoth I) this is the thing that I shall only desire of you: that where the kings grace hath here in the French Court divers affairs (as I take it) ye would therein instruct me of the state thereof, and give me your best counsel and advise: and this I protest unto you, that if ye this will do: I will attently hear you, and if ye will not, I shall with pain hear you in your other things, but I will make no answer at all.  
For all this, the bishop ended not, but in conclusion, when he saw by no means that he could induce me to answer, he returned homewards, 
Boner out scolded by Winchester, and driven to silence. Doct. Boner taketh his leave of Winchester.  and I brought him to his lodging and chamber. It being dinner time, and all things provided, and standing afore him, and he turning his back from me into a window. I at his turning towards me again, put of my bonnet, and said: God be with you my Lord. He gave no answer to me at all, nor countenance, but suffered me to go. Whereupon, returning to my lodging, which was in Master Thirlbyes' chamber, I caused my dinner to be provided, and when it was almost ready, the bishops Steward called Myrrell came for me, (whether sent from the bishop or not. I cannot tell) and I told him, my dinner was provided for, and withal, that my Lord his Master had given me such a breakfast, that I need no dinner nor supper, and so the Steward drinking with me, returned again, and I went to dinner in Master Thirlbyes' lodging: and after dinner I went to the bishops lodging, who at my coming very gently put of his bonnet, & so we walked together quietly a while and shortly after, the Bishop began after this manner: Master Boner, to day we commoned of provision for you, and because ye shall lay no blame upon me, I will tell you what I will do for you. I will provide you mules, mulets, horses, 
Winchester's good will come Upon him at last.  servants, money, yea and all things that shallbe necessary. My Lord (quoth I) here is a large offer and a great kindness come upon you. I marvel (quoth I) that I could hear nothing of this, to day in the morning. 
Winchester's offer to Boner refused.  I tell you (quoth he) this will I do, for know you that I will consider the kings honour and pleasure, and doubt not but the king will pay me again. My Lord (quoth I) I have sent my servant already to Lions, to make provision for me, and I have sent other abroad here in the town and country, to do the same: ye shall never need to trouble yourself herewith. I will (quoth he) You shall not say an other day, that ye could not be provided for. My Lord (quoth I) let me have instructions in the kings matters, and as for other things I shall not ask of you, because this day ye made me so plain answer. After much communication, I departed from him lovingly, telling him that I would be at Terrara that night where he intented to be lodged. And so the Bishop bidding me farewell, 
Winchester and Boner departed.  took soon after, his horse riding to Terrara to bed.  
And by the way I over took him, and passing by, 
another meeting of Winchester & Boner.  doing my duty to him and to his company, I came to Terrara lodging at the post house, and even as the Bishop came into the town, stood at the post house door: To whom the Bishop said, we shall see you soon M. Boner. Yea my Lord (quoth I) thinking that thereby he had desired me to supper, and at supper time I went to his lodging, having other to eat my supper at home, and glad he appeared to be, that I was come, making merry communication all supper while, but nothing at all yet speaking to me, or giving any thing to me, saving at the coming of the fruit, he gave me a pear I trow, 
Boner seemeth by this peat to be a Worcestershire man.  because I should remember mine own country. After supper, he walked taking M. Thirlby with him, and I walked with an Italian, being Ambassador for the County Mirandula, and after a good space we returned, and bad the Bishop good night.  
I did not after that night dine nor sup with the Bishop, till he came to Burges in Berry, where upon the depeach of Frances, and closing up of our letters sent to the King's highness, the supper was so provided, and set upon the board and the Bishop in washing, standing so between me and the door, that I could not get out: 

The strangeness between Winchester and Boner.  
Winchester's booken of instructions to Boner.  
Thyrlebye and Winchester great together.   and there would he needs that I should wash with him and sup: and I suppose all the way from Barella to Bloys, he talked not above four times with me, and at every time saving at Molyns, (where he by mouth told me somewhat of the King's affairs here in France) and at Veronne, (when he answering to my requests in writing, delivered me his book of his own hand for mine instructions, the copy whereof is now sent here withal) there was quick communication between us. His talking by the way was with M. Thirleby, who I think, knoweth a great deal of his doing, and will if he be the man I take him for, tell it plainly to your Lordship. I myself was out of 
* 
Why Boner was out of credit with Wynchester,  
Winchester's flesh trembled at the first coming of Doct· Thirleby to succeed him.   credence with the Bishop, not being appliable to his manners and desires.  
And surely, as M. Thirleby told me, at his first coming to Lions, and then speaking with the Bishop, the Bishop seemed to be so well content to return, and so glad of his coming to succeed him, that his flesh in his face began all to tremble, and yet would the Bishop make men believe, that he would gladly come home. Which thing believe it who will, I will never believe: for ever he was looking of letters out of England from M. Wallop, and M. Brian, whom he taketh for his great friends: and M. Wyatt himself reckoned that the Bishop should have come into Spain, or else my Lord of Durham, 
Winchester loath to return into England.  so that the Bishop of Winchester ever coveted to protract the time, desiring yet withal to have some shadow to excuse and hide himself, as tarrying at Barella, he made excuse by my not coming to Lions, and coming to Varennes, and there hearing by the Ambassadors of the Venetians a flying tale of the going of the French King towards Bayon to meet the Emperor, 
Boner called M. diligence.  by and by he said: lo, where is master diligence now? If he were now here (as then I was that night) we would to the Court and present him and take our leave. But when I in the morning was up afore him, and ready to horse, he was nothing hasty. No, coming to Molyns afore him, and there tarrying for him, the French King lying at Schavenna, three small leagues off, he made not half the speed and haste that he pretended.  
I mislike in the Bishop of Winchester, that he cannot be content that any joined in commission with him, 
The second complaint.  should keep house, but to be at his table. Wherein either he searcheth thereby a vain glory and pride to himself, with some dishonour to the King, 
Winchester would be alone.  as who saith, there were among all the King's Ambassadors, but one able to maintain a table, and that were he: either else he doth the same for an evil intent and purpose, to bring them thereby into his danger, that they shall say and do as liketh him alone, which I suppose verily hath been his intent.  
I mislike in the said Bishop, that where he for his own pomp and glory, hath a great number of servants in their velvets and silks, 

The third complaint.  
The Pomp and glory of Winchester.   with their chains about their necks, and keepeth a costly table, with excessive fare, and exceeding expenses many other ways: he doth say, and is not ashamed to report, that he is so commanded to do by the King's grace, and that is his answer commonly, when his friends telleth him of his great charges, and so under colour of the King's commandment and honour, he hideth his pride which is here disdained.  


The fourth complaint.  
Wynchester given more to his own affections, than to the king's affairs.   I mislike in the said Bishop, that he having private hatred against a man, will rather satisfy his own stomach and affection hindering, and neglecting the King's affairs, then relenting in any part of his sturdy and stubborn will, give familiar and hearty counsel (whereby the King's highness matters and business may be advanced and set forth) to him that he taketh for his adversary.  
I mislike in the said Bishop, that he ever continually here in this Court of France, made incomparably more of the Emperors, 
The 5. complaint. Wynchester suspected to be imperial.  King of Portugals, Venetians, and Duke of Ferraries Ambassadors, then of any Frenchmen in the Court, which with his pride caused them to disdain him, and to think that he favoured not the French King, but was imperial.  
I mislike in the Bishop, that there is so great familiarity and acquaintance, 
The 6. complaint. Boner like a true gospeler complaineth of Papists.  yea and such mutual confidence between the said Bishop and M. as naughty a fellow, and as very a Papist as any that I know, where he dare express it. The Bishop in his letters to M. Wyatt ever sendeth special commendations to Mason, and yet refuseth to send any to M. Heynes and me, being with M. Wyatt, as we perceived by the said letters. And Mason maketh such foundation of the Bishop, that he thinketh there is none such. And he telled me at Villa Franca, that the Bishop upon a time, when he had fallen out with German, so trusted him, that weeping and sobbing he came unto him, desiring and praying him that he would speak with German, and reconcile him; 
Winchester suspected of untrue dealing.  so that no words were spoken of it, and what the matter was, he would not tell me. That young fellow Germany knoweth all, and Preston which is servant to the Bishop of Winchester, showed me one night in my chamber at Bloys after supper, that German is ever busy in showing the King's letters to strangers, and that he himself hath given him warning thereof. This thing Preston told me the night before that the Bishop departed hence, and when I would have more of him therein, he considering how the Bywop and I stood, kept him more close, and would say no further.   
In this declaration of D. Edmund Boner sent to the Lord Cromwell above prefixed, 
Things in the foresaid declaration to be noted, The rancour and pride of Steven Gardiner.  divers things we have to note: First, as touching Steven Gardiner, Bish. of Wint. here we have a plain demonstration of his vile nature and pestilent pride, joined with malice and disdain intolerable: whereof worthily complaineth D. Boner aforesaid, showing six special causes, why and wherefore he misliketh that person, according as he was willed before by the King's commandment so to do.  
Secondly, in the said Steven Wint. this we have also to note and understand, that as he here declareth a secret inclination from the truth (which he defended before in his book De obedientia) to papistry, 
Steven Gardiner revolteth to Papistry.  joining part and side with such as were known papists: so he seemeth likewise to bear a like secret grudge against the Lord Cromwell, and all such whomsoever he favoured.  
Thirdly, as concerning the forenamed D. Edmund Boner the author of this declaration, here is to be seen and noted, that he all this while appeared a good man and diligent friend to the truth, and that he was favoured of the Lord Cromwell for the same.  
Fourthly, that the said D. Boner was not only favoured of the Lord Cromwell, but also by him was advanced first to the office of Legation, 
D. Boners coming up only by the Gospel.  then to the Bishopric of Hereford, and lastly to the Bishopric of London, whom the said D. Boner in his letters agniseth and confesseth to be his only Patron, and singular Maecenas.  
Which being so, we have in this said D. Boner, greatly to marvel, what should be the cause, that he, seeing all his setting up, making, and preferring, came only by the Gospel and by them of the Gospel's side, he being then so hated of Steven Gardiner and such as he was, being also at that time such a furtherer and defender of the Gospel (as appeared both by his Preface before Gardinars book De obedientia, and by his writings to the Lord Cromwell, also by helping forward the printed Bibles at Paris) could ever be a man so ungrateful & unkind, afterward to join part with the said Steven Gardiner against the Gospel (without that which Gospel, he had never come to be bishop, neither of Hereford nor yet of London) and now to abuse the same bishopric of London to persecute that so vehemently, which before so openly he defended. Wherein the same may well be said to him in this case, that he himself was reported once to say to the french King in the cause of Grancetor: to wit, that he had done therein against his honour, against justice, against reason, against honesty, 
Boners own words retorted against himself.  against friendship, against his own promise and his oath so often made, against his own doctrine and judgement, which then he professed, against all truth, against the treats and leagues between him and his setters up, and against all together, and to conclude, against the salvation of his own soul.  
But to refer this to the book of his accounts who shall judge one day all things uprightly, let us proceed further in the continued of this D. Boners' legation. Who being now Ambassador in the court of France (as he have heard) had given in commission from the king, to entreat with the French King for sundry points, as for the printing of the new Testament in English, 
Printing the new testament in English and the Bible at Paris.  and the Bible at Paris: also for slanderous preachers, and malicious speakers against the King: for goods of merchants taken and spoiled: for the king's pension to be paid: for the matters of the Duke of Suffolk: for certain prisoners in France. Item, for Grancetor the traitor, and certain other rebels to be sent into England, etc. Touching all which affairs, the said D. Boner did employ his diligence & travail to the good satisfaction and contentment of the king's mind, 
The diligence & trust of D. Boner in legatyon.  and discharge of his duty, in such sort as no default could be found in him, save only that the French King one time took displeasure with him, for that the said Boner, being now made bishop of Hereford, and bearing himself somewhat more seriously and boldly before the king in the cause of Grancetor the traitor (wherein he was willed by the advertisement of the King's pleasure, 
The words of D. Boner 〈◊〉 to the French king.  to wade more deeply and instantly) used these words to the French King, as the french king himself did afterward report them) saying, that he had done in deliverance of that foresaid Grancetor being an Englishman, 

The French king dis●lesed with bishop Boner.  
Bish. Boner 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 to the king his m●●ster 3. things.   against God, against his honour, against justice, against reason, against honesty, against friendship, against all law, against the treats & leagues between him and his brother the King of England, yea and against all together, etc. These words of Bishop Boner, although he denieth to have spoken them in that form and quality, yet howsoever they were spoken, did stir up the stomach of the French King, to conceive high displeasure against him, in so much that he answering the Lord Ambassador again, bade him write these three things unto his master.  
First, among other things that his Ambassador was a great fool.  
Secondarily, that he caused to be done better justice there in his Realm in one hour, than they did in England in a whole year.  
Thirdly, that if it were not for the love of his master, he should have an hundredth strokes with an Haulbard, etc.  
And furthermore, the said French King beside this, sending a special messenger with his letters to the king of England, willed him to revoke and call this Ambassador home, and to send him an other. The cause why the french King took these words of Bishop Boner so to stomach (as the L. chancellor said) was this, for that the Kings of France standing chief and in manner only upon their honour, can suffer that in no case to be touched. Otherwise in those words (if they had been well taken) was not so much blame perchance, as boldness, being spoken somewhat vehemently in his masters behalf. 
Bishop▪ commonly boldder in Princes matters, then in the cause of Christ.  But this one thing seemeth to me much blameworthy, both in this Bishop and many other, that they in earthly matters, and to please terrene Kings, will put forth themselves to such a boldness and forwardness: and in Christ's cause the King of all kings, whose cause they should only attend upon and tender, they are so remiss cold and cowardly.  
To these letters of the French King, the King of England sent answer again by other letters, in which he revoked and called home again bishop Boner, giving unto him about the same time, the Bishopric of London, and sent in supply of his place, Sir john Wallop, a great friend to Steven Gardiner. Which was in February, about the beginning of the year of our Lord 1540 Hear now followeth the oath of Boner to the King, when he was made Bishop of London.   

¶ The oath of Doctor Edmund Boner, when he was made Bishop of London, against the Pope of Rome.  
YE shall never consent nor agree that the Bishop of Rome shall practise, 
D. Boners oath against the Pope.  exercise, or have any manner of authority, jurisdiction, or power within this Realm, or any other the King's dominion, but that you shall resist the same at all times, to the uttermost of your power: and that from henceforth ye shall accept, repute, and take the King's Majesty to be the only supreme head in earth of the Church of England, and that to your cunning, wit, and uttermost of your power, without guile, fraud, or other undue mean, ye shall observe, keep, maintain, and defend the whole effects and contents of all and singular Acts and Statutes made and to be made within this Realm, in derogation, extirpation, and extinguishment of the Bishop of Rome and his authority, and all other Acts and Statutes made and to be made in reformation and corroboration of the King's power of supreme head in earth of the Church of England, and this ye shall do against all manner of persons, of what estate, dignity, degree, or condition they be, and in no wise do, nor attempt, nor to your power, suffer to be done or attempted, directly or indirectly, any thing or things, privily or apertly, to the let, hindrance, damage, or derogation thereof, or of any part thereof, by any manner of means, or for any manner of pretence: And in case any oath be made, or hath been made by you to any person or persons in maintenance or favour of the Bishop of Rome or his authority, jurisdiction, or power, ye repute the same as vain and annihilate, so help you God, etc.  
In fidem praemissorum ego Edmundus Boner, electus & confirmatus Londonensis Episcopus, huic praesenti chartae subscripsi.   

¶ Ecclesiastical matters. an. 1538.  
It will be judged, that I have lingered peradventure too much in these outward affairs of Princes and Ambassadors. 
Anno 1538.  Wherefore, leaving with these by matters pertaining to the Civil state a while, I mind (the Lord willing) to put my story in order again of such occurrents as belong unto the Church, first showing such Injunctions and Articles, as were devised and set forth by the king, for the behoof of his subjects. Wherein first is to be understanded, that the king, when he had taken the title of supremacy from the Bishop of Rome, and had translated the same to himself, and was now a full Prince in his own realm, although he well perceived, 
The king and his counsel bearing with the weakness of the people.  by the wisdom and advise of the Lord Cromwell and other of his Counsel, that the corrupt state of the Church had need of reformation in many things: yet because he saw how stubborn and untoward the hearts of many Papists were to be brought from their old persuasions and customs, and what business he had with them, only about the matter of the Pope's title, he durst not by and by reform all at once (which notwithstanding had been to be wished) but leading them fair and softly, as he might, proceeded by little and little, to bring greater purposes to perfection (which he no doubt would have done, 
The book of articles devised by the king for queitnes of the people. etc.  if the Lord Cromwell had lived) and therefore first he began with a little book of Articles (partly above touched) bearing this title. Articles devised by the Kings highness, to stable Christian quietness and unity among the people. etc.   

* Articles devised by the king.  
IN the contents of which book, first be set forth the Articles of our Christian Creed, which are necessarily and expressly to be believed of all men. 
Of 3. Sacraments.  Then with the kings Preface going before, followeth the declaration of iij. Sacraments: to wit, of Baptism, of Penance, and of the Sacrament of the Altar. In the tractation whereof, he altereth nothing from the old trade received heretofore from the Church of Rome.  
Further then, proc●edyng to the order and cause of our justification, he declareth, that the only mercy and grace of the father promised freely unto us for his sons sake jesus Christ, and the merits of his Passion and blood, 
Of justification.  be the only sufficient and worthy causes of our justification: yet good works with inward contrition, hope, and charity, and all other spiritual graces and motions, be necessarily required, and must needs concur also in remission of our sins, that is, our justification: and afterward we being justified, must also have good works of charity, and obedience towards God, in the observing and fulfilling outwardly of his laws and commandments. etc.  
As touching Images, 
Of Images.  he willeth all Bishops & preachers to teach the people in such sort, as they may know, how they may use them safely in Churches, and not abuse them to Idolatry, as thus: that they be representers of virtue and good example, and also by occasion, may be styrrers of men's minds, and make them to remember themselves and to lament their sins, and so far he permitteth them to stand in Churches. But otherwise, for avoiding of Idolatry, he chargeth all Bishops & preachers diligently to instruct the people, that they commit no Idolatry unto them, in sensing of them, in kneeling and offering to them, with other like worshippings, which ought not to be done, but only to God.  
And likewise for honouring of Saints, the Bishops and preachers be commanded to inform the people, 
Of honouring of saints.  how Saints hence departed aught to be reverenced & honoured & how not. That is, that they are to be praised & honoured as the elect servants of Christ, or rather Christ to be praised in them for their excellent virtues planted in them & for their good example left us, teaching us to live in virtue & goodness, & not to fear to die for Christ, as they did: & also as advancers of our prayers, in that they may, but yet no confidence, nor any such honour to be given unto them, which is only due to God: And so forth charging the said spiritual persons to teach their flock that all grace and remission of sins, and salvation, can no otherwise be obtained, but of God only, 
No mediation but by Christ.  by the mediation of our Saviour Christ, who is only a sufficient Mediator for our sins: and that all grace and remission of sin must proceed only by mediation of Christ and no other.  
From that, he cometh further to speak of rites & ceremonies in Christ's Church, 
Of rites and ceremonies.  as in having vestiments used in God's service, sprinkling of holy water, giving of holy bread, bearing of Candles on Candlemas day, taking of ashes, bearing of Palms, creeping to the Cross, setting up the Sepulchre, hallowing of the font, with other like customs, rites, & ceremonies, all which old ri●es and customs, the foresaid book doth not by and by repeal, but so far admitteth them for good and laudable, as they put men in remembrance of spiritual things: but so, that the people withal must be instructed, how the said ceremonies contain in them no such power, to remit sin, but only that to be referred unto God, by whom only our sins be forgiven us.  
And so concluding with Purgatory, he maketh an end of those Articles, 
Of purgatory.  thus saying thereof: that because the book of Macchabees alloweth praying for souls departed, he therefore disproveth not that so laudable a custom, so long continued in the Church. But because there is no certain place named, nor kind of pains expressed in Scripture, he therefore thinketh necessary such abuses clearly to be put away, which under the name of Purgatory have been advanced: as to make men believe, that by the Bishop of Rome's pardons, or by Masses said, at Scala coeli, or other where, in any place, or before any Image, souls might clearly be delivered out of Purgatory, and from the pains thereof, to be sent strait to heaven, and such other like abuses, etc.  
And these were the contents of that book of articles devised, and passed by the King's authority, a little before the stir of Lincolnshire and Yorkshire. Wherein, although there were many and great imperfections and untruths not to be permitted in any true reformed Church: yet notwithstanding, the king and his counsel to bear with the weaklings, which were newly weyned from their mother's milk of Rome, 
Milk for new wainlinges.  thought it might serve somewhat for the time, in stead of a little beginning, till better might come.  
And so consequently, not long after these Articles thus set forward, 
Injunctions for abrogatyon certain holidays.  certain other Injunctions were also given out about the same year, 1536. whereby a number of holy days were abrogated, and especially such as fell in the harvest time: the keeping of which redounded greatly to the hindrance of gathering in their corn, hay, fruit, and other such like necessary commodities. The copy and tenor of which Injunctions I have also hereunto annexed, as under followeth.   

¶ The King's Injunctions.  
FOrasmuch as the number of holy days is so excessively grown, 
Injunctions by the king.  and yet daily more and more by men's devotion yea rather superstition, was like further to increase, that the same was and should be not only prejudicial to the common weal, by reason that it is occasion as well of much sloth and idleness, the very nurse of thieves, vagabunds: and of divers other unthriftiness and inconveniences, as of decay of good mysteries & Arts profitable & necessary for the common wealth, & loss of man's food, many times being clean destroyed through the superstitious observance of the said holidays, in not taking the opportunity of good & serene weather, offered upon the same in time of harvest, but also pernicious to the souls of many men, which (being enticed by the licentious vacation & liberty of those holidays, do upon the same, commonly use and practise more excess, riot, and superfluity, then upon any other days. And sith the Sabbath day was used and ordained, but for man's use, and therefore aught to give place to the necessity and behoof of the same whensoever that shall occur, much rather any other holiday institute by man: It is therefore by the King's highness authority as supreme head in earth of the Church of England, with the common assent and consent of the Prelates and Clergy of this his Realm, in convocation lawfully assembled and congregated, amongst other things decreed, ordained and established.  
First, that the feast of dedication of Churches, shall in all places through out this Realm, 
Feasts of dedication to be kept all upon one day.  be celebrate and kept on the first Sunday of the month of October, for ever, and upon none other day.  
Item, that the feast of the patron of every Church within this Realm, called commonly the Church holiday, 
Church holidays forbidden.  shall not from henceforth be kept or observed as a holy day, as heretofore hath been used, but that it shall be lawful to all & singular persons resident or dwelling within this Realm, to go to their work, occupation or mystery, & the same truly to exercise and occupy upon the said feast, as upon any other work day: except the said feast of Church holy day be such as must be else universally observed and kept as a holiday by this ordinance following.  
Also that all those feasts or holidays, which shall happen to fall or occur either in the harvest time, which is to be counted from the first day of july, 
Holidays in the harvest time put down.  unto the xxix. day of September, or else in the term time at Westminster, shall not be kept, or observed from henceforth as holidays, but that it may be lawful for every man to go to his work or occupation upon the same, as upon any other work day: except always the feasts of the Apostles, of the blessed Virgin, and of Saint George: and also such feasts as wherein the King's highness judges at Westminster do not use to sit in judgement. All which shall be kept holy and solemn of every man, as in time past, have been accustomed: Provided always, that it may be lawful unto all Priests and Clerks, as well secular as regular, in the foresaid holidays now abrogate, to sing or say their accustomed service for those holidays, in their Churches: so as they do not the same solemnly, nor do ring to the same after the manner used in high holidays, ne do command, or indict the same to be kept or observed as holidays.  
Finally, that the feasts of the Nativity of our Lord, of Easter day, of the Nativity of S. john the Baptist, 
4. offering days.  and of S. Michael the archangel, shall be from henceforth counted, accepted, and taken for the four general offering days.  
And for further declaration of the premises, be it known that Easter term beginneth always the xviij. day after Easter day, reckoning Easter day for one, 
Easter term.  and endeth the Monday next following the Ascension day.  
Trinity term beginneth always the Wednesday next after the Octaves of Trinity Sunday, 
trinity term.  and endeth the xj. or xii. day of july.  
Michaelmas term beginneth the ix. or x. day of October, and endeth the xxviij. or xxix. day of November. 
Michael●●● term.   
Hilary term beginneth the twenty-three. or xxiv. day of january, and endeth the xii. or xiii. day of February. 
Hilary term.   
In Easter term, upon the Ascension day: in Trinity term, upon the Nativity of S. john Baptist: in Michaelmas term upon Alhalow day: in Hilary Term, upon Candlemas day, the king's judges at Westminster do not use to sit in judgement, nor upon any Sunday.  
After these Articles and Injunctions thus given out by the King & his Counsel, them followed moreover (as time served) other Injunctions more, concerning Images, relics, and blind miracles, and for abrogating of pilgrimages devised, by superstition, and maintained for luker sake, also for the Pater noster, Creed, and Gods Commandments, and the Bible to be had in English, with divers other points more necessary for Religion. The words of which Injunctions here also ensue.   

* Other Injunctions given by the authority of the King's highness to the Clergy of this his Realm.  
IN the name of God, Amen. In the year of our Lord god 1536. and of the most noble reign of our sovereign Lord Henry the eight, king of England and of France, 
Other Injunctions.  defender of the faith, Lord of Ireland, and in earth supreme head of the Church of England, the xxviij. etc. I Thomas Cromwell Knight, Lord Cromwell, keeper of the privy Seal of our said sovereign Lord the King, and vicegerent to the same, for and concerning all his jurisdiction Ecclesiastical within this Realm, to the glory of Almighty God, to the King's highness honour, the public weal of this Realm, and increase of virtue in the same: have appointed and assigned these Injunctions ensuing to be kept and observed of the Dean, Persons, Uicares, Curates, and Stipendaries, resident or having cure of souls, or any other spiritual administration within this Deanery: under the pains hereafter limited and appointed.  
The first is, that the Dean, Persons, Uicares, and other having cure of soul any where within this deanery shall faithfully keep and observe, and as far as in them may lie, shall cause to be kept and observed of all other, all and singular laws and statutes of this Realm, 
Confirmation of the king's supremacy.  made for the abolishing and extirpation of the bishop of Rome's pretenced and usurped power, and jurisdiction within this Realm, and for the establishment and confirmation of the King's authority and jurisdiction within the same, as of the supreme head of the Church of England, shall to the uttermost of their wit, knowledge, and learning, purely, sincerely, and without any colour or dissimulation, declare manifest, and open, by the space of one quarter of a year now next ensuing, once every Sunday, and after at the leastwise, twice every quarter of a year, in their Sermons, and other collations, 
Against the Pope's primacy.  that the Bishop of Rome's usurped power and jurisdiction, having no establishment, nor ground by the law of God, was of most just causes taken away and abolished, and that therefore they own unto him no manner of obedience or subjection, and that the kings power is within his dominion, the highest potentate & power under God to whom all men within the same dominion, by God's commandment, own most loyalty and obedience afore and above all other potentates in earth.  
Item, whereas certain Articles were lately devised and put forth by the King's highness authority, and condescended upon by the Prelates and clergy of this his Realm in convocation (whereof part were necessary to be holden and believed for our salvation, and the other part do concern and touch certain laudable ceremonies, rites, and usages of the Church, meet and convenient to be kept, and used for a decent and politic order in the same) the said Deane, Parsons, Uicares, and other Curates, shall so open and declare in their sermons and other collations, the said Articles unto them that be under their cure, that they may plainly know and discern which of them be necessary to be believed and observed for their salvation and which be not necessary, but only do concern the decent and politic order of the said Church, according to such commandment & admonition, as hath been given unto them heretofore by the authority of the king's highness in that behalf.  
Moreover, that they shall declare unto all such as be under their cure, 
The kings Articles to be 〈◊〉 to the people.  the Articles likewise devised, put forth and authorised of late, for and concerning the abrogation of certain superstitious holidays, according to the effect and purport of the same Articles, and persuade their parishioners to keep and observe the same inviolably as things wholesome, provided, decreed, and established by common consent and public authority for the weal commodity, and profit of all this Realm.  
Besides this, to the intent that all superstition and hypocrisy crept into divers men's hearts, may vanish away, they shall not set forth nor extol any images, 
Images abolished.  relics, or miracles, for any superstition or lucre, nor allure the people by any intreatements, to the pilgrimages of any Saints, otherwise then is permitted in the Articles lately put forth by the authority of the King's Majesty, and condescended upon by the Prelates and Clergy of this his Realm in Convocation, as though it were proper or peculiar to that Saint to give this commodity or that, seeing all goodness, health, and grace ought to be both looked and asked for, only of God, as of the very author of the same, and of none other, for without him it can not be given: but they shall exhort as well their parishioners, as other pilgrims, that they do rather apply themselves to the keeping of God's commandments, 
Pilgrimages forbidden.  and fulfilling of his works of charity, persuading them that they shall please God more by the true exercising of their bodily labour, travail or occupation, and providing for their families, then if they went about to the said pilgrimages: and it shall profit more their soul health, if they do bestow that on the poor & needy, which they would have bestowed upon the said images or relics.  
Also in the same their Sermons and other collations, the Parsons, Uicares, and other Curates aforesaid, shall diligently admonish the fathers and mothers, 
Prayers in the mother tongue.  masters & governors of youth, being within their cure, to teach or cause to be taught, their children and servants even from their infancy, the Pater noster, the Articles of our faith, and the ten commandments in their mother tongue, and the same so taught, shall cause the said youth oft to repeat & understand. And to the intent this may be the more easily done, the said Curates shall in their sermons deliberately and plainly recite of the said Pater noster, Articles, or commandments, one clause or article one day, and an other another day, till the whole be taught and learned by little & little, and shall deliver the same in writing, or show where printed books containing the same, be to be sold to them that can read, or will desire the same: and thereto that the said fathers and mothers, masters & governors do bestow their children and servants even from their childhood, either to learning, or to some honest exercise, occupation, or husbandry, exhorting, counselling, and by all the ways and means they may, as well in their said sermons and collations, as otherways, the said fathers, mothers, masters, and other governors being under their cure and charge, diligently to provide and foresee, that the said youth be in no manner wise kept or brought up in idleness, lest at any time afterward, 
For bringing up of youth in some art or occupation.  they be driven, for lack of some mystery or occupation to live by, to fall to begging, stealing, or some other unthriftiness, forasmuch as we may daily see, through sloth & idleness, divers valiant men fall, some to begging, and some to theft & murder, which after brought to calamity & misery, impute a great part thereof to their friends and governors, which suffered them to be brought up so idly in their youth, where if they had been educated and brought up in some good literature, occupation or mystery, they should (being rulers of their own family) have profited as well themselves, as divers other persons, to the great commodity and ornament of the commonweal.  
Also that the said Parsons, vicars, and other Curates, shall diligently provide, that the Sacraments and Sacramentals be duly and reverently ministered in their parishes. And if at any time it happen them other in any of the cases expressed in the statutes of this realm, or of special licence given by the King's Majesty, to be absent from their benefices, they shall leave their cure, not to a rude and unlearned person, but to an honest, well learned, and expert Curate, that may teach the rude & unlearned of their cure, wholesome doctrine, & reduce them to the right way, 
Placing of good vicar's & curates.  that they do not err: and always let them see, that neither they nor their Uicares do seek more their own profit, promotion or advantage, than the profit of the souls that they have under their cur● or the glory of God.  
Item, that every person or proprietary of any Parish Church within this realm, shall on this side the feast of S. Peter ad vincula, next coming, provide a book of the whole Bible both in Latin and also in English, 
Every parish to provide a Bible in English.  and lay the same in the choir for every man that will, to look and read thereon, & shall discourage no man from the reading of any part of the Bible either in Latin or English, but rather comfort exhort, & admonish every man to read the same, as the very word of God, & the spiritual food of man's soul, whereby they may the better know their duties to God, to their sovereign Lord the king & their neighbour, ever gently and charitably exhorting them, that using a sober and a modest behaviour in the reading & inquisition of the true sense of the same, they do in no wise stiffly or eagerly contend or strive one with another, about the same, but refer the declaration of those places that be in controversy, to the judgement of them that be better learned.  
Also the said Deane, Persons, Uicares, Curates and other Priests shall in no wise at any unlawful time, nor for any cause then for their honest necessity, 
Priests not to haunt Alehouses.  haunt or resort to any Taverns or Alehouses, and alter their dinner and supper, they shall not give themselves to drinking or riot, spending their time idly by day or by night, at tables or cards playing, or any other unlawful game: but at such times as they shall have such leisure, they shall read or hear somewhat of holy Scripture, or shall occupy themselves with some honest exercise, & that they always do those things which appertain to good congruence & honesty, with profit of the common weal, having always in mind, that they ought to excel all other in purity of life, & should be example to all other, to live well and Christianly.  
Furthermore, because the goods of the Church are called the goods of the poor, and in these days nothing is less seen than the poor to be sustained with the same, all Persons, Uicares, Prebendaries, 
Parsons not resident, to pay the 40. part to their parishes,  and other beneficed men within this Deanery, not being resident upon their benefices, which may dispend yearly xx.li. or above, either within this Deanery or else where, shall distribute hereafter yearly amongst their poor Parishioners or other inhabitants there, in the presence of the Churchwardens, or some other honest men of the Parish, the xl. part of the fruits and revenues of their said benefices, lest they be worthily noted of ingratitude, which reserving so many parts to themselves cannot vouchsafe to impart the xl. portion thereof, amongst the poor people of that Parish, that is so fruitful and profitable unto them,  
And to the intent that learned men may hearafter spring the more, for the executing of the said premises, every Parson, Uicare, Clarke, 
Every beneficed man worth a hundredth pound to find a scholar at the university.  or beneficed man within this Deanery, having yearly to spend in benefices or other promotions of the Church, an C. pounds, shall give competent exhibition to one Scholar, & for as many C.li more as he may dispend, to so many scholars more shall give like exhibition in the university of Oxford or Cambridge, or some Grammar School, which after they have profited in good learning, may be partners of their patrons cure and charge, as well in preaching, or otherwise in the execution of their offices, or may when need shall be, otherwise profit the common wealth with their counsel and wisdom.  
Also, that all Parsons, Uicares, and Clerks, having Churches, Chapels, or mansions within this Deanery, shall bestow yearly hereafter upon the same mansions or Chancels of their Churches being in decay, 
Beneficed men to maintain their mansions.  the fift part of those their benefices, till they shall be fully repaired, and the same so repaired they shall always keep and maintain in good estate.  
All which and singular Injunctions shall be inviolably observed of the said Deane, Parsons, Uicares, Curates, Stipendaries, & other Clerks and beneficed men, under pain of suspension, and sequestration of the fruits of their benefices, until they have done their duties, according to these Injunctions.  
¶ After these Injunctions and Articles afore expressed (which were given about the year of our Lord. 1536. and 1537.) it was not above the space of a year, but other Injunctions also were published, to the further instruction of the people in the proceedings of religion, whereby both the Parsons of Churches, & the Parishes together were enjoined to provide in every Church to be a Bible in English, also for every Parishoner to be taught by the Minister, to understand and say the Lords Prayer and Creed in their own vulgar tongue, with other necessary & most fruitful Injunctions, the tenor whereof here followeth.   

¶ Injunctions exhibited. ann. 1538.  
IN the name of God Amen. By the authority & commission of the most excellent Prince, 
Injunctions by the king.  Henry by the grace of God, King of England, & of France, defender of the faith, Lord of Ireland. and in earth supreme head under Christ, of the Church of England, I Thomas Lord Cromwell, Lord privy seal, Vicegerent to the kings said highness for all his jurisdiction Ecclesiastical within this Realm, do for the advancement of the true honour of almighty God, increase of virtue, & discharge of the King's majesty, give and exhibit unto you N. these Injunctions following to be kept, observed, & fulfilled upon the pain hereafter declared.  
First, that ye shall truly observe and keep all & singular the King's highness Injunctions given unto you heretofore in my name by his grace's authority, not only upon the pains therein expressed, but also in your default now after this second monition continued, upon further punishment to be straightly extended towards you by the King's highness arbitrement or his vicegerent aforesaid.  
Item, that ye shall provide on this side the feast of N. next coming, 
For the Bible to be set up in Churches.  one book of the whole Bible of the largest volume in English, and the same set up in some convenient place within the said Church that ye have cure of, whereas your parishioners may most commodiously resort to the same & read it. The charges of which book shall be rateably borne between you, the parson and parishioners aforesaid: that is to say, the one half by you, & the other half by them.  
Item, that ye shall discourage no man, privily nor apertly, from the reading or hearing of the said Bible, but shall expressly provoke, stir & exhort every person to read the same, as that which is the very lively word of God, that every Christian persons is bounden to embrace, believe, & follow, if he look to be saved, admonishing them nevertheless to avoid all contention and alteration therein, and to use an honest sobriety in the inquisition of the true sense of the same, and to refer the explication of the obscure places, to men of higher judgement in scripture.  
Item, that ye shall every sunday and holiday through the year, openly & plainly recite to your parishners, twice or thrice together, or oftener if need require, one Article or sentence of the Pater noster, or Creed in English, to the intent they may learn the same by hart, 
The lords prayer to be learned in English.  & so from day to day, to give them one like lesson or sentence of the same, till they have learned the whole Pater noster, and Creed in English by rote, and as they be taught every sentence of the same by rote, ye shall expound & declare the understanding of the same unto them, exhorting all parents and householders, to teach their children and servants the same, as they are bound in conscience to do: and that done, ye shall declare unto them the ten commandments, one by one, every sunday and holiday, till they be likewise perfect in the same.  
Item, that ye shall in confessions every Lent, examine every person that cometh to confession to you, 
Sermons quarterly to be made.  whether they can recite the Articles of our faith, and the Pater noster in English, and hear them say the same particularly: wherein if they be not perfect, ye shall declare to them, that every Christian person ought to know the same before they should receive the blessed Sacrament of the Altar, and monish them to learn the same more perfectly by the next year following, or else, like as they ought not to presume to come to God's board without perfect knowledge of the same (and if they do, it is to the great peril of their souls) so ye shall declare unto them, that ye look for other Injunctions from the King's highness by that time, to stay and repeal all such from God's board, as shall be found ignorant in the premises: wherefore do ye thus admonish them, to the intent they should both eschew the peril of their souls, and also the worldly rebuke that they might incur hereafter by the same.  
Item, that ye shall make or cause to be made in the said Church, and every other cure ye have, one Sermon every quarter of a year at the least, wherein ye shall purely and sincerely declare the very Gospel of Christ, and in the same exhort your hearers to the works of charity, mercy, and faith, specially prescribed and commanded in scripture, & not to repose their trust or affiance in other works devised by men's fantasies besides scripture: as in wandering to Pilgrimages, offering of money, candles, or tapers to feigned Relics or Images, or kissing, or licking the same, saying over a number of beads not understanded ne minded on, or such like superstition: for the doing whereof, ye not only have no promise of reward in Scripture, but contrariwise great threats and maledictions of God, as things tending to Idolatry and superstition, which of all other offences, God almighty doth most detest and abhor, for that the same diminisheth most his honour and glory.  
Item, that such feigned Images as ye know in any of your cures to be so abused with Pilgrimages or offerings of any thing made thereunto, ye shall for avoiding of that most detestable offence of Idolatry, 
Images p●led down  forthwith take down without delay, and shall suffer from henceforth no candles, tapers, or Images of wax, to be set afore any Image or picture, but only the light that commonly goeth across the Church by the roodeloft, the light afore the Sacrament of the Altar, and the light about the sepulchre: which for the adorning of the Church and divine service, ye shall suffer to remain still, admonishing your parishners, that Images serve for none other purpose, but as the books of unlearned men that can no letters, whereby they might be admonished of the lives and conversation of them, that the said Images do represent. Which Images, if they abuse for any other intent then for such remembrances, they commit Idolatry in the same to the great danger of their souls: and therefore the King's highness graciously tendering the weal of his subjects souls, hath in part already, & more will hereafter travail for the abolishing of such Images, as might be occasion of so great offence to God, and so great a danger to the souls of his loving subjects.  
Item, that in all such benefices or cures, as ye have, whereupon ye be not yourself resident, ye shall appoint such Curates in your stead, as both can by ability, 
Good ministers to be placed.  & will also promptly execute these injunctions, and do their duty otherwise, that ye are bounden to do in every behalf accordingly, and profit their cure no less with good example of living, then with declaration of the word of God, or else their lack and defaults shall be imputed unto you, who shall straightly answer for the same, if they do otherwise.  
Item, that you shall admit no man to preach within any of your benefices or cures, but such as shall appear unto you to be sufficiently licensed thereunto by the King's highness or his grace's authority, or the bishop of the dioces, and such as shall be so licensed, ye shall gladly receive, to declare the word of God without any resistance or contradiction.  
Item, if ye have heretofore declared to your parishners any thing to the extolling & setting forth of pilgrimages, 
pilgrimage & Images abandoned.  to feigned relics or images, or any such superstition, ye shall now openly afore the same, recant & reprove the same, showing them (as the truth is) that you did the same upon no ground of Scripture, but as being led & seduced by a common error and abuse crept into the Church, through the sufferance and avarice of such as felt profit by the same.  
Item, if ye do or shall know any within your parish, or elsewhere, that is a letter of the word of God to be read in english, or sincerely preached, 
The word of God to be preached without stop or interruption.  or of the execution of these injunctions or a fautor of the Bishop of Rome's pretenced power, now by the laws of this Realm justly rejected and extirped: ye shall detect the same to the King's highness or his honourable Counsel, or to his vicegerent aforesaid, or to the justice of peace next adjoining.  
Item, that you and every Parson, vicar, or Curate, within this diocese, shall for every Church keep one book of Register, 
Register book for every parish.  wherein ye shall write the day and year of every wedding, christening, & burying, made within your parish for your time, & so for every man succeeding you likewise & also therein set every person's name that shall be so wedded, christened or buried, & for the safe keeping of the same book, the parish shall be bound to provide of their common charges, one sure coffer with ij. locks and keys, whereof the one to remain with you, and the other with the Wardens of every such parish wherein the said book shall be laid up: Which book ye shall every Sunday take forth, and in the presence of the said Wardens, or one of them, writ and record in the same, all the weddings, christenings, and buriengs, made the whole week before, and that done, to lay up the said book in the said coffer as afore, and for every time the same shall be omitted, the party that shall be in the fault thereof, shall forfeit to the said Church three shillings four pence, to be employed on the reparation of the same Church.  
Item, that ye shall once every quarter of a year, read these and the other former injunctions given unto you by authority of the King's highness, openly and deliberately before all your parishners, to the intent that both you may be the better admonished of your duty, and your said parishners the more incited to ensue the same for their part.  
Item, for as much as by a law established, every m●n is bound to pay his tithes, no man shall by colour of duty omitted by their Curates, detain their tithes, 
Tithes to be paid.  & so redub one wrong with another, or be his own judge, but shall truly pay the same as hath been accustomed to their persons & curates, without any restraint or diminution: & such lack and default as they can justly find in their parsons and curates, to call for reformation thereof, at their Ordinaries & other superiors hands, who upon complaint & due proof thereof, shall reform the same accordingly.  
Item, that no Person shall from henceforth alter, or change the order and manner of any fasting day that is commanded & indicted by the church, nor of divine prayer nor of service, otherwise than is specified in the said injunctions, until such time as the same shall be so ordered & transposed by the kings highness authority, 
〈◊〉 day abrogate.  the evens of such saints, whose holidays be abrogated, only excepted, which shallbe declared henceforth to be no fasting days, except also the commemoration of Tho. Becket sometime Archbishop of Canterbury, which shallbe clean omitted, and in stead thereof, the feriall service used.  
Item, that the knoling of the Aves after service, & certain other times, which hath been brought in & begon by the pretence of the B. of Rome's pardon, 
Knoling of Auees forbidden.  henceforth be left & omitted, lest the people do hereafter trust to have pardon, for the saying of their Aves between the said knoling, as they have done in times past.  
Iten, where in times p●st, men have used in divers plates in their Processions, to sing Ora pro nobis to so many saints, 
Suffrages of Saints relected.  that they had no time to sing the good Suffrages, following: as Parce nobis Domine, and Libera nos Domine it must be taught and preached, the better it were to omit Ora pro nobis, and to sing the other suffrages being most necessary and effectual. All which and singular Injunctions I minister unto you and to your parishners by the king's highness authority to me committed in this part, which I charge & command you by the same authority to observe and keep, upon pain of deprivation, sequestration of your fruits, or such other cohertion as to the king or his vicegerent for this time being shallbe seen convenient.  
By these Articles and Injunctions thus coming forth one after an other, for the necessary instruction of the people, 
The king better deserving the name of supreme governor than the Pope.  it may appear, how well the king deserved then the title of his supreme government, given unto him over the church of England: by the which title and authority he did more good for the redressing and advancing of Christ's Church and religion here in England, in these three years, than the Pope, the great vicar of Christ, with all his bishops and Prelates had done the space of iij. hundredth years before. Such a vigilant care was then in the king and in his counsel, how by all ways and means, to redress religion, to reform errors, to correct corrupt customs, to help ignorance, and to reduce the misleadings of Christ's flock drowned in blind popery, superstition, customs & idolatry, to some better form of more perfect reformation. Where unto he provided not only these articles, precepts, and injunctions above specified, to inform the rude people: but also procured the Bishops to help forward in the same cause of decayed doctrine, 
Read afore pag. 1024.  with their diligent preaching & teaching of the people, according as ye heard before pag. 1024. how that in the year 1534. during all the whole time of the parliament, there was appointed every sunday a Bishop to preach at Paul's Cross against the supremacy of the Bishop of Rome.  
Amongst which bishops, john Longland Bishop of Lincoln, the kings confessor, and a great persecutor of the poor flock of Christ (as is before sufficiently recorded, 
Read afore pag. 952.  pag. 952. made a Sermon before the king, upon good Friday this present year 1538. at Greenwich, seriously and effectuously preaching on the kings behalf, against the usurped supremacy of the bishop of Rome, the contents of whose sermon wholly to express, were here to long & tedious. So much as may suffice for our purpose, I thought should remain to the posterity, beginning at his Theme, which then he took in hand to entreat upon, written in the 13. cha, to the hebrews, as followeth.   

¶ The Sermon of john Longland Bishop of Lincoln, on good Friday, before the king at Greenwich. an. 1538.  
THe words of the Apostle are these: Habemus altare de quo edere non habent potestaté qui tabernaculo deseruiunt. 
Anno 1538.  Quorum enim animalium infertur sanguis pro peccato in sancta per pontificem: 

A Sermon of Bish. Longland before the king. an. 1538.  
The Th●āe. Hebr. 13.   horum corpora cremantur extra castra. Propter quod, & jesus extra portam passus est. Exeamus igitur ad eum extra castra, improperium eius portantes.  
These are the words of the Apostle. Many things contained in few words, and the English thereof is this: We have an altar, we have an altar (saith the Apostle) an altar, and a sacrifice upon this altar. And they that serveth the Tabernacle, may not eat of this altar, may not eat of the Sacrifice that is offered upon this altar. For the Apostle here (Per metonymiam) doth put the altar for that that is sacrificed upon the altar. The blood of those beasts that were slain for the sacrifice, was brought into the holy secret high place of the temple where the Ark was, between the high altar (as ye will say) and the veil by the bishop, & there offered up for the sin of the people. The bodies of the beasts that were burned without the pavilions or tents for the which, Propter quod, for which what? for the fulfilling of which mystery. Also to verify and fulfil the figure, and that the thing figured, might be correspondent to the figure. jesus suffered without the gate, to sanctify the people by his blood. Let us go out therefore and suffer with Christ bearing his opprobries and rebukes. These be the words of the Apostle now taken.  
I will by the help of our Lord God, declare these words in order, even as they do stand. Here is an altar, here is a Sacrifice, here is a Bishop which did offer this Sacrifice, here is a Tabernacle, a serving of the Tabernacle, the blood of the sacrifice which was offered by the Bishop for the sins of the people, in the most holy place of the temple, and the bodies of the beasts (whose blood was offered) were burned without the tents. And this was done the x. day of the seven. month. Ye hear now the words of the Apostle. Wherein appeareth the manifest figure of the Passion of our saviour jesus Christ, which we this day do honour.  
In these words the Apostle toucheth the figure of the law. And bringeth it to a spiritual understanding. For it was commanded in the law, in the book of Numbers, 
Num. 19  that the x. day of the seven. month, in the feast that was called the feast of the propitiation, of mercy, of remission, or the feast of purgation, when the people were purged. At which time, they should take a calf and a kid, and slay them: whose blood the only Bishop should bring, In sancta sanctorum, into the most holy, solemn, 
Heb. 11.  and secret place of the temple: wherein the bishop never came, unless he brought with him blood, to offer in Sacrifice. Quia omnia ferè in sanguine secundum legem mundabuntur, & sine sanguinis effunone non sit remissio, saith the Apostle. Almost all things after the law, or in the law, were cleansed in blood, and by blood: & without the effusion of blood, was no remission. And in that place of the temple called Sancta Sanctorum, the Bishop prayed and offered for the people. The flesh and corpse of the sacrifice was burned without the tents, without their pavilions. And it was not law full to any that did serve the tabernacle, to eat of the flesh of that sacrifice.  
Here is a manifest figure (as I said) of the Passion of our Saviour Christ. The altar that was consecrate and hallowed in this solemnity of the blood of the eternal. Testament, was that holy cross that Christ suffered on. Which as on this day, he did consecrate, hollow, dignify and dedicate, and did adorn and deck the same with the members of his most precious body, more gloriously than if it had been embroidered and insert with precious stones. For as gold which is the most precious metal, is made more precious when it is set with precious stones, 
1. Pet. 2.  and is dignified therewith, whether it be altar, Image, crown, ring or owch● so was the altar the holy Cross, beautified, dignified, adorned & made precious with the members of that most precious stone Christ, which is as Peter saith: Lapis vivus, 
The stone christ  ab hominibus reprobatus, a deo electus: probatus, angularis & praeciosus. This Christ is (he saith) the lively stone, which men did reprove, which God did elect for the approved stone, for a corner stone, for the chief stone in the building of his church, for the stone that joineth the walls of the Church together, for the stone whereupon the faith of Christ and his Church is builded. A precious stone, a stone of price, a stone of high value, far passing in the estimation of a good Christian man, all other precious stones in the world. This precious stone Christ, with the members of his most precious body, did deck, adorn, and made precious this altar of the Cross, when his body was by the ●ewes, with violency, 
Psal. 21.  extremely strained upon the same, that all his bones (as testifieth the Prophet) mought be numbered. Upon this altar was the great Sacrifice of the world offered, Christ himself. He was the Sacrifice, & he was the Priest. He offered up himself to God his father, 
Christ the sacrifice of the world.  for the sin of man. Obtulit semetipsum immaculatum deo, ut sanctificaret iniquinatos, saith the Apostle. He offered himself a pure, clean, immaculate host to God, to redeem the world, to sanctify sinners, to justify man.  
This Christ the Bishop of good things to come (as the Apostle witnesseth) entered once into the place called Sancta Sanctorum, not only of the temple, but in Sancta sanctorum, into that holy place of places, into heaven. He entered with sacrificed blood like a Bishop. Not with the blood of goats or calves, 
Heb. 9 Heb. 9 Heb. 9  not with the blood of rams or bulls: but with his own precious blood. For if the blood of goats and bulls, and the ashes of the burned calf sprinkled abroad, were sufficient to the making clean of flesh: how much more then, the blood of Christ (who by the holy Ghost, did offer up himself to God, a most pure, most clean, & immaculate sacrifice) is able to purge, cleanse and make fair our consciences from the works of death, and to live in the living God?  
This is our great bishop, as the Apostle saith, 
levit. 16. Heb. 4.  Habemus pontificem magnum qui penetravit coelos, jesum filium dei. We have a great bishop, which did penetrate the heavens whose name is jesus the son of God. This is our great Bishop, our high Bishop, our universal Bishop. This is the head bishop of all Bishops and of all the world, named God (as the Apostle saith) to be our great bishop, properly called Summus pontifex, the highest Bishop, 
Heb. 5.  the Bishop of bishops. For this is he only that is Summus, maximus & universalis pontifex.  
The bishop of Rome therefore ought herein to be abashed, ashamed, and to abhor his own pride. For in this he outrageously doth offend God and blasphemeth him, 

The pride of the Pope.  
The Pope blasphemeth God.   in that he presumeth to take this high name from our bishop Christ: In that, he taketh away (as much as lieth in him) the glory of God, the majesty appertaining unto Christ: In that he taketh upon him these names only appropriate unto Christ, Summus pontifex, maximus pontifex, universalis pontifex: the highest bishop, the greatest Bishop, the universal Bishop, the Bishop of all the world. I much marvel how he dare be so bold to usurp and take these great names upon him. 
No greater blasphemy then in the Pope.  Greater blasphemy cannot be▪ then to take from God, that that naturally belongeth unto him: then to take from God, his glory and honour: then to vindicate and take upon him such high names, as beseemeth no Christian man to usurp. God said by his Prophet: Non dabo gloriam meam alteri: I will not give my glory away to any other, to any creature. He doth reserve the glory, that laud & honour that belongeth only unto him, unto himself: 
Ezech. 42.  no man to attempt so far, no man to take so much upon him.  
Peter, Peter, thou wast once Bishop of Rome, and the first bishop of Rome: Didst thou ever take this name upon thee, Summus, 
Peter never took upon him at Rome, as the Pope doth.  Maximus, universalis? No, no, no. And why? For the holy ghost was in thee. Thou wouldst take no more upon thee then God gave thee. Thou wast not desirous of worldly fame and glory. All that thou soughtest for, was for the glory of God: as all that will read thy Sermons, thy Epistles, and thy life, shall soon perceive. Look a great number of Bishops that next followed Peter in the same See: what were they? holy Martyrs, holy Livers, which never attempted thus far. Let the Bishop of Rome therefore knowledge his great fault, his high folly, his unlawful usurpation, his unpriestly presumption, and humble himself to Christ and God his great Bishop. Would God he would reform himself. Would God he would keep himself within that compass of his authority, and no more to encroach upon other men's jurisdictions, but diligently keep and overlook his own diocese and be content with that, would God he would look upon his predecessor S. Gregory in his Register, which was a bishop of Rome, a holy man. Let him learn there how he did rebuke john, that time the Bishop of Constantinople, for taking on him so highly, 
Gregorius in Registro. lib. 4. indictione 30. Epist. 38.  in such names universal Bishop, highest Bishop, greatest Bishop: and how he proved it to be against the law of God. He saith there in one place to this proud Bishop john, what answer shalt thou make in that straight examination at that last judgement, to Ch●ist the head of the universal holy Chur that goest about to have subject unto thee all the members of Christ, by taking on thee the name of universal Bishop. In an other place again in the same book he saith unto him, 
Idem.  who art thou that dost presume to usurp a new name upon thee, of universal Bishop▪ contrary to the statutes of the gospel and decrees.  
God forbidden that ever this blasphemy should come in the hearts of Christian people, in the which the honour of all priesthood is taken away, when a man shall rashly and arrogantly take that name upon him. Let this Bishop of Rome therefore humble himself unto our great universal Bishop Christ, humble himself under the mighty hand of God, and know what the Apostle doth write of the honour and power of this Christ our great high Bishop. He is (he saith) Pontifex misericors, fidelis, potens, magnus, humilis, 
Heb. 2.3.4.5.7.8.9.  penetrans coelum, compatiens infirmitatibus nostris, offerens dona & sacrificia pro peccatis nostris, condolens ijs qui ignorant & errant: Qui potest saluum facere a morte, offerens preces & supplicationes cum clamore valido & lachrymis & exauditus est pro reverentia sua: Pontifex appellatus a deo. Pontifex sanctus, innocens, impollutus, segregatus a peccatoribus, excelsior coelis: Non habens necessitatem (quemadmodum alij) prius pro suis delectis hostias offer, 
The titles and properties attributed to Christ in the Scripture.  deinde pro populo: Pontifex sedens in dextris dei interpellans pro nobis, emundans conscientias nostras ab operibus mortuis, intrans sancta sanctorum per proprium sanguinem. Hic est pontifex confessionis nostrae.  
Let all earthly Bishops learn of this heavenly bishop Christ. Some of these properties are appropriate and belongeth only to God and not to man. 
Misericors.  In some we ought to follow him. In some we can not, ne aught to do. This our high and great Bishop is Misericors (saith the Apostle) merciful. A merciful Bishop, ready to forgive, ready to remit those that have offended him. He ie not cruel, not vengeable, but full of pity, full of mercy. And in this we ought to follow him.  

Potens.  He is Pontifex potens, a mighty Bishop, mighty and full of power. We be but weak and feeble bishops, not able to do any thing but by his permission and help. He is able to make sick, to make whole: to make rich, to make poor: to set up, to put down. Potens, a mighty bishop, mighty and able to remit sin, to forgive, to save both body & soul from damnation. Potens, a mighty bishop and full of power. No power in this world but of him. Omnis potestas a domino deo est. All power is of him. And as he himself witnesseth: Data est mihi omnis potestas in coelo, & in terra. All power is given unto me in heaven and in earth. Potens saluare a morte. He can save the body, and save the soul. 
Rom. 14.  He can deliver the one, and deliver the other from everlasting death. Who can forgive sin but he? Quis potest dimittere peccatum nisi solus deus? Est potens. He is a mighty Bishop. Of him & by him, Emperors, Kings, Magistrates and Potestates, Bishops, 
Math. 18.  Priests, with all other that have power, have their power and authority. Who is able to turn the wind? to make the wind blow or cease but he. Who is able to say and prove, I will now have it vain, now clear: the sun to shine, the water to flow, to ebb, 
Marc. 2.  with such other, but only he. This is our mighty bish. Pontifex potens, mighty, yea Omnipotens, almighty. He can do all. 
Omnipot●▪ Psal. 32.  Nothing is to him impossible. Ipse dixit & facta sunt omnia. Mandavit & creata sunt universa. Potens ergo est. He is a mighty bishop. We are not so.  
Fidelis Pontifex. He is a faithful bishop: faithful. He is a faithful bishop to God referring all laudes, 
Fidelis.  all honour and glory to his father. In all things that he did; miracles or other, he took never the more upon himself. He was also a faithful Bishop to the world: For he did all that belonged to the office of a good Bishop. The very office of a bishop is, praedicare, orare & sacricare, sive offer. To preach, to pray, to do sacrifice or to offer. 

Three offices of a bishop.  
If he had placed here administra●● sacramenta for sac●ifica●e, his partition so might have stand. Math. 14.   He preached to his people: He taught the world most wholesome doctrine, whereby he called the people to God: he converted sinners, he called them to penance. He made them weep and lament their sins. They followed his person, they followed his word they followed his ensample. They came out of all costs to see him, to hear him, to learn of him. They forsook meat and drink, house and home, and followed him wheresoever he went, as well in wilderness, as else where. In so much that after they had followed him three days, he being moved with pity lest they should perish for lack of food being in wilderness far from succour, he fed them twice miraculously. Once in the desert with five loaves and two fishes▪ he fed v. M. men, besides women and children, and there were left xii. great baskets, xii. mands full of the brokelets, and offals at that meal. 
Math. 15.  At another time he fed in wilderness to the number of 4. M. men besides women and children, with seven loves and a few little fishes, and there was left of fragments, 7 maundes full.  
The second office of a bishop he fulfilled also: For he prayed. 
The second office of a Bishop is to pray.  He was most devout in prayer, so to teach all bishops and Preachers not to presume in their wit or learning, neither in their capacity, memory, fair tongue or utterance: but that the Preacher do studiously apply his book with all diligence to study how to speak, what to speak: afore whom he shall speak: and to shape his sermon after the audience. The preacher ought also besides his study & preaching to pray. For by devout prayer, he shall attain percase as much or more, as by study or learning. For with out prayer the words will little prevail. Look in Christ his life and thou shalt find, that in every thing he went about, he prayed, 
Luke. 6.  to show the valiancy, the virtue and strength of prayer: to show our necessities, our weakness & feebleness of nature. He prayed for his people (as Luke witnesseth) the space of one whole night. And what a marvelous devout prayer made he for his people in the Mount the night afore his passion, 
Math. 26.  when the Chalice of death was represented unto him: when he sweat water & blood? when he cried thrice, Transeat à me Calix iste: let this Chalice, let this passion & blood, let the virtue thereof pass from me unto all mankind. Let every man have the virtue and merit thereof: let it work in all folks: let every faithful man and woman he perteyner thereof: let it not be lost, but work to the worlds end. This was a marvelous devout merciful prayer. And again he suffering and hanging on the cross, offered up for his people, 

Heb. 5. The cry of Christ on the Crosse. The heavens trembled. The Angels mourned. The Sun lost his light· The veil rived.  
The earth quaved.  
The stones rend.  
The graves opened.  
The dead rose.   Preces & supplicationes cum clamore valido & lachrymis. He offered up his prayers and supplications with a huge cry, with a piteous voice, with a lamentable and deadly shrich, and with weeping tears to God his father, he hanging on the cross, even when the spirit should depart the body, not then forgetting his people at the hour when all the people forgetteth both the world and themselves. Which cry was so huge and great, so marvelous and of that effect that the heavens trembled thereat, the Angels mourned for pity, the Sun lost his light, the vail in the temple rived in two, the earth quaved, the stones rend asunder and braced in gobbetes, the graves opened, the dead bodies rose to life. & appeared in the City. Centurio & those that kept Christ to see the execution done, cried: Verè, filius Dei erat iste: This was the undoubted son of God. His prayer and weeping tears were so pleasant unto the father, that it was heard: Exauditus est pro reverentia sua: He was heard & why? For it was so entire, so devout, so reverently done, in such a manner and fashion, with such a zeal grounded upon such a charity, suffering for our guilt, and not for his own. And for that he did the very office of a bishop, so entirely to pray, and so reverently to offer up himself in sacrifice for his people, he was heard, he was heard, his prayer was heard of God. And that is the third property of a good Bishop, to offer sacrifice for his people. Every Bishop, every Bishop for his Diocesanes and for the whole universal Church. In these three we ought as much as we may to follow Christ.  

The third 〈◊〉 of a ●●shop is to ●●nister and 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 o● offer.  Thus this Christ was and is Pontifex fidelis, a faithful Bishop. faithful, faithful, in his word, true in his promise, deceiving no man, but profiting all. ●n all that he did or spoke, he sought nothing his own glory, but the glory of God: teaching thereby all Bishops of the world in all that go about, to do it to the laud, praise and glory of God. And herein we ought also to follow him.  

●agnus.  Magnus Pontifex. He is the great Bishop, the high bishop the supreme Bishop, the universal Bishop over all the world. No great bishop but he. 
No great Bishop but 〈◊〉 Christ.  None high, none supreme nor universal Bishop, but he.  
And herein the bishop of Rome outrageously usurpeth upon God, as he doth upon the world, to take the honour and names (only to God appropriate) to himself, 
●he Pope blasphe●eth God.  and doth grievously blaspheme and offend God therein. Greater blasphemy can not be, then to ascribe to God, that that no ways belongeth unto him, or to take from God, that that is unto him appropriate. It is meet therefore he do betimes and in season, leave his unjust encrochmentes both against his Lord God, and also against the world, lest he do provoke God to pour out all his vials of wrath upon him: 
That is blasphemy.  the Vaees, I mean, the maledictions and vengeance that john speaketh of in the apocalypse. 
Apoc. 9  I would advise him to cease the injuries which he hath & daily doth against the Christ our great high universal Bishop, lest thou excommunicate and strike him, lest thou show thy wrath and judgement against him and utterly extinct his pride and ambitious pretenced authority. For thou wilt be known, thou wilt be known to be God. And thou art and wilt be our great universal and supreme Bishop, what so ever the bishop of Rome shall attempt to the contrary: 
The stroke 〈◊〉 God is slow but 〈◊〉.  and thou wilt punish his worldly arrogancy, and strike when thou seest thy time. And though it be long ere thou strike, yet let him beware, for strike thou wilt if thou be utterly provoked: And when thou dost strike, thy stroke is great, thy stroke is dreadful and sore. It vanquisheth the body, it slayeth the soul, it damneth both. Beware therefore thou Bishop of Rome, and be content with thine own diocese, with thine own charge, as other Bishops are with theirs: 
●he Pope's power stretcheth no ●ther then 〈◊〉 own diocese.  For further than thine own diocese, thy jurisdiction doth not stretch.  
A marvelous blindness in thee therefore, to take upon thee to answer for all the world, and art not able to answer our great Bishop Christ, for thyself at the dreadful day of judgement, when he shall ask but these few questions of thee Quomodo intrasti? Quomodo rexisti? Quomodo vixisti? Quomodo pavisti? Quae & qualia exempla dedisti? Quid ad meam gloriam fecisti & huiusmodi. 
●uestions to be asked the Pope in the last ●●dgemente.  How didst thou enter into the Bishopric? by me or by the world? unlawfully, or lawfully? by Simony, or freely by labour, by paction, or called God? How didst thou rule thy cure thy diocese? Didst thou pray for thy people? Didst thou preach me to thy diocesans? didst thou give them ghostly and bodily food? didst thou minister spiritual and ghostly salves (the Sacraments I mean) to heal the sores of their souls? How didst thou live? Didst thou cast away the care, the glory & pomp of the world? 
Nay rather Ghostly doctrine, 〈◊〉 should 〈◊〉.  Didst thou follow me in humility, in charity in compassion, in poverty, in cleans, & in chaste living?  
How didst thou govern thy diocesans? Didst not thou make of all things that thou didst meddle with a money matter in selling that which was not in thee to sell nor give, which thou called'st thy pardons, 
The Pope maketh all things a 〈…〉.  thy commissions, thy breeves, thy delegacies reservations, exemptions, appellations, bulls, and dispensations? Didst not thou under these pretences and like other doings, deceive the world? What answer shalt thou make to this at that day, to our and thy great Bishop Christ, when he shall visit thee and all thy diocese, me and all my diocese, yea when he shall visit all the world? What answer shalt thou then make? I think verily thou shalt then have enough to do, yea and more than thou canst wind thyself out of, to make answer for thyself, for thine own diocese, and for thine own diocesans, though thou usurp not upon other men's as thou dost. The Apostle writeth of Christ humbly, 
〈◊〉. ●aximus.  & calleth him, Magnum pontificem, the great bishop. And he of Rome is not with this word contented, but will have a higher word for himself, in the superlative degree, Maximum pontificem Magnum. The greatest Bishop. Oh, where is the humbleness and meekness that should be in him? Alas, he that taketh on him to teach all the world, how can he for shame suffer such blasphemous words to pass in his name, to his great shame and rebuke: 
●he Pope's ●●de will ●●ue a fall.  to the great danger of his soul: and to the perilous ensample unto other? Oh, sie upon pride▪ it is a common proverb pride will have a fall.  
Our bishop Christ was Humilis, meek, lowly, & humble in hart. 
●●milis.  He road not upon any palfrey nor courageous horse, but up on an Ass and that but once. He never was borne pompously abroad in a chair, upon men's shoulders. He never proffered his foot to any body to kiss. We read that he washed the feet of his Disciples and wiped them. 
john. 13.  We read that Mary Magdalene proffered to have kissed his feet, but he did prohibit her, saying: Noli me tangere: Touch me not. He would not suffer the woman them to touch him. He never had guard to defend him. 
Math. 20.  He never followed the pomp of the world. He disdained not to go upon the ground with his bare feet. What shall I say? 
The humility of Christ.  He gave ensamples enough to the Bishop of Rome, to me and all Bishops, to be meek and humble: he to know himself, and we ourselves, as if he and we diligently look in scripture, we shall find. And herein, in meekness we are bound to follow him. 
Compatiens.   
Compatiens infirmitatibus This Bishop Christ, had compassion of our infirmities of our frailties. It is impossible for a man to know the afflictions of the miserable person, that never suffered himself affliction, that never had experience of pains, that never felt what pain men●. But this bishop Christ had experience of our nature: how weak, how feeble the nature of man is: 
Christ full of compassion.  how weak of himself to do any good work without the help of God: how feeble to resist temptations He suffered and felt the infirmities and pains of this natural body. He hath therefore compassion upon man, when he doth see him fall. He sorroweth his ruin, teaching Bishops in especial afore all other, to have copassion and pity upon the sinner, to help him spiritually, to comfort him ghostly, to help him to arise from sin, to allure him to penance, to draw him to virtue, to make him know God, to fear his justice, to love his laws, and thus to seek all the ways he and we can: to save the sinner's soul for whom he shall make answer to God for his own diocesans: soul for soul, 
Heb. 5.  blood for blood, pain for pain, hell for hell, damnation for damnation. For which soul, 
Luke. 23.  our great Bishop Christ (as the Apostle doth witness) did offer gifts and sacrifice himself, having compassion of them that by ignorance and by error, did sin & offend God. Even when he was his greatest agony upon the cross, he cried to his father: forgive them father, forgive them, they know not what they do, they are ignorant people, they know not what is what, nor what danger they run into by this entreating me. They know not their offences: forgive them Father, forgive them. In this compassion we ought also to follow our great bishop Christ. 
Pontifex appellatus.   
It followeth in the former letter: Est Pontifex appellatus à Deo. He is a Bishop, and so named of God He is the very Bishop. He offered up the very sacrifice, the sacrifice of his own most blessed body and blood, whereby the sin of the world was put away. Every Bishop of the world is not named a Bishop by God. For some cometh into that office, not by the holy ghost, 
john. 10.  not elect of God (as john sayeth) not entering in ovile ou●um per ostium, sed ascendens aliundè. 
All bishops be not called of God.  Some there are that entereth into the fold of the sheep of GOD, not by the door Some there be that entereth in, having charge and cure of soul, not by God: but by worldly means, by worldly labour, by importune suits and intercession of friends, or by their own unlawful labour, by simony, and such other ways. Such are not named Bishops by God. Such entereth not by the door, not by him that saith: Ego sum ostium. Ego sum via, veritas, & vita. I am the door, I am the way, I am the life, I am truth, I am pastor bonus, the very true and good Bishop that entered by God. 
john. 10.  And all that entereth otherwise then by God, Christ calleth them fures & latrones, thieves spoilers, raveners, devourers, and deceivers of the sheep. Their living shall declare the same. For such as so wilfully do enter, do study their own profits and commodities. Such receiveth the fruits and do nothing for them▪ Such suffereth their sheep to perish for lack of bodily and ghostly food and susteynaunce for lack of preaching, for lack or giving good counsel, for lack of good living, for lack of good ensample. And such, for the most part, liveth naughtily, carnally, fleshly, viciously, popously, worldly, & not bishoply nor priestly. For they came not in by God, nor by grace. Christ saith: Qui intrat per me, saluabitur, 
john. 14.  & ingredietur, & egredietur, & pascua inveniet. He that entereth by me, shallbe saved. Et ingredietur, & egredietur. And he shall go in, and he shall go out. What is that to say: he shall go in, and he shall go out? ● think he meaneth by going in, that he shall have grace to enter studiously into the holy Scripture, daily and nightly to meditate, to study, and to profit in the laws of God. Et egredietur. And he shall explain and truly interpretate and publish it unto the people Et pascua inveniet. And he shall find there plenty of spiritual food for himself & for his people, to edify their souls, to instruct and call them to the knowledge of God to feed them pletifully, that they shall not lack necessaries to their souls. Let us therefore so live, that we may be called Pontifices appellati a Deo. 
Hebr. 7.   
This our great Bishop Christ is also: Pontifex, sanctus, innocens, impollu●us, segregatus à peccatoribus, excelsior coelis, sedens à dextris Dei, emundans conscientias nostras à peccatis, intrans sancta sanctorum per proprium sanguinem He is Sanctus A holy Bishop, and willeth us to be holy in our conversation, 
Sanctus.  applying ourselves unto godliness to the service of God, to live like bishops, like priests▪ pure, clean, chaste, devout, studious, faithfully labouring in his word, praying, doing sacrifice, and ever to be godly and virtuously occupied.  
He is Innocens, an innocent, He never sinned, he never offended in word, thought, no● deed, Innocens, 
Innocens.  noying no creature profiting all folks, meekly suffering adversities, opprobries, rages, rebukes, and reproaches, without grudge or contradiction. Innocens & simplex: simplex sine plica. An innocent, without pleit or wrinkle▪ 
Simplex.  without error or doubleness, without hypocrisy or dissimulation, without flattering or glozing, without fraud or deceit: not serving the body nor the world, but God. In this we ought also to follow our heavenly Bishop.  
Impollutus. He was undefiled. He lived clean without spot or blot, 
Impollutus.  without wemme or strain. No immundicity in him, no uncleanness, nor filthiness: but all pure and clean, chaste and immaculate, all bright and shining in grace and godliness: In so m●ch that he was Segregatus à peccatoribus, clean segregate from all kind of uncleanness, from all manner of sins, and from sinners. Segregate from them, not from their company: For as Matthew writeth: 
Segregatus a peccatis.  Publicans and sinners came and eat and drank with him and his disciples in the house of Levi. And he also came as a Physician, to heal the sinner. And yet he was segregate from them, quantum ad participationem cum eyes in peccato: as touching their ill livings, 
Math. 9  not being participant with them in sin: but came only to heal them, and to rid them from sin and sore of the soul. He entered the heavens, not with the blood of kid nor Goat, but with his own proper blood. For which and for his holiness and perfectness, 
Excelsior coelis.  Excelsior coelis factus est. He is extolled and exalted above all the Angels and beatitudes: above all the heavens sitting on the right hand of the father. Whom all the heavenly creatures do worship, honour and do reverence unto Where he prayeth for his people, and is Mediator in his manhood to his father for us.  
This our Bishop purgeth our consciences (as witnesseth the Apostle) he cleanseth our souls, he maketh us inwardly beauteous and fair. The Bishop of Rome lacketh many of these notable virtues. He hath few or none of these properties, few or none of these qualities. He is (as we all are sinners) a sinner. To whom this word Magnus, great, is not convenient, nor can be in him any ways verified. 
Magnus.  For he cannot forgive sin as our Bishop doth, nor justify as he doth, neither enter in Sancta Sanctorum, with his own blood, as he did. How can he then be called a great Bishop that is (as we be all sinners) a sinner, a breaker of the laws of God, and daily doth or may fall and sin? And for that cause the law commanded that every bishop and Priest should first offer hosts and sacrifice for his own sins and afterward, for the sins of the people How can he therefore be called a great Bishop or Priest?  
Our Bishop we speak of, is the very great bishop. No dole, no fraud, no guile, was ever found in his mouth. And when the Prince of the world the devil, came to him, he could find no point of sin in him. Wherefore Gabriel the archangel showing his nativity unto Mary his mother, said: Hic erit magnus, & fil●us alti●simi vocabitur. 
Luke. 1.  He shallbe great and shallbe called the son of God. And again it is written of him: Propheta magnus surrexit inter nos. 
Luke. 7.  A great Prophet is risen among us. Sin maketh a man small and little: little in reputation before God and man. Virtue maketh man great and of high reputation. Show me one place in Scripture where you have reedde, 
No sinner called great in the scripture.  that a sinner was called great? I trow it shall not be found. Will you hear who were called great in scripture? It is written of Isaac, quod proficiebat valde, & factus est magnus valde. He profited greatly in virtue, 
Gene. 26.  and was made great, great in reputation of the world. Moses' was called Magnus, great for his virtue. Abraham and john Baptist likewise. 
Exod. 11.  Now jesus our Bishop is called magnus Episcopus, magnus Sacerdos. And after him never Bishop called Magnus in all Scripture, 
Luke. 1.  neither in the reputation of man unless it be in comparison one of an other (and so Saints and holy livers are called great in respect of sinners, or other mean Livers) but where Christ our Bishop cometh: there he, not in comparison of other, but simpliciter, by his own magnitude and greatness, and of himself, ever was and is great, of whom it is written: A summo coelo egressio eius: & occursus eius usque ad summum eius. 
Psal 18.  And as the apostle also proveth in many places by express words. But now there is no Bishop or Priest in this world, that may worthily of himself be called great, nor aught to take this name Magnus upon him▪  
This is he therefore of whom it is written: Magnus Sacerdos ex fr●tribus suis. The great bishop above all other. And as he is called and in very deed is, 
levit. 21.  Pastor pastorum, Pontifex pontificum, Propheta prophetarum, Sanctus sanctorum, Dominus dominantium, Rex regum: Ita & magnus magnorum est. And he is called the Heardesman of heardesmen, the Bishop of bishops, the Prophet of prophets, the Holy of holiest, the Lord of lords, the King of kings: even so is he called, and verily is Episcopus magnus. Therefore the Prophet did add, Magnus Sacerdos ex fratribus suis, the great Bishop or priest: great of himself, great in virtue and power, great of himself, and great in comparison afore all other. And therefore the Apostle said: Habemus Pontificem magnum, 
The Pope enchrocheth upon Christ.  qui penetravit coelos JESUM filium DEI. We have a great Bishop, which did penetrate the heavens, jesus the son of God.  
Here may ye now see how the Bishop of Rome doth wrongfully encroach upon our great Bishop jesus Christ, to take from him, not only this name Magnus, and is not with that name yet contented, but addeth more, Videlicet, Maximus, Summus, Sanctus, Beatissimus, universalis, and such other. The greater, the highest, the holiest, the blessedst, and universal in the superlative degrees and yet there is no great Bishop but Christ only no supreme Bishop, but he only, none holy, none blessed, none universal Bishop but only he. The B. of Rome, & all other bishops are but underlings & unworthy suffragans unto this Bishop Christ.  
This our Christ (as witnesseth the Apostle) is Pontifex nostrae confessionis, the Bishop whom we do confess to be our great bishop, our high bishop, our supreme Bishop, our holy, blessed and universal Bishop. Which names are reserved only unto Christ, and to no earthly Bishop: Not to the Bishop of Rome, not to the Bishop of jerusalem, not to the Bishop of Antioch, nor of Constantinople, nor to any other Bishop. No earthly bishop to presume to take upon him these high and holy names only to God apropriate.  
God of thy goodness thou mayest and I trust wilt once make this vainglorious bishop of Rome, first to know and knowledge thy son Christ to be the only supreme and universal bishop of the world. Secondarily to know himself, his weakness, his frailty and his presumption. To know his office and bounden duty unto thee. To know his own Diocese, and to usurp no further. Thirdly to have a low, humble, meek hart and stomach: to fear thee God and thy judgements, to knowledge his own faults, and usurpations, and to redress the same.  
Now to return unto our matter, it followeth in the letter first taken: De quo edere non habent potestatem qui tabernaculo deseruiunt. etc. And thus much out of john Longlandes' Sermon against the Pope.  
You heard before by the king's Injunctions above expressed, and directed out. an. 1538. how all such Images & pictures, which were abused with pilgrimage of offerings of any Idolatry, where abolished: by virtue of which Injunction, 
Anno 1538.  divers Idols & especially the most notable stocks of Idolatry, were taken down the same year. 1538. as the Images of Walsingham, Ipswich, Worcester, 
Images and Pilgrimages destroyed i● England.  the lady of Wilsdon, Tho. Becket, with many more, having engines to make their eyes to open and role about, and other parts of their body to stir, and many other false jugglings, as the blood of hails, & such like, wherewith the simple people a long time had been deceived. All which were espied out, and destroyed.  
Among divers other of these foul Idols, 
The Idol of Daruell Gatheren in Wales.  there went also in the same reckoning, a certain old Idolatrous Image in Wales named Daruell Gatheren: which in the month of May, in the year above mentioned was brought up to London and burnt in smithfield. With the which Idol also was burnt the same time, and hanged for treason, Friar Forrest, of whom some mention was partly touched before in the story of Cardinal Wolsey.   

¶ Friar Forest.  
THis Forest was an observant Friar, and had secretly in confessions declared to many of the kings subjects, 
Friar Forest executed for rebelling against the kings supremacy.  that the king was not supreme head, and being thereof accused and apprehended, he was examined how he could say that the king was not supreme head of the Church, when he himself had sworn to the contrary. He answered that he took his oath with his outward man, but his inward man never consented thereunto. And being further accused of divers damnable Articles and thereupon convicted, he gladly submitted himself to abide the punishment of the Church. Upon this his submission having more liberty then before he had to talk with whom he would he became as far from his submission as ever he was. And when his abjuration was sent him to read, 
Friar Forest burnt in Smithfielde.  he utterly refused it and obstinately persevered in his errors: wherefore he was justly condemned, after hanged in Smithfield in chains upon a gallows quick, by the middle & arm holes, and fire was made under him, and so was he consumed and burnt to death.  
In the place of execution there was a scaffold prepared for the kings most honourable Counsel and the nobles of the Realm to fit upon: to grant him pardon, if he had any spark of repentance in him. There was also a pulpit prepared where the right reverend father Hugh Latimer B. of Worcester declared his errors, & manifestly confuted them by the Scripture, with many godly exhortations to move him to repentance. But he was so froward, 
A Welsh prophesy of Daruell Gatheren.  that he neither would hear neither speak. A little before, the foresaid Image called Daruel Gatheren coming out of Wales, was brought to the gallows, and there also with the foresaid Friar (as is said) was set on fire. Whom the Wealshmen much worshipped, and had a prophecy amongst them, that this Image should set a whole forest on fire. Which prophecy took effect, for he set this Friar Forest on fire and consumed him to nothing. The Friar when he saw the fire come, and that present death was at hand, he caught hold upon the lader, and would not let it go, but so unpatiently took his death, as never any man that put his trust in God at any time, so ungodly or unquietly ended his life.  
In the month of October & November the same year, shortly after the overthrow of these images and pilgrimages, followed also the ruin of the Abbeys & religious houses, which by the special motion of the Lord Cromwell (or rather and principally, by the singular blessing of almighty God) were suppressed, being given a little before by act of Parliament, into the kings hand: whereupon not only the houses were razed, but their possessions also disparkled among the nobility in such sort, 
The ruin & dissolution of Abbeys & ●onasteryes in England.  as all friars, monks, Canons, Nuns, and other sects of religion, were then so rooted out of this Realm from the very foundation, that there seemeth by God's grace, no possibility hereafter left for the generation of those strange weeds to grow here any more, according to the true verdict of our Lord and Saviour Christ, in his Gospel, saying: Every plantation being not planted of my father, 
Math. 15.  shallbe plucked up by the roots. etc.   

¶ The history of the worthy Martyr of God john Lambert, otherwise named Nicolson, with his troubles examinations and answers, as well before the Archbishop of Caunterbury Warham, and other Bishops: as also before K. Henry 8. by whom at length he was condemned to death & burned in Smithfielde. Ann. 1538.  
Immediately upon the ruin and destruction of the monasteries, 
Anno 1538.  the same year, & in the month of November followed the trouble and condemnation of john Lambert the faithful servant of jesus Christ, and Martyr of blessed memory. This Lambert being borne and brought up in Norfolk, was first converted by Bilney, and studied in the University of Cambridge. Where after that he had sufficiently profited both in Latin and Greek, and had translated out of both tongues sundry things into the English tongue, being forced at last by violence of the time, he departed from thence to the parts beyond the seas, to Tyndall and Frith, 
Lambert ●●eacher to the English 〈◊〉 at Antwerp.  and there remained the space of a year and more, being preacher and Chaplain to the English house at Antwerp, till he was disturbed by sir Thomas More, and by the accusation of one Barlow was carried from Antwerp to London: 
Lambert brought from Antwerp to London.  where he was brought to examination first at Lambeth, then at the Bishop's house at Oxford, before Warham the Archb. of Cant. and other adversaries, hading 45. articles ministered against him, whereunto he rendered answer again by writing. The which answers for as much as they contain great learning, & may give some light to the better understanding of the common causes of religion now in controversy, I thought here to exemplify the same, 
Lambert accused by one Ba●●ow.  as they came right happily to our hands. The copy both of the articles and also of his answers, here in order followeth.   

¶ Articles to the number of 45. laid to Lambert.  
IN primis, whether thou wast suspect or infamed of heresy? 
Articles against john Lambert.   
2. Whether ever thou hadst any of Luther's books, and namely sith they were condemned, & how long thou kepst them, and whether thou hast spent any study on them?  
3. Whether thou wast constitute priest, and in what Diocese, and of what bishop?  
4. Whether it be lawful for a Priest to marry a wife, and whether a priest in some case be bound by the law of God to marry a wife?  
5. Whether thou believest that whatsoever is done of man whether it be good or ill, cometh of necessity.  
6. Whether the sacrament of the altar be a sacrament necessary unto salvation, and whether after the consecration of the bread and wine done by the priest, as by the minister of God, there is the very body and blood of Christ, in likeness of bread and wine?  
7. Item, what opinion thou holdest touching the Sacrament of Baptism, whether thou dost believe that it is a sacrament of the Church, and a necessary sacrament unto salvation and that a Priest may baptise, and that the order of baptising ordained by the church, is necessary and wholesome?  
8. Item, whether you believe that matrimony be a sacrament of the church necessary to be observed in the church, & that the order appointed by the Church for the solemnising thereof, is allowable and to be holden.  
9 Item, whether thou dost believe orders to be a sacrament of the church, 
Sacrament of orders.  and that saying of mass ordained by the Church, is to be observed of Priests: whether it be deadly sin or not, if it be omitted or contemned, and whether the order of Priesthood, were invented by man's imagination or ordained by God?  
10. Item, whether penance be a sacrament of the Church and necessary unto salvation: 
Sacrament of penance.  and whether auricular confession is to be made unto the priest, or is necessary unto salvation: and whether thou believest that a Christian is bound, besides contrition of hart, having the free use of an apt or meet priest, under necessity of salvation, to be confessed unto a Priest and not unto any lay man, be he never so good and devout, & whether thou believest that a Priest in cases permitted unto him, may absolve a sinner (being contrite and confessed) from his sins, and enjoin him wholesome penance?  
11. Item, whether thou dost believe and hold, 
Sacrament of confession.  that the sacrament of confirmation & extreme unction, be sacraments of the church, and whether that they do profit the souls of them which receive them, and whether thou believest the foresaid seven sacraments, to give grace unto them that do duly receive them?  
12. Whether all things necessary unto salvation, are put in holy Scripture, 
Unwritten verities.  and whether things only there put be sufficient, and whether some things upon necessity of salvation, are to be believed and observed, which are not expressed in Scripture?  
13. Whether thou believest that Purgatory is, and whether that souls departed be therein tormented and purged? 
Purgatory.   
14▪ Whether holy martyrs, apostles and confessors, departed from this world, aught to be honoured and called upon, 
Praying to saints.  and prayed unto.  
15. Whether the Saints in heaven, as Mediators, pray for us?  
16. Whether thou believest that oblations & pilgrimages, may be devoutly and meritoriously done to the sepulchers and relics of saints? 
Pilgrimage.   
17. Whether the fast in Lent and other appointed by the Canon law, 
Lent. fast.  and received in common usage of Christian people (unless necessity otherwise requireth) are to be observed?  
18. Whether it be laudable and profitable, 
Worshipping of Images.  that worshipful images be set in churches for the remembrance of Christ and his saints?  
19 Whether thou believest that prayers of men living, do profit souls departed and being in Purgatory? 
Praying for souls departed▪ Merits.   
20. Whether men may merit and deserve both by their fastings and also by their other deeds of devotion?  
21. Whether thou dost believe, that men prohibited of Bishops to preach, as suspect of heresy, 
Preaching with out licence.  aught to cease from preaching and teaching, until they have purged themselves of suspicion before an higher judge?  
23. Whether thou believest that it is lawful for all Priests freely to preach the word of God or no?  
23. Whether thou believest that it is lawful for lay men of both kinds, that is to wit, 
Lay men to preach.  both men and women to sacrifice and preach the word of God?  
24. Whether excommunication denounced by the Pope against all heretics, do oblige and bind them before God? 
The Pope's excommunication. Saying of Matins.   
25. Whether every priest is bound to say daily his matins and evensong, according as it is ordained by the church or whether he may leave them unsaid without offence or deadly sin?  
26. Whether thou believest that the heads or rulers, by necessity of salvation, are bound to give unto the people, 
Scripture in the mother tongue.  holy scripture in their mother language?  
27. Whether is it lawful for the rulers for some cause, upon their reasonable advisement, to ordain that the scripture should not be delivered unto the people in the vulgar language?  
28. Whether thou believest that consecrations, hallowings and blessings used in the Church are to be praised?  
29. Whether thou believest that the pope may make laws, and statutes, 
Making of laws in the Church.  to bind all christian men to the observance of the same, under pain of deadly sin, so that such laws & statutes be not contrary to the law of God?  
30 Whether thou believest, that the pope and other prelate's & their deputies in spiritual things, have power to excommunicate Priests, and lay people that are inobedient and sturdy from entering into the church, and to suspend or let them from ministration of the sacraments of the same?  
31. Whether faith only without good works, 
justification.  may suffice unto a man fallen into sin after his baptism for his salvation and justifying? 
Difference between a Latin Priest and a Greek Priest.   
32. Whether a Priest marrying a wife, and that without the dispensation of the Pope, and begetting also children of her without slander giving, do sin deadly?  
33. Item, whether a latin priest after he hath taken the order of priesthood, being sore troubled and stirred with pricking of lust and lechery, and therefore marrying a wife for remedy of the same, do sin deadly?  
34. Item, whether thou didst ever pray for john Wickliff, 
Praying for Wickliff, Hus and Jerome of prague.  john Hus▪ or Jerome of prague condemned of heresy in the Counsel of Constance, or for any of them sith they died, or whether thou hast done openly or secretly any deeds of charity for them, affirming them to be in bless & saved?  
35. Item, whether thou hast recounted them or any of them to be saints, and worshipped them as saints?  

General Counsels.  36. Item, whether thou dost believe, hold and affirm, that every general Counsel, and the Council of Constance also, do represent the universal congregation or church?  
37. Item, whether thou dost believe that the same things which the Counsel of Constance (representing the universal church) hath approved, 
The Council of Constance.  & doth approve for the maintenance of faith, and soul's health, that the same is to be approved and holden of all christians?  
38. Whether the condennations of john Wickliff, I. Hus and Jerome of prague, done upon their persons, books, and documents by the whole general counsel of Constance were duly and rightly done, and so for such, of every catholic person, they are to be holden?  

john, Wickliff, john Hus, and Jerome of prague.  39 Whether thou believest that joh. Wickliff of England john Hus of Boheme, and Jerome of prague, were heretics and for heretics to be named, and their books and doctrines to have been and now be perverse, for the which books and pertinacy of their persons, they are condemned by the holy counsel of Constance for heretics?  
40. Item, whether thou believe or affirm, that it is not lawful in any case to swear?  
41. Whether thou believe that it is lawful at the commandment of a judge, 
To swear.  to make an oath to say the truth, or any other oath in case convenient, and that also for purgation of infamy?  
42, Item, whether a christian person despising the receit of the sacraments of confirmation, 
The number of Sacraments.  extreme unction, or solemnising of matrimony, do sin deadly?  
43. Iten, whether thou believe, that S. Peter as Christ's vicar, 
The power of Peter  have power upon earth to bind and lose?  
44. Item, whether the Pope ordinarily chosen for a time his proper name being expressed, be the successor of S. Peter?  
45. Item, whether thou hast ever promised at any time by an oath, 
The power of the Pope.  or made any confederacy or league with any person or persons, that you would always hold & defend certain conclusions or articles, seeming to you and your accomplices, right and consonant unto the faith, and that you certify us touching the order and tenor of the said opinions and conclusions, and of the names and surnames of them that were your adherentes, & promised to be adherent unto you in this behalf?   

¶ The answer of john Lambert to the first Article.  
Unto your first demand wherein you do ask, whether I was suspect or infamed of heresy. 
Answer to the first article.  I answer that I am not certain what all persons at all seasons have deemed or suspected of me, peradventure some better, some worse, like as the opinion of the people was never one, but thought diversly of all the famous prophets, 
The speech of people divers & inconstant. john. 7.  & of the Apostles, yea and of Christ himself: as appeareth in S. john, how, when he came into jerusalem in the feast called Scenopegia, anon there arose upon him a great noise, some saying that he was a very good man, other said nay, & called him a seducer, because he led the people from the right ways of Moses law, into error. Seeing therefore that all men could not say well by Christ, which is the author of verity and truth, yea the very truth itself, and likewise of his best servants: what should I need to regard, if at some time, some person for a like cause should suspect of me amiss, and evil report of me. Seeing moreover it is said in the Gospel. Vae vobis, cum laudaverint vos omnes homines. etc. Woe be to you when all men speak well of you: 
Luke. 6. Praise of the world not to be regarded.  for so did their fathers to the false prophets. If therefore at any season such infamy was put upon me, I am glad that I have so little regarded the same, that now I have forgotten it. And though I did remember any such, yet were I more than twice a fool to show you thereof: for it is written in your own law: Nemo tenetur prodere seipsum: 
No man bound to bewray himself.  No man is bound to bewray himself. But this I ensure you, I was never so charged with suspicion or infamy of this crime, that I was therefore at any time, convented and reproved afore any judge afore that I was troubled for these causes, for which I was at the first put into your hands: and of them seeing you could not prove me faulty, I wonder why you would never yet pronounce me quite and innocent, according as I have even lowly desired of you, and required full instantly the same. But letting those pass, you have imagined new matters to charge me with, wherein I think certainly, that you could no more have proved me culpable, than you did in the first that is, to wit, no whit culpable in neither, had it not been, that by long imprisonment you enforced me to tell what I thought in them, which I have and will freely do: and that indifferently considered, I suppose shall not deserve any sore punishment, unless you will bear the truth, whereunto I hope it shall not disagree.  
¶ To your second demand, 
Answer to the second Article.  where you do inquire whether ever I had any of Luther's books, and namely sith they were condemned, and how long I kept them and whether ever I have spent any study in them? I say that in dead I have had of them, and that both before they were condemned & also sith, but I neither will ne can tell you, how long I kept them: 
The profit of Luthen books.  but truth it is that I have studied upon th● and I thank God that ever I so did: For by them hath god showed unto me, and also to an huge multitude of other, such light, as the deceivable darkness of them (I beseech God amend it) that name themselves (but amiss) to be the holy Church, cannot abide. And that appeareth evidently, for they dare not stand to any trial. He coveteth above all things, as all his adversaries do well know, that all his writings & the writings of all his adversaries might be translated into all languages, to the intent that all people might see & know, what is said of every part, whereby men should the better judge what the truth is. And in this me thinketh he requireth nothing but equity, for the law would have no body condemned, me yet justified, until his cause were both heard and known.  
But the contrary part, I mean our over rich prelacy which is so drowned in voluptuous living that they can not attend to study God's Scripture ne preach the same, 
Over ●iche prelacy.  which should be the principal part of their office, 
Popish doctrine will abide no trial.  abhor this fashion (albeit it is right indifferent and full of equity) no less than they do abhor death. And no marvel for doubt less if it so could be obtained, that the writings of all parties might be openly seen and conferred, we should soon see their slightly dealing and facing doctrine, 
The facing doctrine of the Papists▪ Trial and reading of books f●●e in Germany.  with all other cloaked abusion, lightly overthrown: As appeareth well in Almaigne, for there be the books of every party seen openly and translated in the vulgar language, that all people may see and read upon them: and so upon the sight of the books, they lightly follow the true light of God's word refusing the horror of darkness and false doctrine, whereby before, they have been seduced from the right teaching and way showed in the Bible. And this is done, not of an hundredth ne of a thousand, but generally of whole Cities & countries, both high and low, few or none except.  
But our Prelates seeing this, and that there dealing should, if this light were set up, 
Why Luther's books be restrained of Popish Prelates.  soon be detect and discovered, have sent out commandments, that if any persons shall adventure to keep any such books, they shallbe, in so doing, excommunicate from God, and all his Saints, and cursed as black as pitch, whether the books be in Latin, English, French, Dutch, or any other tongue: as in deed men seeing the fruit contained in them have set them forth in all languages. But this ought not christian men to think any newelty, for so did their forefathers the Prelates in Christ's time, and after to the Apostles, yea and if it were well tried I think it should be soon found out, that they have so dealt ever since, unto this day. 
The time of Popish Prelates, and of the Pharises resembled ● compared together.  For when Christ went about preaching, the Scribes and pharisee is which were Bishops then & Prelates gave a general commandment, that whosoever confessed him to be Christ, should be cursed and put out of the Synagogue, that we call the church, and so they were. Look in the Acts of the Apostles, and you shall find how they were in like manner served: yea look in the old Testament and you shall find (as I remember) how they procured of one that was a temporal ruler at that season, to have the prophecy of jeremy (for he of all other is most vehement against the dissimulation of priests) to be burned: why then should we eschew them or their works, unless we knew a better cause why, 
The Papists render no reason of their doing. The pro●● proceed of the Papists, 〈◊〉 upon will ● commandment without all 〈◊〉▪  whom our prelate's reject and cast away, seeing they render no reasonable cause of their enterprise? but presuming of their power, without any due authority, that I can find, granted unto them so to do, will, because they so command, so have all done, according to the tyrannical saying (as I trow) of Sardanapalus: Sic volo, sic jubeo, sit pro ratione voluntas: That is to say: So will I, so do I command: and that my will for reason stand.  
But I would to God that such knew what spirit they have in them. 
The spirit of Christ, & the spirit of the Papists 〈◊〉 unlike.  For if they had in deed, the spirit which they claim & pretend to have, I mean the spirit of Christ, I dare say, it should soon alter them from such haughty language & doting, and cause them to turn a new leaf: for that spirit is full of softness and lenity, lowliness and humility, patience and temperancy, void of all wilfulness & tyranny, yea, it should cause them not to prevent, 
1. Thess. 5.  but easily to follow the counsel and doctrine of Christ's Apostles, & holy saints that be their interpreters. 
Christians bidden to try spirits. 1. john. 4.  As S. Paul which writing unto the Thessalonians, would them all, to prove all things, and to retain or hold that only, which is good, in refraining from all that hath semblance of evil. And Saint john would have Christian people, 
1. john 1.  to try the spirit of them that should speak whether they were of God or no. Also he writing in another Epistle unto a noble woman and unto her children, saith, If any person shall come unto you, bringing with them the doctrine that is not of Christ, receive him not into your house, ne make him any cheer. So that in this he would have women to know the doctrine of Christ, and to love that, refusing to give credence unto foreign teaching, not savouring the same.  
In the 1. Epistle also to the Corinthians, S. Paul writing in general to all the inhabitants of that city, saith: Brethren, 
1. Cor. 14.  be you not children in wit and understanding, but as concerning maliciousness, be you children. In wit I would have you perfit: and why? verily for none other cause, but that we should (as he writeth unto the hebrews) have discretion to judge the good from ill, and the ill from the good, and so to be like men differing from beasts: 
Psal· 32.  according to the saying of the prophet: See that ye be not like unto an horse or a mule which lack understanding. And we should pray with him in another Psalm: O Lord teach me the way that I should walk in, 
Psal. 143.  for I lift up my soul unto thee.  
Saint chrysostom according unto this, in a certain of his Commentaries upon Matthew, 
Chrisost. in opere imperfecto.  the book is called Opus imperfectum, writeth after this fashion, so near as my remembrance doth serve, and certain I am that I shall not misreport him, and that I will be tried when soever it shall please you to bring the book. The priests that were Pharises in the time (saith he) of Christ, made an ordinance, that who so ever should knowledge jesus to be Christ should be accursed and excommunicate. If then the Pharises or Priests that now do occupy their rooms should make a like ordinance, because they would not have Christ's doctrine to be professed for hindering of their lucre, should we therefore give in all points credence unto them, and leave of to seek after the knowledge of Christ's doctrine? Nay truly. Why (quoth he) shall we not be excused herein by ignorance, 
Authority of rulers will not discharge our ignorance.  leeing we be forefended by the rulers to have knowledge? He answereth no verily: for if (saith he) when thou desirest to buy cloth, thou wilt not be content to see one merchants ware, but go from the first to the second, from the second to the third and so further, to know where is the best cloth and best cheap: thou using such careful diligence for a temporal profit art well worthy great reproach, that wilt be more remiss and negligent for thy soul health. Seek therefore about from one Doctor or teacher unto an other, that thou mayest know who doth most duly and truly teach Christ, and him follow, according to the saying of the Apostle: Prove all and hold the good: 
1. Thess. 5.  and as it is said in the Gospel, that thou mayst know: Qui font probati nummularij, & qui non. That is to wit, 
Math. ●5.  know who be true or lawful changers or coiners, 
Chris. Ibid.  and who be not.  
He also addeth another similitude or parable. When thou goest (quoth he) a journey, not knowing perfitly the way, thou wilt, lest thou should fail of the right way, inquire of one man and after of an other, and if thou shouldest chance to go somewhat wide, yet thou wilt not so leave of the journey undone, but make inquisition again to come where thou wouldst rest: So likewise (saith he) ought we to seek about intentively for the wealth of our soul: Qui sunt probi clavigeri, & qui non, that is to say, who are the right key bearers and who not: meaning thereby the key bearers, Christ's apostles, and bearers of his testimony or message. Which saying, although it were written of no authentical author (howbeit it is written even of him whom I showed you in the said work) but uttered of one that were in little estimation, every indifferent person having wit and reason, would assent (I doubt not) that it is full true.  
The same author also, in an Epistle which you shall find in a work called Psegmata Chrysostomi, 
Psegmata Chrisost.  showeth (as I remember) how certain men deemed ill of him, for because he did study Origenes works, which afore was condemned for an heretic: 
Lawful to 〈◊〉 and try 〈◊〉 books.  but he maketh an Apology to the same showing that Christian men ought not to be reprehended for so doing. In which Apology he bringeth▪ for his defence, 
Jerome  the saying of Paul above rehearsed, Prove all things etc. Likewise did S. Jerome, I wot not well in what place of his works, but you shall find it in a treatise called unio dissidentium where he entreateth De mandatis hominû. When it was objected agiynst him that he retained by him the works of Eusebius & of Origine, studying upon them he bringeth for him that it was so lawful, the said place of the Apostle, making therewith an answer worthy to be greatly noted.  
The same is also reported in the book called Ecclesiastica historia, or else Historia Tripartita. I wot not now precisely whether. So that these and other more authorities of the scripture, and semblable ensamples of holy interpreters shall prove, that I and other may safely (no good law inhibiting, unless constitutions Pharisaical) read and search the works, not only of Luther, but also of all other, be they never so ill or good: namely seeing I am a Priest, whom the bish. of Norwich ought not to have admitted into orders, unless he had seen me to have had judgement to discern good from ill, neither aught any of you to give orders to any such, in whom you do not find like ability for to judge the light from darkness, and the truth from falsehood: and therefore if for this you would punish me, I cannot see but you shall condemn yourselves, judging rather of sensual pleasure then of equity, which in men of your order, were a great shame and much uncomely.  
¶ Unto your third demand, whereto you do ask, whether I was constitute a Priest, and in what diocese, 
Answer to the third article. Lambe●t made priest in Norwich.  and of what Bishop: I say that I was made Priest in Norwich and of the Bishops Suffragan of the same Diocese. ¶ Unto the fourth, wherein you do demand, whether it be lawful for a Priest to marry a wife, & whether a Priest in some case be bound by the law of God to marry a wife: 
Answer to the 4 artcle. Marriage of Priests whether it be lawful and expedient.  I say that it is lawful, yea, and necessary for all men that have not given to them of God, the gift of chastity, to marry a wife, and that showeth both Christ and S. Paul. In the 19 of Matthew Christ speaking unto the Phariseis that came for to attempt him, in the conclusion, saith in this wise: Whosoever, shall forsake his wife except it be for fornication, & marrieth an other, committeth adultery, and whosoever marrieth her so forsaken, committeth addultery. 
Math. 19   
With that speaketh his disciples: If thus the case stand betwixt a man and his wife: it shall be hurtful and not expedient to contract matrimony. He made answer: Every man cannot away with that saying, but they unto whom it is given of God: Meaning that every man could not abide single or unmarried, 
Math. 19  but such unto whom was was given of God a special grace so to continue. And if with your better advise I might be somewhat herein bold, I would suppose that where as he doth say: Non omnes sunt capaces huius dicti (Every man cannot away with that saying) this word Non omnes, aught to be here taken as it is in many other places of Scripture, as where in the psalm it is said: 
Non omnes, taken universally in Scripture.  Non iustificabitur in conspectu tuo omnis vivens. It is meant that no person living shallbe justified afore God. And in the Epistle to the Galathians, and to the Romans where it is said: Ex operibus, legis non instificabitur omnis caro. (By the works of the law, 
Gal 2. Rom 9  no flesh shallbe justified in his sight) it is meant thereby nulla caro, so that non omnis, after the rule of equipollence, should be taken forasmuch as nullus: and then then the sense should be thus, Nulli sunt capaces huius dicti nisi hi quibus datum sit. 
Chastity is a gift only of God.  No man can be capax of this saying, or can so pass their life without marriage, except those which have it given them by a singular grace of God to live chafed.  
Then he proceeded further saying, There be gelded men that so were borne from the mother's womb, and there be some gelded men, that have been so made by men, 
Math. 19 Gelded men three ways to be taken in Scripture.  and there be gelded men that have so made themselves, for love of the kingdom of heaven. In conclusion he saith: who that receiveth this saying, thinking that it should be unexpedient for him to marry, and that he may live chaste thorough the gift given him of God, let him take it, and so live. So he leaveth singleness of life to all men's election, 
Singleness ought not to be compelled.  without any compelling them thereto.  
Hereunto assenteth S. Paul, when that by many reasons he had persuaded the Corinthians to single life. Finally, he concludeth thus: This (quoth he) say I unto you willing the which should be for your profit: but not to bring you in bondage. And a little afore: I would (quoth he) that all men were even as myself am. But every one hath a several gift of God one one wise, an other otherwise, showing thereby, that unto some it is given of God to live continent, and to other for to engender & procreate children, and therefore his will cannot come to effect. Which thing you may easily perceive in this: that after he had showed forth his good wish and desire, saying: Velim omnes homines. 
1. Cor. 7.  etc. I would that all men were even as I am: he putteth a conjunction adversative, that declareth an obstacle or stop saying· Sed unusquisque proprium donum habet. etc. But every man hath his proper gift of God.  
Upon this he proceedeth further, whereby you may apertly see, that he would have all men (none except) to marry wanting the gift of continency. This (quoth he) I say to the unmarried and widows: 
Marriage necessary for all men, whosoever lack continency of heart.  expedient it were for them to remain as I do: but if they cannot live continent, let them contract marriage, for better it is to marry then to burn. This proveth well that all priests wanting continency of heart, had need to marry for to avoid burning lust, unless they be in obedient to the mind of Christ, that spoke in Paul, in observing the traditions of men.  
In the beginning also of the same Chapter also he saith: It is good that a man should not deal with a woman. Notwithstanding for avoiding fornication (quoth he) let every man have his wife, and every woman have her husband. He saith here: Quisque & quaeque every man and every woman. And not quidam, 
Quisque, Quaeque, not quidam, quaedam.  nec quaedam, some man nor some woman: He excepteth neither priest ne nun, but every one both man & woman is bound for avoiding of burning and fornication to marry, not having the gift given of chastity.  

Dist. 29.  The same also confirmeth your own law▪ dist. 29. where it is written thus: Si quis discernit presbyterum coniugatum, tanquam occasione nuptiarum, quòd offerre non debeat, anathema sit. If any man do hold that a priest being married, in that respect that he is married, 
Marriage left free by the Pope's law. Dist. 31.  ought not to minister in his function: be he accursed. And in the 31. dist. Si quis vituperat nuptias, & dormientem cum viro suo fidelem, ac religiosam detestatur, aut culpabilem aestimat, velut quae regnum Dei introire non possit, anathema sit. If any man shall find fault with matrimony; and detest a faithful and devout woman lying with her husband, and think her culpable, as one that could not therefore, enter into the kingdom of God: be he accursed. And every where else, such like are to be seen.  
Moreover, in historia tripartita, it is written, that a noble Martyr of Christ called Paphnutius, 
Paphnutius.  in Nicene Council, when all other bishops were purposed to have enacted there that priests should live unmarried, 
Marriage permitted free by the Council of Nice.  this holy man resisted them so mightily both with reasons, and also with authority of scripture, that then their purpose altered, & their first devise could not pass. And one authority I remember was this, which he borrowed of Paul in the second Epistle to Timoth. Your devise (quoth he) may have a semblance of holiness: but in deed it shall be the destruction and undoing of the same.  
Moreover, in one of the principal histories of France called, 
Les illustrarions de gaulles.  Les illustrations de gaulles. Whosoever please may there read it as it standeth, within 6. leaves afore the end of the same: how the author with deep sorrow lamenteth the ordinance that decreed first, priests to live unmarried showing, & that amply, the miseries that have ensued in France, thereby imputing it unto Calixt the pope: of whom he maketh a doleful mention in Meter, whereof the first I yet remember, And it is thus: O sancte Calixte, totus mundus odit te. etc. O holy Calixte, all the world hateth thee. Which followeth in writing to all that lust to behold therein. But what need I to make longer treatise hereof, for so much as you do daily both hear and see, what soul abomination ariseth in every corner, of this piteous law made of men that would presume to be wiser than God, 
Men will be wiser than God.  thinking (as we ever do) that either he would not, or else for lack of wisdom he could not show us a sufficient law or way, to direct our life and conversation, to come to the joy and resting place of him promised, and so of us longed and looked for. Whereby we both be far unreasonable in so deeming of him after our unwise wit, and he much dishonoured. The which I beseech him to help, Amen.  

Answer to the 5. Article.  ¶ Unto the v. where ye do ask, whether I believe that whatsoever it done of man, whether it be good or ill, cometh of necessity: that is (as you construe) to wit, whether man hath free will, so that he may deserve joy or pain? I say (as I said at the beginning) that unto the first part of your riddle, I neither can, ne will give any definitive answer, forsomuch as it surmounteth my capacity, trusting that God shall send hereafter, 
Free will to deserve joy or pain.  other that shall be of better learning and wit than I, for to indite it. As concerning the second part, whereas you do interpret, that is to say, whether man have free will or no, so that he may deserve joy or pain: as for our deserving specially of joy, I think it very slender or none, even when we do the very commandements and law of God, and that am I taught by our saviour, in s. Luke where he saith thus: Which of you (quoth he) having a servant that hath eared your land, or fed your beasts, will say unto him, when he cometh home out of the field, go thy way quickly, & sit down to thy meat: and rather will not say unto him, make ready my supper, serving me thereat until I have made an end thereof, and afterward take thyself meat and drink. Think you that he is bound to thank his servant which thus shall do his commandment? I trow (saith he) nay. Even so you (saith he) when you have done all things to you commanded, say yet you be unprofitable servants, & have done that which you were bound to do.  
In which words you may clearly see, that he would not have us greatly esteem our merits, when we have done that is commanded by God, 
Merite● 〈◊〉 to be esteemed.  but rather reckoning ourselves to be but servants unprofitable to God, for so much as he hath no need of our well doing, for his own advancement, but only that he loveth to see us do well for our own behoove: and moreover, that when we have done his bidding, we ought not so to magnify, neither ourself: ne our own free will, but laud him with a meek heart, thorough whose benefit we have done (if at any time we do it) his liking and pleasure: not regarding our merit, but his grace and benefit. Whereby only is done all that in any wise is to him acceptable. And thus if we ought not to attend our merits in doing the commandment of God, 
Observing of God's works worketh in us no meri●●● Ergo, much less the observing of men's traditions.  much less should we look for merit, for observing of our own inventions, or traditions of men, unto which there is no benefit in all Scripture which Paul calleth the word of truth and of faith, promised.  
But here may be objected against me, that the reward is promised in many places to them that do observe the precepts of God. That I affirm to be very sooth. Notwithstanding such reward shall never be attained of us, except by the grace and benefit of him, which worketh all things in all creatures. And this affirmeth well S. Augustine, S. Ambrose, Fulgentius, with other, as you may see every where in their works, 
unio dissidentium.  and specially in the treatise called unio dissidentium, wherein he entreateth de gratia & meritis And of S. Augustine I remember ij. or iij. right notable sentences concerning the same. 
Reward how it is promised to works. August. libe. Confession.  One is in the 9 book of his Confessions, in this form: Vae etiam laudabili vitae hominum, si remota misericordia discutias eam. Quia verè non exquiris delicta vehementer fiducialiter speramus aliquem locum apud te invenire indulgentiae. Quisquis autem tibi enumerat vera merita sua, quid tibi enumerat nisi munera tua? O si cognoscerent se omnes, & qui gloriatur in Domino gloriaretur: Woe be to the life of men, be they never so holy, it thou shalt examine them, setting thy mercy aside. Because thou dost not exactly examine the faults of men, therefore we have a vehement hope and trust to find some place of mercy with thee. And whosoever recounteth unto thee his merits, what other thing doth he recount, but thy benefits? O would God all men would see and know themselves and that he which glorieth, would glory in the Lord. Again, in the first book he saith thus unto God: Nunquid inops es & gauds lucris? Nunquid avarus & usuras exigis? Superogatur tibi ut debeas? & quis habet quicquam non tuum? 
Conf. lib. 1.  Reddis debita nulli debens, donas debita nihil perdens. Doth any man give that he oweth not unto thee, that thou shouldest be in his debt? and hath any man ought that is not thine? Thou rendrest debt, and yet owest to no man. Thou forgivest debt, and yet losest nothing. And therefore his usual prayer was this: Domine da quod jubes, & iube quod vis. Lord give that thou commandest, and command what thou wilt.  
Also in the book called, Manuale Augustini, or De contemplatione Christi, he saith in this wise: Tota spes mea est in morte Domini. Mors eius meritum meum, refugium meum, salus vita, & resurrectio mea. Meritum meum miseratio Domini. Non sum meriti inops quamdiu ille miserationum Dominus non defuerit. Et si misericordiae Domini multae, multus ego sum in meritis. All my hope is in the lords death. His death is my merit, my refuge, my health and my resurrection. My merits is the mercy of the Lord. I am not without merit, so long as the Lord of mercy shall continue. And if the mercies of the Lord be great and rich, then am I also great and rich in merits.  
And to conclude, they be Christ's own merits and good works (as saith S. Ambrose well nigh every where) that he worketh in us, which he doth reward and crown, 
Good works how they be Gods, and how they be ours.  and not ours, if one should look narrowly upon the thing, & speak properly. Howbeit, they yet nevertheless are ours by him, for so much as his merciful bounty imputeth his goods to be ours. So that in this, I wots not how other do mean, which lust to sell their merits unto their neighbours that happily have scarce enough for themselves: but I do wholly dame & believe, according as the scripture with these holy doctors, and such other, do teach, wishing that men ever for good doing should not so much (as the common people doth) regard their merit or reward, 
To walk with God after a servile fashion, is to work for merit.  for that is not the thing that engendereth the love of god in us, but rather maketh men to honour God in a servile fashion, & for the love of themselves in doing works for love of reward, or for dread of pain, more than because it so pleaseth God, & liketh him: whereas if we regarded first (yea & altogether) that it is our duty to do well (which is the keeping of his commandments) & that so we should content his pleasure, reward should undoubtedly ensue good deeds, 
〈…〉 works, 〈…〉 works 〈◊〉 done 〈◊〉 reward. 〈◊〉 ability to do 〈◊〉 will of 〈…〉 7.11.  although we minded no whit the same, as heat followeth evermore the fire unseperate therefrom. And thus we should serve god with hearty love as children, and not for meed or dread, as unloving thraldes and servants.  
Concerning free will, I mean altogether, as doth S. Augustine, that of ourself we have no liberty ne ability to do the will of God, but are subject unto sin & thralds of the lame, conclusi sub peccatum, & vaenundati sub eodem: Shut up and sold under sin, as witnesseth both Esay & also Paul, but by the grace of God, we are rid and set at liberty, according to the portion that every man hath taken of the same, some more some less.  
¶ Whereas in your sixth demand, you do inquire whether the sacrament of the altar be a sacrament necessary unto salvation, 
●●●were to 〈◊〉 article.  and whether after the consecration of the bread & wine done by the priest, 
〈◊〉 sacra●●nt of the 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 of the 〈◊〉.  as by the minister of God there is the very body and blood of Christ in likeness of bread & wine: I neither can ne will answer one word, otherwise than I have told sith I was first delivered into your hands Neither would I have answered one whit thereunto, knowing so much at the first as I now do, till you had brought forth some that would have accused me to have trespassed in the same, which I am certain you can not do, bringing any that is honest and credible.  

Answer to 〈◊〉 7. article.  ¶ As concerning the other vi. sacraments, I make you that same answer that I have done unto the sacrament of the altar, and none other. That is, I will say nothing until some men appear to accuse me in the same, unless I know a more reasonable cause then I have yet heard, why I so ought to do. But as touching the form and fashion, I shall answer willingly so far forth as my rudeness will serve. I hold well that such as be duly elect Ministers in the Church ought to baptise, except necessity require otherwise and that the form used in the Church, 
●●●tisme to 〈◊〉 the 〈…〉.  is in mine opinion not uncommendable. Nevertheless it should edify much more, if it were uttered in the vulgar language, and cause people in the Baptism of children, more effectuously to thank God for his institution and high benefit thereby represented.  
In like condition do I also deem of ministration in all the other, 
unswere to 〈◊〉 8. article.  that it should be expedient to have them ministered openly in the vulgar language, for the edifying of the people. As concerning the form used in matrimony, I like it right well, and think it commendable, saving in all countries lightly judas hath set in his foot over far, and taketh in hand to sell his master, accompanied with Simon Magus: saying what will you give me if I deliver unto you Christ? This is the saying of all them that require, 
Matrimony 〈◊〉 freely 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & with out money.  without any lawful authority, in some places xii pence, in some vi, pence, in some more, in some less, but in every place lightly some money: when a couple should be married: and this they call the churches right. Moreover, that they will not suffer marriage to be solemnised at all times of the year, I think it standeth not with Christ's rule, but rather is against the same: and that they will not suffer the danes upon all holidays to be proclaimed unless a dispensation for money be purchased therefore. All this God forbiddeth. Finally, like as no money ought to be given for this: no more should any be taken for any other. But the contrary is seen, which is great pity, yea even at the receiving of the sacrament of the altar, priests every where use to claim somewhat; and in some part of the West country, no less than 2. pence of every pole.  

Answer to the 9 article  ¶ As touching priesthood in the primitive church, when virtue bore (as ancient Doctors do de●●e, and scripture in mine opinion recordeth the same) most room, there were no more officers in the Churches of God, them bishops and Deacons, that is to say, ministers▪ as witnesseth beside scripture full apertly, 

Bishops & ●●●estes all 〈◊〉 in the 〈◊〉 tyme. 〈◊〉 order & 〈◊〉 of 〈…〉 of ●●nisters in 〈…〉 not ●●thout the 〈◊〉 of the 〈◊〉.  
〈◊〉 deacons, 〈…〉 and 〈◊〉 not 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 but 〈◊〉.   Jerome in his Commentaries upon the Epistles of Paul, whereas he saith, that those whom we call priests were all one, and none other but Bishyps, and the bishops none other but priests, men ancient both in age and learning, so near as could be chosen neither were they institute and chosen as they be now a days, with small regard of a Bishop 〈◊〉 his Officer only apposing them if they can construe a Collect, but they were chosen not only of the B. but also to the consent of the people among whom they should have their living, as showeth S. Cyprian: and the people (as he saith) ought to have power to choose priests that be men of good learning, of good & honest report, but (alack for pity) 〈◊〉 elections are now banished, and new fashions brought all which if we should confer with the form of the election showed of Christ by his apostle Paul, we should find no small diversity, but all turned up side down. To conclude, I say, the order or state of priests & deacons was ordained by God, but Subdeacons & comu●ers otherwise called Ex 〈…〉 Accolitae, which We call Benet and Collect, 
Subdeaconship in the time of the Apostles no holy order. Answer to the 10. Article. Auricular confession not ordained by God.  were institute by the invention of men. And this you may find in the law, Dist. 21. and other places, where is written Subdiaconatus tempore Apostolorum non fuit sacer. Subdeaconship in the time of the Apostles was no holy order.  
¶ As touching ear confession, I say, that the common fashion now used was never ordained by Christ's law, that is written in the Bible: neither can you prove by any authority of the same, that we ought to confess all our offences particularly, with the circumstances of all & of every such, to any man. Again, 
Chrysost. in epist. ad Hed.  for the maintenance of this which I have said, you shall know that chrysostom standeth stiffly with me in his Commentaries upon the Epistle to the hebrews. 
In Psal. Miserere Serm. de poenitentia.  In an homely also that he maketh upon the Psalm Miserere. And moreover in a Sermon that he maketh, De poenitentia: beside many other treatises, wherein he continueth ever one, testifying in semblable wise,  
In like manner doth one of your principal Doctors. 

Pano●mitanus Abbas in cap. omnis utriusque sexus.  
Historia tripartita.   writing upon your Canon law, named Panormitanus, testify that it is made by the law of man, and not of God, in cap. Omnis utriusque sexus. In the book also called historia tripartita, you shall find how it was first institute (as I remember) and after undone again, because of an huge villainy committed with a woman by a Minister of the Church thorough confession.  
Also it is mentioned in the end of first Distinct De poenitentia, how the Greek Church, 

Dist. de poenitentia.  
The Greek Church allowed not confession auricular.   whom I think you do not note to be heretics, will not yet hitherto allow it. There are also many reasons brought forth, both to prove that confesson made to a priest, should not be necessary, & also that confession made unto God should suffice, concluding in this wise: Quibus authoritatibus▪ etc. I could bring forth other that be yet living men, of surmounting and excellent literature, which exactly by many and mighty, both authorities and reasons, do show and confirm this my saying to be just: but I keep silence and will not name them, least, I should bring them in hatred. Notwithstanding, I never said, ne will say, but that men feeling themselves aggrieved in conscience with some great tentation, had need to go unto such, whom they know and trust to be of steadfast credence, and to have good skill in the law of God, opening their grief unto them, to the intent they may know through council, some ease and remedy thereof.  
But in this I mean not that they ought to go unto their Curate or to any other Priest, 
As●ing council in the Church is good, but is not tied to any person.  whose credence they deem not all trusty, or their Council not sage, but to any other, whatsoever he be, whom they know most sufficient in properties above showed, when their Curate doth lack them. And this thing is the most behovable, when men needing council, be so void of knowledge in Christ's law, that they cannot find therein remedy themselves. For the doctrine of Christ, if it were well known, containeth remedies for all infirmities and maladies of the mind, so that men by spiritual knowledge might ease themselves.  
To the other part of your question, where ye do ask whether a Priest in cases unto him limited, 
The second part of the questions, whether a priest loseth a sinner. christ, and not the Priest, loseth the sinner  may lose a sinner confessed and contrite for his sin, enjoining him wholesome penance? I say that only Christ looseth a sinner which is contrite, by his word and promise, and the priest doth nothing but show and declare the word: Neither doth declaration or ministry of the priest any whit avail for to lose any person, unless he that should be loosed, give credence unto the word ministered and showed by the priest Which word or promise of Christ is called the word of reconciliation or atonement making betwixt God and man. And this testifieth S. Paul in the 2. to the Cor. where he saith in this wise: 
2. Cor. 5,  God hath reconciled us unto him through jesus Christ. See how it is God that looseth us from sin, which is to make reconciliation or atonement betwixt us and him, and that thorough Christ, whom he caused to die for the same purpose. 
Christ only loseth us from sin.  And he (quoth S. Paul) hath ordained us Ministers of the said atonement. See how Christ's Apostles called not themselves the authors of binding and losing, but Ministers: for he (that is to wit, 
The Apostles not the authors of binding and losing but ministers.  God) reconciled the world unto him for giving their sins. Where you may know what reconciling is. And hath committed (saith Paul) Unto us to be messengers of the same word or tidings of atonement or reconciling.  
Also that the power whereby men are loosed from sin, is not the priest's power you may know by the vulgar saying, which is right true: yea and with leisure, 
This saying is taken out of Peter Lombert, lib. and cited in the decrees.  I doubt not but that I can show the same in the Decrees which is thus: Solus Deus remittit peccata. Only God forgiveth and pardoneth us of our sins: And this was preached at Paul's Cross the sunday next after the Epiphany last, the Bishop of London sitting by: 
john. 1.  the Preacher speaking after this form, treating of this text: Ecce agnus Dei qui tollit peccata mundi: Behold the lamb of God which taketh away the sins of the world. In that said the preacher, testimony is given of Christ to be a Lamb, it is showed that he was an innocent man. But in that it is said, that he taketh away the sin of the world, is showed that he was God, alleging there for the confirmation of this part of his purpose, the vulgar saying above said by me: Solus Deus remittit peccata. And the same proposition, or an other equal with the same, useth chrysostom in an Homely that is made upon this text of Mathe. 
Math. 1.  Vocabitur nomen eius jesus. etc. His name shallbe called jesus: for he shall save his people from their sins. Also Saint chrysostom in opere imperfecto, upon this text, Vae vobis Scribae & Pharisaei, qui clauditis reg●um coelorum, 
Math. 23.  etc. Woe be unto you Scribes and Phariseis, because ye shut up the kingdom of heaven before men, etc. As near as my remembrance doth serve me: or else in some other place, but in the same book (as I suppose) he affirmeth that the keys of heaven are the word & doctrine of God. This witnesseth moreover S. Gregory (I trow) in his book called Pastoralia, 
The keys of binding and losing are the word of God. Greg. in Pastor.  or else it is in an Epistle that he writeth, ad Episcopum Constantinopolitanum, in these words: Clavis appertionis est sermo correctoris, qui increpando, culpam detegit, quam saepe nescit qui perpetravit. The key of losing is the word of the corrector who rebuking doth disclose the fault, which many times he knoweth not that committeth the same.  

Ambrose.  Saint Ambrose agreeing to the same, sayeth: Verbum Dei dimittit peccata. The word of God forgiveth sin, But shall we then say, that God's ministers do not bind & lose? I say no, not as the authors of so doing but they do lose and bind in like manner, as it is said of Paul in the Act. of the Apostles, 
How ministers bind and lose. Act. 26  where our Saviour spoke unto him in this manner: I shall (said our Saviour) deliver thee from the people and nations, unto whom I send thee, that thou shouldest open their eyes, that they may be converted from darkness to light. Here Paul is said to open the eyes of men's hearts. Albeit to speak properly, it is God that so doth: And therefore David prayeth unto him: 
Psal. 119.  Revela oculos meos: Open mine eyes O Lord. And in like manner it is spoken of john Baptist in the 1. of Luke: 
Luke. 1.  that he should go before Christ in the spirit and power of Helias, and turn the hearts of the fathers to their children, and the unbelievers to the wisdom of the rightwise. Albeit to turn men's hearts, and to work in them belongeth unto God. 
Metonymia is, a figure, when the name that properly belongeth to one, is inproperly transferred to an other thing.  But so use we to speak Metonymicè: As if your lordship had defined me to be excommunicate, and thereupon should send a commandment to the person of Knoll to declare the same▪ the people would say that the person of Knol proclaiming your commandment had accursed me: but yet doth he not properly curse me, but you rather, when he in pronouncing the same, doth your act and commandment, rather than his own.  
Touching cases limited to Priests and Ministers, for losing from sin, or binding in the same. I do know no such things showed in Scripture, 
Power in binding & loo●ing, limited no more to one minister, than an other.  which is the perfect way of our life. Neither can any man (I suppose) show by authority thereof, that one should have more or less limited him, than an other. And if you can or will thereby teach it me, I shall thank you for your doing, & pray god to acquit you  
Concerning enjoining of penance, I know of none that men need to admit, 
enjoining of penance.  nor you to put or enjoin the same except it be renovation of living, in casting apart old vice, & taking them unto new virtue: which every true pennytent intendeth, or aught to intend verily by the grace & assistance of our saviour Christ, 
Answer to the 11. article.  to show and perform. ¶ Unto the xj. I say, that grace is given unto them, that duly receive the Sacraments of Christ and his church but whether by them or no, that I cannot define: for God sendeth his grace where he pleaseth, either with them, or without them, and when he pleaseth: so that it is at his arbitrement, how, and when. Moreover, many a lewd person receiveth the sacraments, 
Sacraments whether they give grace or no  that are destitute of grace, to their confusion. So that I cannot affirm, that the Sacraments giveth grace: Yet in due receipt of the Sacraments, I suppose and think, that God giveth unto them grace that so taketh them, 
Answer to the 12. article.  as he doth unto all good, even without them also. ¶ Whereas in your xii. article you do ask, whether all things necessary unto salvation, are put in holy Scripture, & whether things only there put, be sufficient, & whether some things upon necessity of salvation, are to be believed & observed, which are not expressed in scripture: this is the question, as great learned men have showed me, whom I do count my friends, sith the time I appeared at your lordship's assignment before master Doctor Less, & master Melling, with other in your chapel of Lambeth, 
Doctor Less. M. Melling.  when these questions were first propounded: this (I say) is the question, which (as they told me) is the head and whole content of all other objected against me. Yea this is both the helm and stern of all together, and that which they contended right sore to impugn: but love of the truth (wherewith in this point I reckoned me well fenced) would not suffer me to apply and yield to their will, thinking quòd sanctum est veritatem praeferre amicitiae, 
Truth to be preferred before friendship. Math. 5.  that the truth ought to be preferred before all friendship and amity: And also, Si dextra manus scandalezet, deberet praescindi & abijci. if the right hand offend, it ought to be cut off and cast away.  
But touching an answer unto this question, I suppose verily, that if I had Saint Cyrils works by me, 
Cyrill●● is Iohan●●●.  I should not need to show any other answer in this, than he hath showed afore time, writing upon this saying of S. john: Sunt, & alia multa quae fecit jesus, 
john. 21.  there are many things more which jesus did. Notwithstanding, for so much as every man at all seasons, cannot have what he would, 
All things necessary to salvation, contained in Scripture.  and therefore must make other shift: such as he may I say (as I suppose) the first part of your question to be very true, and therefore to be affirmed: that is to wit, that all things needful for man's salvation, be mentioned and showed in holy scripture, and that the things only there put, be sufficient for the regiment of spiritual living & man's soul health. And in this shall you find both the ancient Doctors standing with me: and moreover, the suffrage of holy writ, whose authority is of most sovereign and unfallible steadfastness.  
Look what Saint Jerome sayeth upon this verse: 
Jerome. Psal. 87. Ambros. lib. de Parad●●●.  Dominus narrabit in scriptures pupulorum: The Lord shall rehearse it, when he writeth up the people. Saint Ambrose also in a treatise, De Paradiso, doth show likewise, where he bringeth this text of Paul written in the 2. to the Corinth. I am afraid least it may by some mean be brought to pass, that as the Serpent deceived Eve thorough wiliness, so your minds may be corrupt from the simple verity that is in Christ. And also in his Commentaries upon the epistle to the Coloss. upon this text. In Christ jesus is all treasure of wisdom, and in other divers places of the same work. 
2. Tim▪ 3. Chrysost. in Epist. Paul●▪ & in opere imperfecto. The preacher must not swe●●e neither on the right hand, or left from the express word of God.   
S. chrysostom also in his Commentaries upon Paul declaring this saying: Omnis scriptura divinitus inspirata. etc. The whole Scripture given by inspiration of GOD. etc. And in his Book called Opus imperfectum, I wot not precisely upon what text, but there you shall find, that he would have a true preacher of god's law, not swerving therefrom, neither upon the right hand, neither upon the left. but keeping thereafter, according to the teaching of Solomon: for he that should thereunto add or withdraw, should enterprise, as sayeth chrysostom, to be wiser than God. These or else such like words doth he say. I will be deemed by the book brought forth, because my remembrance cannot retain perfectly all such things.  
S. Cyprian maintaineth well the same in an Epistle that ●e writeth ad Cecilium fratrem. 
Cyprianus ad Cecili●● fratrem.  Which I would to God were in English, that all men might learn the devout goodness in it contained. In the same he teacheth clearly, how we ought to hear Christ only and his learning, not regarding ne attending to the traditions of men: like as he doth also in many other places. And this agreeth well with Scripture, which is called the word of Salvation: 
Scripture how many names it hath.  the administration of righteousness, the word of truth, yea and the truth itself: the rod of direction: our spiritual food: the spiritual sword that we ought to fight with against all temptations and assaults of our ghostly enemies, the seed of God, the kingdom of heaven & keys of the same: the power of God: the light of the world, which who so followeth, shall not be overcome with darkness: the law of God: his wisdom, and Testament. Of which words and such like, 
The word sufficient 〈◊〉 all our direction.  every one will give mat●er of substantial argument, that we following the same doctrine only, shall have sufficient safe conduct to come unto the inheritance promised, albeit none other ways or means were annexed with the same. And certain I am that in this blessed doctrine of Christ is taught, 
Scripture sufficient to salvation without any other addition. Psal. 25.  how we ought to do truth and mercy, which is all that we need to do, as testifieth the Psalm, in these words: universae viae domini misericordia & veritas. etc. All the ways of the Lord are mercy and truth. And again, the Prophet willing us to do as he did, saith in this manner: Adhaesi testimonijs tuis domine, noli me confundere. I have cleaved to thy testimonies O Lord, confound me not. In like manner the said whole Psalm warneth us. 
Psal. 118.  Yea all the Scripture biddeth us stick fast to the steady and true word of God: saying that he is verax, & viae eius veritas: omnis autem homo vanitas & mendax: For he is true and all his ways are truth: but all men are vain and liars. For that is the sure foundation which cannot fail them that ground thereupon as reporteth Christ: Every one (saith he) that heareth my words, & doth them, is like to a wise man that buildeth upon a sure foundation. And there ought to be none other foundation to christian men but only the undoubted truth of jesus, to build our faith upon, and direct our living thereafter, as showeth s. Paul saying: Fundamentum aliud nemo, etc. Other foundation can no man lay, then that which is laid which is jesus Christ. And likewise in the Epistle, unto the Ephesians, 
1. Cor. 3.  where he saith: I am non estis hospites & advenae sed conciues sanctorum, & domestici dei. etc. Now ye are no more strangers and foreigners, but Citizens with the Saints and of the household of God.  

〈◊〉. 1.  And in the same epistle S. Paul dilating of Christ's beneficence, showeth, how that he ordained in the Church divers officers, 
 to the edifying of Christian people, that he calleth Christ's body, until all we may come unto the unity of faith, which cometh by following of one doctrine which is Christ's, whereby we may grow to be perfect men, and that we should not be here like to children carried about with every wind of doctrine by deceit and wiliness of men that study to deceive us.  

Heb. 13.  In like form doth he warn us in the Epistle to the hebrews, that we should not be carried about as the wind with divers and strange doctrines, but continue in that which ever continueth like and all one, agreeable for all men in all parts, 
The inconstancy and variableness of men's constitutions. The pope's laws were never wholly received of all men.  and that at all times: not being changeable as men's constitutions be, whereof look what one doth counsel or ordain to be of effect, another annuleth the same, according as men's minds do always alter and are full unsteady. Neither do such pertain unto all men, for the Greeks with other (whom the Pope, ne none of his people will yet deny to be of Christ's Church) will in no condition admit such, neither for men to live after them, nor to believe them as pertaining to their faith: But they allow well the doctrine that persevereth ever one, 
Heb. 13.  and is immutable, as showeth Saint Paul saying: jesus Christ yesterday, and to day is all one: and so ever shall be. He is white bread without any sour leaven of Pharisaical traditions: verity without guile, light without any darkness: the very strait way that hath neither hook, ne croak. From this aught we not to turn neither upon one hand, ne other, unless we will go from him that is our felicity and anchor of safety.  
But what should I more entreat of this, except I would recite all scripture, which in every part is full of admonitions, exhorting and warning us to cleave fast unto this way, which is the doctrine of the Gospel? which God I beseech him grant us all, both to know and love taking heed that in no wise we be seduced therefrom, by laws & doctrines of men. Look also in the ij. chap. to the Colossians, and in the epistle of Timothe and Titus. So that I conclude, in holy scripture to be contained sufficiently enough of doctrine, 
The chief article objected against john Lambert.  for the regiment and salvation of our souls. And this because learned men do call the head Article laid against me: I would that all men should well note it, and record my saying therein hereafter, whatsoever shall be tied of me, for the truth is so in deed, that hereupon hangeth the sum of all. Therefore, I shall recite it once again. 
Doctrine in the holy scripture sufficient to salvation of Christian men's souls Unwritten verities.  I say that in holy Scripture, the doctrine there only contained, is sufficient for the salvation of christian men's souls God give us grace we may know it, to build our faith steadfastly upon the same in working thereafter.  
As touching the latter part of your question, I say that there are many things both to be observed and to be believed, that are not expressed in scripture: as the Civil laws of princes and commonalties ordained for civil regiment of the body, and all other, so that they be not hurtful to faith or charity, but helpful to the same, I reckon that we ought to keep them, not only for fear of punishment, but also for conscience sake, although such ordinances be not expressly and particularly in scripture expressed, for they are generally therein contained and spoken of,  
Moreover, if you mean by this word expressed, that which in scripture is clearly showed out, & appeareth evidently to every reader or hearer that hath but a mean understanding, so do I affirm that there are some things which a man ought to believe, although they be not of him erpressely understand: As I have ever believed that the virgin Mary was and is a perpetual virgin, and that the same might be gathered by the scripture. But if by this word expressed you mean comprehended, or centeined, (as me think the mind of him that wrote the demand should be) so that he meaneth by this question, thus: whether any thing ought to be observed and believed, which is not contained in Scripture and that upon necessity of salvation) than I say, that there is nothing neither to be observed ne to be believed upon necessity of salvation, which is not contained in Scripture, and mentioned in the same either generally or specially. Yet do I not deny but other things are to be believed as I believed that Doct. Warham was Bishop of Caunterbury, ere ever I saw * your Lordship? and I believe that I knew verily who was my father & mother, albeit I had none intelligence when they begot me, and such like: and yet in such points, although man have not a steady belief, he may be saved.  
¶ To the xiii. where ye do ask whether I believe that purgatory is, 
Answer to the 13 article. A Purgatory in this world.  and whether that souls departed be there in tormented & purged? I say that there is a Purgatory in this world, & that doth the scripture, and also the holy doctors call the fire of tribulation, through which all Christians shall pass, as testifieth Saint Paul in the second chapter of the ij. Epistle to Timoth. Whose testimony is full notable and true, albeit that few do know it, and fewer peradventure will believe it. Mark you the words (good people) and know that they be his, and not mine. They be thus: 
2. Tim. 2. The Purgatory of Christians.  All that will godly live in jesus Christ, shall suffer persecution. In this Purgatory do I now reckon myself to stand: God send me well to persever unto his honour. Of this speaketh also S. Peter in these words which pertain to the instruction of all Christian people: 
1. Pet. 1.  Virtute Dei custodimini per fidem ad salutem, quae in hoc parata est ut patefiat in tempore supremo: in quo exultaris nunc, ad breve tempus, afflicti in varijs experimentis si opus sit, quo exploratio fidei vestrae multo preciosior auro quod perit, & tamen per ignem probatur, reperiatur in gloriam & honorem. Ye (quoth he) are preserved thorough the power of God by faith unto salvation, which is prepared to be revealed in the last time wherein ye now rejoice, though for a season (if need require) ye are sundry ways afflicted and tormented that the trial of your faith, being much more precious than gold that pearisheth, though it be tried with fire, might be found unto laud, glory, and honour at the appearing of jesus Christ. etc. Other Purgatory know I none, that you can prove by Scripture, unless it be by one place of the same, which well examined, I trow, shall make but li●t●e against me, for the maintenance of any other than I have showed.  
But whatsoever be brought against me, I trust that holy Doctors shall by their interpretation, sustain the part the which I do take upon me, making answer for me sufficient, so that you shall say, it is no new thing which I have or shall speak: Yet that you should see even now somewhat written of ancient Doctors concerning the same, I shall show you what I have read in S. Augustine: first in a sermon that he maketh De Ebrietate, in this wise, saying: Nemo se decipiat fratres: duo enim loca sunt, & tertius non est visus. Qui cum Christo regnare non meruit, 
No third place by S. Augustine  cum Diabolo absque ulla dubitatione peribit. That is to say: Brethren let no man deceive himself, for there be two places, and the third is not known. 
* What our deserving is S. Augunstine declareth before in the 5. Article.  He that with Christ hath not deserved to reign, shall without doubt perish with the devil. In an other also that he maketh, De vanitate huius seculi, it is said thus: Scitote vos, quòd cum anima à corpore avellitur statim in paradiso pro meritis bonis collocatur, aut certè pro peccatis, ininferni tartara praecipitatur. Eligite modo quod vultis, aut perpetualiter gaudere cum Sanctis, 
Fol. 1074.  aut sine fine cruciari cum impijs. Which is thus to say: Know you that when the soul is departed from the body, 
No Purgatory.  it is incontinent, for his good deeds, put in paradise, or else thrown headlong into the dungeon of hell, for his sins. Choose you now what ye list, and purpose while you be here in this life, either to joy perpetually with Saints, or else to be tormented without end among wicked sinners. Thus sayeth holy Augustine.  
To make an end, I hope surely that by the aid of our saviour, I shall come to heaven and reign with Christ, ere that I shall feel any purgatory, beside that I have & shall sustain in this life. And he that believeth not steadfastly any other to be, shall yet be saved as well (and God woteth whether better or no, but I think no whit less) as such as teach the people or suffer them to be taught, that in going from this station to that, from one altar to an other they shall cause souls to be delivered: 

The third part of sins, forgiven them, th●t be buried in a grey friars weed.  
August in Enchi●idion.   yea and as well such as say that a man being buried in a grey friars frock, shall so have remission of the the third part of his sins, as is granted in a Bull unto the said Religion: and such like. For as S. Augustine shall make with me in his book called Enchiridion, after he hath confuted the opinion of some that in the church of Christ, living in mischief ungraciously, taking thereof no repentance, did yet falsely deem that they should be saved through the cleansing of purgatory: where he concludeth thus: Such a thing after this life to be (saith he) is not incredible, but whether it be so or no, a doubt may be thereof moved or a question demanded. The same words doth he again recite in a book called, Quaestiones ad dulcium, or dulcitium I wot not whether he is called, and there he entreateth the same more copiously: and would I might see the place once again.  
To this agreeth S. Paul writing thus to the Cor. Omnes nos manifestari oportet coram tribunali Christi, ut reportet quisque eapuae fiunt per corpus, juxta id quod fecit, sive bonum sive malum. For we must all appear before the judgement seat of Christ, that every man may receive the things which are done in his body according to that he hath done, whether it be good or evil. And again where he writeth unto the hebrews, I trow it be said in this wise. Memores sitis vinctorum tanquam una cum illis vincti: 
Heb. 13.  eorum qui affliguntur veluti ipsi quoque versantes in corpore: Remember them that are in bonds, even as though ye were bound with them: be mindful of them which are in affliction, as if ye were also afflicted in the body.  
To the 14. where you ask whether holy Martyrs, Apostles, 
Answer to the 14. article.  and Confessors departed from this world, aught to be honoured, called upon, and prayed unto? I answer as touching the honouring of them, with the very words of S. Augustine in his book, De Vera religione, in his last leaf, 
Praying to saints.  where he saith thus: Non sit nobis religio cultus hominum mortuorum, Quia si piè vixerunt, non sic habentur ut tales quaerant honores, sed illum à nobis coli volunt, quo illuminante laetantur 
* Id est, eiusdem meriti evius ipsi sunt participes.  meriti sui nos esse consortes: honorandi sunt ergo propter imitationem, non adorandi propter religionem. Si autem malè vixerunt ubicunque sunt, non sunt colendi. Again, a little after the same, he saith: Nam idipsum actum est temporali dispensatione ad salutem nostram, ut naturam humanam, ipsa Dei virtus & Dei sapientia incommutabilis & consubstantialis patri & coaeternus, suscipere dignaretur, per quam nos doceret id esse homini colendum, quod ab omni creatura intellectuali & rationali colendum est: Hoc est, ipsos optimos angelos, & excellentissima Dei ministeria velle credamus, ut unum cum ipsis colamus Deum, cuius contemplatione beati sunt: neque enim & nos videndo angelum beati sumus, sed videndo veritatem, qua ipsosetiam diligimus Angelos, & his congratulamur.  
Nec invidemus ꝙ ea paratiores, vel nullis molestijs interpedientibus perfruuntur, sed magis eos diligimus, quoniam & nos tale all quid sperare a communi domino iussi sumus. Quare honoramus eos charitate, non servitute: nec eye templa construimus. Nolunt enim se sic honorari a nobis, 
Angel's would have no Temples builded to them.  quia nos ipsi cùm boni sumus, templa summi Dei esse noverunt. Rectè itaque scribitur hominem ab Angelo prohibitum ne se adoraret, sed unum Deum, sub quo ille esset & conseruus. Thus saith S. Augustine, handling the same matter a little after more at large.  
The content of this unto you I expound that know no Latin, for I covet that all persons should know both my thought in this, and all manner of doing, to the intent that of all persons I would have true report and testimony, what soever shall betide me. Saint Augustine in these words would have, 
Men departed are not to be worshipped.  that we should worship no men departed, be they never so good and holy, for they seek no such honour, but would have us to worship God alone: no nor yet no Angel, ne honour the same, but only the imitation of them, following their good acts in our living, as they followed our most merciful God whiles they were alive, not building Churches in the name or honour of them, for they would have no such honour done unto them: it is to them no pleasure, but contrariwise. No, the Angels will not that we should build any Churches in reverence of them, but would, that with them we should honour the original mark, and performer of all. They refuse all honour, saving that which is called honour charitatis, which is nothing else, but to be loved. Thus saith Saint Augustine. Which love we shall testify in following their good acts, by helping the poor or helpless with alms and mercy, 
The best worshipping of Saints, is in following their good acts.  and dealing truly in word and deed, according to our state and calling, both towards God and man. Which is no light matter to them that do consider the thing well. But whosoever shall truly and duly follow that trade, shall feel it (I dare say) as the burden of Christ's Cross was unto him right weighty and grievous: when he bore it to calvary: saving that we need not to fear for he hath promised to be with us in tribulation, to rid us from the same, For the Prophet David saith: Cum ceciderit justus non collidetur, 
Psal. 35.  quia Dominus supponit manum suam. That is to wit when a just person beginneth to fall, he shall not be borne flat down to be broken, for the Lord shall put his hand under him, to rear him up again. And in the Gospel he biddeth: Venite ad me omnes qui laboratis & onerati est is & ego reficiam vos. That is to say, Come you unto me all that do travail and are sore charged, and I shall comfort or refresh you. Take my yoke upon you, learning of me, that am soft and meek minded, 
Math. 11.  and you shall find ease thereby in your souls, for my yoke is easy, and my burden light. See you here, how he is ever ready to support them, that for truth shall sustain the chargeable and sore vexations put upon them of the world, which cannot endure the truth to prevail, and the untruth to be disclosed.  
As touching invocation: that is to wit, calling, upon them we have in Scripture, 
Invocation.  how we should call upon almighty God in all necessities or tribulations. As in the Psalms every where: as in this: Call upon me in time of your tribulation, and I shall deliver you. Mark how he sayeth, here call upon me, 

Psal. ●●▪ God only to be ●●●ted.  
What is 〈◊〉 call 〈◊〉 upon God. Psal▪ 143.   appointing neither S. Thomas ne master john shorn Also in an other place? The Lord is nigh unto them that call upon him, that call upon him truly, and with that he showeth who calleth truly upon him. saying thus: He shall do the will or desire of them that reverenceth him, and shall hear graciously their prayer, and make them safe, for the Lord loveth all that loveth him, and all sinners shall be destroyed.  
And thus used the holy prophets, patriarchs, Apostles, & other good faithful people in old time, in all tribulation & anguish, to resort unto the head fountain, which is of grace infinite, as is showed in other places in this wise: 
Psal. ●. Psal. 1●. Psal. 1●7.  In my trouble I called upon the Lord (saith David) and he heard me graciously, when I was troubled, I cried unto the Lord and he mercifully heard me. Also I lift mine eyes up unto the mountains but from whence shall help come unto me, Mine help (quoth he) shall come from the Lord that made both heaven and earth. I read the first of these verses in form of interrogation, following saint Augustine which (as I remember) interpreteth it in this wise. If I recite not authorities in all places in the most perfit form, I would pray you somewhat to pardon me, for you know that I lack books, and have not them lying by me. Notwithstanding I am certain I shall not decline much from him. The hills toward the which David did lift up his eyes were saints and holy men, of whom when he could not have his mind satisfied, he turned another way, saying: from whence shall help come unto me? Anon he remembering himself better, sued unto God himself, of whom incontinent he obtained the accomplishment of his wish and so witnessed the same for our instruction saying: 
God only is the giver of help and not saints  Mine help is of the Lord, or cometh from the Lord, which made heaven and earth. This interpretation (as near as I remember) is after the mind of Saint Augustine: and I suppose verily, that it is not contrary unto the mind of God ne disagreeing with the sequel of Scripture.  
Also in this wise it is reported in the new Testament by authority reduced out of the old, where it is written: 
Mark 13. joel. 2.  Every one that calleth upon the name of the Lord shall be saved. And mark how, cum 
* That is, with a special efficacy for us to mark more attentively.  energia, it is said: upon the name of the Lord, without any sending us, either to S. Christopher (though he be painted never so stout) either to S. Patrick's purgatory in Ireland or to S. james in Galicia, in the year of grace, or yet to any other saint or place: but would us, that we should call upon almighty God, and upon his name, for the love that he beareth to Christ, and is always our Advocate before our father: to purchase mercy for our sins: 
1. joh. 3. August. in Iohanne●. Christ advocate as well for saints and Apostles, 〈◊〉 for us.  and not for our sins only quoth S. john. (who is the writer of this saying and testimony) but also for the sins of all the world. S. Augustine upon the same noteth, that S. john in that place, saith: we have an Advocate, and that Christ is Advocate for him, like as he is for all other, to purchase mercy for him, like as he doth for all other that shall be saved: and that Saint john will not be known for our advocate, but that Christ should be taken for Advocate of all.  
S. Bede (as I remember) upon the same, maketh as much for this purpose, as doth S. Augustine, or well more so that by course of scripture, we are taught to resort for all aid and relief (as I have said) unto the head spring and fountain of all comfort and mercy, 
Bede upon S. john.  as S. Paul calleth him, the father of mercies and of all comfort, which is ready to comfort us in all tribulation: which (as the psalm reporteth) healeth all our infirmities, and taketh mercy upon all our iniquities. For he is sweet (as is said in an other place) and gentle, and many mercies are laid up for all those that call upon him. Yet he showeth us no where (I trow) of benefits that we shall purchase by praying unto saints departed, and if any person can or will vouchsafe to teach me that, by some authority of Scripture, I would think myself highly beholding to him, what soever he were, either great or small, young or old: but I ween it cannot be.  
I have made truly long search, yet could I never find any such substantial teaching. Howbeit, I offer myself ever to learn, and know that my rude wit, foolish youth unexpert experience, and feeble discretion, had need of good instruction, as much as any other. Howbeit, I see (thanked be god) that sometime he showeth some sparkle of light and wisdom to children, hiding the same from other that are reputed of higher prudence: so that the world thereby many times is brought into admiration, seeing such facts done of God before their face, and laugh thereat sometime with indignation, as the Phariseis did at the blind man whom Christ had restored to sight, where they said to him Thou caitiff was borne blind for thy sins, 
john. 9  and wilt thou teach us, that are a great multitude of high officers of the temple, and Doctors to teach the law? As who would say, it becometh there fulfil. Yet we ought not to marvel greatly at such doing, for so much as S. Paul. 1. Corinthians. 1. showeth of like practice done in his time, and that he writeth for the instruction of all ages after ensuing, so that it pertaineth (like as all the holy Scripture doth) as well to our time, as it did to that it was first written in. 
1. Cor 1.  The doctrine of Christ's cross, that is to wit, of the new testament, is to them that perish folly, (saith he) but to us that obtain thereby salvation (incaning thereby, to such as believe) it is the might or power of God for it is written (saith he) by the Prophet Esay: that God aforetime said he would destroy the wisdom of the wise, and the understanding or learning of the learned would he throw away and despise.  
This prophecy alleged, Paul thought to be authority sufficient to dissuade the Corinthians from the foolish affiance, vainglory or opinion that they had in men, whom they peradventure ever highly esteemed for their offices, or solemn titles. So that he proceedeth forth in the same: where are ye now (quoth he) the worldly wise, the scribes that is to say, 
1. Cor. 1.  Doctors and such other like officers. Hath not god showed the wisdom of the world to be foolish & unsavoury? for after that by the wisdom of God (which is showed in Scripture I suppose) the world hath not studied to know God, 
The wisdom of this world confounded.  by wisdom, it hath pleased God now to save them that believe: thorough the foolishness of preaching. He calleth the word of God foolish preaching, 
Why the Gospel is called foolish preaching.  not because it was foolish, for afore he called it godly wisdom, but he spoke after the opinion of them that set little or nought thereby, esteeming it as Esop's Cock did the precious stone, and as swine do pearls.  
After long process in the same matter, he concludeth thus Brethrens (saith he) you see your calling, how that not many wise men after the flesh, are called to the belief of the Gospel, nor many mighty men, ne many of noble parentage: but those that be● fools after the estimation of the world, hath God chosen to confounded the wise. etc.  
Therefore, I say (as I said afore) that thanks be to God, albeit I am (as I showed before) void of such great prudency that other be well endued with, yet I see partly how their great reasons be not very substantial, whereby they contend by the treaty of reason, when authority faileth them, to show, that we ought to pray to Saints departed, for to be Mediators for us to Christ. And among other, this is one, that they leave much upon bringing it forth so usually that common people, well nigh altogether harp upon the same: Some favouring, it other contrariwise esteeming it of no value.  
The reason is this: If when one should desire to come to that speech of our sovereign to obtain some boon of him, 
Objection to prove invocation of 〈◊〉 taken out of reason.  need it were first to purchase the favour of his Chamberlains or some like officers to bring him to the kings presence, for else he may watch long in vain, until he be full a cold, ere that he shall speak with his grace and much less is he like to obtain his petition. In likewise it fareth (as they say) betwixt God and us: of whom if we should purchase any benefit, we must first break unto the Saints departed making them our friends to go betwixt God and us, as Mediators, and Intercessors. But such (with their leave I would speak it) I think are deceived, 
Answer to the objection wherein is declared that God and an earthly king are not to be conferred.  in that they resemble God and the king together. For though the king be a full gracious Prince (as I hear by common report he is) yet he is not in graciousness to be conferred with God: and though he were as gracious as might be, yet hath he not the knowledge that is in God, for God knew of all things before the beginning of the world: and is every where, to see, not only our outward dealing, but also all secret thoughts of all men's hearts, so that he needeth no Mediators to inform him of our desires, as the king doth need: And he is so full of infinite mercy, that I may as lightly or as soon obtain of him that is for my behoof, as I should win by praying holy Saints to be intercessors to him for me.  
Therefore I passing such apparent reasons, take me to the ensample of antiquity. 
No comparison between God & an earthly king.  I mean of the patriarchs, Prophets, and the Apostles, and authority of Scripture▪ which teach that we need not so to fear, but may boldly resort unto Christ himself and his holy Father, for so much as he biddeth us in these words and other like, so for to do▪ saying: Come unto me all ye that travel, are vexed, and sore charged, 
Math. 11,  and I will refresh and ease you. Mark how he biddeth us to resort unto himself and that without fear. 
The Lord only to be sought unto with prayer.  For he and his father which are all one, giveth abundantly of all gooddnes, unto all men, and uphrayde no body for their unworthiness. But if we intend to obtain of him, we must all doubtfulness (as I said afore) put a part, with a sure confidence of his mercy, ask of him that we would have. So the I leave unto other, what they lust to do, praying jesus, that we all may lust for that, that is most pleasing to him.  
But I think, concerning myself, that according to Christ's own commandment, I may without any doubt casting, resort in all encumbrances, to seek ease thereof, even unto himself, and to his blessed father. Therefore he biddeth us when we should pray, to say after this fashion: Our father which ar● in heaven etc. For there is no creature ne creatures, that ever were or be, that hath more, nor so much, neither of might, 
God in might mercy, & knowledge incomparable.  whereby cometh ability to give help: ne of mercy and tenderness, which should make them willing in proportion agreeable with ability: ne of knowledge, that should teach to minister both the other, as is our Lord God: which not only is almighty, all merciful: and all wise: but also infinite in all these glorious properties, 
Might, mercy, knowledge, how when & whom to help.  so that undoubtedly he can, will, & best knoweth how to relieve and secure us in all necessity & anguish: unto whom be honour without end for ever. Amen.  
One thing yet I will show you in this case, of which thing I was once advertised by a great learned man, who (as I suppose) is now living, I will not name him, lest I should perhaps cause any displeasure to be conceived against him through my relation. The thing was this: 
The laying of a learned m●n.  I will (quoth he) pray unto saints, but that shall be, when I think that God, either can not, 
Saints are to be prayed to when God is not able or will not hear us.  or will not give me my petition. But that (as I showed in the convocation house) shall never be, I hope. And therefore it is to me needless to seek any further about, standing in such trust and beliefs, as I hope I have found upon God's sure promise.  
¶ To the 15. Article, where you do demand whether the Saints in heaven, as Mediators, pray for us? I say, 
Answer to the 15. article.  that I believe saints in heaven do pray for us, for I suppose they know that all men generally living upon earth, be wrapped in manifold miseries, like as they also were, their souls being imprisoned within their bodies being mortal. Albeit I think they know not what particular miseries men upon earth be entangled and clogged with, 
Saints know no particular miseries on earth.  as showeth Augustine, or else some other (as I think rather) under his name in a certain work, saying in this wise: Ibi sunt spiritus defunctorum, ubi non vident quaecunque aguntur aut eveniunt in ista vita hominum. Quomodo ergo vident tumulos suos aut corpora sua, utrum abiecta iaceant, an sepulta? Quomodo intersunt miseriae vivorum, 
Saints in heaven whether they pray for us,  cum vel sua ipsi mala patiantur si talia merita contraxerunt, vel in pace requiescant, ubi mala nulla nec patiendo nec compatiendo sustineant, liberati ab omnibus malis quae patiendo & compatiendo cum hic viverent, sustinebant. The sum hereof is, that souls departed, feel nor know of no particular miseries sustained of men living in this world, whereby they should need to take either patience, or else compassion after their decease. Yet forsomuch as they know in general, that all men living are clad with frailty, & their charity is not minished after they be hence departed, but increased, therefore I believe verily that they do pray for us as petitioners, but not as mediators, so far forth as I can see. 
One Mediator and what a Mediator is. 1. Tim. 2●  For scripture useth to speak but of one Mediator, which I think, signifieth a maker of peace or atonement betwixt God the father and man. Record I take of Paul, which. 1. Tim. 2. saith: unus est deus, unus est & mediator dei & hominum, homo Christus jesus, qui dedit semetipsum redemptionem pro omnibus. Erasmus translateth it, conciliator dei hominum. That is to say. There is one God and Mediatout or peace maker betwixt God and man, 
1. Tim. 2.  the man called Christ jesus, which gave himself for the redemption of all.  
Thus (I say) I believe Saints in heaven do pray for us, as petitioners, but not as Mediators. Yea, all they, I ween, do pray & long that the day of judgement may soon come, according to the saying of Paul: 
Rom. 8.  Solicita creaturae expectatio revelationem filiorum dei expectat. The fervent desire of the creature waiteth when the sons of God shallbe revealed. And again: Omnis creatura congemiscit, & nobiscum parturit usque ad hoc tempus. Every creature groaneth with us and traveleth in pain together unto this present. Which shallbe for the accomplishmet of glory both to them and to all other elect of god to be his children and coinheritors with Christ.  
¶ In the xuj. Article where you demand whether I believe that oblations and pilgrimages may be devoutly & meritoriously done to the Sepulchers and Relics of Saints? I say, that what they may be, 
Answer to the 16. article.  I can not perfectly tell: For God can so work, that unto those, whom he hath choose to be inheritors with him, 
Rom 8. Pilgrimages and oblations. Psal. 33.  all things shall turn to a good conclusion, as saith Saint Paul to the Romans in this wise: Unto those that love God, all things shall well succeed and work together for their furtherance in goodness. Of whom it is written in the Psalm: Blessed is that nation that hath the Lord for their god, 
Ezech. 33.  the people whom he hath chosen to be his inheritors: Yea their evil deeds shall not hurt them, but come well to pass for the increase of virtue. For as it is said in the Gospel: 
Luke. 7.  Cui minus remittitur minus diligit. To whom less is forgiven, he loveth less. And again, it hurted not Onesimus, 
All things work to the best to the godly.  that he ran away from his master Philemon, but God wrought, that by occasion thereof, he me●te with Paul, which converted him to the faith of the Gospel, who before was without belief. Therefore, whether they may be done meritoriously or no, I will not define: God wotteth. But this I say, that God did never institute any such thing in the new testament, which is the verity and rule of all Christian people to follow and believe. Yea that only is of perfect surety, and none other, but as it is agreeable and hath ground of the same. And like as we have no certain doctrine institute of Christ, ne his disciples, 
Pié Pietas defined.  teaching us thus for to do: no more is there any merit appointed of him therefore, as I showed afore where I told my mind of our merits.  
Moreover, where ye put Piè, which I call devoutly: very true devotion (that is called in Latin Pietas) is that, 
1. Tim 4.  which hath annexed therewith divine promises for this present life to come: as witnesseth Paul. 1. Tim. 4. which is nothing else but the observation of Christ's law, 
Psal. 11.  that in the Psalm for the pureness thereof, is called argentum igne examinatum, 
jerem▪ 23.  purgatum septuplum: Silver fined often and many times thorough fire. It hath no chaff in it, as hath men's traditions, but is pure and clean wheat, as showeth jeremy writing in this wise. Quid paleis ad triticum? Propter hoc ego ad Prophetas, dicit dominus, qui furantur verba mea unusquisque a proximo suo, & seducunt populum meum in mendacijs suis & in erroribus suis. What is the chaff to the wheat? Therefore behold, I will come against the Prophets, saith the Lord that steal my word every one from his neighbour, and deceive my people in their lies and in their errors. 
True devotion or pure religion what it is.  And this devotion is that which S. james calleth the pure Religion of Christ, saying: Pure and immaculate religion afore God the father is, to visit fatherless children and widows in their vexation. 
jac. 1.  Whereby he meaneth all needy people that are succourless and helpless, without counsel and other aims, 
Pure religion.  according to our ability, whensoever▪ we see them in need or distress.  
The other part of this Religion showed by S. james is, That a man should keep himself clean from the world: and that do they, which be not affectionate so unto any thing therein, but that they have the things of the world, or occupy the same by true dealing, so that they can find in their hart to departed from them when God shall please, or charity so requireth.  
Thus doing we shall follow the exhortation of blessed Paul, 
1. Corthe 7.  which writing to the Corinth. saith thus: Brethren the time is short, this remaineth, that they which have wives should be as they had them not: & those that weep, should be as they wept not: and those that buy, as if they were without possession: and they that occupy this world, as though they occupied it not: for the fashion of this world passeth away. And this meaneth none other thing, but that we should not love ne dread any worldly thing, passing measure or inordinately, but God above all things, and all other things in him, or for him: & he that thus doth, 
Math. 19  fulfilleth the commandment of Christ, spoken to the rich man in the Gospel, where he saith: Go and sell all that ever thou hast, 
What it is to sell away all for the Gospel.  and come follow me. For he hath sold away all that ever he hath, that surely intendeth for the love of Christ, to help the poor with all that he may. Voluntas reputatur pro facto: The will is accepted for the deed, as is said commonly. And this saying both of james, and also of the Evangelist, I think verily belongeth to all christian men that they should perform it, none except, neither lay man, ne women (as we use to say) but to them as well as to any whom we call religious.  
As concerning the relics & tombs of saints, I have said unto your Lordship afore, what I do think of the milk of our Lady, 

Relics and Tombs of▪ saints.  
Our ladies milk.  
The blood of Hails.   the blood which they say, is at hails, Norwich & other places, with such other: whereof (I trust) you do know what ought to be done. And I beseech god you may do there in as your office doth require, so showing example unto other prelate's, to follow your Lordship in good doing, as is comely for a primate to do, remembering always, as Paul saith: the time is short, and therefore it were good to set to hand in time.  
Finally, holy Moses, when he died, would be so buried that no man should know which was his grave, as it is witnessed in the book of Deuteronomy: 
Moses' Tomb unknown.  & that (as the expositors testify) was because the jews which were prone to new fangled worshipping, should not fall into Idolatry, worshipping him as God, for the great and manifold miracles that were wrought by him while he was alive.  

To think Pilgrimage to be meritorious, is no point of our belief.  To conclude, I say it is no point of my belief, to think that oblations and pilgrimages at saints graves and relics, are meritorious works, ne yet that there is any devotion in so doing: That is godly which is institute by scripture. If you think contrary, I would desire to know for mine instruction, what part of scripture should make therefore, against me.  
¶ In the xvij. where you do ask, whether the fast of lent, and other appointed by the common law, 
Answer to the 17. 〈◊〉.  and received in common usage of Christian people (unless necessity otherwise requireth) are to be observed. I say that in mine opinion they are to be observed, and fasting discretely done is commendable, for so shall a man avoid sloth & be the more ready to serve God and also his neighbours: & thereby tame the rebellion of carnal concupiscence, according to the saying of the Poet: 
The saying of Jerome▪  Sine cerere & baccho friget venus Without wine & good fare, lust waxeth cold. And as saint Jerome: venture mero estuans spumat in libidinem: The body inflamed with wine, bursteth out into lust.  
Yet shall not the breaking of these feasts make a man to do deadly sin, 
Fast bro●●● is of itself no sin.  except in his mind be some other malicious affection therewith annexed, as rashness of mind, despite, or such like, for so much as no positive law of man, made without foundation of scripture, may bind any person: so that in breaking of such, 
No profiting law without the foundation of Scripture, bindeth to deadly sin.  he shall therefore sin deadly. And of this sort made by man, is the fast of lent and other days ordained in your laws without authority of scripture, which willeth us to fast perpetually, eating and drinking, but when need requireth (not for any voluptuousness, as many that recounteth themselves great fasters, I fear have done) yea and that sparely, foreseeing alway that our Romackes be never cloyed with dronkenshippe or surfeiting, as is commanded by our Saviour in Luke: but contrariwise, 
How to 〈◊〉 truly after the Scripture.  after the fashion rather of a certain Prince that is mentioned (I trow) in Valerius Maximus, that never rose from his meals meat, with a full stomach, but rather somewhat empty, or hungry: which, as the story testifieth, caused him to live so wonderful a long season, that a m●n could uneath think it possible for one's life, to be so prolonged, had not such a notable author reported it.  
And (to tell the truth) I suppose the prelate's should better have persuaded the people to pure fasting, by instant preaching of the word of God, and fatherly exhortations, 
Fasting rather to be persuaded than enforced.  then by ordaining of so sore a multitude of laws and constitutions: For the nature of man is well described of Horace saying: Nitimur in vetitum semper, cupimusque negata. Look what is forbid that we most desire, and always covet the things that be denied us. And in an other proverb: Funis plus aequo temsus rumpitur. The rope by overmuch straining bursteth a sunder. According to this, said a good old father in Cambridge, I remember his saying well yet: He was an old Doct. of divinity, When a Legate came into England at a time, & he with certain Bishops, had ordained that the dedication of all churches through England (as I remember) should be kept holy & solemnised upon one day, 
Church holy days solemnised in England.  and priests should have their gowns made close before, with such other like ordinances: he resisted, not condescending to have them put in execution, when his Diocesane required him, 
Gowns sowed before.  declaring how this multitude of laws pleased him not: For we had enough & abundantly afore, adding this reason: Adam being in Paradise had but one law to observe, 
Multitude of laws.  and yet he broke it: what other thing than shall this multitude do (quoth he) but multiply transgression? For when a Faggot is bound over straight the bond must break.  
God therefore I beseech him, send us of the sweet dew of his heavenly doctrine, 
Multitude of laws unprofitable.  to moisten and supple the earthly ground of our hearts, that we may grow like fashioned unto him, putting apart our old Adam, with all his dissimulation and painted show, that is much caused by humane laws and constitutions, and do upon Christ, that is the very truth and the way directing men to the same. Amen.  
¶ Unto the xviij. where you ask, 
Answer to the 18. arti-  whether it be laudable and profitable, that worshipful Images be set in churches for the remembrance of Christ and his saints? I say, 
Against Images. Psal. ●7.  that I know of no images that ought to be worshipped, specially made by the hand of men: for the Psal. saith: Confusion or shame be upon them that worship or make obeisance unto carved Images, & that glory in their pictures. Moreover S. Augustine in his book de vera religione, saith thus: Let us not have devotion in worshipping the works of men: or else thus, 
Images not to be worshipped.  let us not be bound to worship the works of men, for the workmen are more excellent than the things which they make: whom notwithstanding we ought not to worship: The latin is thus: Non sit nobis religio humanorum operum cultus, 
Lactantius Origines contra C●●sum. Goldsmiths and Carvers, needle's 〈◊〉 common wealth.  meliores enim sunt ipsi artifices qui talia fabricantur, quos tamen colere non debemus.  
Lactantius also maketh strongly with the same. I can not without the book recite his saying, for he teacheth largely of the same matter. Origen also contra Celsum (I trow) will likewise testify, where (as I remember) he concludeth, saying, that he would have no Goldsmiths ne gravers in a Communality, for they do but little profit or none thereto.  

 And S. Gregory that was chief, either inventor that Images should be set in churches, or else maintainer thereof, would not, as I have read (I trow it is in an Epistle which he writeth ad servum) have them worshipped.  
And as concerning the exciting of men's memory, I would suppose, that it Christ's doctrine were so showed and opened, that people might clearly understand it (and that is the principal office of prelates and curates to do, by diligent teaching thereof) I think verily we should have little need of any other Images, then that should by wholesome doctrine be showed unto us by word of mouth & writing: Quoniam nihil tam efficax ad comonefaciendum discipulos, quam viva vox. Nothing is so effectual to excite the remembrance of disciples, as the lively voice of good teachers: as it is testified both by common report, and also by the sentence of learned men.  
So that I suppose, if this lively doctrine of God had afore time been apertly & diligently opened unto the people, as curates ought to have done, we should have such profit thereby, that we should not need to contend for setting up or taking down of other dumb stocks & lifeless stones, 
●he word 〈◊〉 doctrine 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 us in remembrance, 〈◊〉 not Images.  carved or made by men. And if prelate's would begin to set up Christ's word, which alas for pity, is not looked upon, but rather trodden down & despised, so that many are not ashamed to say, I will have no more learning in Christ's law, than my predecessors, for they that magnify it, must be sore punished, and taken for heretics, with such other grievous words) if this doctrine were yet set up in Churches (I say) and truly opened, that all men might have their judgement thereby reform and made clear, I think we should not greatly need the profit that cometh by Images made of men, to excite our remembrance to live Christerily.  
For that word which came from the breast of Christ himself, and was written of other, that wrote and spoke by the suggestion of his spirit the holy ghost, 
The true Image of god in his word and his works.  showeth full perfectly his blessed will, which is the true and certain Image of his mind and devise. If this therefore were diligently inculcate, I think we should be transformed anew, according to the mind of Paul, which writing to the Colossians, 
Colloss. 3  saith thus: See that you lie not one to an other, after that now you have put of the old man with his works, and have put upon you the new man, which is transformed and renovate after the knowledge and image of him that made us. Yea, thus should we all be docti à Deo▪ taught of God, as is said in john and all should know God both small and great, 
john. 6.  according to the promise recited in the hebrews: yea thus should we be restored to goodness, 
Heb. 8.  that we should have the Image of God, ●arned in our hearts full expressly. For every man is transformed into the fashion of virtuous things that he is accustomed to read and hear. 
〈◊〉 a man 〈◊〉, so 〈◊〉 fashio●●●.  And therefore it were a great grace, if we might have the word of God diligently and often spoken and sung unto us in such wise; that the people might understand it. Yea, then should it come to pass, that crafts men should sing spiritual psalms sitting at their work, and the husbandman at his plough, as wisheth S. Jerome.  
Yea this holy Image of Christ, I mean his blessed doctrine, doth appoint us also to consider the works made by the hand of God, 
The best Image of god is his word.  such as no man can make like, whereby as saith S. Paul writing to the Romans: The invisi, ble power and divinity of God is known and seen by the creation o● the world, of such as will consider his works, that are therein by him made. 
〈◊〉. 1.  Look in the Psalms: Laudate Dominum de Coelis: Coeli enarrant. etc. Praise ye the Lord, from heaven. The heavens declare the glory of God, 
Psal. 149.  with other. And these two Images, Gods works, and his doctrine hath, ere any Images made by men were set up in Churches well and sufficiently instructed the primitive church, 
Psal. 19  and should yet instruct us well, 
God's works and his word be the right Images of God.  if they were well considered: so that we should not need so sore to contend for setting up of other made by men. Whereby I have perceived much harm to arise, and no great profit: nor the scripture maketh not for them, but rather contrary. As concerning which matter I would your lordship would please to read the Epistle of Baruche once again, writing of the same matter.  
Unto the nineteen. where you ask, whether I believe that prayers of men living do profit souls departed, & being in Purgatory? 
Answer to 〈◊〉 1●. arti●●●.  I made answer in the xiii. article.  
Unto the xx. where you do ask, whether men merit and deserve both by their fasting and also by other deeds of devotion? 
unswere to 〈…〉▪  I have showed what I do think thereof, in the fift demand.  
In the xxi. where you do ask, whether I do believe that men prohibited of bishops to preach, 
unswere to 〈…〉. arty●●●.  as suspect of heresy, aught to cease from preaching & teaching, until they have purged themselves of suspicion, afore an higher judge? I say, that men may be wrongfully suspected of heresy, 
Truth taken m●ny times for heresy▪ and heresy for truth.  either because they never thought to believe such errors, as men by false suspicion do deem them to favour: or else when men as well of high estate, as of low, by sinister judgement may think that to be error, which is the very truth. And of this speaketh Esay: 
Es●y. 5. Whether men prohibited, aught to cease from preaching.  Woe be to them (quoth he) that calleth the light darkness, and the darkness light: the truth falsehood, and falsehood truth: as the Bishops and the Priests, with their Orator Tertullus, called Paul, saying thus before a judge called Felix, unto whose Court they brought him to be condemned to death: We have (quoth they) gotten here a pestilent fellow, 
Acts 24.  a sour of sedition or discord among all the jews of the world, and bringer up of the Sect of the nazarenes, which was also minded to have polluted our temple. etc. 

Truth taken for falsehood.  
Christ taken for a seducer.  
In what causes, men forbidden, ought not to cease from preaching.   This is to call by perverse judgement, truth falsehood. And thus did their predecessors speak of the Prophets, yea and of Christ himself, calling him a seducer and preacher of heresy: which is written for our instruction. And men thus being suspected (as I would none were) ought in no wise therefore to cease neither from preaching, ne teaching.  
Ensample of this we have in the Acts of the apostles, where is showed, that when Peter & john had done a miracle upon a man that had been lame from his nativity (whom by the power of Christ they healed, 
Act. 4.5.6.  & caused to go where he pleased) the people hearing of this, came running about Peter & john. Peter seeing this, did exhort the people in a sermon, that they should not think him & his fellow S. john, to have done this wonderful thing by their own power or holiness, but by the virtue of Christ, whom they & their head rulers had slain.  
While they were thus speaking with the people, there came upon them the priests & officers of the temple accompanied with the Saducees, being sore displeased that they should enterprise to teach the people, and press that men should arise from death by the name of Christ, whom they had caused to be crucified, and therewith they laid hands upon them, and put them in ward until next day. The next day they sent for the Apostles before them, demanding by what power and in whose name they did this miracle? Peter made answer, 
Act. 4.  If you (quoth he) that are head rulers over the people, lust by examination to know by what means we did it, we would you should all know, that we did it through the name of Christ jesus of Nazareth, whom you did crucify: but God did cause him to arise again. In the virtue of his name doth this man that afore was lame, now stand before you here both whole and found. For Christ is that high corner stone, whom you cast away, which should have builded the people's faith upon him, neither is there any salvation without him.  
These great men, seeing that Peter spoke so freely, and that he with his fellow john, were simple men, without any pompous apparel, or great guard of servants, being like idiots, and men unlearned wondered thereat. At the last they did command them to departed out of their Council house, whiles they should common more largely of the matter. 
Peter and the Apostles prohibited by the Phariseis to preach Christ.  Afterward they called the Apostles afore them agayde, commanding them that they should no more preach ne teach in the name of jesus. But the Apostles answered, saying: I beseech you judge better: ought we to obey you more than God, or no? For certainly we must needs testify of those things which we have both heard and seen. Then the head Priests threatening them sore, did give them straight charge, 
Act. 4.  not to break their precept, and so did let them go, not knowing any cause why they might punish them: for they feared least the people would have taken part with the Apostles, for the people gave glory to God for the miracle showed by them.  
Notwithstanding all these great threats Peter wrought miracles still amongst the people, 
Peter disobeyed the precept of the Phariseis.  doing them to know that glory therefore aught to be given to jesus, by whose power and name they were done. Wherewith the hearts of the people melted for joy: so that they followed after the Apostles, whither soever they went.  
The primate of the priests hearing of this, and all that were about him, replete with indignation, laid hands upon the Apostles, putting them in the common Prison. But the Angel of God in the night opened the Prison doors, and brought them out, saying: 
Peter delivered out of prison.  Go you into the Temple, and stand there preaching unto the people all the words of life. That is to say, Christ's doctrine: and so they did early in the morning. Then came forth the chief Priest, and they whom he used to have about him, and called a Council, in which were all the Priests of Israel, or ancients of Israel. So they sent unto the prison house for to have the apostles brought forth before them. When their servants came to the prison house, & found the apostles gone thence, they returned to their masters, saying: we found the prison fast shut round about in every part, & the keepers watching at the doors without, full diligently. But when we had opened the prison, we could find no body within.  
Then as the high priests & officers of the temple heard this they were in a great perplexity, doubting what would thereof come. 
Act. 5.  Then came one unto them & showed them, saying: Behold, the men that ye put in prison, are standing in the temple preaching unto the people. Then went they thither, and brought the apostles with them, without any violence: but they were afraid lest the people would have beaten them down with stones.  
Then they caused the apostles to be brought into their Council house, the high priest beginning his proposition against the apostles in this form: Have we not straightly commanded you (said he) that you should not preach in the name of Christ? And see, you have filled all Jerusalem with your doctrine. Will you bring this man's blood upon us, 
God to be obeyed more than men. Act. 5.  that we should unrighteously have caused him to suffer death? Then answered Peter and the other Apostles, saying: We ought to obey God more than any man. The God of our fathers hath raised jesus from death, whom you did slay, hanging him upon a tree. Him notwithstanding hath GOD raised, and by his power advanced to be our king and Saviour: by whom shallbe given to all Israel, that will take repentance, forgiveness of sin.  
These great rulers hearing this, their hearts were therewith cloven a sunder, and they counseled together for to slay the apostles. But one good man among their multitude advised them otherwise, whose advise they did approve. Then they called the apostles again afore them, causing them to be scourged, & charged them no more to preach in the name of jesus, and so did let them departed.  
Then went they away out of the Council, rejoicing that God had made them worthy to suffer such rebukes for his name sake. 
The counsel of gamaliel.  But yet they never ceased to teach & preach of jesus Christ, every day in the temple, and in all houses that they came into. This is written in the 4.5. and 6. of the Acts of the apostles, & for our instruction, doubt you not: for such practice is showed in all ages. So that hereby you may set, 
Act. 4.5.6.  when men be wrongfully suspect or infamed of heresy, and so prohibited by Bishops for to preach the word of God, 
Wrongful prohibytion ought not to stop the preaching of God's word.  that they ought for no man's commandment to leave or stop, though they do never purge themselves afore them, for such will admit no just purgation many times, but judge in their own causes, and that as they lust, which me thinketh, is not all comely. Therefore in the old law the priests and other judges do sit together, hearing of matters that were in controversy.  
Yet this I think reasonable, that a man justly and not causeless suspect, 
Popish prelate's judges in their own causes.  and namely if he be so found faulty of heresy, aught to cease from preaching, after he is inhibited, until he have made his purgation before some judge. But in my rude opinion, it were necessary and convenient that our heads should not be over ready of suspicion, 
Swiftness of suspicion reproved.  and so inhibiting men approved, from preaching, specially in this Session, when the people doth suspect them to do it more for love of themselves, and maintaining of their private lucre, or honour, then to do it for love of God, and maintenance of his honour.  
In the xxij. where you demand, whether I believe that it is lawful for all priests freely to preach the word of God or no, 
Answer to the 22. article.  and that in all places, at all seasons & to all persons to whom they shall please, although they be not sent? I say, that priests are called in Scripture by two distinct words, that is to wit, Praesbiteri & Sacerdotes. The first is to say, ancient men, Seniors, or elders: and by that word or vocable, 
Priests whether they ought to preach, though they be not sent.  are the secular judges or such like head officers, sometime also signified, as we read in Daniel, that they were called, which defamed and wrongfully accused Susanna: that this is seldom, and nothing so customably, as those to be called Praesbiteri, which are set to be Prelates in the Church to guide the same by the word of God and his blessed doctrine, 
Episcopi. and Praesbyteri, all one.  that is, the rood of direction, and the foundation of Christ's faith. And Priests thus called Praesbiteri, in the Primitive Church (what time were but few traditions and ordinances to let us from the straight trade or institution made by Christ and his Apostles) were the very same and none other, but Bishops, as I showed you in the first part of mine answer, by authority of Saint Jerome.  
Paul also recordeth the same right evidently in the first to Titus, in this form: I left thee Titus (quoth blessed Paul) behind me in Crete, that thou shouldest set in a due order, such things as lack or be not else perfectly framed, and that thou shouldest set priests in every town, 
priests have two names in Scripture▪ Presbyteri & Sacerdotes.  like as I did appoint thee, if any be without reproach, or blameless, the husband of one wife, having faithful children, not given to riot, or that be not unruly, for so ought a Bishop to be. etc. These are not my words, but S. Paul's, in the Epistle to Titus. 
Tit. 1.  Where you may see, that a priest called Praesbiter, should be the same that we call a bishop, whom he requireth a little after, to be able by wholesome doctrine of God's Scripture, 
Descrip●●●● of a 〈◊〉 Priest, Gainesay●●● of truth 〈◊〉 to be 〈◊〉 by scriptures & 〈◊〉 by authority only, o● traditions of men, made in general Counsels. What mi●●sters be 〈◊〉.  to exhort the good to ●olow the same doctrine, & if any shall speak against it, to reprove them thereby. And mark you how he would have a bishop (otherwise called an ancient man, or a priest) to make exhortation by holy scripture, & thereby to reprove them that shall speak against the truth, & not to condemn them by might or authority only, or else by traditions of men made in general Counsels. And as many as are in this wise Priests which are called commonly Praesbiteri, otherwise Bishops) such as in the church are set to take cure of soul, and to be spiritual pastors, aught to preach freely the word of God in all places and times convenient, and to whom soever it shall please them, if they suppose and see that their preaching should edify and profit.  
And where as you add this particle: Though they were not sent: I say, that all such are chosen to be preachers, and therefore sent: for of this speaketh S. Gregory in his Pastorals, in this wise: 
Grigor. in Pastoral▪  Praedicationis quip officium suscipit, quisquis ad sacerdotium accedit. Whosoever taketh priesthood upon him, taketh also upon him the office of preaching. Yea your law reporteth in like manner, Distinct. 43. where it is thus said: A Priest ought to be honest, that he may show honesty both in words and conditions. 
Dist. 43.  Wherefore it is said in the Canticles: The Cheeks of the spouse, that is to wit, of preachers, are to be compared to a Turtle dove.  
Where is moreover added: He must also have the gift of teaching because (as saith S. Jerome) innocent conversation, without speech or preaching, how much it is available by example giving, so much doth it hurt again by silence keeping: for wolves must be driven away by barking of dogs & by the shepherds staff, which as the gloze showeth) signifieth preaching & sharp words of the priest. And this I understand of such as should be priests elect both by god and men, in God's church, whose office is to preach.  
And though many of them which now do minister in the church, and are elect by bishops, otherwise than after the manner of Christ's institution, and the form of the primitive Church, neither do, ne can preach: 
Multitude serveth for authority▪  yet ought not the multitude of such to be laid for an authority against me, or other that are compelled to show the truth and right ordinance of the apostles, that was used afore time in the Primitive church: God bring it in again. Neither aught we for the negligence of bishops, which have chosen such an ignorant multitude (whereby the principal duty of priests is grown out of knowledge) when we do show you thereof, to be so enforced by a book oath, and therefore noted as heretics, imprisoned, and burned. 
Sacerdotes.   
Other be called priests in the new Testament by this word, Sacerdotes, that is to say (I think) sacrificers. And thus as Christ was called Rex & Sacerdos, King & Priest, so be all true Christian men in the new Testament (as is testified. Apocal. 1.) by Christ, made Kings and Priests. The words in the Apocal. be thus: 
Apoc. 1.  To jesus Christ which hath loved us, and washed us from our sins through his blood, and made us kings and priests unto God even his father, unto him be glory and rule for ever and ever. Amen. Thus saith S. john, speaking of all Christian people. 
1. Peter. 2.  In like manner is it said. 1. Peter. 2. where he writeth unto all Christian men: You (quoth he) be a chosen generation, a regal priest hood, an holy people. 
Beede upon the epistle of S. Peter.  S. Bede expounding the same (as my remembrance doth serve) shall testify plainly with me. And S. Augustine I wots well, in divers places recordeth, that all Christian men be so called, regal Lacerdotium. And likewise doth Faber in his Commentaries upon the same place. Whosoever looketh upon the treatise called unio dissidentium, shall find a multitude of ancient Father's sayings declaring the same.  
But this may yet seem a strange thing & a new, that all persons should be called priests, & that in scripture, which can not lie. Truth it is in deed, it may seem strange to divers, as it did to me, and many other, 
How all men are Priests▪  when we read it first, because we never read ne heard of the same before: and so did Christ's doctrine and his apostles seem new to his audience, when he himself preached.  
Albeit he yet proved his doing and sayings by authority of the law and Prophets, as is showed in the first to the Romans where Paul reporteth. 
Rom. 1.  That he was chosen a part to be a minister of the Gospel that was promised before by the Prophets. And our Saviour testifieth the same in Saint john, saying to the jews: 
john. ●.  Think you not (quoth he) that I shall accuse you before my Father? There is one to accuse you, which is Moses, in whom ye do trust. But if you believed Moses, you should certainly believe me, for he writeth of me. etc. Likewise a little above, he biddeth them search the Scriptures, for they make report of him.  
But although these sayings do seem new for lack that we have not had old familiarity with Scripture, and usage in reading the same, (God amend and help it, when it shall please him) yet truly so standeth it written, as I have said, and so is interpreted by the Doctors above named, and so was it preached of a certain Doctor also of Divinity in London, the second day of advent last passed, in this sentence. I wot not whether these were the self words or no. The church (quoth the doctor) is nothing else but the congregation of faithful people: 
The saying of a Doctor preaching at Paul's.  and you all (quoth he to the people) are of the church, as well as I, or any other, if you be of God. And likewise we & all men are priests, but yet are not all alike ordained Ministers (said he) for to consecrate the body of Christ in the Church. 
All 〈◊〉 priests, but not all ministers public.  Thus said the preacher: whom when I see opportunity, I dare be bold to name. And these I say ought not all to preach openly in general conventions or assembles, neither can they, but they rather should come to learn: yet privately are they bound for instructions of their servants, children, 
Every man minister of good instruction in his own house Eph. ●.  kinsfolk, and such like, to speak that should be for the destruction of vice, and increase or upholding of virtue, whensoever time and place so behoveth, as showeth Saint Paul, saying in this wise: You that are fathers, provoke no● your children to wrath or anger, but bring them up in the doctrine and discipline of the Lord.  
In the twenty-three. where you do ask, whether I believe that it is lawful for lay people of both kinds, 
Answer to the 23. article.  that is to wit, both men and women, to sacrifice and preach the word of God, I say that it is not meet for none, in mine opinion to preach openly the word of God, 
No man to preach openly, except he be chosen. Gal. 1. Rom. 5.  except they be chosen & elect to the same, either by God, or solemnly by men, or else by both, and therefore S. Paul calleth himself in all his Epistles, an Apostle of God, that is to wit, a messenger of God. And to the Galathians he writeth thus: Paul an Apostle, not sent by men, nor by man, but by jesus Christ. Also to the Romans: How shall men preach truly (quoth he) except they be sent.  
Notwithstanding, I say this, both by supportation of God's law, 
In time of great necessity, lay people, man or woman may preach. 1. Cor. 1●. 1. Cor. 11.  and also of laws written in the Decrees, that in time of great necessity, lay people may preach, and that of both kinds, both men and women, as you may see in the Epistle to the Corinthians, where as he saith: That it is a shame for a woman to speak in a multitude or congregation. Yet in an other place he saith: That every woman praying or prophesying, having nothing upon her head, doth dishonour her head.  
To this accordeth the prophesy of joel recited Act. 2. where in the person of God is said thus: 
joel. 2. Act. 2. Luke. 2. W●men that prophesied in the scripture.  I shall pour out of my spirit upon all flesh, & both your sons and your daughters shall prophesy. Thus did Anna the Prophetess daughter of Phanuel, give praise unto Christ in the Temple, & spoke of him to all men of Jerusalem, that looked after the redention of Israel.  
This also doth yet speak unto us in Scripture, the virgin Mary, by the song which she made, that is daily recited in the Church, called Magnificat. Yea Stephen also being no Priest, 
Act. 7.  but a Deacon, made a wonderful good sermon. Acts. 7. This also willeth your Decrees, Dist. 9 de Conse. 
Distin. 9 de consecrat.  where is thus said: A woman although she is learned & holy, may not presume to teach men in the congregation, ne baptise, except necessity requireth. So that where need is, I shall add this, but not without the mind of him that wrote the Law: like as a woman may baptise, 
Cap. 16. quest. 1. Dist. 1●. cap abijcimus.  so may she teach the word of God, or preach, as is declared more plainly. Cap. 16. quest. 1. & in Glosa. 11. Cap adijcimus dist. 18. And I beseech God, that for lack of true and well learned Officers, such necessity do not come now upon us, that such shall need to take upon them to preach.  
There is a learned man, which in a Dialogue that he maketh betwixt a rude Abbot & a Gentlewoman, 
He meaneth the dialogue of Erasmus, entitled. Abbas & E●udita.  having skill in learning, jesteth, but with pretty earnest (as his manner is) and giveth a watch word touching somewhat my purpose. It is in the end of the Dialogue. The gentlewoman answering the Abbot, for that he had partly checked her, because she was quick in utterance of learning: Sir (quoth she) if you continue therein so dull as you have done and daily do, the world perceiving it (as they begin fast to grow quick in sight) it is to be f●ared, lest they will set you beside the saddle, and put us in your rooms.  
As concerning sacrifice doing (so I do understand by the word which you do use, Libare, not knowing else what it should mean) I say, 
Sacrifice doing. Sacrifice in offering ou● bodies.  that it is lawful for all men and women to do sacrifice, of what sort soever they be: but I mean not by sacrifice doing, to say Mass, as priests used to do, thereunto appointed: but like as Christian people be Sacerdotes, that is to say, Sacrificers, as is showed before, so ought they to offer, and do offer spiritual Sacrifices, 
Sacrifice true & lively.  as writeth S. Paul to the Romans, saying: I beseech you brethren, for the love of God's mercy, that you will give your body a living sacrifice, holy and acceptable to God, being a reasonable worshipping. 
Rom. 1●.  In that he saith our body should be a sacrifice, he would have it slain▪ for that was the manner, that all beasts that were wont to be sacrificed should be first slain. But he joineth therewith, Living, saying: 
Sacrifice of mortification.  give your body to be a living sacrifice. So that he would we should continue to live in this body to God's pleasure, but fleeing the civil lusts and appetites thereof, and so shall our worshipping be reasonable, if we do not give unto our reason over much of the bridle, whereby it may run at riot, 
Reasonable worshipping.  following fleshly concupiscence, and wicked vanity or arrogancy: as when men will take in hand to devise, by their own wit, a more godly way of living, then is institute by Christ (which is the wisdom of his heavenly Father) saying that his is not sufficient enough for us to follow. Of whom it is said by the Prophet Isaiah in these words: This people approach near unto me, 
Esa. 29.  and honoureth me with their lips, but their hart is far from me: but they do worship me in vain, teaching doctrines that are laws or precepts of men.  
Then Paul proceedeth, showing of this Christian sacrifice, saying: And apply not yourselves unto the fashion of this world, but be you transformed by renovation of your mind, 
Rom. 12.  that you may know what is the will of God, what is good acceptable, and rightful afore him. See how he would have us do this sacrifice, and mortify our lusts, in refusing the corrupt fashion and behaviour of the world, altering our minds by a new way, by knowing the will of God, and following after the same.  
another manner of Sacrifice which he requireth, is, that we should alway offer unto God the Sacrifice of praise, that is to wit, the fruit of our lips, 
Sacrifice of prayle. Vituli labiorū● Ose. 14. Heb●. 13.  that Osee calleth, Vitulos Labiorum, giving laud unto his name: and that we should not forget to do good, and to be beneficial to our neighbours, For in such sacrifice (saith he) GOD hath delight.  
Thus I say, that by plain suffrage of your law in the Decrees, and also of Scripture, lay persons in necessity, & in time of need, may lawfully preach or show the word of God, and also do sacrifice, but I think, except great need require, they ought not so to do.  
Thus have you herein my mind, which if it be not firm and substantial, I will yet reform it when any better is showed, as I will also do in all other things: for I am not in this yet fully certified. Albeit me think the decrees do pass evidently with me.  
In the xxiv. where you do ask, whether excommunication denounced by the Pope against all heretics, do oblige and bind them before God? I say, 
To the 24. article.  that it bindeth them afore God, if it be lawfully denounced, that is, if they be in very deed, as they be named, & if he denounceth them so to be, not of his own proper head or affection only: 
Excommunycation.  but with the consent of other gathered with him in Christ's name, for the behoof of Christ's Church: For so used S. Paul, when he did excommunicate the man of Corinth, 
Excommunication requireth consent of other.  which had full horribly defiled his mother in law, as appeareth. 1. Cor. 5.  
And the same form declareth the Gospel. Matthew. 18. in these words: If thy brother hath trespassed against thee, go and reprove him betwixt thee and him alone. If he will hear thee, 
1. Cor. 3.  thou hast so won thy brother. If he will not hear thee, take one or two with thee, that in the report of two or three, 
Math. 18.  every thing may be assured. If he will not hear them, show it unto the congregation. If he will not follow the mind of the congregation, let him be unto thee as a paynim or a notable sinner. For verily I say unto you, whatsoever you shall bind upon earth, shallbe bound in heaven. So that such excommunication ought to be done (as me thinketh) by the congregation assembled together with their pastor, whose advise they ought principally to esteem and follow, if it be virtuous and godly.  
And thus is it convenient to be done: For the Pope is made of flesh as well as other men, and therefore he may sometime judge awry, cursing the blessed, 
The Pope may err.  and blessing the cursed? and likewise may other Prelates judging the Christian to be heretics, and heretics christian. Of whom it is also written in the prophecy of Ezechiel: 
Ezech 13.  Mortificabant animas, quae non moriuntur, & vivificabant animas, quae non viwnt: They slew the souls of them that should not die, and gave life to the souls that should not live. 
Mar. 11.  As did the Phariseis when they did cast Christ out of the Uineyard, which signifieth the Church. Mark. 11. 
john 1.9.  And as our Saviour prophesied in the nineteen. of john, saying unto his Disciples: There shallbe (quoth he) some that shall excommunicate you, yea, and the time shall come, that who so ever shall slay you: shall think to do honour to GOD, and this shall they do unto you, because they do neither know my father nor me. These words be written in the Gospel of john 19 Whereby you see, that for lack o● knowledge of God, which is taught and s●ne by the light of scripture, Christ prophesied how lewd men should lewdly excommunicate the good, yea & slay his true servants, thinking through such facts to please god, and to do him good service.  
Wherefore sand O Lord I beseech thee, the knowledge of thee, 
Ose. 4.  to be dilated upon earth, which Osee bewaileth sore, seeing it absent, whereby men's judgement may be rectified, and so to do accordingly to the leading of the same.  
In the 25. where you ask, whether every Priest is bound to say daily his Matins & Evensong, according as it is ordained by the church, 
To the 15. article.  or whether he may leave them unsayd, without offence or deadly sin? I say, that prayer in scripture is much commended, and many great and unmeasurable benefits are showed to ensue thereupon, that men should the more lustily give themselves thereto. With prayer doth S Paul bid us to fight, in divers places, continuing in the same against our ghostly enemies. A figure of this is read in Exodus, when the Israelites fought in batta●le against a nation of Infidels: 
Exod. 17.  I trow their Captain was called Amalecke. Moses' stood upon a mountain, 
The virtue of prayer.  to behold what should be the conclusion, and lifting up his hands, prayed that it might well succeed with the Israelites, but in long holding them up, at last his fervour began to grow cold and faint, & his hands sagged downward, and ever as his hands grew heavy (which signifieth, that his affection in praying abated & waxed cold) the Infidels prevailed: but as he kept them heaved upward (whereby was meant intentive prayer of a devout mind) he purchased victory to the Israelites. Aaron and Hur, which indicted the law to the people, and were thereof the interpreters, stood with Moses, which always, as they did see his arms to faint, did uphold them, so that finally the victory came unto Israel.  
By Moses is signified, as showeth great Clerks, devotion. 
Devotion and knowledge to be joined together.  By Aaron and Hur, the knowledge of God's doctrine. Which two things▪ (devotion I mean & knowledge) all men had need to have presently with them: for devotion doth elevate the mind to God: but knowledge doth sustain or uphold the same, that it may with courage continue not falling down, but so always doth incense and kindle it, that it mounteth up into the presence of our heavenly father, where they savour together far more sweetly than any fumigation either of juniper, Incense, or what soever else, be they never so pleasant, doth savour in any man's nose.  
Therefore S. Paul seeing how necessary the knot of these two, devotion & knowledge of God's will was, which is showed in scripture (as teacheth saint Cyprian in these words: The will of God, saith he, is that which Christ both taught and wrought) Paul, I say, seeing this, wished to be excommunicate and separate from God, for to have the jews to come to the knowledge of Christ's Church, 
Rom. 10.  which is the only right way to salvation, for whom he prayed right studiously, as appeareth a little after, in the 10. chap. to the Romans saying: I bear them record, that they have a zeal & devotion to God, but not according to the knowledge of Christ's doctrine. 
Moses not to be without Aaron.  etc. Where you may clearly see how the jews (as S. Paul which is no liar, recordeth here) had a zeal & devotion to God, but they lacked knowledge therewith. Moses was amongst them, but Aaron was away: whose absence pained Paul so sore, that he ravished with exceeding charity, wished no small harm unto himself, upon condition that the multitude of them might be helped, and have better judgement: even to be separated from God.  
It must needs be then greatly hurtful, albeit men have devotion to be without the knowledge of God & his law, 
Devotion without knowledge hurtful.  signified by Aaron.  
S. Paul also before that he came to knowledge had such like devotion himself, as he reporteth. Acts. 26. in these words: 
Act. 26.  All the jews (quoth he) have known my living, that I have led sith I entered into man's age (which time as I remember, is accounted from the xuj. or xviij. year of a man's life, in Latin he calleth it, adolescentia) which from the beginning thereof, was (saith he) at jerusalem among mine own nation, that did know me afore also from the beginning, if they would say truth, that I lived after the most straightest order or sect of our religion, 
The zeal of Saul without devotion.  being a Pharisy. And I (quoth Paul a little after) thought to do many things in fight against the name of jesus Christ, yea and did also being at jerusalem, and I thrust many Saints or holy men into prison, having power given me thereto of the high Priests, and when they should be put to death I gave sentence: and I (quoth he) was commonly in all Synagogues punishing them, and compelling them to blaspheme (as men are fain now a days, when the Bishops make them to abjure: and to deny the truth of the Gospel) yea more over did I (quoth Paul) rage against them, pursuing after them into strange lands.  
See what zeal Paul had to God, afore he was instructed in the doctrine of Christ. He thought to have pleased god highly in persecuting his servants, of whom one was S. Steven. He was then sore blinded through ignorance, 
Zeal 〈◊〉, out knowledge.  and wanted the assistance of Aaron. But anon, as Christ which is the true Aaron, had appeared to him, ask him and saying in a lamentable form: O Saul, Saul, why dost thou persecute me, 
Act 9  in troubling and striking my servants the members of mine own body, of whom it is said, He that smiteth you, shall smite the tender ball of mine eye: 
Zach. 2.  His hart fell (I dare say) so low as his body, that is, even down to the earth, repenting himself full sore, being ready to amend, and follow after a new way, as appeareth by his answer, where he saith: O Lord what wilt thou have me to do? As though one would say: Now I see all that I thought to have done afore of good intention, and good purpose or devotion, hath deceived me. I find it otherwise. That which I esteemed good, in very deed is; and was nought.  
Teach me therefore good Lord (quoth he) a better way, & amend my judgement, that mine own will or intention forsaken, I may now follow thine, to please thee, & to do thy will. And so he came to Ananias, by the assignment of Christ, the thick filthiness of his old wayward judgement, fell away, as appeareth by the dross or rubbish that came from his eyes, even like scales, as the Scripture maketh relation, and he put upon him a new judgement, which is directed after the straight rule of the Gospel. 
Devotion a deceivable thing▪  Whereby you may see that men's devotion may oft beguile and seduce them except knowledge do assist the same, for to sustain & direct it: which knit together, shall much strengthen men in all trouble and temptations.  
So that it is much expedient for all men▪ as nigh as they may, to have prayer annexed with knowledge: 
Erasmus in Enchiridi●.  & that showeth full notably Erasmus, in the second passage of Enchiridion, where he testifieth but of easy liking, that he hath in saying of Matins, 
Saying of Matins▪  yea rather contrariwise he showeth disliking, and so he doth also in his exposition of the first Psalm: Beatus vir, where the text maketh agreeably for the same, it is written in this wise: Blessed is the man that hath not gone after the counsel of the wicked, and hath not stand in the way of sinners, ne sit in the chair of pestilence, 
Psal. 1.  but hath his will in the law of God, and shall muse or be occupied in it both day and night.  
See how the Prophet (which I doubt not but he knew as perfectly that will and pleasure of God, as ever did any pope or general counsel, or whatsoever they were beside, that ordained long service to be said of Priests) testifieth them to be blessed, that study and are exercised in the law of God both day and night, that is to wit, always. 
What is true godliness, o● piety.  A great promise put of God to such blessed exercise, which we may call right devotion, or true godliness. For Paul defining godliness, saith thus: Pietas ad omnia utilis est, ut quae promissiones habeat praesentis vitae & futurae: 
1. Tim. 4.  That is to wit, Godliness is profitable unto all things, 
No promise of God for saying Matins.  for that hath annexed thereto, promises of this life present, & of the life to come.  
But no such promise is made of God, I am certain, to them that say daily matins. Neither are we certain by the word of God, that we shall therefore be blessed of him, no more than we are certain, 
The 15. Oo●s.  that for saying over the xv. Oos, every day once through an whole year, we shall apertly see our Lady to aid us afore our death, as it is testified in the Scripture of the Primer, 
Our ladies Psalter.  but not by Scripture of the Bible: or that we shall have a like benefit for saying of her Psalter upon the ten beads that cometh from the crossed friars, or upon the five beads hallowed at the Charter house, or fasting our Ladies fast, as men call it: ne for fasting on the wednesday, 
Fasting ou● Ladies Fa●●.  as is showed by a book that is allowed to be printed and read of all men that lusteth, for it is neither the new Testament ne the old.  
They are condemned, you wot well, & I perhaps shall have a little less favour because I tell the truth freely, for such things are called offensive. But would God, that all persons so thinking, 
Math. 15.  would remember what answer Christ made unto his disciples in the 15. of Math. when they came unto him, and warned him to beware saying: You know that the Phariseis are offended, hearing such words spoken. I will leave out Christ's answer, lest I should be thought over free and plain in tarrying or uttering of abusions, and speak no further.  
A like demand with answer thereto annexed, 
Luke. 11.  shall you find in the 11. of Luke, where Christ would not refrain to speak any deal more easily. Therefore I beseech them that deem me (God wotteth whether▪ righteously or no) slanderously to reuise the said places, and then council me to do that shallbe most expedient to follow if their charity will so require. Yet would I that all people should know, that I do not reprove that saying of the xv. Oos, which (so far ●orth as my remembrance doth serve) is a very good prayer, 
Fasting commended.  or such like prayers: ne would I that any person should think me to disallow any discreet fastings, for such, not only present with you, but even from hence absent, have I commended in earnest speaking, and so intend to do by the assistance of God's grace. Nevertheless such vain promises I do abhor, as be with them annexed, with the upholders of the same. For such do cause vain confidence in the people, withdrawing and seducing them from the right belief of the Gospel, (which Christian men ought only to build their faith upon) unto new inventions of vanity. S. Paul calleth such, old women's tales, where he writeth unto Timothe, bidding him to beware of them, & to throw them away.  
The Prophet David likewise doth accord thereunto, saying: Beatus vir cuius est nomen Domini spes eius & non respexit in vanitates & insanias falsas: 
Psal. 40.  Blessed (quoth he) is the m●n that hath in the name of God his affiance or hope, and hath not looked back to vanities and false dotages or madness. And this I say again, that the Matins saying, hath no more promise of God made to the sayers, 
Matins saying instituted by fantasy.  then hath the other above named, for they were institute by the fantasy or mind of men, and not by the rule of scripture. Neither do I think the priests which will truly follow the rule of God, written in the Bible, ought so to be charged or encumbered with saying of them, that they thereby should be hindered from the study of that, which to know belongeth principally both to their own soul's salvation, and also to the discharge of their duty, and which God most highly of Priests doth require, (I mean the study of his Gospel) whereby they themselves should be spiritually nourished, and thereafter should feed Christ's flock, the congregation of his people, according to the saying of our Saviour in john. I (quoth he) am the door, 
joh. 10.  whosoever shall come in by me, shall both come in, and go out, and find good pasture or feeding. That is to say, who soever shall enter to be a pastor or Minister in Christ's church or congregation by Christ, shall both enter into contemplation of God's glory declared abundantly in scripture, and after go forth and show that same abroad to other for their wealth and edifying.  
To this accordeth that is written in Luke, whereas our Saviour speaketh to all his Church signified in the person of Saint Peter. Peter (quoth he) I have prayed that thy faith should not fail, and thou being converted, go then about to confirm thy brethren So that he would have Peter established first in faith of his sure doctrine, 
Luke. 22.  and then to go forth, as he did, to teach other to be grounded in the same likewise. And thus ought all priests to be called Presbyteri, which will be ministers in the Church, for so biddeth S. Peter in his first Epistle, in the last chapter, saying thus: I beseech the Priests (quoth he) that are among you, I myself being a priest, and a witness bearer of Christ's afflictions, and also a partaker of the glory which shallbe revealed, see that you with all diligence do feed the flock of Christ taking care of the same, 
1. Pet. 5.  not as enforced thereto, but willingly: not desiring filthy lucre, but with a loving mind: neither as men exercising dominion over the children or inheritors of God, but so that you be patterns, or ensample givers to the flock. See, how he requireth of priests that they should spend all their diligence to feed Christ's flock, and to show good ensample of living, making no mention of long Matins saying, which then were not mentioned nor spoken of.  
According to this, it is written in your Decrees after this form: ignorance, saith the Law (mark it well I beseech you all) is the mother of all errors. 
Ignorance mother of error.  Which ought to be eschewed especially of Priests, that among the people of God have taken upon them the office of preaching: priests are commanded to read holy Scriptures, as saith Paul the Apostle to Timothe: Give heed to reading, exhortation, 
1. Tim. 4.  and teaching, and continue always in the same. Let priests therefore know holy Scripture, and let all their labour be in preaching and teaching, and let them edify all men both in knowledge of faith, and in discipline of good works. 
Dist. 38.  These be the words of the law in the Decrees Dist. 38. Where you see how the Law lamenteth ignorance in all persons, for it is the original of all errors. God send us therefore the knowledge of his true gospel. 
priests to give themselves rather to study than to saying of matins.  It biddeth that ignorance should be utterly eschewed, and principally of priests, whose labour and diligence should be bestowed all in reading of scripture, & preaching the same, bringing in for the same purpose, the saying of the Apostle, which willeth in like manner.  
Moreover it requireth that priests should give all their study to edify other in faith and virtuous living. 
What priests ought to study.  Whereof I do gather both by the saying of the Prophet, that willeth us to be studious in the Law of God day and night, and by the saying of the Apostle, which would have Timothe to be occupied ever in reading and teaching, and by the report of your own Law, which saith likewise, that a priest ought to bestow all his labour in reading & preaching. So that a priest set thus truly to study, that he may stablish himself in the faith of Christ's doctrine, intending after to help other with true preaching o● the same, or doing other like deeds of charity, assigned in the law of god, shall not offend deadly, if so spending his time, he omitteth to say Matins, which is an ordinance of men.  
Nevertheless concerning the huge multitude of such as be now made priests by negligent admission of Bishops, and their own presumption, 
Negligence of Bishops in making priests noted.  that labour to be made priests before they be any Clerks, and ere ever they know what is the very office of a priest, do not fear to take upon them, if they may attain thereto, to be a curate, they reck not of how many, so they may get a good lump of money, never minding after that the study of Scripture, a●ter they are come to Dominus vobiscum: for such I do think long matins to be needful, to restrain them from other enormities that they should else run in. Of which you may be weary to see the experience thereof daily arising. Yea and if such would be content to admit it, I would every one matins were as long to them as five, except they could be stow their time better.  
In the 26. where you do ask, whether I believe that the heads or rulers by necessity of salvation are bound to give unto the people, 
To the 26. article  holy scripture in their mother language? I say, that I think they are bound to see that the people may truly know holy Scripture, & I do not know, how that may be done so well, 
scripture in the vulgar tongue.  as by giving it to them truly translated in the mother tongue, that they may have it by them at all times to pass the time godly, when soever they have leisure thereto, like as they have in France under the French kings privilege, 
The French Bible translated into the French tongue, with the kings priu●ledge above 50. years before Lambertes time.  & also with the privilege of the Emperor, and so do I know that they have had it these 50. years and 4. in France at the least, and it was translated at the request of a king called I trow, jews, as appeareth by the privilege put in the beginning of the book.  
In like manner have they it in Flanders, printed with the privilege of the Emperor. In almain also and Italy & I suppose through all nations of christendom. Likewise hath it been in England, 

The Psalter translated by the king of England into the Saxon tongue.  
Read before pag. 145.  
S. Guthlakes Psalter.   as you may find in the English story called Polychronicon. There it is showed, how when the Saxons did inhabit the land, the K. at that time, which was a Saxon, did himself translate the Psalter into the language that then was generally used. Yea I have seen a book at Crowland Abbey, which is kept there for a relic, the book is called S. Guthlakes Psalter, and I ween verily it is a copy of the same, that the king did translate, for it is neither English, Latin, Greek, Hebrew, nor Dutch, but somewhat sounding to our English, and as I have perceived sith the time I was last there, being at Antwerp, the Saxon tongue doth sound likewise after ours, and it is to ours partly agreeable. In the same story of Polychronicon is also showed, 
Bede translated the Gospel of S. john into English.  how that S. Bede did translate the Gospel of john into English, and the author of the same book promised that he would translate into English all the Bible, yea and perhaps he did so, but (I wots not how it cometh to pass) all such things be kept away. They may not come to light, for there are some walking privily in darkness, that will not have their doings known. It is no lie that is spoken in the Gospel of john Omnis qui male agit, odit lucem: All that doth noughtily, 
joh. 3.  hateth the light, and will not have their doings known. And therefore they keep down the light strongly: for that opened and generally known, 
The causes why the Scripture is not suffered to come to light.  all wrongful conveyance should anon be disclosed and reproved, yea and all men should see anon, whether those that hold against unrighteousness, being therefore sometime horribly infamed & slandered, named heretics and schismatics, were in deed as they be called or no.  
Yea, moreover I did once see a book of the new Testament, 
divers such testaments are yet to be seen in divers places, of a long continuance.  which was not unwritten by my estimation this C. years, and in my mind, right well translated after the example of that which is read in the church in Latin. But he that showed it me, said, he durst not be known to have it by him, for many had been punished aforetime, for keeping of such, and were convict therefore of heresy.  
Moreover I was at Paul's Cross, when the new Testament imprinted of late beyond the sea, 
Errors found in the translated testament where none was. Malice never saith well.  was first forefended, & truly my hart lamented greatly, to hear a great man preaching against it, which showed forth certain things that he noted for hideous errors to be in it, that I yea, and not I, but likewise did many other think verily to be none. But (alack for pity) malice can not say well. God help us all and amend it.  
So that to conclude, I think verily it were profitable and expedient, that the holy Scripture were delivered by authority of the head rulers, unto the people truly translated in the vulgar tongue, in like manner as it is in all other countries. And whereas you add, whether they be bound by necessity of salvation, to deliver it to the people? I will not so narrowly touch that point now, but I say, that they are bound by right & equity, to cause it to be delivered unto the people in the vulgar tongue, for their edifying & consolation, which the people by God's grace, should thereof gather, that now it is like they want, & are destitute of.  
In the xxvij where you do demand, whether it be lawful for the rulers, for some cause, upon their reasonable advisement, 
To the 27. article.  to ordain that the Scripture should not be delivered unto the people, in the vulgar language? all men may here see, that whosoever devised these questions, thought not contrary (whatsoever they will yet say) but that it is good for the people to have the Scripture in the vulgar tongue, 
Whether for any cause the Scripture may be restrained from the people.  & that they thought, that I so saying could not be well reproved, and therefore are laid out all these additions, as it were to snare and trap me in: whether the heads he bound, and that by necessity of salvation, to deliver it to the people: and whether for opportunity of time, they may ordain to restrain it for some cause, and by some reasonable advisement of them taken. Sed frustra iacitur rete ante oculos pennatorum: 
Proverb. 1.  But without cause you spread the net before the eyes of the birds or fowls. I show you plainly, that notwithstanding all these things, in mine opinion, it was not well done to inhibit it, and worse, that the Bishops have not sith amended it, if so be they could, that the people might have it to use & occupy virtuously.  
And here I will add one reason. The Scripture is the spiritual food and sustenance of man's soul. This is showed to be true in many places of Scripture: like as other corporal meat is the food of the body. 
A perfect reason why Scripture ought not to be withdrawn from the people at any tyme.  Then it he be an unkind father that keepeth bodily meat away the space of a week or a month from his children, it should seem that our bishops be no gentle pastors or fathers, that keep away the food of men's souls from them (specially when other do offer the same) both months, years, & ages. Neither do I see any opportunity of time, or reasonable advisement, that should cause it to be withdrawn & taken away, but the contrary rather: for it is reason convenient & needful for men to eat their meat ever when they are right hungry, & blessed are they that hunger & thirst after the word of god, which teacheth to know him, and to do his pleasure at all times: 
Math. 5.  for that we do crave every day in our Pater noster saying: Give us Lord our heavenly bread.  
In the xxviij where you do ask, whether I believe that consecrations, hallowings, & blessings used in the church are to be praised? 
To the 28. article.  I say that I know not of all, & therefore I will not dispraise them, neither can I therefore over much speak of them all, seeing I know them not: such as are the hallowing of bells, the hallowing of pilgrims, when they should go to Rome, the hallowing of beads, and such like. But those which I am advised of and do remember, 
hallowings & blessings, some allowed, some not.  be in mine opinion, good: such as is this. When the priest hath consecrated holy bread, he saith: Lord bless this creature of bread, as thou did bless the five loaves in desert, that all persons tasting thereof may receive health, etc. which I would every man might say in English, 
Hallowing of bread.  when he should go to meat, I like it so well.  
Also this is a right good one, that is said over him that shall read the Gospel: The Lord be in your hart & in your mind and mouth, 
Blessing of him that goeth to read the Gospel.  to pronounce and show forth his blessed gospel. Which is also spoken over a preacher taking benediction, when he shall go into a pulpit. All such good things I like very well, and think them commendable, wishing therefore that all people might know what they mean, that they with rejoice of hart might pray joyfully with us, and delight in all goodness: which should be, if they were uttered in English, according to the mind of Saint Paul 1. Cor. 9 where he wisheth, rather to speak five words in the Church heartily with understanding, whereby other might have instruction, 
1. Cor. 2.  than ten thousand words in a tongue unknown. Yea, to say truth, and truth it is in deed, that I shall say: a good thing, the further and the more largely or apertly it is known, the further the virtue thereof spreadeth, and rooteth in men's hearts and remembrance. God send therefore the blind to see, and the ignorant to have knowledge of all good things.  
Thus I conclude that consecrations, hallowings, and blessings used in the Church (so far forth as I remember and know) be commendable. Of other I can give no sentence wishing even as I trust men shall once see it come to pass, that all good things may be song and spoken in our vulgar tongue.  
In the xxix. where you do ask, whether I believe that the Pope may make laws and statutes to bind all Christian men to the observance of the same, 
To the 2●. article.  under the pain of deadly sin, so that such laws and statutes be not contrary to the law of God? I say, 

Laws and observation of the Pope, whether they binge to deadly sin.  
The Popes not 〈◊〉 of all men. The Pope hath no power to make laws binding under deadly sin, more than hath the king or Emperor.  
Dist. 15. cap. Canon's generalium. To the 30. article.  
The power of the Pope and prelate's to Excommunicate.   that if it be true that is written in the Decrees, that is to wit: Laws be never confirmed until they be approved by common manners of them that shall use them: then can not the Pope's laws bind all Christian men: for the Greeks, and the Bohemes will (as you do know full well) never admit them, but do refuse them utterly, so that I do not find, that his laws may bind all Christian men.  
Finally, I can not see, that he hath authority to make laws, binding men to the observance of them under pain of deadly sin, more than hath the king or the Emperor: and to say sooth, I say (as I have said afore) I think verily that the Church was more full of virtue before the Decrees or Decretals were made (which is not very long ago, but in the time of Constantine, if it be true that is reported in the Decrees Dist. 15. ca Canon's generalium,) than it hath been sith: God repair it, and restore it again to the ancient purity and perfection.  
In the thirty. where you do ask, whether I believe that the Pope and other prelates and their deputies in spiritual things, have power to excommunicate Priests, and lay people that are inobedient and sturdy, from entering into the church, and to suspend or let them from ministration of the Sacraments of the same? I think, that the Pope and other prelate's have power to excommunicate both priests and lay men, such as be rebellious against the ordinance of God, and disobedient to his law, for such are sundered from God, afore the prelate's do give sentence, by reason of their sin and contumacy, according as it is said in Esay by almighty God: 
Esa. 59  Your sins (quoth he) do make division betwixt you and me. And the Prelates by right judgement, should pronounce of sinners as they do find them, and that is, to pronounce such to be excommunicate of God, and unworthy to minister any Sacraments, or to be conversant with Christian folk, that will not amend. 
1. Cor. 5.  For thus biddeth Paul. 1. Corinth. 5. If any amongst you called a brother, shall be a whoremonger, or a covetous person, or a worshipper of images or Idols, or a railer, or a drunkard, or an extortioner, see that with such you eat no meat. Such aught to be put out of the Church, and not be suffered to come within it.  
I am not certain that Prelates have any such power, 
A doubt whether Prelates▪ have any such power to exclude any from the church. Distin. 1. de consecra. Dist. 1. de consecr.  And though they had, I doubt whether charity should permit them to show it forth and execute it without singular discretion. For in Churches ought the word of God to be declared and preached, through the which the sturdy coming thither and hearing it, might soon be smitten with compunction and repentance, and thereupon come to amendment. This confirmeth well a law made in the Council of Carthage, which is this: A Bishop ought to prohibit no person to come into the Church, and to hear the word of God, whether he be Gentile or jew, or heretic, until the mass time of them that are called Catechumini de Conse. distinct. 1.  
Moreover, where you speak of Prelate's Deputies, I think such be but little behovable to Christ's flock. It were necessary and right, 
bishops deputies not behovable.  that as the Prelates themselves will have the revenues, tithes, & oblations of their benefices, they themselves should labour and teach diligently the word of God therefore, and not to shift the labour from one unto an other, till all be left (pity it is) undone. Such doth S. john call, Fures & latrones: thieves and murderers, although they make never so goodly a worldly show outward, and bear a stout port.  
This I say that the Pope and other prelate's have power to excommunicate rebels against God's ordinance, and to suspend them from receiving or ministering the sacrament, but I am not sure, that they have power to forefend them from out of Churches, especially when Gods word is there preached, unless the sinners be so sore desperate, that they scorn the same. And I would, that every Prelate receiving his living of benefices, 
Every prelate & beneficed person, ought himself to discharge his cure without deputy or vicar.  should himself work in the same, specially in true preaching of Christ's doctrine, without winding his own neck out of the yoke, & charging therewith, other called deputies or Uicares, Curates, and suce like. For God would have every man to get his living by sweat of his own face, that is to say, by his labour, according to his estate and calling. And like as every workman is worthy his meat: so contrariwise they that labour not, unless they be let by impotency, are worthy to have no meat, and much less to take of those, to whom they do no service .50. or 40. pound a year, for waiting after none other thing, than the Moon shining in the water. The Canon law maketh clearly with the same. Look in the Decrees, Cap. 21. quest. 2. Capitulo precipimus, and you shall find plainly, as I say.  
¶ In the xxxj. where you ask, whether faith only with out good works, may suffice unto a man fallen into sin after his Baptism, 
To the 31. ●●●icle. 〈◊〉 only 〈…〉.  for his salvation and justifying? I say, that it is the usage of Scripture to say, that faith only doth justify and work salvation, afore a man do any other good works, and that is showed by many authorities both of scripture, & also of many holy Fathers, in a treatise called unio dissidentium, which I would to Christ, as it is in French, and other languages, we had it truly translated in English. 

〈…〉 to be 〈◊〉 in English.  
〈…〉 not a 〈◊〉 justified 〈◊〉 a justified man ma●●th good works.   And truly I do think in this matter (like as is here showed by many authorities of holy fathers) that a man fallen into sin after Baptism, shallbe saved through faith, and have forgiveness by Christ's passion, although he doth no more good deeds thereafter: as when a man having short life, lacketh leisure to exercise other deeds of mercy. Notwithstanding, true faith is of such virtue and nature, that when opportunity cometh, it can not but work plenteouly deeds of charity, which are a testimony and witness bearers of a man's true faith. This declareth S. Augustine upon john. I trow it is where he expoundtth this text: Si diligitis me, 
August in Io●nnem.  precepta mea seruate: If you love me keep my commandments .. Whereas within a little after he speaketh in this wise, Opera bona non faciunt justum, sed justificatus facit bona opera. That is to say, good works make not a just or righteous man, but a man once justified, doth good works.  
¶ In the xxxij. where you ask, whether a Priest marrying a wife, & that without the dispensation of the Pope, & begetting also children of her without slander giving, 
To the 32. article.  do sin deadly? I say, that he doth not so much offend, as those, which in Wales (as I have heard say) and also in many parts beyond the Sea, or rather in all places, do give openly dispensations for money, to Priests to take concubines: neither doth he offend so much, as the purchasers of such dispensations: for they on every hand, do clearly commit fornication and adultery, utterly forefended by God's law, and the Priest, of whom speaketh your demand, offendeth but man's law, if he do that. For in the Decrees it is written, I ween it be in a gloze, and certainly I wot not whether it be in the text or no, 
A priest fornicating is more to be punished then a priest marrying, by the Popes of ●●e laws To the 33. article.  I can lightly turn to it having a book. The sentence is thus: Presbyter fornicans est plus puniend us quàm uxorem ducens. That is to say, a priest doing fornication, aught to be punished more, than one which hath married a wife. Finally I think such a priest as before is named in your demand, sinneth not deadly.  
¶ In the xxxiij, where you ask, whether a Latin Priest, after he hath taken the order of priesthood, being sore and oft troubled and stirred with prickings of lust or lechery, & therefore marrying a wife for a remedy of the same, do sin deadly? I say, that a Latin Priest, and a Greek Priest is all one before God, if they follow both one rule of Christ, left to us in holy Scripture: neither doth Christ put any such difference: but the one hath by that rule the same liberty, that an other, and no more nor less, for there is the same God i● Greece, 
Marriage of Priests as well Latin a● Greek, permitted a 〈◊〉 in the Scripture.  that is here: & hath left one way for us to live after, both here and there. And therefore, I can not see by his law, but that a Latin Priest may marry, as well as they do. And if the Greeks should not follow Christ's law in believing the same, and living thereafter, you would call them heretics. But that will not the Pope have done. Wherefore seeing they do let Priests marry, affirming it may so be done by the law of God, and yet are not reputed heretics: why should other men that say the same, be called heretics: or be therefore burned? Therefore, following the law of God I make the same answer of a Latin Priest, that I made before of all Priests, that a Priest not having the gift of chastitity, is bound to marry, for avoiding fornication. ¶ In the xxxiiij. where you do ask, whether ever I prayed for john wickleffe, 
The Greek Churches 〈◊〉 priests to marry.  john Hus. and for Jerome of prague condemned of heresy in the Council of Constance, or for any one of them, sith they died, and whether I have openly or secretly done any deeds of charity for them, affirming them to be in bliss and saved? I say, that I never prayed for any of them, so far forth as I can remember. And though I had, it followeth not, that in so doing I should be an heretic. 
To the 34. article.  For you note well, that there is a mighty great country called Boheme, which yet do follow (as men say) that same doctrine which john Hus and Jerome of prague taught their ancestors, whom (as I trow) neither the Pope nor you do recount heretics and infidels.  
¶ In the 35. where you ask, whether I have recounted and said them or any of them to be Saints, and worshipped them as saints? I say, that in such secret and hid things, 
To the 35. article.  which I do not perfectly know, I follow the Council of Paul, which biddeth that we should not judge over soon, but to abide (unless the things, which we should pass upon, be the more evident) until the coming of the Lord which shall illumine and show forth clearly things, that now lie hid in darkness. Therefore hitherto have I neither judged with them, ne against them, but have resigned such sentence to the knowledge and determination of God, whose judgement I wot is infallible.  
And where as you say, they were condemned of heresy in the Council of Constance, if so the counsel did right, God shall allow it (I doubt not) and that shall suffice to have commendation of him: So that it is not need to ask of me, whether the acts of the same are commendable or no? Neither can I give any direct answer thereto: for I do not verily know them. And though I did, yet am not I verily persuaded, that I because the Council hath condemned them, must therefore believe them to be damned: for a Council (as I ween) may sometime slip beside the right truth but what that Council did in condemning them, 
Counsels may sometime slip awry.  I can not precisely say: God worteth. Yea and that one singular person may judge more rightly, than a great multitude assembled in a Counsel, appeareth both by God's law, and by the law of man. Experience hereof may you see by the Council that is spoken of in the 11. of john, where is showed, that after our saviour had restored Lazarus to life the bishops and Phariseis then were gathered in a Council saying: what shall we do? Truth it is, that this man jesus doth many miracles, and if we suffer him thus all the world will believe him, whereupon the Romans will come, and put us out of jerusalem our dwelling place, 
john. 11.  and destroy our nation. At which time Cayphas did arise, showing forth his sentence, which the whole Council did admit.  
In likewise is showed Acts. v. where in a Council of the Bishops and Priests assembled to know what punishment should be done unto Christ's Apostles, 
Acts. 5.  for because they preached in the name of Christ, contrary to the precept of them (for they before had commanded the Apostles no more to speak in Christ's name) there among a shrewd multitude of them, gathered together, did arise a certain wise man, called Gamaliel (a pitiful thing verily to see but one good man in such a great Convocation or Council of Priests, that should be the lights of virtue to all the people) which Gamaliel was a Doctor of the law, & had in good reputation among the people: 
gamaliel and Doct. Collet compared together.  much like he was (as seemed to me) to Doct. Collet sometime Deane of Paul's in London) while he lived. I may come no near for to name some other of our time, lest I should be thought offensive. This gamaliel did bid the Apostles go aside, for a while, out of the Council or convocation house, & so he spoke unto the other Priests or Bishops in the Council thus: You men (quoth he) of Israel, take heed to yourselves what you shall do upon these men the Apostles: 
The council of Gamaliel to the Phariseis.  For afore this time have risen one called Teudas, and after him an other named judas of Galilee, which have turned the people after them: and in conclusion they perished, and all they that followed after them vanished away. And now (quoth he) I say unto you, refrain from hurting these men, the Apostles, and let them alone, or suffer them. For if this enterprise and work that they have made, be of men, undoubtedly it shall perish, & be fordone: but if (quoth he) it be of God, you can not fordo it. And this I tell you (said gamaliel) lest you should be found to strive and fight against God.  
Unto this sentence of Gamaliel did all the other of the convocation or Parliament agree, and so they called in the Apostles of Christ afore them, causing them to be scourged and charging them, no more after to preach of Christ's name, and so did let them departed. This was undoubtedly done in the time of our Saviour and of his Apostles, 
councils go not always right.  and caused to be written for our comfort and learning: For the holy Ghost knew afore, that like practice should come in the latter time of the world, which we are in. Whereby you may clearly see, that Counsels do not always discern with Christ, but sometime they may do against him. And therefore said David: Non sedi cum concilio vanitatis, 
Counsels may and do err.  & cum iniquè agentibus non introibo. Odivi Ecclesiam malignantium, & cum impijs non sedebo: sed lavabo inter innocentes manus meas. etc. 
Psal. 26.  I did not (quoth David) sit with the assembly or Council of vain doers, or liars, and I will not go in amongst them that work iniquity: for I hate the convocation of them, that are malicious, or maligners, and amongst the wicked will not I sit: But I will wash my hands among innocentes etc.  
Also, in an other Psalm he writeth thus: Dominus dissipat concilia gentium, reprobat concilia populorum, & concilia Principum: Concilium autem Domini, in aeternum manet. etc. The Lord (quoth he) doth destroy or annihilate the Council of the Gentiles, 
Psal. 33.  he reproveth the Counsels of the people and of rulers. But the Council or devise of the Lord endureth ever, & the purpose of his mind abideth into the world of worlds. For that purpose doth S. Peter in the Acts of the Apostles allege this verse out of the Psalm: Quare fire muerunt gentes, etc. Why did the Gentiles rage, and the people imagine vain things, etc. Like unto this is written Esay. 1. 
Psal. 2. Esay. 1.  Also you may see in the Counsels of the Pharises above showed, that one singular person may sometime perceive a thing more than a generalty or a multitude: for only Gamaliel did see better what was behovable, 
Some one man sometime may see more than a whole Council. Dist. 31. cap Nicena.  than could all the other there congregate.  
agreeable unto this we find in the Decrees Dist. 31. where it is written, that the Council of Nice, willing to correct or amend the life of men of the Church, ordained laws called Canons or rules. And as they treated upon such ordinances, some thought it erpedient to bring in a law, that Bishops, Priests, Deacons, and Subdeacons should not lie with their wives, whom they had married afore they were consecrate into the order. With that arose Paphnutius a Confessor of Christ, 
The story of Paphnutius in Nicene Council.  and gaynsayde it, testifying that marriage was an honourable thing: saying also, that it is chastity for a man to lie with his own proper wife. And so he persuaded the council, that they should constitute no such law, 
Chastity standeth not by singleness of life, but pureness of matrimony.  affirming, that it was a sore matter, that they were minded to do, which should be, either to the priests, or else to their wives, an occasion of fornication: and this was Paphnutius reason. The words of the Canon proceed thus.  
This declared Paphnutius, he never being married, nor having experience of Marriage, & the council commended his sentence, making no statute in this matter, but put it to every man's free will and liberty, without any enforcement or necessity. These words stand (as I have recited them unto you) written in the Decrees, albeit they are somewhat otherwise rehearsed In historia tripartita, as I have showed before in the fourth Article. Upon, this, that Paphnutius did thus resist and prevail against all the other Council, doth the Gloze note in the same law: 
One man having scripture with him, is more to be believed then a whole Council without Scripture.  that one singular person may gainsay or speak against an universal generalty, having a reasonable cause on his side. Suffrage also of the same have we in Abbot Panormitane, where he saith thus: I would (quoth he) rather believe one lay person, bringing for him authority of scripture, them an universal Council that ordaineth or defineth a thing, without scripture.  
Finally I say, that I never recounted them neither Saints, ne devils, but resigned the judgement thereof to God, neither have I in earnest reported them the one, or the other. Neither have done unto them particular worship so far forth, as I can remember,  

To the 36. Article.  ¶ In the xxxuj. where you do ask, whether I believe hold, and affirm that every general Council, & the Council of constance also do represent the universal congregation or Church? I say that what such Counsels do represent, 
Whether every general council representeth the universal church.  I cannot certainly rel, and therefore believe neither yea, nor nay, neither can I therefore make any affirmation pro, & contra, with this demand, or against it: and no marvel. For I know of no Scripture to certify me of the same, ne yet any sufficient reason. And me thinketh this (under correction I speak) the Counsels might represent (albeit I know not whether they do or no) the universal church, not being yet the same, as I wots well they neither are ne were: For the Church I do take for to be all those, that God hath chosen or predestinate to be inheritors of eternal bliss & salvation, 
What is the Church.  whether they be temporal, or spiritual, king, or subject, Bishop, or Deacon, father or child, Grecian or Roman. 
He meaneth here the church invisible.  And this Church spreadeth through the universal world, whereas any do call for help truly upon the name of Christ: and there do they ever most grow & assemble commonly, where as his blessed word is purely & openly preached, & declared, for that is the relief of man's soul, whereunto all men loving their soul's health, lust to resort & seek (as all things do naturally seek after that, which should nourish and prolong their life) for in it is showed, that righteousness, which whosoever doth thirst after, and is an hungered for, shall come in the kingdom of heaven. Of this may well the Proverb in the Gospel (although it be applied to the judgement of God, 
Luke. 7.  when he shall appear in the general, doom) be verified where soever is a dead carrion, thither will soon be assembled Eagles. That is to wit, wheresoever is declared by the course of Scripture, the benefits and commodities granted to us by Christ's death, thither will men seek and fly, to know how they may enjoy & attain them, which I beseech him to grant us. Amen.  
¶ In the xxxvij. where you do ask, whether I believe that the same thing, 
To the 37. article.  which the Council of Constance representing the universal Church hath approved and doth approve for the maintenance of faith and soul's health, is to be approved, 
Touching the authority of the council of Constance.  and holden of all Christian people: and that which the same Council hath condemned and doth condemn, to be contrary to faith and good manners, aught of the same christian people to be believed and affirmed for a thing condemned? I say, that whatsoever the same Council, or any other have approved, being approbation or allowance worthy, is of all Christian people to be likewise approved, holden, & allowed. And again, whatsoever the same or any other hath condemned, being reproof & condemnation worthy, for because it is hurtful to faith, or good living, I say, the same aught of all Christian people to be condemned & reproved. But this surmounteth my knowledge, to discern, in what wise their judgement passed: whether with right, or unright, for because I never looked upon their Acts, neither do I greatly coue● for to do: wherefore I refer the determination to them, that have better advised their doings, and thereby have some more skill in them, than I.  
In the xxxviij. you demand, whether the condemnations of john Wickleffe, john Hus, 
To the 38. article.  and of Jerome of prague, done upon their persons, books, and documents, by the holy general Council of Constance, were duly and rightfully done, and so for such, of every Catholic person, whether they are to be holden and surely to be affirmed? I answer, that it passeth my knowledge, and I can not tell: thinking surely, that though I am ignorant of the same, so that I cannot discuss the thing determinately, yet my Christendom shallbe therefore nevertheless, and that I and all Christian men may well suspend our sentence being thereof ignorant, affirming neither the one, ne the other, neither yea, nor nay.  
In the xxxix. you ask whether I believe hold, & affirm that john Wickleffe of England, john Hus of Boheme, 
To the 39 article.  and Jerome of prague, were heretics, and for heretics to be named, and their books and doctrines to have been & now be perverse, for the which books & pertinacity of their persons, they are condemned by the holy Council of Constance for heretics? I say, that I know not determinately whether they be heretics or no, ne whether their books be erroneous or no, ne whether they ought to be called heretics or no.  
¶ In the xl. where you ask, whether I believe and affirm, that it is not lawful in any case, to swear? I say, 
To the 40. article.  that I neither so do believe, ne affirm, ne never did.  
¶ In the xlj. where you ask, whether I believe, that it is lawful at the commandment of a judge, to make an oath to say the truth, or any other oath in a case convenient, and that also for purgation of infamy, 

To the 41. article.  
An oath before a judge in a cause convenient is lawful.   I answer that I never said the contrary: but that I think and have thought it lawful to give an oath afore a judge, to say the truth, if the judge so require, and that by request lawful and convenient. As when a thing is in controversy betwixt two persons, and thereupon they sue unto a judge for sentence, when the judge can none otherwise bolt out the truth, he may require an oath. As when the two women, which contended before Solomon, to avoid the crime of murder, which the one had committed in oppressing her child to death, and would have put the same upon the other, 

How an oath ought to be required of a judge, and how it may be given before a judge. Over much use of oaths in Courts reprehended. judges must be spare and wary in requiring oaths.  
Where many oaths be there is some perjury.  
The use and manner of Germans in causes judicial.   if Solomon could not by his wisdom otherwise have investigated the truth, he might (I suppose) for to come by the more certain information of the thing, have caused one of them or both, seeing it expedient for him, to swear, wherein the women had been bound to obey him. But judges have need to be spare in requiring of oaths: For in customable or oft juries, creepeth in always betwixt times some perjury, as showeth chrysostom in words semblable to these, and things precious, through oft haunt or occupying, loseth their estimation. And so reverent oaths unadvisedly required for every trifle usually, do cause men to regard little for making of them, yea, and I fear, to break them.  
Therefore in Almain, they have made of late (as I have hard say by credible people▪ which have come from thence) many notable ordinances for the common wealth within a while, & amongst other this is one: If a man be set for to enter plea against another in any town, the Peers thereof afore whom all actions are used to be debated, hearing such a plea entered, shall call the parties privately together, before they come into any open Court. And the matter examined, they shall exhort them to let the plea cease without further process, showing them the great damage both godly and worldly, coming of waging the law, and the great cast and commodity, that is in agreement and concord. 
Fruit of the Gospel in germany.  Which exhortation they use to show with so great gravity, and fatherly love (such wonders are wrought where the Gospel hath free passage that very few will commence plea. 
In Germany few controversies come to the open cour●● but commonly are compounded ● home.  And though any plea be commenced, through such sage admonition it falleth lightly to sequestration and arbitrement of neighbours, who do set the suitors at unity, ere the matter do came to discussion in open Court.  
Notwithstanding if some be so weiwardly minded (as in a multitude all are not one man's children, & therefore unlike of intent) that they will needs proceed and follow the law, they shall be heard to speak their matters in open court, and taught as the matter is most like to succeed, counseled with new exhortation to stop their process. If they will not be persuaded, & then the judges seeing the matter so ambiguous that they cannot give perfect sentence therein, 
C●stome a●●ng the ●●maines of ●aking 〈◊〉.  except by virtue of an oath made by one of the parties, they be first better certified. Then will they show the same before the suitors, declaring what a chargeful thing it is to give a solemn oath for love of winning some worldly profit: & how (unless such as shall make it, ne the better ware to eschew the same) they shall (beside an evil ensample giving to a multitude) work themselves happily shame or dishonesty.  
Upon this, they shall give respite until a certain day appointed. So that in the mean while the suitors may take deliberation thereof, what is best to be done. If after this, they will not thus rest, at the day appointed, shall they come forth into a common place, and the great Bel of the City caused to be rong, whereby the people shallbe warned, what they are about to do: and the people assembled, the judges shall in full chargeable & lamentable wise, charge the parties, under virtue of their oath, to make true relation of the shallbe demanded. So that by reason of soberly & fatherly exhortations made of the judges or Peers of the Town, and persuasion of neighbours, and for avoiding of God's displeasure, 
jury and swearing well excluded out of Germanye.  and shame of men there is little suit in courts: & if at any time, any be made, they be lightly stopped. So that jury and swearing is well excluded and need not much to be required.  
This have I showed because it pitieth me to hear and see the contrary used in some of our nation, 
The rash lenity in spiritual men, causing men straight ways for every light matter to swear.  & such also as name themselves spiritual men, and should be head Ministers of the Church, who incontinent as any man cometh before them, anon they call for a book, and do moon him to swear, without any longer respite, yea & they will charge him by virtue of the contents in the evangely, to make true relation of all that they shall demand him, he not knowing what they will demand, neither whether it be lawful to show them the truth of their demands or no? For such things there be that are not lawful to be showed. As if I were accused of fornication, & none could be found in me, or if they should require me to swear to bewray any other that I have known to offend in that vice, 
A man is not bound 〈◊〉 detect an other man's 〈◊〉 before ●●dge in 〈◊〉.  I suppose it were expedient to hold me still, & not to follow their will, for it should be contrary to charity, if I should so assent to bewray them, that I need not, and to whom perhaps, though I have known them to offend, yet trusting of their amendment, I have promised afore to keep their fault secret without any disclosing of the same. Yea, moreover, if such judges sometime not knowing by any due proof that such as have to do afore them, 
●●we comp●●leth no man to bewray himself.  are culpable will enforce them by an oath, to detect themselves in opening before them their hearts: in this so doing, I can not see that men need to condescend in their requests. For it is in the law (but I wot not certainly the place) thus. 
●●w punisheth no man for thought.  Nemo tenetur prodere semetipsum, that is to say: No man is bound to bewray himself. Also in another place of the law it is written: Cogitationis poenam nemo patiatur: No man should suffer punishment of men for his thought. To this agreeth the common Proverb, that is thus: Cogitationes liberae sunt à vectigalibus. 
Thoughts 〈◊〉 free and 〈◊〉 to pay ●●tole.  That is to say, thoughts be free and need to pay no toll. So that to conclude, I think it lawful, at the commandment of a judge, to make an oath, to say the truth, specially if a judge requireth an oath duly, and in lawful wise, or to make an oath in any other case convenient, and that also for purgation of infamy, 

No man is 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 himself by the law.  
To the 42. article.   when any infamy is lawfully laid against a man.  
¶ In the xlij. where you ask, whether a Christian person despising the receit of the Sacraments of confirmation, extreme unction, or solemnising of Matrimony, do sin deadly? I say like of the recite of them, as I have said before of the self things and none otherwise.  
¶ In the xliij. where you ask, whether I believe, that S. Peter was Christ's Vicar, having power upon earth to bind & lose? I say, that I do not perceive clearly what you mean by this term Vicar: 
To the 43. article.  For Christ never called Peter, ne none other so in Scripture. If you mean thereby, that after the departing hence of Christ, when he was risen from death in his immortal body, and so stied into heaven, whereas he remaineth sitting upon the right hand of his Father, 
●ear of ●●rist.  that he so being away from hence, S. Peter occupied his room: then I say, it is not untrue but Peter in a manner (which I shall show here under) was his vicar, and like as Peter was his vicar, even so was Paul, and the other Apostles, and the one no less than the other if it be true, 
●●ter no ●●re vicar of Christ, ●●n Paul 〈◊〉 other Apostles. Math. 16.  that S. Cyprian doth write: which is also consenting to Scripture, he saith thus: That Christ spoke unto Peter saying: I say (quoth our Saviour,) that thou art Peter, and upon this rock of stone shall I build my congregation, and the gates of hell shall not overcome it. To thee will I give the keys of heaven, & what things thou shalt bind upon earth, the same shallbe bound also in heaven: and what so ever thou shalt lose upon earth, shallbe loosed also in heaven. And to him after his resurrection doth Christ say: feed my sheep.  
And albeit that he gave equal power unto all his Apostles after his resurrection, and saith: 
Cypria. de simplicitate Prelatorum.  like as my Father sent me, do I also send you: Take you the holy ghost: If you shall retain to any man his sins, they shallbe retained: If you shall remit to any man his sin, to him they shallbe remitte●. Nevertheless, because he would declare unity, 
john. 20.  he ordained by his authority; the original of the same unity beginning of one. The other Apostles truly were the same that Peter was, induced with equal partaking both of honour and authority, or power, 
Unity.  but the beginning cometh of one that the congregation should be showed to be one. These are the words of Cyprian in a treatise that is called, De simplicitate Praelatorum, wherein you may see that Christ made all the Apostles of equal honour and like authority. Notwithstanding because he would testify the unity of his Church or Congregation, he spoke, 
The only person of Peter declareth the unity of the Church.  as it were alonely unto Peter, when he said: feed my sheep: And I shall give thee Peter, the keys of heaven: but in so saying, though the words seem spoken to Peter only, yet they were spoken unto him, 
Peter heareth the person of the whole Church.  in that he sustained the general person of all the Church, being as it were a common speaker for the same. So that in speaking to him, Christ spoke unto all other the Apostles, unto whom also he gave all the same authority, that he gave unto Peter, as you may see both in these words of Cyprian, and also the same is clearly showed out of S. Augustine in divers places, 
August. de Ago Christiano.  but no where more plainly in a few words then in a treatise called de Ago Christiano.  
To this accordeth well that is written of Paul, Gal. 2. Ab his qui videbantur aliquid esse: quales aliquando fuerunt, nihil mea refert etc. 
Gal. 2.  Of those Apostles (quoth Paul) which seemed to be of authority, I was not taught (what they were in time passed, it skilleth me nothing: God regardeth not the exterior appearance of man) nevertheless they which appeared to be of price, showed me no learning, nor gave me no counsel. But contrary, when they had seen that the Gospel of uncircumcision was committed unto me, like as the evangely of circumcision was unto Peter for he that was mightier than Peter concerning the Apostleship toward the jews was mighty also in me toward the Gentiles: Therefore, when james, Peter, and joh. which appeared to be as pillars, knew the grace given me, they gave unto me and Barnaby their right hands in signs of fellowship to be their partners, so that we should exercise the office of Apostles among the Gentiles, as they did among the jews. Wherein you may clearly see, that Paul took no instruction of them which seemed to be in high authority, and that Peter james, and john, which were noted principals, took Paul and Barnabas to be their mates and fellows. Which they would not have done (I suppose, if they had known, 
Apostles mates and fellows together.  that God had granted to them a prerogative singular to excel Paul, and to be his sovereign: but according to the prerogative of God granted, they might safely have showed it, and enjoyed the same: like as they did rejoice in other benefits granted to them of God, to be ministers in his church for the edifying of the same: and as S. john calleth himself the Disciple loved of his master jesus, and testifieth, how that unto him Christ hanging upon the Cross, did commit his blessed mother.  
Moreover, if these three Apostles, james, Peter, and john, should have by humility, left out to make mention of their prerogative, 
Objection discussed.  when they took Paul and Barnabas into their fellowship: yet is it to be thought that Paul which useth never any inordinate arrogancy, writing the words above said for the magnifying of his own privilege and authority given him of God, would not have suppressed and passed over their primacy unspoken of, with whom he maketh here comparison: for than it might be thought he were envious, and to pike away authority from other to himself unlawful: that cannot so be. Moreover he saith a little after the words afore rehearsed, 
Jerome.  that he reproved S. Peter even before his face. Whereupon S. Jerome expounding the same Epistle, saith (as I remember) that Paul would not have been bold so to do, 
Paul equal to Peter.  except he had known himself equal to Peter.  
In the words also of Paul above written, this might be noted, as serving to my purpose, that Peter had no pre-eminence or primacy above the other, for james is named afore him, which Paul would not have done, 

Apostles equal together without any difference of superyoritye.  
james named before Peter.   (I think) knowing Peter to be james superior. Therefore he making no such variety in order, put james afore saying: And james, Peter and john, that appeared the principals (quoth he) gave unto me and to Barnaby their right hands in sign of fellowship. Yet notwithstanding Paul loved good order (I suppose) as well as any that now are, which contendeth so sore for superior rovins & preeminency claiming to be the Apostles successors. I would it were so much for the common wealth of Christian people, 
Contention about superiority whence it proceedeth. Act. 11.  as it is suspect that they do it for vain glory, and worldly lucre. According to this, shall you find. Acts xj. where is showed, thereafter Peter by instinct of the holy Ghost, had gone unto one of the Gentiles called Cornelius a petty Captain, having the governance of an hundredth men, teaching him the ways and doctrine of Christ, and Baptising him and other with him assembled, being like as he afore was, Pagans: the Apostles and other Christian brethren that were in jewry, 
emperors give more obeisance to the Pope, than ever did the Apostles unto Peter.  hearing thereof, when Peter came to Jerusalem, they which held upon Circumcision, made none obeisance unto him (albeit I think verily he had more holiness than ever had any other Pope) as the Emperor is fain to do to the Pope at his coronation, falling down to kiss the Pope's feet, or to hold the Pope's styrrup while he mounteth upon his horseback, 
Difference between Peter and the Pope.  according to the form of law written: I am not certain whether in the Decrees or else the decretals, or in both rather (for such ordinances are inviolable & worthy to be principally recorded) but they reasoned sore & disputed both against S. Peter, 
Peter was content to be charged of the brethren.  and also his doing, saying: you have gone amongst them that you ought not have had to do with, ne to have meddled among them, that are men unclean, 
The Pope requireth his feet to be kissed of Emperors.  because they are uncircumcised: yea & that is more, you have eat & drunk with them. Peter mildly and coldly made answer again, rehearsing all the manner of his doing in order: showing that he was so instruct to do by mighty and clear revelations of God, & not by his own fantasy and pleasure.  
Which answer being heard, the other that afore had made sore objections against him (which were both of the Apostles, 
Peter vicar of Christ no more than other Apostles.  and other Christian brethren) were content, holding their peace without any more complaining, and gave glory therefore to God, saying: Then God hath granted also unto the Gentiles to take repentance, and so to come to eternal life. Where in you may see, that the other Apostles were as bold with Peter, as before is showed of Paul, to dispute against him. Neither were they therefore by Peter reproved of inobedience. He did not allege any pre-eminence or authority, to rebuke them for their complaining, as one would say: why should you that are my sheep, control me, that am the head of the church and your pastor, or Christ's general vicar, having both jurisdiction temporal, and spiritual: with such other like? but showed them it was the will of God, that he had done, going to the Gentiles to tell them of eternal life, which God pleased to give to them as well as to the jews. In token whereof the holy ghost did sensibly come among them, and so were they baptized.  

Vicar of Christ.  Thus may you see, that if Peter were the Vicar of Christ, even so likewise was Paul, and all the other Apostles. And I do not think contrary, but that Peter and all other of the Apostles were Christ's Uicares, if you mean by this word vicar, a deputy or such like for to preach his evangely (which is an office of all other most sovereign) to minister Sacraments, and to do other such divine service in God's Church. And thus were they worthy to be called (as the Scripture nameth them) Christ's true Apostles, Bishops, Priests, Legates, or any such like. Which authority was given them by Christ after his resurrection, when he said unto them these words: 
Luke. 24.  Peace be amongst you Like as my father hath sent me, so do I send you. Take you the holy Ghost: whose sins soever you shall forgive, are forgiven them: and whose sins you shall retain, are retained. And the same authority did they receive when Christ spoke unto all the Church, 
joh. 21.  after the mind of Saint Augugustine and other, in Peter, saying: Peter feed my sheep.  
¶ In the xliiij. where you ask, whether I believe, that the Pope ordinarily chosen for a time (his proper name being expressed, 
To the 44. article.  be the successor of Peter, I say that it seemeth to me a thing of no great value whether a man believe so or no, I can not see that it should be numbered amongst the Articles of our faith. 

Succession of Peter.  
How the Pope may be a successor of Peter.   Notwithstanding I will show my rude thought in it, which is this.  
The Pope may succeed in S. Peter's stead or office, and do the same duly & diligently feeding Christ's flock, and showing virtuous ensample of living to the same, & so doing, he may and aught to be thought and named a true successor of S. Peter. 
Every good Bishop may be successor of Peter.  And thus is your Lordship, S. Peter's successor, performing the conditions aforesaid, with otherlike properties requisite to your order and duty: yea and as many other as do truly their duty and duly the office of a Bishop. And otherwise may not the Pope be called the successor of Peter, for because he is entered into S. Peter's office, not regarding to do that is requisite for the same, not following the trace of virtue, but the contrary. And then is he wrongfully named, if at any time such be, which is not unpossible. For what should men call those Peter's successors, that play the pageants and follow with the conditions of Caiphas, Simon Magus, or judas? Such verily if any be, cannot rightwilly claim to be Peter's successors, 
The Pope rather 〈◊〉 be Peter's adversary, than his successor.  no more than the night may claim to be successor of the day▪ for Peter was never so minded, ne taught them so. Yea, they ought rather to be called Peter's adversaries, for so much as they do not his will, that is showed by his own acts and writing, but work against the same. Of such may be said: Non Sanctorum filii sunt, qurtenent loca Sanctorum, sed qui exercent opera eorum. That is to say, 
Jerome. As the 〈◊〉 is successor of the day ●o is the Pope successor of Peter except he follow the steppe● of Peter.  they are not all Saints children, that occupy the rowms of Saints, but they are their children, that exercise their works. Yea, of such may be said, that is written of S. Jerome. All Bishops (quoth he) are not bishops, mark you well Peter, but mark also judas. Behold Stephen, but behold Nicholas. Ecclesiastical dignity maketh not a Christian man. Cornelius the Centurion being yet a pagan, was made clean through the benefit of the holy ghost. Contrariwise, Daniel being a child, condemneth Priests, or ancient men. It is no easy thing (saith he) to stand in the room of Peter and Paul, & to keep the seat of them now reigning with Christ: For unsavoury salt is nought else worth, but to be thrown out of the doors, 
August.  and trodden down of hogs. This saith S. Jerome.  
Whereunto agreeth well S. Augustine. Every one (quoth he) that saith unto you. Pax vobis, ought not to be heard, or to be believed, as a dove. Crows be fed of dead carrion: & so is not a dove: but liveth by the fruits of the earth. 

Let us mark not how the bird speaketh, but how he feedeth.  
The Crow feedeth upon carrion, the Dove not so.   Her living is pure, innocent and hurtless. Whereby you may see, that ill Bishops are no Bishops, and that they which follow no Saints in virtuous living, are not the successors of Saints, but unsavoury salt, that is, neither of the church, ne shall come in heaven to reign there with Peter & Paul, but be thrown out with great contempt. For God knoweth a dove from a crow, and an innocent liver from a devourer of carrion. But such as declare and show good deeds, as the Saints did, be their children and successors, and shall with them reign in heaven.  
So that to conclude, I say, 
How the Pope is sucsessour of Peter and how not. Zach. 11.  that the Pope ordinately chosen is the successor of S. Peter, following S. Peter's godly living. And else, except he study to do diligently, that he may be so called worthily, it shall be but a vain name. For rather may he else be reputed an Image of a Pope, or of a Bishop according as such be called of the Prophet: O Pastor & Idolum: O Idol shepherds.  
¶ In the xlv. where you ask, 
To the last article.  whether ever I have promised as any time by an oath, or made any confederacy or league with any person or persons, that I would always hold and defend certain conclusions or articles seeming to me and to my complices right & consonant unto the faith? 
joh. Lambert required to detect his fellows▪  and will that I should certify you of the course and form of the said opinions and conclusions by row, & of the names and surnames of them that were to me adherent, & promised to be adherent in this behalf: I say, that I do not remember, that ever I made pact or confederacy with any person or persons, ne made any promise by oath, that I would always hold and defend any conclusions, or articles seeming to me and other, right and consonant to the faith, unless it hath chanced me to say in this form: that I would never with the aid of God, forsake ne decline from the truth, neither for fear, nor yet for love of man or men.  
Thus I have perhaps said in some time, or some place, because I have in deed so intended, and do intend, God's grace assisting me. But I can not yet tell you, whether I have so said or no, nor to what people, ne at what time, neither in what place. Neither I do reckon me to have any complices, but such as do love me, and I them, 
All the opinions of john Lambert engrossed in two propositions.  for God and in God. And those do I reckon all them that are or will be truly christian, in calling upon Christ's name. And concerning opinions or conclusions, I can tell you of none other, than I have showed: the sum whereof I reckon and think utterly be concluded in two propositions, which both are written in the new Testament. 
The first proposition. Act. 4.   
The first is in the Acts of the Apostles in this wise: Christus est caput anguli, nec est in alio quoquam salus. Non enim aliud nomen sub coelo datum est inter homines, in quo oporteat nos saluos fieri. That is to say: Christ is the head corner stone of our faith, whereupon it should be set and grounded: neither is salvation in any other, 
1. Cor. 1.  for there is none other name under heaven given amongst men, wherein we may be saved. This is the one of the propositions, wherein is engrossed or comprehended my saying, which S. Paul doth thus otherwise explicate: Christ is made of God our wisdom, our righteousness, our pureness, or satisfaction, and our redemption. And in an other place: There is none other foundation, 
The second proposition.  that any man may put, except that which is already put, that is Christ jesus.  
The other proposition is written of the Prophet Esay, and recited of our Saviour in the evangely of Matthew, 
Esa. ●9.  in these words: Men do worship me in vain, teaching doctrines and precepts, or laws humane. Of this writeth Paul very largely in divers places, 
Coloss. 2.  and every where well nigh. Amongst other, Collos. 2. where he warneth the Colossians to take heed that no man do spoil them, to steal them away, by Philosophy or vain deception, according to the constitutions of men, and ordinances of this world. Thus I do certify you of all the opinions and conclusions, which I intend, or have intended to sustain, being contained in the two propositions above written. Other hold I none, but such as are mentioned in the Creed, both that is song at Mass, and also in the other Creed, that all people do daily say every day.  
Finally, that you require to know of the names and surnames, in order particularly of them, that be to me adherentes, or that have promised me to be adherent in this part: 
The number of Gospelers well nigh half Christendom.  I say, that I know of none particular, that I remember, without I should note unto you a great multitude, which you may know, and here of (I suppose) through all regions and realms of Christendom, that do think likewise, as I have showed, I ween the multitude mounteth nigh unto the one half of Christendom: and more should do likewise, by a great sort within a while (I doubt not) but that our ghostly enemy laboureth a main, to have the knowledge of the truth suppressed, 
john Lambert denieth to detect any by his oath.  and letteth, that it can not come abroad for to be seen. I say therefore again I know of no particular adherentes, ne of none that hath so promised me to be in these matters. And though I did, I would not (except I knew that charity so required, which I do not find yet hitherto) detect, ne bewray any one of them, for no man's pleasure: For I am bound to obey God above men. Who be with us, and grant the truth to be known. Amen.  
These answers of john Lambert, to the 45. Articles above expressed, 

These answers of Lambert were given to warham Archb. of Cant. Lambert of O●ford in custody. The death of Archb. Warham. Doct. Crammer ambassador to the B. of Rome.  
Cranmer offered disputations before the Pope and Emperor in the king's cause.  
Two propositions of Cranmer. Doct. Cranmer made Archbishop of Canterbury.  
Lambert delivered ●ut of custody. Lambert ●●ght children about the stocks.   were directed and delivered to doctor Warham Archbishop of Caunterbury, as it appeareth, about the year of our Lord 1532. at what time, the said Lambert was in custody in the Archbishop's house of Otforde, being there destitute of all help and furniture of books, as by his own words is to be gathered. But so the providence of God wrought for Lambert, that within short space after, An. 1533. the said Archbishop Warham died: whereby it seemeth that Lambert for that time was delivered. In this mean while Doct. Cranmer was sent over in embassage, with the Earl of Wilshyre, doctor Stokesley, Doct. Kerne, Doctor Benet, and other learned men, to the bishop of Rome lying then at Bonony, to dispute the matter of the kings marriage, openly first in the Court of Rome, then in the Court of the Emperor. Where after sundry promises, and appointments made, yet when the time came, no man there appeared, to dispute with them, in these two propositions: 1. That no man, iure divino, could or ought to marry his brother's wife. 2. That the Bishop of Rome by no means ought to dispense to the contrary. But of this more copiously we will entreat (the lords grace permitting) in the sequel of our story, coming to Doctor Cranmers' life.  
After the death of William Warham, succeeded in that Sea the said Doctor Cranmer. Lambert in the mean season being delivered, partly by the death of this Archbishop, partly by the coming in of Queen Anne, returned into London, and there exercised himself about the Stocks, in teaching children, both in the Greek, and latin tongue. And for somuch as priests in those days could not be permitted to have wives, he left his priesthood; & applied himself to that function of teaching, intending shortly after also to be free of the grocers, and to be married. But God, who disposeth all men's purposes after his secret pleasure, did both intercept his marriage, and also his freedom, and married him to his son Christ jesus, as now consequently followeth to be declared. 
Anno 1538.   
Thus then after that john Lambert now had continued in this vocation of teaching, 

Doct. Tailor ●. of Lincoln, who after was deprived in Q. mary's 〈◊〉. and ●yed. 1554. Lambert seeks con●r●ce with 〈◊〉 preacher.  
The first occasion of Lambertes ●ouble.   with great commendation, and no less commodity to the youth: it happened this present year 1538. he was present at a Sermone, in S. Peter's Church at London. He that preached, was named Doctor Tailor, a man in those days not far disagreeing from the Gospel, and afterward in the time of King Edward was made Bishop of Lincoln, and at last in the time of Queen Marie was deprived from the same, and so ended his life, among the confessors of jesus Christ.  
When the Sermon was done, Lambert having gotten opportunity, went gently unto the Preacher to talk with him, and uttered divers arguments wherein he desired to be satisfied. All the whole matter or controversy was concerning the sacrament of the body and blood of Christ. Taylor excusing himself at that present for other business, willed him to write his mind, and to come again at more leisure.  
Lambert was contented, and so departed. Who within a while after, when he had written his mind, came again unto him. The sum of his arguments were ten, which he comprehended in writing, approving the truth of the cause, partly by the Scriptures, and partly by good reason, and by the Doctors. The which arguments, 
Lambertes arguments.  although they came not all unto our hands, yet such men as were present at those affairs, reported them to be of great force and authority. And of a few which were borne away in memory, the first reason was this, gathered upon Christ's words, where it is said in the Gospel: This cup is the new Testament.  
And if (sayeth he) these words do not change neither the Cup, 

The words of consecration change not the cup: Ergo neither do the words change the bread corporally into th● body.  
One body can not fill many places at once naturally.   neither the wine corporally into the new Testament: by like reason it is not agreeable that the words spoken of the bread, should turn the bread corporally into the body of Christ.  
another reason was this: that it is not agreeable unto a natural body to be in two places or more at one time: wherefore it must follow of necessity, that either Christ had not a natural body, or else truly according to the common nature of a body, it cannot be present in two places at once, and much less in many: that is to say, in heaven & in earth, on the right hand of his father, and in the Sacrament.  
Moreover, a natural body can not be without his form and shape, conditions, and accidents, like as the accidents and conditions also can not be without their subject or substance. Then, for somuch as in the sacrament there is no quality, quantity, or condition of the body of Christ, and finally no appearance at all, of flesh: 
The forms can not be without the subject.  who doth not plainly perceive that there is no transubstantiate body of his in the sacrament? And to reason by the contrary: all the proper conditions, signs, and accidents whatsoever they be pertaining unto bread, we do see to be present in the sacrament, which can not be there without the subject: therefore we must of necessity confess the bread to be there. He added also many other allegations out of the Doctoures. But to be short, this Tailor the preacher, whom I spoke of before, willing and desiring (as is supposed) of a good mind to satisfy Lambert in this matter, amongst other, whom he took to counsel, he also conferred with doct. Barns, Which Barnes, 
D. Barnes.  although he did otherwise favour the Gospel, and was an earnest preacher, notwithstanding seemed not greatly to favour this cause, fearing peradventure, that it would breed some let or hindrance among the people, to the preaching of the Gospel, which was now in a good forwardness, if such sacramentaries should be suffered: He persuaded Tailor by and by to put up the matter to Thomas Cranmer Bishop of Caunterbury. And hereby may we see it truly verified, which Wil Tyndall before writing to john Frith, did note in Doct. Barnes, saying: that D. Barnes will be hot against you, etc. pag. 154.  
Upon these originals, Lambert's quarrel first began, and was brought unto this point, that through the sinister doing of many, it began of a private talk, to be a public and common matter. For he was sent for by the archbishop and brought into the open court, and forced to defend his cause openly: for the archbishop had not yet savoured the doctrine of the Sacrament, 
Thomas Cranmer Archb. of Canterbury favoured not yet the Sacrament  whereof afterward he was an earnest professor. In that disputation, it is said, that Lambart did appeal from the Bishops, to the kings Majesty. But how soever the matter was, the rumour of that disputation, was by and by spread throughout the whole Court.  
I told you before, how that king Henry for two years past showing the part of an hard husband, had beheaded Queen Anne his wife. Which deed did not only greatly displease the German Princes (who for that only cause had broken of the league with him, an. 1536. but also many other good men in England.  
Moreover, how that within a while after, abbeys began to be subverted, and all their goods to be confiscate and given abroad. For which causes, but especially for the late abolishing of the bishop of Rome, the commons had conceived a very evil opinion of him, in so much as the seditious sort rebelled against him.  
At that time Stephen Gardiner then Bishop of Winchester, 
Steven Gardiner bishop of Winchester.  was in authority amongst the king's Counsellors who as he was of a cruel nature, so was he no less of a subtle and crafty wit, ever gaping for some occasion how to let and hinder the Gospel: albeit a long time he was not so greatly esteemed with the king that he could much prevail to achieve his conceived purpose: But at length: upon this matter advising himself, he thought he had apt occasion and opportunity to accomplish his desire. 
The pernicious council of the Bishop of winchester.  Neither did he forslacke the occasion ministered, but went strait unto the king, privily admonishing him, & with fair flattering words, giving him most pernicious counsel, declaring how great hatred and suspicion was raised upon him, almost in all places.  
First, for abolishing the Bishop of Rome's authority, then for subversion of the monasteries, and also for that the divorcement of Queen Katherine was yet fresh in men's minds: and now the time served, if he would take it, easily to remedy all these matters, and pacify the minds of them, which were offended with him, if only in this matter of john Lambert, he would manifest unto the people, how stoutly he would resist heretics: and by this new rumour he should bring to pass, not only to extinguish all other former rumours, and as it were with one nail to drive out an other, but also should discharge himself of all suspicion, in that he now began to be reported to be a favourer of new sects and opinions.  

The nobles and Bishops assembled to Lambertes disputation.  The king giving ear more willingly, then prudently or godly to this Cyrene, immediately received the wicked counsel of the Bishop, and by and by sent out a general Commission, commanding all the nobles and Bishops of this Realm, to come with all speed, to London to assist the king against heretics and heresies, which the king himself would sit in judgement upon.  
These preparations made, a day was set for Lambert, where a great assembly of the nobles was gathered from all parts of the realm, not without much wonder and expectation in this so strange a case. All the seats and places were full of men round about the scaffold.  

Lambert brought before the king to dispute.  By and by the godly servant of Christ john Lambert was brought from the prison with a guard of armed men, even as a Lamb to fight with many Lions, and placed right over against where the kings royal seat was, so that now they tarried but for the kings coming to the place.  
At the last, the king himself did come as judge of that great controversy, with a great guard, clothed all in white, as covering by that colour and dissimuling severity of all bloody judgement.  
On his right hand sat the Bishops, and behind them the famous Lawyers, clothed all in purple, according to the manner. On the left hand sat the Peers of the Realm, the justices, and other Nobles in their order: behind whom sat the Gentlemen of the kings privy Chamber. And this was the manner and form of the judgement, which albeit it was terrible enough of itself, to abash any innocent, yet the kings look, his cruel countenance, and his brows bend unto severity, 
The kings stern look against Lambert.  did not a little augment this terror, plainly declaring a mind full of indignation far unworthy such a Prince, especially in such a matter and against so humble and obedient a subject.  
When the king was set in his throne, he beheld Lambert with a stern countenance, and then turning himself unto his counsellors, he called forth D. Day Bishop of Chechester, commanding him to declare unto the people, the causes of this present assembly and judgement.  

The Oration of Doctor Day.  The whole effect of his Oration tended in a manner, to this point: That the king in this Session would have all states, degrees, Bishops and all other, to be admonished of his will and pleasure, that no man should conceive any sinister opinion of him, that now the authority and name of the Bishop of Rome being utterly abolished, he would also extinguish all Religion, or give liberty unto heretics to perturb and trouble the Churches of England, without punishment, whereof he is the head: and moreover that they should not think, that they were assembled at that present, to make any disputation upon the heretical doctrine, but only for this purpose, that by the industry of him and other Bishops, the heresies of this man here present (meaning Lambert) and the heresies of all such like, should be refuted or openly condemned in the presence of them all.  
When he had made an end of his Oration, the King standing up upon his feet leaning upon a cushion of white cloth of tussue, turning himself toward Lambert with his brows bend, as it were threatening some grievous thing unto him, said these words: Ho good fellow, what is thy name? Then the humble Lamb of Christ, humbly kneeling down upon his knee, said: My name is john Nicolson, although of many I be called Lambert. What (said the king? have you two names? I would not trust you having two names, although you were my brother. Lambert, O most noble Prince, 
The kings words to Lambert.  your bishops forced me of necessity to change my name. And after divers Prefaces and much talk had in this manner, the king commanded him to go unto the matter, and to declare his mind & opinion what he thought as touching the Sacrament of the altar.  
Then Lambert beginning to speak for himself, 
Lambert's oration to the king.  gave God thanks which had so inclined the heart of the king, that he himself would not disdain to here and understand the controversies of Religion: for that it happeneth oftentimes, through the cruelty of the bishops, 
The 〈◊〉 of Bishops noted.  that many good & innocent men in many places are privily murdered and put to death without the king's knowledge.  
But now for so much as that high and eternal king of kings, in whose hands are the hearts of all Princes, hath inspired and stirred up the king's mind, that he himself will be present to understand the causes of his subjects, specially whom God of his divine goodness hath so abundantly endued with so great gifts of judgement and knowledge, he doth not mistrust, but that God will bring some great thing to pass through him, to the setting forth of the glory of his name.  
Then the king, with an angry voice, interrupting his Oration: I came not hither (said he) to hear mine own praises thus painted out in my presence, but briefly go to the matter, without any more circumstance. Thus he spoke in Latin.  
But Lambert being abashed at the Kings angry words, contrary to all men's expectation, stayed a while considering whether he might turn himself in these great straits and extremities.  
But the king being hasty, with anger and vehemency said: why standest thou still? 
The king fierce upon Lambert.  Answer as touching the Sacrament of the altar, whether dost thou say, that it is the body of Christ, or wilt deny it? And with that word the king lifted up his cap.  
Lambert. I answer with S. Augustine, that it is the body of Christ, after a certain manner.  
The king. Answer me neither out of S. Augustine, neither by the authority of any other, but tell me plainly, 
Quodam modo 1. after a certain manner.  whether thou sayest it is the body of Christ, or no? These words the king spoke again in Latin.  
Lambert. Then I deny it to be the body of Christ.  
The king. Mark well, for now thou shalt be condemned even by Christ's own words: Hoc est corpus meum.  
Then he commanded Thomas Cranmer, Archbishop of Canterbury to refute his assertion: who first making a short preface unto the hearers, 
The Archbishop's reasons.  began his disputation with Lambert, very modestly, saying: Brother Lambert, let this matter be handled between us indifferently, that if I do convince this your argument to be false by the Scriptures, you will willingly refuse the same: but if you shall prove it true by the manifest testimonies of the scripture, I do promise, I will willingly embrace the same.  
The argument was this, taken out of that place of the Acts of the Apostles, where as Christ appeared unto S. Paul by the way: disputing out of that place, 
The Archbishop's argument.  that it is not disagreeable to the word of God, that the body of Christ may be in two places at once, which being in heaven was seen unto S. Paul the same time upon earth: & if it may be in two places, why by the like reason, may it not be in many places?  
In this manner the Archbishop began to refute the second argument of Lambert, which as we have before said, was written & delivered by the said Lambert, unto the preacher: for the king had first disputed against his first reason.  
Lambert answered unto this argument, saying: that the Minor was not thereby proved, that Christ's body was dispersed in two places, or more, but remained rather still in one place, as touching the manner of his body. 
Lambert's answer to Cranmers' objection.  For the Scripture doth not say, that Christ being upon earth, did speak unto Paul: But that suddenly a light from heaven did shine round about him, and he falling to the ground, heard a voice saying unto him, Saul, Saul, why dost thou persecute me? I am jesus whom thou persecutest. etc. Here this place doth nothing let, but that Christ sitting in heaven, 
Act 9  might speak unto Paul, and be heard upon earth, for they which were with Paul, verily heard the voice, but did see no body.  
The Archbishop on the contrary part, said: Paul himself doth witness. 
The Archbishop's reply.  Acts 26. that Christ did appear unto him in the same vision.  
But Lambert again said, that Christ did witness in the same place, That he would again appear unto him, 
Answer to the reply.  and deliver him out of the hands of the Gentiles: notwithstanding we read in no place, that Christ did corporally appear unto him.  
Thus, 
The hasty impudency of the bishop of Winchester. The reason of Stephe● wint.  when they had contended about the conversion of S. Paul, and Lambert so aunswearinge for himself, that the king seemed greatly to be moved therewith, and the Bishop himself that disputed, to be entangled, and all the audience amazed: then the Bishop of Winchester, which was appointed the 6. place of the disputation, fearing lest the argument should be taken out of his mouth, or rather being drowned with malice against the poor man, without the kings commandment, observing no order, before the Archbishop had made an end, unshamefastly kneeled down to take in hand the disputation, alleged a place out of the 12. Chapter to the Corinthians, where S. Paul sayeth: Have I not seen jesus? And again in the 15. chapter: He appeared unto Cephas: and afterward unto james, then to all the Apostles, but last of all, he appeared unto me as one borne out of due time. 
●. Cor. 15.  etc.  
Hereunto, Lambert answered, he did nothing doubt but that Christ was seen, and did appear, but he did deny that he was in two or in divers places, according to the manner of his body.  
Then Winchester again, abusing the authority of Paul, repeateth the place out of the second Epistle to the Corinthians and 5. Chapter: And if so be, we have known Christ after the flesh, 
Wint. replieth.  now henceforth know we him so no more. etc.  

2. Cor. 5.  Lambert answered, that this knowledge is not to be understanded according to the sense of the body, and that it so appeared sufficiently by S. Paul, which speaking of his own revelation, sayeth thus: I know not whether in the body or without the body, 
Lambert answereth to Wint.  God knoweth, which was rapt into the third heaven, I know not, whether in the body or without, God knoweth. Whereby, even by the testimony of S. Paul, a man shall easily gather, that in this revelation he was taken up in spirit into the heavens, & did see those things, rather than that Christ came down corporally from heaven, to show them unto him: especially, for that it was said of the Angel: That even as he ascended into heaven, so he should come again. And S. Peter sayeth, whom it behoveth to dwell in the heavens. And moreover appointing the measure of time, he addeth: Even until that all things be restored. etc. Hear again, Lambert being taunted and rebuked, could not be suffered to prosecute his purpose.  
After the bishop of Winchester had done, Tonstall Bishop of Durham took his course, and after a long preface, wherein he spoke much of God's omnipotency, at the last he came to this point, 
Tonstall Bishop of Durisme against Lambert.  saying: that if Christ could perform that which he spoke touching the converting of his body into bread, without doubt he would speak nothing, but that he would perform.  
Lambert answered, that there was no evident place of Scripture, wherein Christ doth at any time say, that he would change the bread into his body: and moreover, that there is no necessity why he should so do. But this is a figurative speech, 
The answer of Lambert to Tonstall. The figurative phrase of the scripture to be marked.  every where used in the Scripture, when as the name and appellation of the thing signified, is attributed unto the sign. By which figure of speech, circumcision is called the covenant, the Lamb, the passover: beside 600. such other.  
Now it remaineth to be marked, whether we shall judge all these after the words pronounced, to be straightway changed into an other nature. Then again began they to rage's a fresh against Lambert, so that if he could not be overcome with arguments, he should be vanquished with rebukes and taunts. What should he do? He might well hold his peace like a Lamb, but bite or bark again he could not.  
Next orderly stepped forth the valiant champion Stokesly bishop of London, who afterward lying at the point of death, rejoiced, boasting, that in his life time he had burned 50. heretics. 
The wicked ●oast of Stokesly.  This man amongst the residue, intending to fight for his belly, with a long protestation promised to prove, that it was not only a work of a divine miracle, but also that it did nothing abhor nature. For, it is nothing dissonant from nature (sayeth he) the substances of like things to be oftentimes changed one into an other: So that nevertheless, 
The waterish cold argument of Stokesly. One substance may be changed into an other, but then the accidents change also with it. The bishop's triumph before the ●ictory. Lambert's answer to Stokesly. 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 against Lambert.  the accidents do remain, all be it the substance itself, and the matter subject be changed. Then he declared it by the example of water boiling so long upon the fire, until all the substance thereof be evaporate. Now (sayeth he) it is the doctrine of the Philosophers, that a substance can not be changed, but into a substance: wherefore we do affirm the substance of the water, to pass into the substance of the air. notwithstanding the quality of the water, which is moistness, remaineth after the substance is changed, for the air is moist, even as the water is.  
When this argument was heard, the Bishops greatly rejoiced, and suddenly their countenance changed, as it were assuring themselves of a certain triumph and victory by this Philosophical transmutation of elements, and like as it had been of more force, than Chrysippus argument, which passed all manner of solution.  
Lambertes answer was long looked for here of all men. Who, assoon as he had obtained silence and liberty to speak, first of all denied the bishops assumpte, that the moisture of the water did remain after the substance was altered. For all be it (saith he) that we do grant with the Philosophers, the air to be natural moist, notwithstanding it hath one proper and a divers degree of moisture, and the water an other. Wherefore, when as the water is converted into the air, there remaineth moisture, as you do say, but that is not the moisture of water, but the proper and natural moisture of the air. Whereupon there is an other doctrine amongst the Philosophers, as a perpetual rule, that it can by no means be, that the qualities & accidents in natural things should remain in their own proper nature, without their proper subject.  
Then again the king and the Bishops raged against Lambert, in somuch that he was not only forced to silence, but also might have been driven into a rage, if his ears had not been acquainted with such taunts afore. After this the other Bishops, every one in his order, as they were appointed, supplied their places of disputation.  
There were appointed ten in number, for the performing of this Tragedy, for his ten Arguments, which (as before we have declared) were delivered unto Tailor the preacher. It were too long in this place, 
Ten disputers against Lambert.  to repeat the reasons and arguments of every Bishop: and no less superfluous were it so to do, specially for somuch as they were all but common reasons, and nothing forcible, and such as by the long use of disputation have been beaten, 
Lammbert ingreat perplexity  and had little in them, either worthy the hearer, or the reader.  
Lambert in the mean time being compassed in with so many and great perplexities, vexed on the one side with checks and taunts, and pressed on the other side, with the authority and threats of the personages, and partly being amazed with the majesty of the place in the presence of the King, and especially being wearied with long standing, 
Lambert keepeth silence when speaking would do no good.  which continued no less than five hours, from twelve of the clock, until five at night, being brought in despair that he should nothing profit in this purpose, and seeing no hope at all in speaking, was at this point, that he chose rather to hold his peace.  
Whereby it came to pass, that those bishops, which last of all disputed with him, spoke what they lusted without interruption, save only that Lambert now and then, would allege somewhat out of S. Augustin for the defence of his cause, in which author he seemed to be very prompt and ready. But for the most part (as I said) being overcome with weariness and other griefs, he held his peace, defending himself rather with silence, then with arguments, which he saw would nothing at all prevail.  
At the last, when the day was passed, and that torches begun to be lighted, the king minding to break up this pretenced disputation, said unto Lambert in this wise: What sayest thou now (said he) after all these great labours which thou hast taken upon thee, 
The kings words to Lambert.  and all the reasons & instructions of these learned men, art thou not yet satisfied? Wilt thou live or die? What sayest thou? Thou hast yet free choose. Lambert answered: I yield and submit myself wholly unto the will of your Majesty. Then said the king. Commit thyself unto the hands of God, and not unto mine.  
Lambert, I commend my soul unto the hands of God, but my body I wholly yield & submit unto your clemency. Then said the king, if you do commit yourself unto my judgement, you must die, 
The king condemneth the Martyr of Christ john Lambert.  for I will not be a patron unto heretics, and by and by turning himself unto Cromwell, he said: Cromwell: read the sentence of condemnation against him. This Cromwell was at that time the chief friend of the Gospelers. And here is it much to be marveled at, 
L. Cromwell commanded by the king to read the sentence.  to see how unfortunately it came to pass in this matter, that through the pestiferous & crafty counsel of this one Bishop of Winchester, Satan (which oftentimes doth raise up one brother to the destruction of an other) did here perform the condemnation of this Lambert by no other ministers, than Gospelers themselves. Taylor, Barnes, Cranmer and Cromwell, who afterwards in a manner all, suffered the like for the Gospel's sake: of whom (God willing) we will speak more hereafter.  
This undoubtedly was the malicious and crafty subtlety of the Bishop of Winchester, which desired rather, 
The crafty fetch of Steph. Wint.  that the sentence might be read by Cromwell, then by any other, so that if he refused to do it, he should likewise have incurred the like danger. But to be short, Cromwell at the king's commandment taking the schedule of condemnation in hand, read the same: Wherein was contained the burning of heretics, which either spoke or wrote any thing, or had any books by them, repugnant or disagreeing from the Papistical Church, and their tradition, 
The sentence against john Lambert.  touching the sacrament of the aultare: also, a decree that the same should be set up upon the Church porches, and be read four times every year, in every Church throughout the Realm, whereby the worshipping of the bread should be the more firmly fixed in the hearts of the people. And in this manner was the condemnation of john Lambert. Wherein great pity it was, and much to be lamented, to see the kings highness that day so to oppose and set his power and strength ●o fiercely and vehemently in assisting so many proud and furious adversaries, against that one poor silly soul, to be devoured. Whom his Majesty with more honour might rather have aided and supported, being so on every side oppressed and compassed about without help or refuge, among so many Wolves and vultures, 
The part ●f a g●od Prince, what to do.  especially in such a cause tending to no derogation to him nor to his realm, but rather to the necessary reformation of sincere truth and doctrine decayed. For therein especially consisteth the honour of Princes, to pity the miserable, to relieve the oppressed, to rescue the wrongs of the poor, and to tender and respect the weaker part, especially where right and truth standeth with him: which if the King had done that day, it had been, in my mind, not so much for the comfort of that poor persecuted creature, as it would have redounded to the immortal renown of his Princely estate to all posterity.  
But thus was john Lambert, in this bloody Session, by the king judged and condemned to death, whose judgement now remaineth with the Lord against that day, when as before the tribunal seat of that great judge, both princes and subjects shall stand and appear, not to judge, but to be judged, according as they have done and deserved. Ex testimonio cuiusdam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. A.G.  
And thus much hitherto of Lambertes articles, answers, disputation, and his condemnation also. Now to proceed further to the story of his death.  
Upon the day that was appointed for this holy martyr of God to suffer, 
Lambert going to his death.  he was brought out of the prison at 8. of the clock in the morning, unto the house of the L. Cromwell, and so carried into his inward chamber, where as it is reported of many, 
L. Cromwell desired of Lambert forgiveness.  that Cromwell desired him of forgiveness, for that he had done. There, at the last, Lambert being admonished, that the hour of his death was at hand, he was greatly comforted and cheered, and being brought out of the chamber into the Hall, he saluted the gentlemen, and sat down to breakfast with them, showing no manner of sadness or fear. When as the breakfast was ended, he was carried strait way to the place of execution, where as he should offer himself unto the Lord a sacrifice of sweet savour, who is blessed in his Saints for ever and ever. Amen.  
As touching the terrible manner and fashion of the burning of this blessed Martyr, here is to be noted, that of all other, which have been burned and offered up at Smithfielde, there was yet none so cruelly and piteously handled, as he. For after that his legs were consumed and burned up to the stumps, and that the wretched tormentors and enemies of God had withdrawn the fire from him, so that but a small fire and coals were left under him, than two that stood on each side of him, with their Hallebardes pitched him upon their pikes, as far as the chain would reach, after the manner & form as here in this picture is described. Then he lifting up such hands as he had, and his fingers ends, flaming with fire, 
The wor●e● which he spoke at his death.  cried unto the people in these words: None but Christ, none but Christ, and so being let down again from their Hallebardes, fell into the fire, and there gave up his life.  
The order and manner of the burning of the constant Martyr in Christ, john Lambert.  
During the time that he was in the Archishops' Ward at Lambeth, which was a little before his disputation before the king, he wrote an excellent confession or defence of his cause unto king Henry.  
Wherein he first mollifying the king's mind and ears, with a modest & sober preface, declaring how he had a double hope of solace laid up, the one in the most high and mighty Prince of Princes, God: the other next unto God, in his Majesty, which should represent the office and ministery of that most high Prince in governing here upon earth: after that proceeding in gentle words, he declared the cause which moved him to that which he had done.  
And albeit he was not ignorant how odious this doctrine would be unto the people, yet notwithstanding, because he was not also ignorant how desirous the kings mind was to search out the truth, 
The Apology of john Lambert unto the king.  he thought no time unmeet to perform his duty, especially for so much as he would not utter those things unto the ignorant multitude, for avoiding of offence, but only unto the Prince himself, unto whom he might safely declare his mind.  
After this Preface made, he entering into the Book, 
The pref●● of his Apology.  confirmed his doctrine touching the Sacrament, by divers testimonies of the Scriptures, by the which Scriptures, he proved the body of Christ, whether it riseth, or ascendeth, or sitteth, or be conversant here, to be always in one place.  
Then he gathering together the minds of the ancient Doctors, did prove and declare by sufficient demonstration, the sacrament to be a mystical matter. Albeit he so ruled himself in such temperance and moderation, that he did not deny, but that the holy sacrament was the very natural body of our saviour, and the wine his natural blood, and that moreover his natural body & blood were in those mysteries, but after a certain manner, as all the ancient Doctors, in a manner do interpret it.  
After this protestation thus made, he inferreth the sentence of his confession, as here followeth.   

* A treatise of john Lambert to the king.  
CHrist is so ascended bodily into heaven, & his holy manhood thither so assumpt, whereas it doth sit upon the right hand of the father, 
A treatise of john Lambert upon the Sacrament to the king.  that is to say, is with the Father there remanent and resident in glory, that by the infallible promise of God, it shall not or cannot from thence return before the general doom, which shall be in the end of the world: And as he is no more corporally in the world, so can I not see how he can be corporally in the sacrament, or his holy supper. And yet notwithstanding do I knowledge & confess that the holy sacrament of Christ's body & blood is his very body & blood in a certain manner, which shall be showed hereafter with your grace's favour & permission, according to the words of our saviour instituting the same holy sacrament, & saying: This is my body, which is given for you. 
Math. 26.  And again: This is my blood which is of the new Testament▪ which is shed for many for the remission of sins,  
But now for approving of the first part, that Christ is so bodily ascended into heaven, and his holy manhood so thither assumpte. etc. that by the infallible promise of God, he shall not, or cannot any more from thence boldly return before the general doom, I shall for this allege first the scriptures, and following the authorities of old holy Doctors, with one consent testifying with me. Besides this, I need not to tell, that the same is no other thing, but that we have taught to us in these. 3. articles of our Creed: He ascended into heaven, and sitteth on the right hand of GOD the father almighty, from thence he shall come to judge the quick and the dead. For Christ did ascend bodily, the God head which is infinite, uncircumscriptible, replenishing both heaven and earth, being immutable, and unmovable, so that properly it can neither ascend nor descend.  

Scriptures affirming the same.  
The Scriptures which I promised to allege for the confirmation of my said sentence, be these: He was lifted up into heaven in their sight, 
Act. 1.  and a cloud received him from their eyes and when they were looking up into heaven, they saw two men. etc. Hear it is evidently showed, that Christ departed and ascended in a visible and circumscript body. That this departing was visible and in a visible body, these words do testify: And when they were looking up. Why stand ye here looking up into heaven. And: even as ye have seen him. etc. That secondly it was in body, I have afore proved, and moreover the Deity is not seen, but is invisible, as appeareth: To God only invisible. etc. and, He dwelleth in the inaccessible light, 
1. Tim. 1. 1. Tim. 6.  which no man seethe nor may see. etc. Therefore the manhood and natural body was assumpt, or did ascend. That thirdly it was in a circumscript body, appeareth manifestly in this. First, that his ascension and bodily departing, caused them to look up. And secondly, that he was lift up, that is to wit, from beneath or from a low. And thirdly, that a cloud received him. Where as no cloud nor clouds can receive or embrace the Deity. etc.  
I am ●aine to leave out other evident Arguments for the same purpose, lest I should be over prolix and tedious. It doth there also further follow in like form, how the Angels made answer to the Disciples, saying: Ye men of Galilee, why stand ye gazing into heaven? This jesus which is taken up from you into heaven, shall so come again, as you have seen him going up into heaven. Here we see again, that jesus is assumpte, or taken away into heaven. And then it must be from out of the world, 
john. 16.  according to that we read, john 16. I went forth from the father, & I came into the world. I leave the world again, and I go unto the Father: That is not else, but as he came from the father of heaven into this world, in that he was incarnate & made man, for his Godhead was never absent, either from heaven, or yet from earth: even so should his manhood leave the world again, to go to heaven. Moreover, in that it is said: So shall he come, is plainly testified, that he is away, and now corporally absent.  
Finally, it is showed further, after what manner he shall come again, by these words: Even as you have seen him going up into heaven. Which is not else, but, as you did visibly see him ascend or go away to heaven, a cloud embracing him and taking him from among you: even so shall you visibly see him to come again in the clouds, as we read. Math. 26. 
Math. 26. Math. 24.  You shall see the son of man to come in the clouds of heaven. And again, Math. 24. And they shall see the son of man. Such other texts have we full many, declaring my sentence to be Catholic and true. Of which I here shall briefly note some places, and pass over them, knowing that a little rehearsal is sufficient to your noble wisdom, The places be, Mark 16. Luke 24. john 13.14.16. and 17. Rom. 8. Ephes. 1. and 2. and 2. Cor. 6. Hebr. 8.9.10. and 12. and 1. Thess. 4. and 1. Pet. 2. which all do testify, that Christ hath bodily forsaken the world, departed from it unto his father, ascended into heaven, sitting still upon the right hand of the father above all dominion, power, and principality, where he is present advocate and intercessor before his father, and that he shall so bodily come again, like as he was seen to departed from hence.  
Nothing can better or more clearly testify and declare, what is contained in the Sacrament of Christ's holy body and blood, then do the words of Scripture, 
The Gospel of Mark is as an abridgement of Matthew.  whereby it was institute. Mark doth agree with matthew, so that in a manner he reciteth his very words. And no marvel it is. For as the Doctors do say, the Gospel of Mark is a very Epytome or abridgement of Matthew. I shall therefore write the relations of them touching the institution of this sacrament together. The relation or testimony of matthew is this: As they were eating, jesus took bread, and when he had given thanks he broke and gave to his disciples, and said: Take, eat, this is my body. And taking the cup, and giving thanks, he gave it to them, 
Math. 2●.  saying drink ye all of this, for this is my blood of the new Testament which is shed for many, for the remission of sins. And I say unto you, I will not drink henceforth of this fruit of the vine, until that day, that I drink it new with you in the kingdom of my father.  
The testimony or relation of Mark, is this: And as they did eat, jesus took the bread, 
Mark. 14.  and when he had given thanks, he broke it and gave it to them, and said: Take, eat, this is my body. And he took the cup, and when he had given thanks, he gave it to them, and they all drank of it, and he said unto them▪ This is my blood of the new Testament which is shed for many. Verily, I say unto you, I will drink no more of the fruit of the vine unto that day that I drink it new in the kingdom of God. Luke being the companion of Paul, as appeareth in the Acts, 
2. Tim. 4●  and 2. Timothy 4. doth so next agree with him in making relation of this Supper, and holy institution of the Sacrament. His relation or report is this: When he had taken bread and given thanks, he broke it and gave to them, saying: This is my body which is given for you, do this in remembrance of me. Likewise also after Supper, 
Luke. 22.  he took the cup, saying: This cup is the new Testament in my blood which is shed for you.  
Paul's testimony doth follow next, agreeably to Luke, & it is thus: For I have received of the Lord, that which I also have delivered to you. 
1. Cor. 11.  That our Lord jesus Christ in the same night wherein he was betrayed, took bread, and when he had given thanks, he broke it and said: Take, eat, this is my body which is broken for you: this do ye in the remembrance of me. After the same manner also he took the cup when he had supped, saying: This cup is the new Testament in my blood: this do as oft as ye drink it, in the remembrance of me: for as often as ye shall eat this bread, and drink this cup, ye shall show the lords death, till he come. By these testimonies shall I declare my sentence to your grace, which I conceive of the holy Sacrament of Christ's blessed body and blood, and in all points of difficulty, shall I annex the very interpretation of the old holy Doctors and Fathers, to show that I do not ground any thing upon myself. Thereafter shall I add certain arguments, which I trust shall clearly prove and justify my sentence to be true, Catholic, and according both with God and his laws, and also with the mind of holy Doctors.  
My sentence is this, that Christ ascended into heaven, and so hath forsaken the world, and there shall abide, sitting on the right hand of his Father, without returning hither again until the general doom: at what time he shall come from thence, to judge the dead and living. This all do I believe, done in his natural body, which he took of the blessed virgin Marie his mother, in the which he also suffered passion for our safety & redemption upon a cross: which died for us & was buried: in which he also did arise again to life immortal. That Christ is thus ascended in his manhood and natural body, & so assumpt into heaven, we may soon prove, for as much as the godhead of him is never out of heaven, but ever replenishing both heaven and earth, and all that is beside, being infinite and interminable or uncircumscriptible, so that it neither can properly either ascend or descend, being without all alterations and unmutable or unmovable.  
So that now his natural body being assumpt from among us, 
Act. 3.  and departed out of the world, the same can no more return from thence unto the end of the world. For as Peter witnesseth. Act. 3. Whom the heaven must contain until the time that all things be restored which God had spoken by the mouth of all his holy Prophets, since the world began. And the same doth the Article of our Creed teach us, which is: From thence (i from heaven) he shall come to judge the quick and the dead. 
1. Tim. 6.  Which time Paul calleth the appearing of our Lord jesus Christ. 1. Timoth. 6.  
Seeing then, this natural body of our Saviour, that was borne of his mother Marie, being a virgin, is all whole assumpt into heaven, and departed out of this world, and so, as saith S. Peter: He must remain in heaven until the end of the world, which he calleth the time when all things must be restored: This (I say) seen and believed according to our Creed and the Scriptures, I can not perceive how the natural body of him can contrariwise be in the world, and so in the Sacrament. And yet notwithstanding is this true, that the holy Sacrament is Christ's body & blood, as after shall be declared.   

Doctor's affirming the same.  
But first, for the establishing of my former purpose, that the natural body of our Saviour is so absent from this world, 
Testimonies out of the doctors.  and ascended to heaven, that it can be here no more present unto the general doom, I would beseech your grace to consider the mind and sentence of old holy Doctors, in this purpose or matter, how agreeably they testify with that is tofore showed. Amongst whom we have first S. Augustine, writing thus to Dardanus: Proinde quod ad verbum attinet, Creator est Christus: Omnia enim per ipsum facta sunt. Quod verò ad hominem. etc. Therefore as concerning the word, Christ is the Creator: all things are made by him: but as touching man, 
August. ad Dardanum.  Christ is a creature made of the seed of David according to the flesh, and ordained according to the similitude o●●enne. Also because man consisteth of two things, the soul and the flesh: in that he had a soul, he was pensive and sorrowful unto death, in that he had flesh he suffered death. Neither when we call the son of God Christ, we do separate his manhood, nor when we call the same Christ the son of man, we do separate his Godhead from him. In that he was man, he was conversant upon the earth (and not in heaven where he now is) when he said: no man ascendeth up into heaven, but he which descended from heaven, the son of man which is in heaven. Although in that respect that he was the son of God, he was in heaven, and in that he was the son of man, he was yet in the earth, and as yet was not ascended into heaven. Likewise in that respect that he is the son of God, he is the Lord of glory: and in that he is the son of man, he was crucified. And yet notwithstanding the Apostle saith▪ And if they had known the Lord of glory, they would never have crucified him. And by this both the son of man was in heaven, and the son of God in that he was man, was crucified upon earth. Therefore as he might well be called the Lord of glory being crucified, when as yet that suffering did only pertain unto the flesh, so it might well be said: This day thou shalt be with me in Paradise, when according to the humility of his manhood in his flesh, he lay in grave, and according to his soul he was in the bottom of hell that same day. According to his divine immutability he never departed from Paradise, because he by his Godhead is always every where. Doubt you not therefore that there is Christ jesus according to his manhood, from whence he shall come. Remember it well, & keep faithfully thy Christian confession: for he rose from the dead, he ascended into heaven, he sitteth at the right hand of the father: neither will he come from any other place, then from thence to judge the quick and the dead. And he shall come, as the voice of the Angel beareth witness, as he was seen to go into heaven, that is to say, in the self same form and substance of fl●sh, whereunto undoubtedly he gave immortality, but he did not take away the nature thereof: According to this form of his flesh he is not to be thought to be every where And we must take heed that we do not so affirm the divinity of his manhood, that we thereby take away the truth of his body. For it is not a good consequent, that that thing which is in God, should so be in every place as God. For the Scripture sayeth very truly of us, that in him we live, move, and have our being: and yet notwithstanding we are not in every place as he is, but 
* He meaneth Christ.  that man is otherwise in God, because that God is otherwise in man, by a certain proper and singular manner of being: 
Act. 7.  for God and man is one person, and only jesus Christ is both. In that he is God, he is in every place: but in that he is man, he is in heaven.  
By which words of holy Augustine, your grace may evidently see, that he testifieth and teacheth the blessed body or flesh of Christ to be no where else then in Heaven. For to it being assumpt or ascended into heaven, God (as he sayeth) hath given immortality, but not taken away nature. So that by the nature of that holy flesh or body, 
Christ's body occupieth one place.  it must occupy one place. Wherefore it followeth: According to this form: that is to wit, of his flesh. Christ is not to be thought to be in every place. For if Christ should in his humanity be every where diffused or spread abroad, so should his bodily nature or natural body be taken from him. And therefore he sayeth: For we must beware that we do not so affirm the divinity of man, that we do take away the humanity of his body. But in that he is God, so is he every where, according to my words before written: and in that he is man, so is he in heaven. And therefore it is said: For God and man is one person, and only jesus Christ is both. He in that he is every where, is God: but in that he is man, he is in heaven,  
And yet do we read agreeable to the same matter, more largely in the same Epistle, by these words: Christum Dominum nostrum unigenitum Dei filium, equalem patri eundemque hominis filium, quo maior est pater, ut ubique totum, praesentem esse non dubites tanquam Deum, & in eodem templo Dei esse tanquam inhabitantem Deum, & in loco aliquo coeli propter veri corporis modum. Thou shalt not doubt Christ our Lord the only son of God, equal with his father, and the same being the son of man whereby the father is greater, is present every where as God, and is in one and the ●ame Temple of God as God, and also in some place of heaven as concerning the true shape of his body.  
Thus find we clearly, that for the measure of his very body, he must be in one place, and that in heaven, as concerning his manhood, and yet every where present in that he is the eternal son of God & equal to his father. Like testimony doth he give in the 30. Treatise that he maketh upon the evangely of john. These be his words there written: Donec saeculum finiatur, sursum est Dominus, sed etiam hic est veritas Domini. etc. Until the world be at an end, the Lord is above, but here is the truth of the Lord also, for the body of our Lord in which he rose, must be in one place: 
August. in joan. tract. 30.  but his truth is abroad in every place. The first parcel, that is, until the worlds end, is so put, that it may join to the sentence going before, or else to these words following: The Lord is above. etc. And so should it well accord to my sentence before showed, which is, the Lord is so bodily ascended, that in his natural body he cannot again return from heaven until the general doom.  
But howsoever the said clause or parcel be applied, it shall not greatly skill: for my sentence notwithstanding remaineth full steadfast. In somuch, as the scripture doth mention but of two Aduents or comings of Christ, of which the first is performed in his blessed incarnation, 
The real presence against the article of our Creed▪  and the second is the coming at the general doom. And furthermore, in this Article of our Creed: From thence shall he come to judge the quick and the dead, is not only showed wherefore he shall come again, but also when he shall come again so that in the mean while, as the other Article of our Crede witnesseth: He sitteth at the right hand of God his father, that is not else to say, then he remaineth in glory with the father. Furthermore, even as I have before rehearsed the foresaid authority of Augustine, so have I read it in his Quinquagenes upon a Psalm, of which I can not now precisely note or name the number. And the same words doth he also write in the Epistle to S. Jerome. So that we may know he had good liking in it, that he so commonly doth use it, as his usual proverb or by word. 
The body of Christ can be but in one place at once.   
In the same is also testified, that his blessed body can be but in one place, so that it being now according to the scripture and article of our belief or Creed, in heaven it can not be in earth: and much les can it be in so unnumerable places of the earth, as we may perceive that the Sacrament is. Thus, although the body of our Saviour must be in one place, as he writeth agreeably to the saying of Peter: Whom the heavens must receive until the time of the restitution of all thing: Yet as the words following make mention: Veritas autem eius ubique diffusa est. But his verity is scattered every where. This verity of Christ, or of his body, 
The verity of Christ. The virtue of the sacrament.  I do take to be that he in other places, doth call Virtus Sacramenti The virtue of the Sacrament. As in the 25. treatise upon john we find thus written: Aliud est Sacramentum, aliud virtus Sacramenti. The Sacrament is one thing, & the virtue of the Sacrament, is an other thing. And again: Si quis manducaverit ex ipso, non moritur, sed qui pertinet ad virtutem sacramenti, non qui pertinet ad visibile sacramentum. etc. If any man eat of him he dieth not, but he meaneth of him, which doth apertain to the virtue of the sacrament, & not of him which pertaineth to the visible sacrament. And to declare what is the virtue of the sacrament, that I count to be the truth of the lord or of his body▪ he saith: Qui manducat intus, non foris, qui manducat in cord, non qui premit dente. He which eateth inwardly in spirit, not outwardly: he that eateth in hart, and not he which chaweth with teeth.  
So that finally, this truth of the Lord or his body, which is dispersed every where abroad, 
The verity of the Lord or of his body expounded.  is the spiritual profit, fruit, and comfort, that is opened, to be received every where of all men by faith in the verity of the Lord, that is to wit, in the very and true promise or Testament made to us in the lords body that was crucified and suffered death for us, and arose again ascending immortal into heaven: where he sitteth, that is, abideth on the right hand of his father, from thence not to return until the general doom or judgement. This bodily absence of our Saviour is likewise clearly showed in the 50. treatise that he maketh upon john: where he doth expound this text: Ye have the poor always with you, 
August. in Io●. tract. 50.  but you shall not always have me with you, to my purpose, that thereby I count and hold mine opinion to be rather Catholic, then theirs that hold the contrary. Finally, the same doth he confirm in his Sermons of the second and third Feries of Gaster, and in so many places beside forth, as here can not be recited, the number of them is so passing great.  
With him consenteth full plainly Fulgentius in his second book, 
Fulgentius ad Trasimundum· lib. 2.  to Trasimundus, writing in this wise: unus idemque homo localis ex homine, qui est Deus immensus ex patre unus idemque secundum humanam substantiam, absens coelo cum esset in terra, etc. One and the same man being local, in that he is man which is God almighty of the Father. One and the same according to human substance, being absent from heaven when he was in the earth, and leaving the earth when he ascended up into heaven. But according to his divine and almighty substance, neither departing from heaven, when he descended from heaven, neither leaving the earth, when he ascended into heaven. The which may well be known by the undoubtful saying of our Lord himself: which that he might the better show his humanity occupying a place, said unto his Disciples: I ascend up unto my father and your father, unto my God and your God. Also when he had said of Lazarus: Lazarus is dead, he adjoined saying: And I am glad for your sakes, that you may believe, because I was not there. But showing the greatness of his divinity, he said to his Disciples: Behold I am with you unto the end of the world. For how did he ascend into heaven? but because he is local and true man? And how is he present to his faithful, but because he is almighty and true God? etc. In this manner doth he proceed forth, speaking much, full agreeably to my sentence, which is now overlong here to write. But what can be said more plainly in so few words making for me?  
First he saith, that Christ being a man, is as concerning his manhood, 
Christ in his human substance is local.  local, that is to say, contained in one place. And to express that ●hore clearly, he addeth to it, saying: He is one and the same according to his human substance, absent from heaven when he was in earth, and leaving the earth when he ascended into heaven. Whereas he hath a contrary Antithesis for the godly nature, to show forth the first point the more effectually. The Antithesis is thus: But according to his divine and incomparable substance, 
Antithesis, that is to say contrary position or relation.  neither leaving heaven when he descended from heaven, neither forsaking the earth when he ascended into heaven. Whereby is also confirmed, that I said: Christ did descend and a●cend, as touching his humanity, but not in his Deity, which is immutable and unmovable: as we may perceive by that he here doth call it, Almighty substance. Furthermore, to show, that Christ (as touching his human and natural body) is local, and in one place: he allegeth, and that right justly, two texts of Scripture. The first is: I ascend to my father, etc. And the second is of Lazarus, I am glad for your sakes, etc.  
Finally, he maketh this demand: But how he did ascend into heaven, but because he is a local and very man? Whereby we may see, that by this sentence, Christ could not ascend, except he had been local, that is, contained in one place, and so very man. 
August. We must not so defend Christ's divinity, that we must destroy his humanity.  And that is according to S. Augustine, writing as is above showed: And he shall so come (as the Angel witnesseth) even as you have seen him going up into heaven, that is to say, in the same form and substance of his flesh. According to this form he is not spread abroad in every place: for we must beware that we do not so esteem his divinity, that we thereby do take away the verity of his body. So that they both do testify, that Christ could not have ascended, except he had been local, that is to wit, contained in one place, and very man: and that if he were not local, he could not be a man. Wherefore Saint Augustine sayeth further, ad Dardanum: Spatia locorum tolle corporibus, & nusquam erunt, & quia nusquam erunt, 
August ad Dardanum. Body. cannot be without limitation of place.  nec erunt. That is to wit: Take away locality, or occupying of place from bodies, and they shall be no where: and for because they shall be no where, they shall have no being at all.  
We therefore coveting to find Christ or his natural body, should seek for him in heaven, where his natural manhood is sitting on the right hand of his father. So willeth us S. Ambrose in the x. book which he writeth upon Luke, speaking of Christ's humanity assumpt, in this wise: Ergo, 
Ambrose. in Lucam.  non supra terram, nec in terra, nec secundum carnem te quaerere debemus, si volumus te invenire. etc. Therefore we ought not to seek thee upon the earth, nor in the earth, neither according to the flesh, if we will find thee: for now according to the flesh we do not know Christ. Furthermore, Stephen did not seek thee upon the earth, when that he did see thee standing on the right hand of God the Father. But Marry which sought thee upon the earth, could not touch thee. Stephen touched thee because he sought thee in heaven. Stephen amongst the jews saw thee being absent. etc. Thus we must seek for the natural body of Christ, not upon the earth, but in heaven, if we will not be deceived. And that doth he more largely show in the same treatise, speaking thus of the verity of Christ's body: Quomodo non corpus quiesceret, in quo manebant insignia vulnerum, vestigia cicatricum, quae Dominus palpanda obtulit? etc. How could it come to pass that the body could not rest in the sepulchre, in which the tokens of the wounds and scars did appear, which the Lord himself did offer to be touched (in which doing he did not only 'stablish the faith, but also augmented devotion?) Because he would rather carry up into heaven the wounds received for us, and would not put them away, that he might present to God the Father, the price of our liberty. Such a one the Father doth place at his right hand, embracing the triumph and victory of our salvation▪ etc.  
Gregory also in an Homely of Pentecost, saith agreeably to the other, in these words: 
Gregor. in Homel. Penned.  Quando non maneret apud eos, qui ascensu●us coelos, promittit dicens: Ecce ego vobiscum sum omnibus diebus usque ad consummationem saeculi? etc. When was it that he did not tarry with them, which ascending up into heaven, promiseth, saying: Behold I am here with you continually until the end of the world? But the word incarnate tarrieth and also goeth away. It departeth in body, and tarrieth in Divinity. And therefore he saith that he 〈◊〉 with them: even he which was ever present with them 〈…〉 power, and now departed by his corpora●●● 〈…〉 doth he testify in the Homely of 〈…〉  
With these doth Bede accord in an Homely of 〈◊〉 in which he declareth this text. joh. 16. A little while, 
Bede in hom. in cap. 16. joan.  and ye shall not see me: And again, a little while and ye shall see me. And also in an Homely of the vigil of Pentecost. And who can otherwise say or think, knowing the Scripture and our belief, but that the natural body of Christ is so assumpt into heaven all whole, that it must there abide without returning, until the general judgement. notwithstanding, seeing this is the chief point whereupon I seek to establish my sentence in this matter of the holy Sacrament, that Christ's holy & natural body is so assumpt into heaven, that there it must remain all whole without returning until the general doom: I will yet with the permission of your grace, add one or two Arguments deduced out of the Scriptures, to declare further my sentence to be faithful and Catholic.    

¶ Arguments out of Scripture.  
First, as Christ was enclosed and so borne about in the womb of his mother bring a Virgin undefiled, 
Christ in his man head not in many places at once.  and after was borne into this world, and put in a manger, and so he growing in age did abide in diverse places, but in one after an other, sometime in Galilee, sometime in Samaria, sometime in jury, sometime beyond, & sometime on this side of jordan, & consequently he was crucified at Jerusalem, there being enclosed & buried in a grave, from whence he did arise, so that the angels testified of him: He is risen and is not here. Matthew. 28. and as at the time appointed, 
Math. 28.  after his resurrection, he was assumpt or lifted up into heaven, from the top of the Mount of Olivet, in the sight of his Disciples, a cloud compassing him about: Even so shall he come from the same celestial place corporally, as they did see him to departed out of the one place corporally, according to the testimony of the angels. Acts. 1. 
Acts. 1.  So that in this we may undoubtedly find that Christ, as touching his manhood, can not be corporally in many & divers places at once, and so to be corporally in his natural body in heaven and also in the earth, and that it is moreover, in so many parts of the world, as men have affirmed.  
Neither doth the Scripture require that we should spoil Christ of the property of man's nature, 
The property of man's nature not to be sequestered from Christ.  which is to be in one place, whom the same Scripture doth perpetually witness and teach to be man, & so to counfound the condition of his bodily nature, with the nature Divine. Paul doth teach that Christ in manhood, was made in all points like unto his brethren, sin excepted: how then can his body be in more places at once, unlike unto the natural property of the bodies of us his brethren? But here do some witty Philosophers, yea, rather Sophisters than Divines, bring in to the anulling of Christ's humanity, a similitude of man's soul which being one, is yet so all whole in all our whole body, that it is said to be all whole in every part of the body. But such should remember, that it is no convenient similitude which is made of things different and diverse in nature, such as be the soul and body of man, to prove them to have like properties. This is as if they would prove Christ's body to be of one nature and property with his soul, & that things naturally corporal, were not most divers from creatures naturally spiritual.  
Furthermore, if so it might be, that the body or flesh of Christ, 
Things corporal and things spiritual, not to be compared.  were merely spiritual, and full like unto the substance of Angels, yet could it not in this wise follow, that his body could be every where, or in divers places at once. Wherefore such subtleties are to be omitted, and the trade of Scripture should well like us, by which the old Doctors do define, that the body of jesus exalted or assumpt into heaven, must be local, circumscript, and in one place: notwithstanding that the verity, spiritual grace, & fruit that cometh of it, is diffused and spread abroad in all places, or every where. How could Christ corporally departed out of this world, 
The body of Christ is local and in one place. john. 13.  and leave the earth, if he in the kinds of bread and wine be not only corporally contained and received, but also there reserved, kept and enclosed? What other thing else do these words testify, john xiii. But jesus knowing that his hour was come, that he should pass out of this world to his father, 
Luke. 24.  etc. And in like form, Luke 24. And it came to pass, that as he blessed them, he departed from them, and was carried up into heaven: What do they signify, if Christ went not verily out of this world, his natural body being surely assumpt into heaven?  
They do therefore undoubtedly declare that Christ, being very God and very man, did verily departed out of this world in his natural body, his humanity being assumpt into heaven, where it remaineth sitting in glory with the father: Where as yet his Deity did not leave the world, ne departed out from the earth. Paul doth say Philippians 2. that of ij. things he witted not which he might rather choose, 
Phil. 2.  that is to wit, to abide in the flesh for preaching the Gospel, or else to be dissolved from the flesh, seeing that to abide with Christ is much and far better. By the which Paul doth manifestly prove, that they be not presently with Christ, which yet do abide mortal in the flesh. Yet they be with Christ in such wise, as the Scripture doth say that the believing be the Temple of Christ. And as Paul doth say 2. Cor. 13. Do you not know yourselves that jesus Christ is in you? 
2. Cor. 13.  In which sense he also promised to be with us unto the end of the world. Christ therefore must be otherwise in that place, in which the Apostle desired to be with him, being dissolved, and departed from his body, than he doth abide either in the supper, or else in any other places of the Churches. He therefore doth undoubtedly mean heaven, which is the paradise of perfect bliss and glory: Where as Christ being a victor, triumpher, and conqueror over death, sin, and hell, and over all creatures, doth reign & remain corporally. Thus do I trust that your grace doth see my sentence, this farforth to be right Catholic, Christian, and faithful, according to holy scripture, to holy Fathers, and to the Articles of our Christian belief. Which sentence is thus: Christ's natural body is so assumpt into heaven, where it sitteth or remaineth in glory of the father, that it can no more come from thence, that is to wit, from heaven return, until the end of the world: and therefore can not the same natural body, naturally be here in the world, or in the Sacrament: For than should it be departed or gone out of the world, 
The natural body of Christ cannot be both in heaven and in earth locally.  and yet be still remaining in the world. It should then be both to come, and already come, which is a contradiction, and vigilant from the nature of his manhood.   

The second part of this matter.  
Now my sentence in the second part of this matter, is this (if so be your grace shall please to know it, 
The second part, how the natural body of Christ is in the Sacrament.  as I your poor and unworthy, but full true subject, would with all submission and instance beseech you to know it) I grant the holy sacrament to be the very and natural body of our Saviour, and his very natural blood, and that the natural body and blood of our Saviour, is in the Sacrament after a certain wise, as after shall appear. For so do the words of the supper testify: Take, eat, this is my body which is given for you. And again: Drink ye all of this, this is my blood which is of the new Testament, which is shed for many for the remission of sins. Of which words, seeing in them dependeth a great trial and proof of this matter, and that for the interpretation of them, is and hath been all controversy of this matter, I therefore shall show the interpretation, that holy Doctors have made of them, that as to me seemeth, be full worthy credit.  
First, 
Tertul. 〈◊〉 Martion 〈◊〉 lib. 2.  we find in the second book of Tertullian which he writeth against Martion: Ipse Christus nec panem reprobavit, etc. Christ did not reprove the bread, because it doth represent his body. This Martion, against whom Tertullian doth thus write, did erroneously reprove all creatures as evil. Which thing Tertullian doth improve by the Sacrament, saying as is above written: 
The bread representeth the body of Christ.  Christ did not reprove the bread, which representeth his body. As who would say: If Christ had judged the bread evil, then would he not have left it for a sign or sacrament to represent his blessed body. Agreeably to the same doth he also say in the fourth book made against the said Martion in these words: Christus acceptum panem & distributum Discipulis, corpus suum illud fecit, etc. 
Tertul. contra Marcionera, lib. 4.  Christ made that same bread which he took and distributed to his Disciples, his body, saying: This is my body, that is to say, the figure of my body. But it could not have been a figure, unless it were the body of a very true thing in deed. Furthermore, a void thing which is a fantasy, could not receive a figure or a form. This Martion had an erroneous opinion, that Christ had no natural body, 
Bread beareth a figure of Christ's body.  but a body fantastical. Which error or heresy, this famous Doctor Tertullian doth improve by the holy Sacrament, saying as afore is written, That the Sacrament is a figure of Christ's body: Ergo, Christ had a very and true body. For a thing which is vain and fantastical, can receive no figure. So that in both places we may clearly perceive his interpretation of these words: This is my body: Which interpretation is not new but authentic or full ancient, like as is the Writer. And this interpretation do I the rather allow, because none of the old Doctors, 
This is my body expounded.  which followed him, did ever improve him therefore, but rather have followed it, as appeareth by holy Augustine. In the Preface upon the third Psalm, doth the said Augustine highly commend the wonderful sufferance of Christ, which so long did suffer and forbear judas, as if he had been a good and an honest man: where as notwithstanding he did know his traitorous thoughts, 
The patience of christ, in suffering judas.  when he received him to the feast or supper, in which he did commend and deliver to his Disciples, the figure of his body and blood. The words of Austen in Latin, be these. In historia novi Testamenti, 
August. The Sacrament a figure of the lords body.  ipsa Domini nostri tanta & tam admiranda patientia erat, quòd eum tandiu pertulit tanquam bonum, etc. In the story of the new testament, the patience of our Lord was so great, and so to be marveled at, because he suffered judas so long as a good man, when as he knew his thoughts when he rereceived him to the feast, in the which he did commend and deliver the figure of his body and blood to his disciples.  
The same holy Doctor also writing against Adamantius, saith thus: Non enim dubitavit Dominus dicere, 
Aug. contra Adamātu●●.  hoc est corpus meum, cùm daret signum corporis sui: For the Lord did not doubt to say: This is my body, when he gave a sign of his body. And for a further declaration of the same Chapter, he saith: Sic enim sanguis est anima, quomodo petra erat Christus, etc. For the blood is so the soul, as the rock was Christ. Notwithstanding he doth not say, that the rock did signify Christ: but he doth say that the rock was Christ.  
Expressly doth Augustine here call the sign of Christ's body, his body, plainly interpreting these words, This is my body, as both he and Tertullian did before.  
Moreover, he taketh these three sentences: This is my body: The soul is the blood: and Christ was the stone, 
The phrase of Scripture.  to be of one phrase, and to be like speeches, or to be expounded, after one fashion. And this text: The rock was Christ doth he commonly thus expound: The rock did signify Christ, as appeareth Lib. 18. de Civitate Dei. Cap. 48. Also in the book of Questions upon Genesis, 
August de Civit. l●b. 18. cap. 48.  and in the book of Questions upon Leviticus, handling the 28. Chapter of john: and in his Sermon of the Annunciation of our Lady.  
In like manner also Saint Jerome expoundeth it in the small scholies, written upon the first chapter of the first epistle to the Corinthians, 
Hieron. in 1. Cor. cap. 1.  and all other writers with one consent, so far as I can read: and so doth the text require it to be expounded. For Christ was not a natural stone, as all men may well perceive, and yet was he the very true stone figuratively, as Lyra saith: Solet res quae significat, nomine rei quam significat, nominari: The thing which signifieth is wont to be called by the name of the thing which it doth signify. And so is the stone signifying Christ, 
Lyranus.  called Christ, which thereby is signified. And as he doth approve this text, The stone was Christ, likewise doth he expound: The blood is the soul, with the which he doth knit this text: This is my body, to be figuratively expounded, as they be. According to this, doth the holy Doctor write, 
This is my body, 〈…〉 speech August, in Psal. 50·  Psalm 50. Nisi quis manducaverit carnem meam, non videbit vitam aeternam, etc. Unless a man do eat my flesh, he shall not see eternal life. They understood that very foolishly, and conceived the same carnally, and thought that our Lord would cut away lumps or pieces of his body, and give to them. And they said: This is an hard saying. But they were hard of belief, and not the saying. For if they had not been hard, but meek, they would have said to themselves: He speaketh not this without a cause, but because there is some hid Sacrament or mystery therein. They should have aboden with him, easy of belief, and not hard, and then should they have learned of him that which other learned, that tarried, after they were gone away.  
In this may we see, that our Saviour willeth his precious flesh to be eaten. But for the manner of eating, is, and hath been much controversy. The jews of Capernaum were offended with Christ, when he said, he would have his flesh eaten: and except a man should eat his flesh, he could not come to life eternal. 
The gross Capernaites  They supposed grossly, and understood him (if a man might so plainly speak it) butcherly, that he would cut out lumps and pieces out of his body, as the butcher doth out of dead beasts, and so give it them to eat of, as Augustine doth here say. And upon this gross, or (as holy Augustine doth here call it) foolish and fleshly understanding, they were offended, and said to him: This is a sore or hard saying. They did shoot forth their bolt, and unwise saying over soon, and were offended before they had cause. They took that for hard and sore, which should have been passing pleasant and profitable to them, if they would have heard the thing declared thoroughly to the end.  
And even so now, that which in this matter may appear at the first blush, a sore, strange, and intolerable sentence, for as much as we have not heard of it before, but the contrary hath of long time been beaten into our heads, and persuaded to our minds, yet by deliberation and indifferent, and abiding a trial of that which at the first may appear sore and intolerable, shall (I trust) be found a sweet truth, to such specially as your grace is, loving to hear & to know all truth. But the Capernaites were hard, as here saith Augustine, and not the word. For if they had not been hard, but soft and patient to hear, they would have said in themselves, Christ sayeth not this without a cause, and there is some hid mystery therein: and so by patient variance, they should have known the truth, that they could not attain to, for perverse hastiness, or haste, which is a great stop and let of true judgement. 
hastiness a great hindrance of true judgement.  But the Disciples tarried patiently to hear further, and so did they know this speech of Christ to be the words of life, that to the other, over readily departing from Christ, were words of death: 
2. Cor. 3.  For they took them literally and grossly, and the letter (as Paul saith) slayeth.  
But to show what the Disciples remaining with Christ did learn, saint Augustine doth consequently show by the words of the Gospel, saying thus: Ille autem instruxit eos, & ait illis: Spiritus est qui vivificat, caro nihil prodest, etc. But he instructed them, and said unto them: The Spirit is that which giveth life, the flesh profiteth nothing. The words that I have spoken unto you, are spirit and life. Understand you that which I have spoken, spiritually. You shall not eat this body which you see, neither shall you drink that same blood which they shall shed forth, that shall crucify me. I have set forth to you a certain Sacrament or mystery, which being spiritually understand, shall give you life: and although it be requisite that this be celebrated visibly, yet it ought to be understand invisibly. In this do we see, 
The words of the sacrament are to be understand spiritually.  that both Christ and Augustine would have Christ's words to be understand spiritually, and not carnally: figuratively, and not literally, and therefore doth he say: You shall not eat this body which you see, neither shall you drink that same blood which they shall shed forth that shall crucify me. And what else is this, but that Christ would his body to be eaten, and his blood to be drunken: But he would not his body to be carnally eaten, which was materially seen of them to whom he spoke, nor his material or natural blood to be carnally drunken, which his crucifiers should cause to issue from his natural body crucified, 
The body of Christ is not to be eaten carnally.  as sayeth Augustine: but he ordained and willed his body and blood to be spiritually eaten and drunken in faith and belief, that his body was crucified for us, and that his blood was shed for the remission of our sins.  
This eating and drinking is nothing but such true faith and belief as is showed. Wherefore as Christ saith: He that eateth my flesh, and drinketh my blood, hath life everlasting. Even so doth he say: He that believeth in me, hath life everlasting. And Saint Augustine agreeably to the same, 
August. in joan.  treating upon john, doth say: At quid paras dentem & ventrem? Crede, & manducasti, etc. Why dost thou prepare thy teeth and belly? Believe, and thou hast eaten. I do know that Christ ordaineth his Sacrament to be received and eaten, which is in a certain wise called his body, as after shallbe more largely opened: but the same doth not feed the mind of them, except it be taken spiritually & not corporally. Heb. 13. It is good to 'stablish the hart with grace, & not with meat.  
And S. Augustine assenting to the same, doth say in a Sermon, that he maketh upon these words, 
August. in Serm de verbis Lucae.  in the Gospel of Luke: Lord teach us to pray. Panem dixit, sed Epiousion, hoc est supersubstantialem. etc. He said bread, but supersubstantial bread. This is not the bread, which goeth into the body: but that bread which doth satisfy the substance of our soul. Our souls therefore, into whom nothing corporal, can corporally enter, doth not carnally receive the body & blood of our Saviour, neither did he ordain his blessed body and blood so to be eaten and drunken. Although our souls can not live, except they be spiritually fed with the blessed body and blood of him, spiritually eating and drinking them, in taking also at times convenient, 
The Sacrament truly called the body and blood of Christ.  the blessed Sacrament, which is truly called his body and blood: Not that it is so really, but as is showed by the interpretation both of Tertullian & Augustine, because it is a sign or figure of Christ's body and blood. And the signs or Sacraments both commonly, as sayeth Augustine, both ad Bonifacium, and in his work, De Civitate Dei, 
Sacraments take their denomination of the things which they represent.  take their denomination of the things by them represented and signified.  
But for somuch as some will object, that Augustine in the word afore rehearsed, doth not speak of eating the Sacrament, for the text of the Scripture, upon the which he doth ground, is not spoken by eating the Sacrament, which text is this: Unless a man eat my flesh. etc. I answer, that true it is, he began of spiritual eating, and thereto serveth the text recited. Nevertheless, 
Objection answered.  he meaneth that Christ is not ordained to be eaten, either without the Sacrament, or in the Sacrament, but spiritually of the faithful: as more evidently doth appear by these words there following: Sacramentum aliquod vobis commendavi, quod spiritualiter intellectum vivificabit vos. etc. I have commended unto you a Sacrament, which being understand of you spiritually, shall quicken you. Although it were necessary that the same should be celebrated visibly, yet notwithstanding it ought to be understand invisibly.  
Here doth he show, that he meaneth of eating, not without the Sacrament only, but also in the Sacrament: And therefore he doth not only say, I have commended unto you a certain Sacrament. etc. But he addeth moreover. Although it is requisite the same to be celebrated visibly. How therefore can the eating of Christ, and the Sacrament thereof be visibly celebrate, but in the Maundy, or in his Supper? Which is celebrate visibly in visible things of bread and wine: which can not quicken or relieve us and our souls, except they be understand and so received spiritually.  
Furthermore, as concerning the Exposition of these words of the Supper, This is my body etc. 
This is my body, expounded by August.  S. Augustine writing to Bonifacius, saith thus: Sepè ita loquimur, ut Pascha appropinquante, crastinam vel perendinam Domini passionem dicamus. etc. We use oftentimes this manner of phrase, that when Easter doth approach, 
August. ad ●oni●acium.  we name the day that cometh after, or the next day after that, the Passion of the Lord, when as he notwithstanding had suffered before that, many years: neither that Passion was done but once for all. So truly do we say upon the lords day: This day the Lord hath risen, when so many years are past since he rose. Wherefore no man is so fond, that he will reprove us as liars, for this manner of speaking, because we call these days according to the similitude of those, in which these things were done: so that it is called the same day which is not the same, but by course of time of the year coming about, is like unto it: and also because that thing is said to be done that day, through the celebration of the Sacrament, which was not done that day, but long before that tyme. Was not Christ once offered up in himself? And yet notwithstanding he is not only offered up in the Sacrament, in the solemn feasts of Easter, but every day mystically for the people. Neither doth he make a lie, which being demanded, answereth, that Christ is offered up. For if the Sacraments had not a certain similitude of those things whereof they are Sacraments, than should they be no Sacraments at all. By reason of this similitude or likeness, Sacraments oftentimes do receive the names of the self same things, whereof they are Sacraments.  
Therefore, as after a certain manner, the Sacrament of Christ's body, is the body of Christ, 
How the sacrament of the body is the body of Christ after a certain manner▪  and the Sacrament of Christ's blood, is the blood of Christ: even likewise the Sacrament of faith, is faith For to believe is none other thing, then to have faith. And by this it is answered, that the very infants have faith, because of the Sacrament of faith, and convert themselves unto God, because of the Sacrament of conversion: for the very answer itself doth appertain unto the celebration of the Sacrament: as the Apostle speaketh of Baptism. For he saith, We are buried by Baptism, into death. He doth not say, we have signified a burying, but he plainly saith we are buried. Therefore he named the sacrament of so weighty a matter or thing by no other name, but by the very name of the thing itself.  
Nothing can be more plainly spoken, nor more agreeably to the natural understanding of the texts of the Supper, and to the exposition afore showed, of Tertullian and of himself. For seeing that Christ is bodily in heaven, and so absent from the earth, it is needful to know, how the holy Sacrament, which he doth call his body and blood, should be his body and blood.  
This holy Doctor therefore Augustine, doth this matter manifestly and sincerely declare by other like speeches, and first by common speeches, 
By Analogy of the scripture, speeches must be expounded, one speech by an other.  and secondly by speeches of Scripture. The common speech is this: We do (saith he) use often to say, that when Easter doth approach to draw nigh, to morrow or the next day, is the lords Passion, whereas he did suffer afore many years past, and that passion was never but once done.  
The second common speech is, And of that sunday we say, that this day the Lord did rise from death, whereas so many years be yet past sith the time he arose. Wherefore, to conclude he saith: No man is so foolish, that he will reprove us for so saying, or to say, that we have lied, for because we do call these days after the similitude of those, in which these things were done. So that it is called the same day, not for that it is the selfsame, but by revolution of time, like unto it. And the resurrection is said to be done in the same day, through the celebrating of the Sacrament of that which is not done that day, but long time afore past.  
The third speech: was not Christ offered up once for all in his own person? Yet is he nevertheless offered in the Sacrament mystically for the people, 
Christ is offered in the sacrament mystically, that ●s in remembrance of his oblation.  not only every year at the feast of Easter, but also every day. Neither doth he lie, which when he is demanded, shall answer, that he is offered up or sacrificed. For if the Sacraments had not a certain similitude of those things, of which they be Sacraments, than should they be no Sacraments at all. By reason of which similitude, they do for the most part receive the denomination or name of those things signified. And therefore after a certain manner, the Sacrament of Christ's body, is the body of Christ, and the Sacrament of Christ's blood, 
Quodam modo 1. after a certain manner.  is the blood of Christ, and so also be the Sacraments of faith, called faith.  
This doth he yet prove by an other example of speech, which is this: It is none other thing to believe, then to have faith. And therefore when answer is made, that the infants have faith, which in deed have it not in full working, it is answered, that such have faith for the Sacrament of faith, and that they do convert themselves unto faith, for the Sacrament of Conversion. For the very answer itself doth pertain to the celebration of the Sacrament, etc. Thus doth it sufficiently appear, that as we use truly to call that good Friday, or the day of Christ's passion, which is not in deed the day of Christ's Passion, but only a memorial thereof once done for ever: and as we use to call the next Easter day, the day of Christ's resurrection, not because that Christ in the same day shall arise, but only for a memorial of his resurrection once done for ever, and that of long time passed.  
And Christ being offered up once for all in his own proper person, is yet said to be offered up, not only every year at Easter, but also every day in the celebration of the Sacrament, because his oblation once for ever made, is thereby represented. Even so (saith Augustine) is the Sacrament of Christ's body, the body of Christ, and the sacrament of Christ's blood, the blood of Christ, in a certain wise or fashion. 
The celebration of the sacrament representeth the oblation of Christ's body. The sacrament of Chrrists' body is not his body in deed, but in memorial or representation.  Not that the Sacrament is his natural body or blood in deed, but that it is a memorial or representation thereof, as the days before showed, be of his very and natural body crucified for us, and of his precious blood shed for the remission of our sins. And thus be the holy signs or Sacraments truly called by the names of the very things in them signified. But why so? For they (saith Augustine) have a certain similitude of those things whereof they be signs or Sacraments, for else they should be no Sacraments at all: And therefore do they commonly, and for the most part receive the denomination of the things whereof they be Sacraments.  
So that we may manifestly perceive that he calleth not the Sacrament of Christ's body and blood, the very body and blood of Christ, but as he said before. But yet he saith in a certain manner or wise: Not that the Sacrament absolutely and plainly, is his natural body or blood. For this is a false argument of Sophistry, which they call, Secundum quid ad simpliciter, that is to say, 

A Falla● in Logic, a secundum quid, ad simpliciter. The Pope's argument▪ The Sacrament of Christ's body is Christ's body.  
Ergo, the sacrament is Christ's body really ●. substantially.   that the Sacrament of Christ's body, is in a certain wise, the body of Christ, Ergo, it is also plainly and expressly the natural body of Christ. For such an other reason might this be also: Christ is after a certain manner, a Lion, a Lamb, and a door: Ergo, Christ is a natural Lion and Lamb, or material door. But the Sacrament of Christ's body and blood, is therefore called his body and blood, because it is thereof a memorial, sign, sacrament, token, & representation, spent once for our redemption. Which thing is further expounded by an other speech, that he doth here consequently allege of baptism: Sicut de ipso baptismo apostolus dicit, etc.  
The Apostle (quoth Augustine) sayeth not, we have signified burying, but he sayeth utterly, we be buried with Christ, For else should all false Christians be buried with Christ from sin, which yet do live in all sin. And therefore saith Augustine immediately thereupon, he called therefore the sacrament of so great a thing, by none other name, then of the thing itself. Thus (O most gracious and godly prince) do I confess and knowledge, that the bread of the sacrament is truly Christ's body, and the wine to be truly his blood, according to the words of the institution of the same Sacrament: but in a certain wise, that is to wit, figuratively, sacramentally, or significatively, according to the exposition of the Doctors before recited, & hereafter following. And to this exposition of the old Doctors, am I enforced, both by the articles of my Creed, and also by the circumstances of the said Scripture, as after shall more largely appear. But by the same can I not find the natural body of our Saviour to be there naturally, but rather absent, both from the sacrament, & from all the world, collocate and remaining in heaven, where he by promise must abide corporally, unto the end of the world.  
The same holy Doctor writing against one Faustus', saith in like manner: 
Aug. contra Faustum.  Si Machabaeos cum ingenti admiratione praeferimus, quia escas quibus nunc Christiani licitè utuntur, attingere noluerunt (quia pro tempore tunc Prophetico non licebat) quanto nunc magis pro Baptismo Christi, pro Eucharistia Christi, pro signo Christi, etc. If we do prefer with great admiration the Maccabees, because they would not once touch the meats which Christian men now lawfully use to eat of, for that it was not lawful for that time then being prophetical, that is, in the time of the old Testament: how much rather now ought a Christian to be more ready to suffer all things for the Baptism of Christ, and for the Sacrament of thanksgiving, and for the sign of Christ, seeing that those of the old Testament were the promises of the things to be complete and fulfilled, and these Sacraments in the new Testament are the tokens of things complete and finished? In this do I note, that according to the expositions before showed, he calleth the Sacrament of Baptism, and the Sacrament of Christ's body & blood, otherwise properly named Eucharistia, signum Christi, and that in the singular number, 
The sign of Christ.  for as much as they both do signify well-nigh one thing. In both them is testified the death of our savour. And moreover, he calleth them Indicia rerum completarum: that is to wit, The tokens or benefits that we shall receive by the belief of Christ for us crucified. And them doth he call usually both the sacraments, signum Christi, in the singular number. And as the same Saint Augustine in his fifty treatise upon the Gospel of Saint john teacheth, where he sayeth thus: Si bonus es, si ad corpus Christi pertines, (quod significat Petrus) habes Christum, & in praesenti, & in futuro. In praesenti per fidem, etc. If thou be good, 
August. in joan tract. 50.  if thou pertain to the body of Christ (which this word, Petrus, doth signify) then hast thou Christ both here present, and in time to come: Hear present through faith: here present by the sign and figure of Christ: here present by the Sacrament of Baptism: here present by the meat and drink of the altar, etc.  
More there was that john Lambert wrote to the king, but thus much only came to our hands.   

The death of Robert Packington.  
AMong other acts and matters passed and done this present year, 
Robert Packington.  which is of the Lord 1538. here is not to be silenced the unworthy and lamentable death of Robert Packington, Mercer of London, 
Anno 1538.  wrought and caused by the enemies of God's word, and of all good proceed. The story is this: The said Robert Packington, being a man of substance, and dwelling in Chepeside, used every day at five of the clock, Winter and Summer, to go to prayer at a Church then called S. Thomas of Acres, but now named Mercer's Chapel. And one morning amongst all other, being a great misty morning, such as hath seldom been seen, even as he was crossing the street from his house to the Church, he was suddenly murdered with a gun, which of the neighbours was plainly heard: and by a great number of labourers standing at Soper lane end, he was both seen go forth of his house, and the clap of the gun was heard, but the deed doer was a great while unespied and unknown. Although many in the mean time were suspected, yet none could be found faulty therein. The murderer so covertly was conveyed, till at length by the confession of Doctor Incent Deane of Paul's in his death bed, it was known, and by him confessed, that he himself was the author thereof, by hiring an Italian for lx. crowns or thereabout, 
Doct. Incent Deane of Paul's▪ murderer of Packington.  to do the feat. For the testimony whereof, and also of the repentant words of the said Incent, the names both of them which heard him confess it, and of them which heard the witnesses report it, remain yet in memory, to be produced, if need required.  
The cause why he was so little favoured with the clergy, was this, for that he was known to be a man of great courage, & one that could both speak, & also would be heard: for at the same time he was one of the burgesses of the Parliament for the city of London, & had talked somewhat against the covetousness & cruelty of the clergy, wherefore he was had in contempt with them, and was thought also to have some talk with the King, for the which he was the more had in disdain with them, & murdered by the said Doctor Incent, for his labour, as hath been above declared.  
And thus much of Rob. Packington, which was the brother of Austen Packington above mentioned, who deceived bishop Tonstal, in buying the new translated Testament of Tyndall. Whose piteous murder, although it was privy and sudden, yet hath it so pleased the Lord, not to keep it in darkness, but to bring it at length to light.   

The burning of one Collins at London.  
NEither is here to be omitted the burning of one Collins, sometime a Lawyer & a Gentleman, which suffered the fire this year also in Smithfielde, 
Collins with his dog burned.  anno. 1538. Whom although I do not here recite, as in the number of God's professed martyrs, yet neither do I think him to be clean sequestered from the company of the Lords saved flock and family, notwithstanding that the bish. of Rome's Church did condemn and burn him for an heretic: but rather do recount him therefore, as one belonging to the holy company of Saints. At leastwise this case of him and of his end may be thought to be such, as may well reprove and condemn their cruelty and madness, in burning so without all discretion, this man being mad and distract of his perfect wits, as he then was, by this occasion as here followeth.  
¶ Collins with his dog burned.  
Collins being beside his wits, seeing the Priest holding up the host over his head, & showing it to the people, 
colyns burned for holding up a dog at Mass.  he in like manner counterfeiting the Priest, took up a little dog by the legs, and held him over his head, showing him unto the people. For this he was by and by brought unto examination, and condemned to the fire, and was burned, and the dog with him, the same year of our Lord in the which john Lambert was burned. 1538.   

* The burning of Cowbridge at Oxford. anno. 1538.  
WIth this foresaid Collins, may also be adjoined the burning of Cowbridge, who likewise being mad, 
Cowbridge burnt at Oxford.  & beside his right senses, was either the same, or the next year following, condemned by Longland, Bishop of Lyncolne, and committed to the fire by him to be burnt at Oxford. What his opinions and Articles were, wherewith he was charged, it needeth not here to rehearse. For as he was then a man mad, and destitute of sense and reason, so his words and sayings could not be sound. Yea rather, what wise man would ever collect Articles against him, which said, he could not tell what? 
Cope in his Dialogues.  And if his Articles were so horrible and mad, as Cope in his Dialogues doth declare them, than was he in my judgement, a man more fit to be sent to Bethlehem, then to be had to the fire in Smithfield to be burned. For what reason is it to require reason of a creature mad or unreasonable, or to make heresy of the words of a senseless man, not knowing what he affirmed.  
But this is the manner and property of this holy mother Church of Rome, that what soever cometh in their hands and inquisition, to the fire it must. There is no other way: neither pity that will move, nor excuse that will serve, nor age that they will spare, nor any respect almost that they consider: as by these two miserable examples both of Collins and Cowbridge, it may appear. Who rather should have been pitied, and all ways convenient sought, how to reduce the silly wretches into their right minds again, according as the true Pastors of Israel be commanded by the spirit of God, to seek again the things that be last, to bind up the things that be broken etc. and not so extremely to burst the things that be bruised before. But to end with this matter of Cowbridge, 
The right confession of Cowbridge, at his departing.  what soever his madness was before, or how soever erroneous his Articles were (which for the fond fantasies of them, I do not express) yet as touching his end, this is certain, that in the midst of the flame, he lifting up his head to heaven, soberly and discretely called upon the name of the Lord jesus Christ, and so departed.   

¶ William Leiton and Puttedew Martyrs.  
ABout the same time & year, or not much before, 
Puttedew martyred.  when john Lambert suffered at London, there was one Puttedew also condemned to the fire, about the parts of Suffolk, who coming into the Church, and merrily telling the Priest, that after he had drunk up all the wine alone, he afterward blessed the hungry people with the empty Chalice, was for the same immediately apprehended, and shortly after burned, leaving to us an experiment. 
prover. Non est bonum ludere cum impiis.  Quàm parum sit tutum ludere cum sanctis, as the old saying was then: but rather as we may see now. Quàm male tutum sit ludere cum impijs.  
The other, William Leyton, was a Monk of Ay, in the County of Suffolk & was burned at Norwich, for speaking against a certain Idol, 
W. Leyton, Martyr.  which was accustomed to be carried about the Processions at Ay: & also for holding that the Sacramental Supper ought to be administered in both kinds, about the year and time aforesaid.   

¶ The burning of one Peke at Ipswich.  
IN the burning of an other Suffolk man, 
N. Peke burned at Ipswich, Martyr.  named N. Peke dwelling sometime at Earlestonh●, and burnt at Ipswich, somewhat before the burning of these aforesaid thus I find it recorded and testified: That when as he being fast bound to a stake, and Furse set on fire round about him, was so scorched, that he was as black as soot, one Doctor reading there standing before him, with Doctor Heir and Doct. Springwell, having a long white, wand in his hand, did knock him upon the right shoulder, and said, Peke, recant, and believe that the Sacrament of the altar, is the very body of Christ, flesh, blood, and bone, after that the Priest hath spoken the words of Consecration over it, and here have I in my hand to absolve thee for thy misbelief that hath been in thee, having a scroll of paper in his hand. When he had spoken these words, Peke answered, and said, I defy it and thee also, & with a great violence he spit from him very blood, which came by reason that his veins broke in his body for extreme anguish. And when the said Peke had so spoken, then D. Reding said: To as many as shall cast a stick to the burning of this heretic, 
Forty days of par●on proclaimed for casting sticks into Pekes fire.  is granted forty days of pardon by my Lord Bishop of Norwich. Then Barn Curson, Sir john Audley Knight, with many others of estimation being there present, did rise from their seats, and with their swords did cut down boughs, and throw them into the fire, and so did all the multitude of the people.  
Witness john Ramsey and others, who did see this act.  
In the year last before this, which was of the Lord. 1537. it was declared how Pope Paul the third indicted a general Council to be holden at Mantua. 
Of this Council of Mantua read before 1084.  Whereunto the king of England among other Princes being called, refused either to come or to send at the Pope's call, and for defence of himself, directed out a public Apology or Protestation, rendering just and sufficient matter, why neither he would, nor was bound to obey the Pope's commandment. Which Protestation is before to be read, page. 1084. This Council appointed to begin the 23. day of may, the year aforesaid, was then stopped by the Duke of Mantua, pretending that he would suffer no Council there, unless the Pope would fortify the City with a sufficient army, etc. For which cause the Pope prorogued the said Council, to be celebrated in the month of November following, appointing at the first no certain place. At length named and determined the city of Uincence (lying within the dominion of the venetians) to be the place for the Council▪ Whereunto when the King (the year next following, which is this present year of the Lord 1538.) was requested by the Emperor and other states, to resort either himself, or to send: he again refusing (as he did before) sendeth this Protestation in way of defence and answer for himself, to the Emperor and other Christian princes: the copy and effect whereof here under followeth, and is this.   

Henry the eight by the grace of God, King of England and France, etc. saluteth the Emperor, Christian princes, and all true Christian men, desiring peace and concord amongst them.  
WHereas not long sithence, a book came forth in our and all our Counsels names, 
Anno. 1538.  which contained many causes why we refused the Council, then by the Bishop of Rome's usurped power first indicted at Mantua, 
The king's letter to the Emperor.  to be kept the twenty-three. day of May, after prorogued to November, no place appointed where it should be kept, and whereas the same book doth sufficiently prove, that our cause could take no hurt, 
Of thi● book 〈◊〉 before 〈◊〉  neither with any thing done or decreed in such a company of addict men to one sect, nor in any other Council called by his usurped power: we think it nothing necessary so oft to make new protestations, 
The Po●● doth but mock the world with his 〈◊〉 Councel●●▪  as the Bishop of Rome and his Courts by subtlety and craft, do invent ways to mock the world, by new pretenced general Counsels. Yet notwithstanding, because that some things have now occurred, either upon occasion given us by change of the place, or else through other considerations, which now being known to the world, may do much good, we thought we should do but even as that love enforceth us, which we own unto Christ's faith and religion, to add this Epistle. And yet we protest, 
General councils are to be wished so they might be free universally 〈◊〉 all parts.  that we neither put forth that book, neither yet we would this Epistle to be set afore it, that thereby we should seem less to desire a general Council, than any other Prince or Potentate, but rather to be more desirous of it, so it were free for all parts, and universal. And further, we desire all good Princes, Potentates, and people, to esteem and think that no Prince would more willingly be present at such a Council than we: such a one we mean, as we speak of in our protestation made concerning the Council of Mantua.  
Truly as our forefathers invented nothing more holier than general Counsels, used as they ought to be, so there is almost nothing that may do more hurt to the Christian common wealth, to the faith, to our religion, 
Nothing more petr●cious to the Church, then general Counsels, if they be abused.  then general Counsels, if they be abused to lucre, to gains, to the establishment of errors. They be called general, and even by their name do admonish us, that all Christian men which do dissent in any opinion, may in them openly, frankly, & without fear of punishment or displeasure, say their mind. For seeing such things as are decreed in general Counsels, touch equally all men that give assent thereunto, it is meet that every man may boldly say there, that he thinketh. And verily we suppose, that it ought not to be called a general Council, where alonely those men are heard, which are determined for ever, in all points, to defend the Popish part, and to arm themselves to fight in the Bishop of Rome's quarrel, though it were against God and his Scriptures. It is no general Council, neither it aught to be called general, where the same men be only Advocates and adversaries: the same accused and judges. 
Th● Pope's Counsels, are no general councils. The Pope in his Counsels is the party accused and also the judge.  No it is against the law of nature, either that we should condescend to so unreasonable a law against ourselves, either that we should suffer ourselves to be left without all defence, and being oppressed with greatest injuries, to have no refuge to secure ourselves at. The Bishop of Rome and his, be our great enemies, as we and all the world may well perceive by his doings.  
He desireth nothing more than our hurt, and the destruction of our Realm: Do not we then violate the judgement of nature, if we give him power and authority to be our judge? 

Against all reason that he which is our accuser should also be our judge.  
The Pope's honour first gotten by superstition borne by ignorance, nourished by ambition, increased by violence, defended by false understanding & wresting of scriptures.   His pretended honour first gotten by superstition, after increased by violence, & other ways as evil as that: his power set up by pretence of religion, in deed both against religion, and also contrary to the word of God: his primacy borne by the ignorancy of the world, nourished by the ambition of Bishops of Rome, defended by places of Scripture falsely understand: these three things (we say) which are fallen with us, and are like to fall in other Realms shortly, shall they not be established again, if he may decide our cause as him lusteth? if he may at his pleasure oppress a cause most righteous, and set up his, most against truth? Certainly he is very blind, that seethe not, what end we may look for of our controversies, if such our enemy may give the sentence.  
We desire, if it were in any wise possible, a Council, where some hope may be, that those things shall be restored, which now being depravate, are like (if they be not amended) to be the utter ruin of Christian Religion. And as we do desire such a Council, and think it meet that all men in all their prayers should desire & crave it of God: even so we think it pertaineth unto our office, to provide both that these Popish subtleties hurt none of our subjects, and also to admonish other Christian Princes, 
Provision to be made against popish ●●●tyltie●.  that the Bishop of Rome may not by their consent, abuse the authority of kings, either by the extinguishing of the true preaching of Scripture (that now beginneth to spring, to grow, and spread abroad) either to the troubling of Prince's liberties, to the diminishing of King's authorities, and to the great blemish of their princely majesty. We doubt nothing but a Reader not partial, will soon approve such things as we here write, not so much for our excuse, as that the world may perceive both the sundry deceits, crafts, and subtleties of the papists, & also how much we desire that controversies in religion may once be taken away.  
All that we said there of Mantua, may here well be spoken of Uincence. 
This Council of Man●us which the pope 〈◊〉, he afterward transferred to Vincence This was the year 1537.  They do almost agree in all points. Neither is it like, that there will be any more at this council at Uincence, than were the last year at Mantua. Truly he is worthy to be deceived, that being twice mocked, will not beware the third time. If any this last year made forth toward Mantua, and being half on their way, than perceived that they had taken upon them that journey in vain, we do not think them so foolish, that they will here after ride far out of town to be mocked. The time also and the state of things is such, that matters of Religion may rather now be brought further in trouble (as other things are) them be commodiously entreated of and decided. For whereas in manner the whole world is after such sort troubled with wars, 
This time 〈◊〉 for a general Council and why?  so encumbered with the great preparations that the Turk maketh, can there be any man so against the settling of religion, that he will think this time meet for a general Council? Undoubtedly it is mere that such controversies as we have with the Bishop of Rome, be taken as they are, that is, much greater than that they may either be discussed in this so troublesome a time, or else be committed unto proctor's, without our great jeopardy, albeit the time were never so quiet.  
What other princes will do, we can not tell: but we will neither leave our realm at this time, 
Neither the judge, nor the place convenient for a general Council.  neither will we trust any Proctor with our cause, wherein the whole stay and wealth of our Realm standeth, but rather we will be at the handling thereof ourself. For except both an other judge be agreed upon for those matters, and also a place more commodious be provided for the debating of our causes, albeit all other things were as we would have them, yet may we lawfully refuse to come or send any to this pretended Council. We will in no case make him our arbeter, which not many years past, our cause not heard, gave sentence against us. We will that such doctrine, as we following the Scripture, do profess, be rightly examined, discussed, and brought to the Scripture, as to the only touchstone of true learning.  
We will not suffer them to be abolished, ere ever they be dicussed, 
Spoken like a king.  ne to be oppressed, before they be known: much less we will suffer them to be trodden down being so clearly true. No, as there is no jot in Scripture, but we will defend it, though it were with jeopardy of our life, and peril of this our Realm: so is there nothing that doth oppress this doctrine, or obscure it, but we will be at continual war therewith. As we have abrogated all old popish traditions in this our Realm, which either did help his tyranny, or increase his pride: so if the grace of God forsake us not, 
Would God the king here had kept promise when he made the 6. articles.  we will well foresee, that no new naughty traditions be made with our consent, to blind us or our Realm.  
If men will not be willingly blind, they shall easily see even by a due and evident proof in reason, though grace doth not yet by the word of Christ enter into them, how small the authority of the Bishop of Rome is, by the lawful denial of the Duke of Mantua for the place. For if the Bishop of Rome did earnestly intend to keep a Council at Mantua, and hath power by the law of God, to call Princes to what place him liketh: why hath he not also authority to choose what him listeth: The Bishop chose Mantua: the Duke kept him out of it. If Paul the Bishop of Rome's authority be so great as he pretendeth, 
The Duke of Mantua denieth the Pope his City f●r his Council.  why could he not compel Fridericus the Duke of Mantua, that the Council might be kept there? The Duke would not suffer it. No, he forbade him his town.  
How chanceth it, that here excommunications flee not abroad? Why doth he not punish this Duke? Why is his power, that was wont to be more than full, here empty? wont to be more than all, here nothing? Doth he not call men in vain to a Council, if they that come at his calling be excluded the place, to the which he calleth them? May not kings justly refuse to come at his call, when the Duke of Mantua may deny him the place that he chooseth? If other Prince's order him as the Duke of Mantua hath done, 
If the Pope's authority may be stopped by a Duke, what authority then hath he over kings and Emperors.  what place shallbe left him, where he may keep his general Council?  
Again, if Princes have given him this authority to call a council, is it not necessary, that they give him also all those things, without the which he can not exercise that his power? Shall he call men, and will ye let him to find no place to call them unto? Truly he is not wont to appoint one of his own cities, a place to keep the Council in. No, the good man is so faithful and friendly toward other, that seldom he desireth Princes to be his gests.  
And admit he should call us to one of his Cities, should we safely walk within the walls of such our enemy's town? Were it meet for us there to discuss controversies of Religion, or to keep us out of our enemy's traps? meet to study for the defence of such doctrine as we profess, 
Example that the Pope hath no power upon places in other men's dominions.  or rather how we might in such a throng of perils be in safeguard of our life? Well, in this one art the Bishop of Rome hath declared, that he hath none authority upon places in other men's dominions, and therefore if he promise a Counsel in any of those, he promiseth that, that is in an other man to perform, and so may he deceive us again.  
Now if he call us to one of his own towns, 
Dilemma against the Pope.  we be afraid to be at such an hosts table. We say, better to rise an hungered, then to go thence with our bellies full. But they say, the place is found, we need no more to seek where the Council shallbe kept. As who saith, 
Vincence a city under the dominion of the Venetians.  that that chanced at Mantua, may not also chance at Uincence: and as though it were very like, that the Venetians, men of such wisdom, should not both foresee, and fear also, that the wise Duke of Mantua seemed to fear. Certes, when we think upon the state that the Venetians be in now, it seemeth no very likely thing, that they will either leave Uincence their City to so many Nations, without some great garrison of soldiers, or else that they being else where so sore charged already, will now nourish an army there?  
And if they would, do●h not Paul himself grant that it should be an evil Precedent, & an evil example to have an armed Council?  
How so ever it shall be, we most heartily desire you, that ye will vouchsafe to read those things that we wrote this last year, touching the Mantuan Council. For we nothing doubt, but you, of your equity, will stand on our side against their subtlety and frauds, and judge (except we be deceived) that we in this business, neither gave so much to our affections, neither without great and most just causes, refused their Councils, their Censures, and Decrees.  
Whether these our writings please all men, or no, we think we ought not to pass much. No, if that which indifferently is written of us, may please indifferent readers, our desire is accomplished. The false and mistaking of things by men partial shall move us nothing, or else very little. If we have said aught against the deceits of the Bishop of Rome, that may seem spoken too sharply, we pray you, impute it to the hatred we bear unto vices, and not to any evil will that we bear him. No, that he and all his may perceive that we are rather at strife with his vices, then with him and his: our prayer is, that it may please God, at the last to open their eyes, to make soft their hard hearts, and that they once may with us (their own glory set apart) study to set forth the everlasting glory of the everlasting God.  
Thus mighty Emperor, far you most heartily well, and ye Christian Princes the pillars, and stay of Christendom, far ye heartily well. Also all ye, what people so ever ye are, which do desire that the gospel, and glory of Christ may flourish, far ye heartily well.  
As the Lord of his goodness hath raised up Thomas Cromwell to be a friend and patron to the Gospel: so on the contrary side Satan (which is adversary, and enemy to all good things) had his organ also, which was Steven Gardiner, by all wiles and subtle means to impeach and to put back the same. Who after he had brought his purpose to pass, in burning good john Lambert (as ye have heard) proceeding still in his crafts and wiles, and thinking under the name of heresies, sects, Anabaptistes, & sacramentaris, to exterminate all good books, and faithful professors of God's word out of England, so wrought with the king, that the next year following, which was of our Lord. 1539. he gave out these Injunctions, the copy and contents whereof I though here also not to be pretermitted, and are these.   

* Certain other Injunctions set forth by the authority of the King, against English books, sects, and Sacramentaries also, with putting down the day of Thomas Becket.  
FIrst, that none without special licence of the king, transport, or bring from outward parties into England, 
Anno. 1539.  any manner of English books, neither yet sell, give, utter, or publish any such, upon pain to forfeit all their good and cattles, and their bodies to be imprisoned, so long as it shall please the kings majesty.  
Item, that none shall print, or bring over any English books with annotations or Prologues, unless such books before he examined by the king's privy Counsel, or others appointed by his highness, and yet not to put thereto these words: Cum privilegio Regali, without adding, Ad imprimendum solum: neither yet to print it, without the kings privilege be printed therewith in the English tongue, 
No books to be translated, without the name of the translator.  that all men may read it. Neither shall they print any translated book, without the plain name of the translator be in it, or else the printer to be made the translator, and to suffer the fine and punishment thereof at the kings pleasure.  
Item, that none of the occupation of Printing shall within the Realm, print, utter, sell, or cause to be published any English books of Scripture, 
English books of scripture forbidden to be printed.  unless the same be first viewed, examined, and admitted by the king's highness, or one of his privy Counsel, or one Bishop with●● the Realm, whose name shall therein be expressed, upon pain of the kings most high displeasure, the loss of their goods and cattles, and prisonment, so long as it shall please the king.  
Item, those that be in any errors, as Sacramentaries, 
Against Sacramentaryes.  Anabaptistes, or any other, or any that sell books, having such opinions in them, being once known, both the books and such persons shallbe detected and disclosed immediately unto the kings Majesty, or one of his privy Counsel, to the intent to have it punished without favour, even with the extremity of the law.  
Item, that none of the king's subjects shall reason, dispute, or argue upon the sacrament of the altar, upon pain of losing their lives, 
No man to dispute of the Sacrament.  goods and cattles, without all favour, only these excepted that be learned in divinity: they to have their liberty in their schools and appointed places, accustomed for such matters.  
Item, that holy bread and holy water, procession, kneeling, 
Holy bread and holy water, with other rites of the Church established.  and creeping on good Friday to the cross and Easter day, setting up of lights before the Corpus Christi, bearing of candles on Candlemas day, Purification of women delivered of child, offering of Crisomes, keeping of the four offering days, paying their tithes, and such like ceremonies must be observed & kept, till it shall please the king to change or abrogate any of them. This article was made for that the people was not quieted and contented (many of them) with the ceremonies then used.  
Finally, all those Priests that be married, and openly known to have their wives, 
Married priests punished.  or that hereafter do intent to marry, shall be deprived of all Spiritual promotion, & from doing any duty of a Priest, and shall have no manner of office, dignity, cure, privilege, profit, or commodity in any thing appertaining to the Clergy, but from thence forth shallbe taken, 
Difference to be taught between things commanded of God, and ceremonies uncommanded.  had, and reputed as lay persons, to all purposes and intentes: and those that shall after this proclamation marry, shall run in his grace's indignaton, and suffer punishment and imprisonment at his graces will & pleasure.  
Item, he chargeth all Archbishops, Bishops, Archdeacon's, Deacons, provosts, Parsons, vicars, Curates, & other Ministers, and every of them in their own persons, within their cures diligently to preach, teach, open, and set forth to the people, the glory of God, & truth of his word: and also considering the abuses & superstitions that have crept into the hearts and stomachs of many, by reason of their fond ceremonies, he chargeth them upon pain of imprisonment at his grace's pleasure, 
Thomas Becket noted of stubbornness.  not only to preach and teach the word of God accordingly, but also sincerely and purely, declaring the difference between things commanded by God, and the ●ites and ceremonies in their church then used, lest the people thereby might grow into further superstition.  
Item, for as much as it appeareth now clearly, that Thomas Becket sometime Archbishop of Caunterbury, stubbornly withstanding the wholesome laws established against the enormities of the Clergy, by the kings highness noble Progenitor King Henry the second, for the common wealth, rest, and tranquillity of this Realm, of his froward mind fled the Realm into France, and to the Bishop of Rome, maintainer of those enormities, to procure the abrogation of the said Laws, (whereby arose much trouble in this said Realm) and that his death which they untruly called martyrdom, happened upon a rescue by him made, and that (as it is written) he gave opprobrious words to the Gentlemen, which then counseled him to leave his stubbornness, and to avoid the commotion of the people risen up for that rescue, and he not only called the one of them bawd, but also took Tracie by the bosom, and violently shook him, and plucked him in such manner, that he had almost overthrown him to the pavement of the church, so that upon this fray, one of their company perceiving the same, strake him, and so in the throng Becket was slain: and further, that his canonisation was made only by the Bishop of Rome, because he had been a champion to maintain his usurped authority, and a bearer of the iniquity of the Clergy.  
For these and for other great and urgent causes long to recite, the kings Majesty by the advise of his Counsel, hath thought expedient to declare to his loving subjects, that notwithstanding the said canonisation, 
Tho. 〈◊〉 a rebel rather than a Saint.  there appeareth nothing in his life and exterior conversation, whereby he should be called a Saint, but rather esteemed to have been a rebel and traitor to his Prince.  
Therefore his grace straightly chargeth and commandeth, that from henceforth the said Thomas Becket shall not be esteemed, named, reputed, and called a Saint, but Bishop Becket, and that his Images and Pictures thorough the whole Realm shallbe plucked down and avoided out of all Churches, Chapels, and other places, and that from henceforth the days used to be festival in his name, shall not be observed, nor the service, office, Antiphons', collects, & prayers in his name read, 
The canonisation of Tho. Bec●●● razed.  but razed & put out of all the books: & that all their festival days already abrogated, shallbe in no wise solemnised, but his grace's ordinances, and injunctions thereupon observed, to the intent his graces loving subjects shallbe no longer blindly led & abused to commit Idolatry, as they have done in times passed, upon pain of his majesties indignation, & imprisonment at his grace's pleasure▪  
Finally his grace straightly chargeth and commandeth that his subjects do keep and observe all and singular his injunctions made by his majesty, upon the pain therein contained.   

Here followeth how religion began to go backward.  
TO many which be yet alive, & can testify these things, it is not unknown, how variable the state of Religion stood in these days: 
The variable change● and mutations of religion in king Henry's days.  how hardly and with what difficulty it came forth: what chances and changes it suffered. Even as the king was ruled and gave ●are sometime to one, some time to an other, so one while it went forward, at an other season as much backward again, and sometime clea● altered & changed for a season, according as they could prevail which were about the king. So long as Queen Anne lived, the Gospel had indifferent success.  
After that she, by sinister instigation of some about the king was made away, the cause of the gospel began again to incline, but that the Lord then stirred up the Lord Cromwell, opportunely to help in that behalf. Who, no doubt did much avail for the increase of God's true Religion, & much more, had brought to perfection, 
The course of the Gospel interrupted by malicious enemies.  if the pestilent adversaries maligning the prosperous glory of the Gospel, by contrary practising had not craftily undermined him and supplanted his virtuous proceedings. By the means of which adversaries it came to pass after the taking away of the said Cromwell, that the state of Religion more and more decayed, during all the residue of the reign of king Henry.  
Among these adversaries above mentioned, the chief captain was Steven Gardiner bishop of Wint. who with his confederates and adherentes, disdaining at the state of the L. Cromwell, and at the late marriage of the Lady Anne of Cleve (who in the beginning of the year of our Lord. 1540 was married to the king) as also grieved partly at the dissolution of the Monasteries, 
The marriage of Queen Anne Cleve  and fearing the growing of the Gospel, sought all occasions how to interrupt these happy beginnings, and to train the king to their own purpose. Now what occasion this wily Winchester found out to work upon, ye shall hear in order as followeth.  
It happened the same time that the Lord Cromwell for the better establishing of sincere religion in this realm, devised a marriage for the king to be concluded between him & the Lady Anne of Cleve, 
The occasi●● which Winchester did work by. This Lady Anne of Cleve was married to the king, 〈◊〉 1540  whose other sister was already married unto the duke of Saxony. By this marriage it was supposed that a perpetual league, amity, and ally should be nourished between this realm and the princes of Germany, & so thereby godly religion might be made more strong on both parts against the bishop of Rome, and his tyrannical religion. But the devil ever envying the prosperity of the gospel, laid a stumbling block in that clear way, for the king to stumble at. For when the parents of the noble lady were commoned withal for the furtherance of the said marriage, among others of her friends, whose good will was required, the duke of Saxony her brother in law misliked the marriage, partly for that he would have had her bestowed upon some prince of Germany more nigh unto her sister, & partly for other causes, which he thought reasonable. Whereupon it followeth that the slackness of the Duke in that behalf being espied, crafty Winchester taking good holdfast thereon, so alienated the kings mind from the amity, that seemed now to begin and grow between the Duke and the king, that by the occasion thereof, he brought the king at length clean out of credit with that religion and doctrine, which the duke had then maintained many years before.  
Thus wily Winchester with his crafty fetches partly upon this occasion aforesaid, & partly also by other pestilent persuasions creeping into the kings ears ceased not to seek all means how to work his feat & to overthrow Religion, first bringing him in hatred with the German Princes, 
The king brought out of credit with the doctrine of the German Princes.  then putting him in fear of the Emperor, of the French king, of the Pope, of the king of Scots, and other foreign powers to rise against him, but especially of Civil tumults & commotions here within this realm (which above all things he most dreaded) by reason of innovation of religion and dissolving of Abbeys: and for abolishing of rites, and other customs of the Church, sticking so fast in the minds of the people, that it was to be feared, lest their hearts were or would be shortly stirred up against him, 
The wicked council of Steph. Gardiner, and other about the king.  unless some speedy remedy were to the contrary provided: declaring moreover what a dangerous matter in a common wealth it is to attempt new alterations of any thing, but especially of Religion. Which being so, he exhorted the king for his own safeguard and public quiet and tranquillity of his realm, to see betime how and by what policy these so manifold mischiefs might be prevented. Against which no other way nor shift could better be devised, then if he would show himself sharp and severe against these new sectaries, Anabaptistes, & Sacramentaries (as they called them) & would also set forth such Articles, confirming the ancient & Catholic faith, as whereby he might recover again his credence with Christian Princes, and whereby all the world beside, might see and judge him to be a right and perfit Catholic. By these & such like crafty suggestions, 
The king abused by wicked council.  the king being to much seduced and abused, began to withdraw his defence from the reformation of true Religion, supposing thereby to procure to himself more safety both in his own realm, and also to avoid such dangers, which otherwise might happen by other Princes, especially seeing of late he had refused to come to the general Council at Uincence, being thereto invited both by the Emperor, & other foreign potentates, as ye have heard before. And therefore, although he had rejected the Pope out of this Realm, yet because he would declare himself nevertheless to be a good Catholic son of the mother Church, and a withstander of new innovations and heresies (as the blind opinion of the world did then esteem them) first he stretched out his hand to the condemning and burning of Lambert, 
Anno. 1540  then after he gave out those Injunctions above prefixed: & now further to increase this opinion with all men, 
The Pope's crafty factory in England.  in the year next following, which was of the Lord. 540. through the devise and practise of certain of the Pope's factors about him, he summoned a solemn Parliament to be holden at Westminster the 28. day of April, of all the states and burgesses of the Realm: Also a Synod or convocation of all the Archbishops, Bishops, and other learned of the Clergy of this Realm to be in like manner assembled.   

The Act of the vi. Articles.  
In which Parliament Synod, or convocation, certain Articles, matters and questions, touching religion, were decreed by certain prelate's, 
The 6. Articles.  to the number especially of 6. commonly called the 6. Articles (or the whip with 6. strings) to be had & received among the king's subjects in pretence of unity. But what unity thereof followed, the groaning hearts of a great number, and also the cruel death of divers both in the days of K. Henry, & of Queen Mary, can so well declare, as I pray God, never the like be felt hereafter.  
The doctrine of these wicked articles in the bloody act contained, although it be worthy of no memory amongst christian men, but rather deserveth to be buried in perpetual oblivion, yet for that the office of history, compelleth us thereunto, for the more light of posterity to come: faithfully and truly to comprise things done in the church, as well one as another, this shallbe briefly to recapitulate the sum & effect of the foresaid 6. articles, in order as they were given out, and hereunder do follow.  

The first Article.  
THe first Article in this present Parliament accorded and agreed upon: 
 was this: that in the most blessed Sacrament of the altar, by the strength and efficacy of Christ's mighty word (it being spoken by the priest) is present really under the form of bread and wine, the natural body and blood of our Saviour jesus Christ, conceived of the virgin Mary and that after the consecration there remaineth no substance of bread or Wine, or any other substance, but the substance of Christ God and man.   

The 2. Article.  
Secondly, that the communion in both kinds, 
The sacrament in both kinds excluded.  is not necessary ad salutem, by the law of God to all persons: and that it is to be believed & not doubted of, but that in the flesh, under form of bread, is the very blood, & with the blood, under form of wine, is the very flesh as well apart, as they were both together.   

The 3. Article.  
Thirdly, that priests after the order of priesthood received as afore, may not marry by the law of God.   

The 4. Article.  
Fourthly, that the vows of chastity or widowhood, 
Advisedly, that is made, above the age of 21. years, priests only excepted.  by man or woman made to God advisedly, aught to be observed by the law of God: and that it exempteth them from other liberties of christian people, which without that they might enjoy.   

The 5. Article.  
Fiftly, that it is meet and necessary, that private Masses be continued and admitted in this english Church and congregation, as whereby good Christian people, 
By these benefits of private masses, is meant, the helping of souls in Purgatory.  ordering themselves accordingly, do receive both godly & goodly consolations and benefits: And it is agreeable also to God's law.   

The 6. Article.  
Sixtly that auricular confession is expedient and necessary to be retained, and continued, 
The 6. Article.  used and frequented in the Church of God.  
After th●se Articles were thus concluded and consented upon the Prelates of the Realm craftily perceiving that such a foul & violent act could not take place or prevail, unless strait and bloody penalties were set upon them, they caused through their accustomed practice to be ordained and enacted by the king and the Lords spiritual, and temporal, and the commons in the said Parliament, as followeth.    

The penalties upon the 6, Articles.  
That if any person or persons within this Realm of England, or any other the king's dominions, 
The penalties upon the 6. articles.  after the xii. day of july next coming by word, writing, imprinting, ciphring, or any otherwise, should publish, preach, teach, say affirm, declare, dispute, argue or hold any opinion, that in the blessed Sacrament of the Altar, under form of bread and wine (after the consecration thereof) there is not present really, 
Transubstantiation.  the natural body and blood of our Saviour jesus Christ, conceived of the virgin Mary, or that after the said consecration, there remaineth any substance of bread or wine, or any other substance but the substance of Christ, god and man, or after the time abovesaid, publish, preach, teach, say, affirm, declare, dispute, argue, or hold opinion, that in the flesh, underforme of bread, is not the very blood of christ or that with the blood of Christ, under the form of wine, is not the very flesh of Christ, aswell apart, as though they were both together: or by any of the means abovesaid or otherwise, preach, teach, declare, or affirm the said sacrament to be of other substance than is abovesaid, or by any mean contemn, deprave, or despise the said blessed sacrament: that then every such person, so offending their aiders comforters, counsellors, consenters and ab●eters therein (being thereof convicted in form under written, by the authority abovesaid) should be deemed and adjudged heretics, 
Suffering without any abjuration.  and every of such offence should be adjudged manifest heresy: & that every such offender and offenders, should therefore have & suffer judgement, execution, pain & pains of death, by way of burning, without any abjuration, benefit of the clergy, or Sanctuary, to be therefore permitted, had, allowed, admitted or suffered: 
Loss of goods.  and also should therefore forfeit and lose to the kings highness, his airs and successors, all his or their honours, manors, castles, lands tenements, rents, reversions, services, possessions, & all other his or their hereditaments, goods and cattle, 
Opinion against the Sacrament of the altar made treason.  terms and freeholdes, whatsoever they were, which any such offence or offences, committed or done, or at any time after, as in any cases of high treason.   

The penalty of the last v. Articles.  
And as touching the other v. articles following, the penalty devised for them, was this: 
The penalties of the last 5. articles.  That every such person or persons, which do preach, teach, obstinately affirm, uphold, maintain or defend, after the 12. day of july, the said year any thing contrary to the same, or if any being in orders or after a vow advisedly made did marry, or make marriage, or contract matrimony, in so doing should be adjudged as felones, and lose both life, and forfeit goods, as in case of felony, without any benefit of the clergy, or privilege of the Church or of Sanctuary etc.  
Item, that every such person or persons, which after the day aforesaid, by word, writing, printing, cyphring, or otherwise, did publish, declare, or hold opinion contrary to the 5. articles above expressed, being for any such offence duly convict or attainted, for the first time, besides the forfeit of all his goods and cattle and possessions what so ever, should suffer imprisonment of his body at the king's pleasure: & for the second time, being accused, presented, & thereof convict, should suffer, as in case aforesaid of felony.  
Item, if any within order of pristhood, before the time of the said Parliament, had married or contracted Matrimony, or vowed widowhood, the said matrimony should stand utterly void and be dissolved.  
Item, that the same danger that belonged to priests marrying their wives, should also redound to the women married unto the Priests.  

Inquisition upon the 6. articles.  Furthermore, for the more effectual execution of the premises, it was enacted by the said Parliament, that full authority of Inquisition of all such heresies, felonies and contempts, should be committed and directed down into every shire, to certain persons specially thereunto appointed: of the which persons three at least (provided always the Archbishop or bishop, or his Chancellor, or his Commissary to be one) should sit four times at least, in the year, 
A bloody inquisition.  having full power to take information & accusation by the depositions of any two lawful persons at the least, as well as by the oaths of xii. men, to examine and inquire of all and singular the heresies, felonies and contempts above remembered, having also as ample power to make process against every person or persons indicted, presented, or accused before them: also to hear & determine the foresaid heresies, felonies, contempts and other offences, as well as if the matter had been presented before the justices of peace in their Sessions: And also that the said justices in their Sessions, & every Steward or understeward, or his Deputy in their law days, should have power by the oaths of xii. lawful men to inquire likewise of all & singular the heresies, felonies, contempts and other offences, and to hear and determine the same, to all effects of this present Act. etc.  
Provided withal that no person nor persons therupon accused, indicted, or presented, should be admitted to challenge any that should be enpanelled for the trial of any matter or cause, other than for malice or envy: which challenge should forthwith be tried in like manner, as in cases of felony. etc.  
Provided moreover that every person that should be named Commissioner in this inquisition, should first take a corporal oath, the tenor of which oath here ensueth.   

* The oath of the Commissioners.  

The oath given to the Commissioners, to inquire upon true Christians.  YE shall swear, that ye to your cunning, wit and power, shall truly and indifferently execute the authority to you given by the kings Commission, made for correction of heretics & other offenders, mentioned in the same Commission without any favour, affection, corruption: dread or malice, to be borne to any person or persons, as God you help, and all Saints▪  
And thus much briefly collected out of the act and Originals, 
Stat. an. 31. Reg Henr. 8.  which more largely are to be seen in the statute an. 31 Reg. Henr. 8. concerning the six Articles, which otherwise for the bloody cruelty thereof are called the whip with six strings, set forth after the death of Queen Anne, and of good john Lambert, devised by the cruelty of the Bishops. but specially of the Bishop of Wint. and at length also subscribed by K. Henry. But herein, as in many other parts more, the crafty policy of that Bishop appeared, who like a lurking Serpent, most slily watching his time, if he had not taken the king coming out upon a sudden, there where it was (I spare here to report as I heard it) it was thought and affirmed by certain, which then were pertaining to the king, that Winchester had not obtained the matter so easily to be subscribed as he did.  
These six Articles above specified, although they contained manifest errors, 
Truth in danger, left desolate.  heresies, and absurdities against all Scripture and learning (as all men having any judgement in God's word may plainly understand) yet such was the miserable adversity of that time & the power of darkness, that the simple cause of truth and of religion, was utterly left desolate and forsaken of all friends. For every man seeing the kings mind so fully addict upon politic respects to have these articles to pass forward, few or none in all that Parliament would appear, 
Cranmer stood openly in the Parliament▪ against the 6. articles.  which either could perceive that was to be defended, or durst defend that they understood to be true, save only Cranmer Archbishop of Canterbury, who then being married (as is supposed) like a constant Patron of God's cause, took upon him the earnest defence of the truth oppressed in the Parliament, three days together disputing against those six wicked articles, bringing forth such allegations and authorities, as might easily have helped the cause nisi pars maior vic●sset, ut saepe solet, meliorem. Who in the said disputation, 
Cranmer willed to depart 〈◊〉 of the Parliament house for his conscience. Cranmer refused to go out of the Parliament for matter against his conscience.  behaved himself with such humble modesty, and with such obedience in words toward his Prince, protesting the cause not to be his, but the cause of almighty God, that neither his enterprise was misliked of the king, & again his reasons and allegations were so strong, that well they could not be refuted. Wherefore the king (who ever bore special favour unto him) well liking his zealous defence, only willed him to departed out of the Parliament house, into the Council Chamber, for a time (for safeguard of his conscience) till the Act should pass and be granted: which he notwithstanding, with humble protestation refused to do.  
After the Parliament was finished & that matter concluded, the king considering the constant zeal of the Archbishop, in defence of his cause, and partly also weighing the many authorities, & reasons whereby he had substantially confirmed the same, sent the Lord Cromwell (which within few days after was apprehended) the ij. dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk, and all the Lords of the Parliament, to dine with him at Lambeth, where they signified unto him that it was the kings pleasure that they all should in his highness behalf, cherish, comfort & animate him, 
Cranmer comforted again by the king.  as one that for his travel in that parliament had declared himself both greatly learned, and also a man descreet & wise, and therefore they willed him not to be discouraged in any thing that was passed in that Parliament contrary to his allegations. He most humbly thanked first the kings highness, of his singular good affection towards him, and them all for their pains, adding moreover, that he so hoped in God that hereafter his allegations and authorities should take place, to the glory of god, & commodity of the realm. Which allegations and authorities of his, I wish were amongst us extant to be seen and read, no doubt but they would stand in time to come in great good stead, for the over throw of the wicked and pernicious Articles aforesaid.   

Allegations against the vi. Articles.  
IN the mean while for so much as the said heretical articles are not so lightly to be passed over, 
Allegation● against the 6. articles.  whereby the rude & ignorant multitude hereafter may be deceived in the false & erroneous doctrine of them any more, as they have been in times past, for lack of right instruction, and experience of the ancient state, & course of times in our fore elders days I thought therefore (the Lord thereunto assisting) so much as antiquity of stories may help to the restoring again of truth and doctrine decayed, to annex hereunto some allegations out of ancient records, which may give some light to the convincing of these new-fangled Articles and heresies above touched.  
And first as touching the Article of transubstantiation wherein this Parliament doth enact that the Sacrament of the Altar is the very natural body of Christ the self same which was borne of the virgin Mary: and that in such sort as there remaineth no substance of bread & wine, after the priests consecration, but only the body & blood of Christ, under the outward forms of bread and wine: First here is to be noted, that this monstrous article of theirs, in that form of words as in standeth, was never obtruded, received, or holden either in the Greek Church, or in the Latin Church universally for a Catholic, that is, for a general opinion or article of doctrine, before the time of the Lateran Counsel at Rome, under Pope Innocent the 3. an. 1216.  
And for so much as it hath been a common persuasion amongst the most sort of people, 
The article of transubstantiation.  that this article in the form of words as here standeth is & hath been, ever since Christ his time, a true Catholic, & general doctrine, commonly received and taught in the Church, being approved by the Scriptures and doctors, and consent of all ages unto this present time. To the intent therefore that the contrary may appear, & the people may see how far they have herein been beguiled: we will here (Christ willing) make a little stay in our story, & examine this foresaid article by true antiquity and course of histories, to try whether it be a doctrine old or new.  
Now therefore, for the better discussing of the matter, let us first orderly and distinctly advise the words of the Article, 
The article of the sacra●ment con●●●steth in 〈◊〉 parts.  the contents of which Article consist in 2 parts or members. In the first whereof is noted to us a presence of a thing which there was not before. In the second is noted a privation or absence of a thing which there before was present.  
The presence is noted by these words of the Article where is said, that in the blessed Sacrament, by the words pronounced, is present the natural body and blood of our Saviour, under the forms of bread and wine: so that in these words, both the sacrament, & the natural body is imported necessarily to be present. For else, how can the natural body of Christ be present in the Sacrament under the forms of bread and wine, 
T●● things present in 〈…〉 that repre●●●teth, & the thing represented.  if the Sacrament there were not present itself? or how can a thing be said to be in that, which is not there? Wherefore, by these words, both the Sacrament and also the body must necessarily have their being and presence, the one being in the other. And this presence both of the Sacrament, and of the body, being rightly taken, may right well stand together, the Sacrament to the outward eyes and mouth of man, the body of Christ to the inward eyes of faith and mouth of the soul.  
And therefore touching these prepositions in this Article (In) and (Under) if question be asked in what is the body of Christ, 
(In) (Under)  it may be well answered, in the Sacrament to the eyes of our faith, like as the outward sacrament is also present to the outward eyes of the body. Again, if the question be asked under what is the body of Christ? it may be well answered, under the forms of bread, and wine, so as the Doctors did take the forme●●, to mean the outward elements and natures of the Sacrament, and not the accidences.  


The presence of the natural body of Christ well expounded may be granted in the sacrament.  
Absence of bread in the sacrament. The article of the sacrament agreeth not with itself.  
The body of Christ can not be in the Sacrament of his b●dy.   And thus, to the first part of the article being well expounded, we do assent, and confess the same to have been the true Catholic opinion approved by the ancient Doctors and consent of all times, even from the first institution of this Sacrament.  
But as concerning the second member or part of the article, which taketh away all presence and substance of bread from the Sacrament: to that we say, that first it standeth not with their own article. Secondly, that it standeth not with the doctrine of Scripture. Thirdly, that it standeth not with antiquity, but is merely a late i●●●ention.  
And first that it agreeth not with their own Article, it is manifest. For whereas in the former part of their article, they say that the natural body of Christ is present in the blessed Sacrament, under the forms of bread & wine, how can the natural body of Christ be present in the Sacrament, if there remain no sacrament? or how can any sacrament of the body remain, if there remain no substance of bread which should make the sacrament? For how can the body of Christ be in that thing, which is not? or how can the sacrament of the body have any being, where the substance of bread hath no being. 
The accidences of the body cannot be the sacrament of Christ's natural body.   
For first, that the body itself can not be the sacrament of the body, it is evident of itself.  
Secondly, that the accidences of bread without the substance of bread, can not be any Sacrament of Christ's body, certain it is and demonstrable by this argument.   

Argumentum a definitione.  

Sacraments if they had no similitude with the things which they represent, they were no Sacraments. Aug. ad Bo●●●. epist. 23.  Ca- A sacrament is, that beareth a similitude of that thing whereof it is a Sacrament.  
most- Accidences bear no similitude of that thing, which is there signified.  
res. Ergo, Accidences can in no wise be a Sacrament.  
Wherefore upon this argument being thus concluded, upon the same this also must needs follow.   



The resemblance between the Sacrament, and the body of Christ, consisteth in this: that as the bread & drink ●●ne nouryshm●t to our outward life so the body & blood of Christ do nourish unto spiritual 〈◊〉.  
The Popish 〈…〉 stand together.   ¶ Argument,  
Da- In the Sacrament of the lords body, the thing that representeth must needs bear a similitude of the thing represented.  
ti- The substance of bread in the Sacrament, is only that which beareth the similitude of Christ's body.  
j Ergo, the substance of bread, must needs be in the Sacrament.  
And therefore by this demonstration, it is apparent, that these ij. parts in the Article aforesaid, are evil couched together, whereof the one must needs destroy the other. For if the first part of the Article be true, that the natural body of Christ is present in the Sacrament, under the forms of bread and wine, and seeing the Sacrament wherein the body of Christ is present, must needs be the substance of bread and not the accidences only of bread, as is above proved, than the substance of bread can not be evacuated from the Sacrament, and so the second member of the Article must needs be false.  
Or if the second part be true that there is no substance of bread remaining, and seeing there is nothing else to make the sacrament of the natural body of Christ, but only the substance of bread, for as much as the accidences of bread can make no Sacrament of Christ's body, as is above showed: then taking away the substance of bread, the first pa●t of the article must needs be false, which saith that the natural body of Christ is present in the sacrament forasmuch as the substance of bread being evacuated, there remaineth no Sacrament, wherein the body of Christ should be present. 2. Secondly, 
The article of transubstantiation disagreeth from the scripture.  that it disagreeth from the whole order and course of the scriptures, it is sufficiently explained before, in the treatise of john Lambert, upon the Sacrament. pag. 1099. as also in other sundry places in this volume beside. 3. Thirdly, that the said Article of transubstantiation is no ancient nor authentic doctrine in the church publicly received: but rather is a novelty lately invented, 
The doctrine of transubstantiation, is but a late opinion, and standeth with no antiquity. Lan●rancus was an Italiam & Bish. of Canterbury, about the year of our Lord 1063.  reaching not much above the age of 3. or 4. hundred years or at most above the the time of Lancfrancus an, 1070. it remaineth now to be proved,  
Wherein first may be joined this issue, that this monstrous paradox of transubstantiation was never induced or received publicly in the church, before the time of the Lateran Council, under Pope Innocentius the 3. ann. 1216. or at most before the time of Lanfrancus, the Italian, Archbishop of Cant. 1070.  
In which time of Lanfrancus, I deny not, but that this question of transubstantiation began to come in controversy, and was reasoned upon, amongst certain learned of the clergy. But that this Article of transubstantiation was publicly determined, or prescribed in the church for a general law or Catholic doctrine of all men necessarily to be believed, 
Innocent ●. was Bishop of Rome an. 1215.  before the time of the foresaid Innocentius the 3. it may be doubted, and also by histories of time proved to be false.  
And though our adversaries seem to allege out of the old Doctors certain speeches and phrases, which they wrest and wring to their purposes: wherein they say: that the bread is called, is believed, & is the body of Christ that of bread is made the body of Christ: that the bread is changed, 
Phrases of the doctors speaking of the sacramed.  altered, or converted to the body of Christ, or is made to be his body, that the creatures be converted into the substance of the body and blood of Christ: that the bread and wine do pass into the divine substance, with such other like sentences: and bear themselves brag upon the same as thought this doctrine of transubstantiation stood upon the consent of the whole universal Church, 
The Papists falsely pretend antiquity for their transubstantiation.  of all ages and times of nations and people, and that the judgement of the Church was never other then this: and yet if the old Doctor's sayings be well weighed, and the discourse of times by this history well examined, it will be found that this prodigious opinion of transubstantiation hath no such ground of consent and antiquity as they imagine: nor yet that any heresy or treason was made of denying of transubstantiation before the time of Innocentius the 5. or at the furthest of Lanfrancus, as is aforesaid: about the which time Satan the old Dragon was prophesied by the apocalypse to be let lose, to seduce the world.  
For probation whereof, first I will begin with the time of Tertullian, and of Augustine: 
Doctors against transubstantiation.  which both do teach the Sacrament to be a figure, a sign, a memorial, & representation of the lords body, and knew no such transubstantiation: & yet were no traitors nor heretics. 
Tertullian. August.   
Neither was S. Ambrose any heretic or traitor, where he writeth these words: Vt sint, quae erant, & in aliud convertantur. etc. 
Ambrose. ¶ Anno 408.  Which words Lanfrancus could not answer unto any otherwise, but by denying them to be the words of Ambrose.  
Gelasius was bishop if Rome, and lived about 500 years after Christ, 
Gelatius lib. contra Eutichen. Anno 500  and speakth of a transmutation of the bread and wine into the divine nature, but there expounding himself, he declareth what he meaneth by that mutation, so that he expressly showeth the elements of bread & wine, notwithstanding to remain still in their proper nature, with other words more, very plain, to the same effect: unto the which words Contarenus in the assemble of Ratesbone, could not well answer, but stood astonished.  
Theodoretus likewise speaking of the visible symbols, hath these words: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
Theodoretus secund. 〈◊〉. contra Eutichen.  i. after the sanctification they remain in their former substance, figure and form. etc.  
Ireneus, where he saith, that the bread broken and the cup mixed, after the vocation of God, 
Ireneus.  cease to be common bread any more, but are the Eucharist of the body and blood of Christ: and explicating his words more plainly addeth moreover, that the Eucharist consisteth in 2. things, one being earthly, which is bread & wine: the other heavenly: which is the body and blood of Christ. etc. declareth in these words, both his own opinion plainly, & also teacheth us what was then the doctrine of his time.  

Hesichius lib. 20. in Leuit. cap. 8.  Hesichius also who was 500 years after Christ where he speaketh of the said mystery, quòd simul panis & caro est. i. which he saith to be both flesh, and bread, declareth thereby two substances to be in the Sacrament. By the which we have to understand, that transubstantiation in his age was not crept into the Church: and yet neither heresy nor treason therefore was ever laid to his charge for so saying. 
¶ Anno. 500 Emissenus de consecra. Distinct. 2. Quia corpus▪   
Emissenus, comparing a man converted to Christ, by regeneration, unto the holy mysteries converted into the body and blood of our Lord, expresseth plainly, quoth in exteriori nihil additum est, & totum in interiori mutatum est. That is, that outwardly nothing is changed, and that all the change is inward. etc. wherein (no doubt) he spoke plain against this Article, and yet no man in all that age did accuse him therefore either to be heretic or traitor.  
Here might be added the words of Fulgentius, Hic calix est nowm Testamentum, id est. Hic calix quem vobis trado, nowm Testamentum significat. i. This cup is the new Testament: that is, this cup which I deliver unto you, signifieth the new Testament.  
Bede also who lived about the year 730. writing upon the psalm 21. hath these words: Edent pauperes. etc. Pauperes id est mundi contemptores, edent quidem realiter, si ad sacramenta referantur, & saturabuntur aeternaliter, qui intelligent in pane & vino visibiliter sibi proposito, invisibile scilicet corpus verum, & sanguinem verum domini, quae verus cibus & verus potus sunt, quo non venter distenditur, sed mens saginatur. etc. that is: Poor men, to wit, despisers of the world, shall eat in deed really, if it be referred unto the Sacraments, and shallbe filled eternally, because they shall understand in bread and in wine, being visibly set before them▪ a thing invisible, to wit, the true body and true blood of the Lord, which are true meat, & true drink, wherewith not the belly is filled, but the mind is nourished.  
And thus in these words of Bede likewise is to be understand, that no transubstantiation, as yet in his time was received in the Church of England.  
Long it were to stand upon all particulars Briefly to conclude, the farther the church hath been from these our latter days, the purer it was in all respects, and especially touching this barbarous article of transubstantiation. 
Haymo. ¶ Anno. 800.  We will now draw more near our own time, coming to the age of Bertrame, and of Haimo, who were about the year of our Lord 810. under Carolus Magnus.  
By whose writings it is evident, that the church was infected as yet with no such fantasy of transubstantiation neither did any almost, dream of taking away the substance of bread from the Sacrament. For although Haymo, Remigius, Rabanus, and other which lived in that age, do attribute to the Sacrament, the honourable name, and reverence (as we also do) of the lords body and blood: yet they exclude not from thence all substance of meal & bread & lean the bare accidences, as our new come Catholics do, 
Haymo de Sermonum proprietate lib. 5. cap. 11.  as by the words of Haymo doth appear. Where he following the words of Bede, showeth also the cause, why it is so called by the name of the lords body. Quia (saith he) panis corpus confirmat, ideo ille corpus Christi congruenter nuncupatur: Vinum autem quia sanguinem operatur in carne, ideo ad sanguinem Christi refertur. That is: Because bread confirmeth the hart of man, therefore it is called conveniently the body of Christ, and because wine worketh blood in the flesh of man, thereof is it referred to the blood of Christ. What can be more effectually spoken to prove the substance of bread there to remain? For take away the substance of bread & wine, what is in the accidences left, that can confirm man's hart, or engender blood in the flesh. And therefore seeing there must needs something remain, that must be referred to Christ's body & blood in that Sacrament, it either must be the substance of bread and wine, or else it can be no Sacrament. And furthermore, speaking of the visible things which are sanctified how and whereunto they be converted, he saith: that by the holy ghost they pass to a Sacrament of the lords body.  
And likewise the same Haymo in an other place, speaking of the fevites of the earth, that is, of corn and wine, declareth, 
Haymo lib. 7. in ecclesial. cap· 8.  how our Saviour making of them an apt mystery, converteth them to a Sacrament of his body and blood. etc. Lib. 7. in Ecclesiast. cap. 8.  
Bertramus likewise, as he lived in the same age, so in like sort he showed his opinion therein, to the like effect as Haymo did. For as Haymo writing in these words declareth, quia aliud est Sacramentum, aliud virtus sacramenti: sacramentum enimuero percipitur, virtute Sacramenti interior homo satiatur, 
Haim. ibid.  that is: the sacrament is one thing, and the virtue of the sacrament is an other thing: for the sacrament is received with the mouth, but with the virtue of the Sacrament, the inward man is satisfied.  
So after like manner, Bertramus according to the same, thus writeth: Ille panis, qui per Sacerdotis ministerium Christi corpus efficitur, aliud exterius humanis sensibus ostendit, & aliud interius fidelium mentibus clamat. etc. That is: the bread, which by the ministry of the priest is made the body of christ doth import one thing outwardly to the senses of man, 
¶ An. ●10. Bertram 〈◊〉▪ de corpore & sang. Domini.  & an other thing it speaketh to the minds of the faithful. Outwardly it is bread, the same as was before, the same form is pretended, the colour appeareth, the same taste remaineth. But inwardly there is an other matter far more precious, and more excellent, because it is heavenly, which is the body of Christ, that is scene, not with the outward eyes of the flesh, but with the sight of a faithful mind. etc.  
We will now proceed to the testimony of Rabanus Maurus bishop of Mentz & scholar sometime to Alcuinus in Paris, an english man: 
Rabanus Maurus Bishop of Mentze. Anno. 800.  who living also in the same age with Haymo and Bertrame, (which was 800. years after Christ) giveth the like testimony of this doctrine in his book of Institutions. Where he ask the question, why the Lord would give the mysteries of his body and blood, then under such things as might be kept and reserved whole with great honour? thus he answereth again: The Lord (saith he) would rather that the Sacraments of his body and blood should be received with the mouth of the faithful, 
Rabanus 〈…〉.  and made to be their food, that by the visible action, the invisible effect might be showed: For like as material meat outwardly nourisheth and quickeneth the body, so also the word of God inwardly nourisheth and strengtheneth the soul. For man liveth not only by bread, but by every word proceeding from the mouth of God.  
And after followeth: For this bread and drink, signifieth the eternal society of the head, and of the members together.  
And again: For the Sacrament is one thing, and the virtue of the Sacrament is an other thing. The Sacrament is received with the mouth, with the virtue of the Sacrament the inward man is nourished: For the Sacrament is turned to the nourishment of the body, but the virtue of the Sacrament, the dignity of eternal life is gotten.  
Wherefore, like as the same is turned into us, when we eat of it: so also are we turned into the body of Christ, when we live obediently and godly. etc. Who seethe not by these words of this bishop, what form of doctrine was then in the Church received concerning this article of the Sacramet, much divers from this our gross opinion of transubstantiation.  
With the said Rabanus also accordeth an other of the like standing and also doctrine, 
 called Christianus Druthmerus: who writing upon Math. The wine (saith he) doth cheer and cherish the blood, and therefore not inconuenienlty the blood of christ is figured thereby: for whatsoever proceedeth from him to us it cheereth us with true gladness, & increaseth all goodness unto us.  
And a ●it●e before, the said Druthmarus saith: The Lord gave to his Disciples the Sacrament of his body, to the remission of sins, and keeping of charity, that they always remembering his doing, might do that in figure, which he should do for them. This is my body (saith he) that is, in Sacrament. This Druthmarus lived also in the time of Carolus Magnus, as witnesseth Abbas Spaynehemensis.  
After Bertamus was joannes Scotus, or else as some call him, joannes Erigena, 
jos. 〈◊〉▪  a man well accepted with Carollus calvus, and afterward with Lodovicus Balbus, about the year of our Lord 880. 
 He wrote a Book De corpore & sanguine Domini, so affirming therein, & teaching, as he knew that Bertramus had taught a little before in France. 
 This book the pope caused to be condemned in Vercellensi Synodo, Of the life and conversation of this johannes Scotus, & also of his death, read before, pag. 146.  
In the year of our Lord. 950. lived Odo Archbishop of Canterbury, in whose time it appeareth in the catholics own confession, that many priests than affirmeth, that the bread and wine after consecration, did remain in their former substance, and that the said mysteries were only a figure of the body and blood of Christ, as we find it witnessed by Osberne himself, who did write the lives of Odo, Dunstane. and Elphege, at the bidding of Lanfranke Archbishop of Canterbury, as reporteth Edmerus, Anselmus Chaplain. The words of Osberne be these: 
 Hoc ferè tempore, quidam clerici maligno errore seducti, asseverare conabantur panem & vinum, quae in altari ponuntur, post consecrationem, in priori substantia manner, & figuram tantummodo esse corporis & sanguinis Christi. etc. That is: About this time (saith Osbern, 
 writing in the days of Lanfrak) certain of the Clergy, being seduced by wicked error, did hold and maintain, that bread and wine, which are set upon the altar, after the consecration do remain in their former substance, and are but only a figure of the body and blood of Christ. etc. And no doubt but at that time, the common opinion of most of the clergy was so that the Sacrament was the body and blood of Christ, and that the substance of bread and wine notwithstanding were not transubstantiate, as the Romish Catholics do now teach. But this is the guise of these men that in their writings and stories, still they diminish the better number, whereby their faction may seem ever to be the bigger and therefore to extenuate the common opinion then received in the Church, he inferreth mention of certain of the Clergy. etc.  
And as he faileth in the number of these Clergymen which then held against transubstantiation, so he upholdeth the same with as lying a miracle: 
A lying miracle to prove transubstantiation  Which miracle he feigneth to be wrought the same time, for the conversion of the said Clergy men, by the blood dropping out of the host at Mass, as Odo was breaking the host over the chalice. At the sight whereof, first Odo himself (saith he) wept for joy, seeing his petition accomplished, which he so earnestly prayed for. Secondarily, all those Clergy men (saith he) which before believed not this transubstantiation, by & by were converted, and blessed the archbishop that ever he was borne, desiring him to pray again, that the blood might return to his former shape, 
Ex Malmes.  & straight it was done. And this was the miracle: which seemeth as true, as that which W. Malmesbury writeth of the said Odo, how by his prayers, he caused a sword to come flying from heaven into king Aethelstanes scabbard when he had lost his own, as he should fight against Analanus: or else as that miracle where the said Odo is said to cover and defend the church of Caunterbury, that no drop of rain could touch it, so long as the roof thereof was in making. 
Read afore pag. 151.  Ex W. Malmesb. Vid sup. pag. 151.  
In the which so miraculous a miracle, many things are to be marveled. First I marvel, that at this great miracle of the Archb. in his Cathedral Church, amongst so many singing men, we read of no Te Deum there to be song, after the doing thereof.  

Reasons and prou●es alleged against this miracle.  Secondly I marvel, that those Priests and Clerks, which then denied transubstantiation, were suffered to be so near the Archb. at his Mass, and that they were not committed rather to ward like heretics and traitors, if this Article of transubstantiatio had been then such a Catholic doctrine, and so publicly received in the Church as they say it was.  
Thirdly I marvel, seeing the time of miracles is expired, we having the scriptures to guide us, why the Archbishop would seek to miracles and apparitions to convert men, rather than to the law and Prophets, according as we are commanded, especial having no such example of all the old Doctors, which in confutation of so many erroneous opinions, yet never sought to such miracles, or blind means,  
Fourthly, I marvel much at the discrepance in telling this tale, 
The authors of this fabulous miracle do not agree with in themselves.  between Osbern and the other which since have written Legends of Odo. For whereas Osbern speaking of certain Priests, nameth no place, but leaveth the matter at large, and speaketh absolutely: quidam clerici: all other which have since written the Legends of Odo, do tell this tale against certain Priests of Caunterbury, adding to the words of Osberne, quidam Clerici Cantuarienses But to convict the falsehood of them all, as well Osberne as of the rest, there is a legend of the life of Odo, and of Oswald together, more ancient than this of Osberne, written (as it may seem) in the time of Aelfricus Archb. of Canterbury & Elphege then Bishop of Winchester, wherein mention is made in deed of this miracle, but after an other sort, than this of Osberne, & to an other purpose, then to dissuade certain priests infected with that error from the opinion before declared: which is only brought to show the holiness of Odo: as commonly the manner of Legends is to do. So that in this old Legend it is thus reported, that when this miracle was done, Odo disclosed the matter not to many priests of England, that were in that error as Osborne would: sed vocat protinus fidelem servum, qui cominus erat, & miraculum secretè demonstrat, etc. that is, but called unto him a certain faithful servant, which was near about him, and showed unto him the miracle secretly. Where upon the Priest (saith the legend) much rejoiced at the holiness of Odo, and desired him to make his prayer to almighty God, that the body might return again to the former shape. &ce. Out of this old lying Legend, Osberne, and other likewise that followed him, seemeth to have taken this tale: so that out of the error of one (as the manner is) springeth the error of a number more.  
But this much more I marvel, why this miracle is not stored in Henry Huntingdon, 
Lying Legends.  which professedly writeth of such miracles, nor in Rog. Hoveden, and such other: but only in such blind Legends, which commonly have no substance of verity, nor certainty of time or writer, to know when, and by whom they were written, and for the most part are stuffed with lying visions, and prodigious fables.  
Finally, if this miraculous fiction of Osberne, were true that for the converting of Priests of England, which would not believe transubstantiation, this blood did drop out of the host (of the which blood peradventure came the blood of Hales) and that by the sight thereof the Priests eftsoon were all converted (as Osberne pretendeth) how then came it to pass, that after the time of Odo, in the days of Elfricus, which was after him Archb. of Canterbury, the third from Dunstane, and fourth from Odo, not only the Priests of England, but also the Archbishop himself, were not yet brought to the belief of this transubstantiation, but taught the very same doctrine of the sacrament them, which we do now? as most clearly appeareth both by the Epistles and Homilies of the foresaid Archbishop Elfricus, which herunder, for the more evidence (Christ willing) we will annex.  
This Elfricus, as saith Capgrave, in the life of Oswald bishop of Worceter, was first Abbot of S. Albo●es and after made archbishop of Canterbury, 
Aelfricus Archb. of Cant. ¶ Anno. 996. Capgrave in vita O●waldi Epis●. Wigorn.  about the year of our Lord 996. in the time of king Etheldred, & of Wulfsinus B. of Scyrburne, Elfricus also (as witnesseth Wil of Malmesbery, in Vita Adelmi) was Abbot of Malmesbery. Furthermore the said Wil. of Malmesbery writing of Elfricus Archbishop of Caunterbury, saith that he was before bishop of Welles, and afterward archbishop of Canterbury. So that Elfricus was Archbishop of Canterbury, it is out of all ambiguity. 
W. Malmesberiens. in vita Adelmi.  But whether Elfricus which was Abbot (of whom we do here entreat) were the same Archbishop, or not, by this diversity of Capgrave & Malmesbery, it may be doubtful. But whether, he were or no, to this our present purpose is not greatly material, for so much as the said Elfricus, & Elfricus (although they were divers persons yet were they both in one age, and lived in one time together.  
Furthermore, the same Elfricus (of whom now we speak) of what calling soever he was, 
The writings of Aelfricus authentic.  yet notwithstanding he was of such estimation and good liking in those days among the most learned, that for his learning authority, and eloquence, his writings were accepted and authorised among the Canons & constitutions of the Church in that time, as hereby may appear: For where as the bishops and Priests before the coming of William Conqueror had collected together a certain book of Canons and ordinances, to govern the Clergy, 
A book of Canons in the Saxons tongue.  gathered out of general and particular counsels, out of the books of Gildas, out of the penitential books of Theodorus Archbishop of Canterbury, out of the writings of Egbertus archbishop of York, out of the Epistles of Alevinus, as also out of the writings of the old Fathers of the primitive Church. etc. among the same Canons & Constitutions be placed these two Epistles of the said Elfricus here under following, whereof the one was sent to Wulfsinus Bysh. of Scyrburne, the other to Wulfstane Archb. of York, as yet are to be seen in ij. books belonging to the Library of the Church of Worceter, 
Ex Archivis Ecclesiae Wigo mensis.  the one written in the old saxons tongue entitled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the other for the most part in Latin, with this title: Admonitio spiritualis doctrinae. Which book of Saxon Canons & Constitutions belonging sometime to Wulfstane Bishop of Worceter, was given by him as for a great jewel, to the Church o● Worceter, as by the same book appeareth.  
Moreover, besides this book of Worceter above touched, 
Ex archivis ecclesiae Exoniensis.  there is yet extant also another like book of Canons belonging to the Church of Exeter, wherein the same two Epistles of Elfricus be contained in the old Saxon tongue, and also in Latin, and prescribed yearly to be read to the Clerks and Priests of that Church: Which book in like manner was given to the Church of Exeter by Leofricus the first, and most famous Bishop of that sea.  
Of this Elfricus further is to be understanded, 
The books of Sermons translated by Aelfricus out of Latin, into the Saxons speech.  that he translated two books of 80. sermons out of Latin, into the Saxon speech, used then orderly to be read in Churches on sundays & other festival days of the year, as by his own words may appear in the end of one of the said books of sermons, whose words be these: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; We let pass many good Gospels which he that list, may translate. For we dare not enlarge this book much further, left it be overgreat, and so be a cause of loathsomeness to men, through the bigness thereof. etc.  
Also in an other place he confesseth the same of himself: whose words in the preface before his grammar be these. Ic AElfric ƿolde þa listlan boc aƿendan to engliscum gereorde of ðam staef craefte ðe is gehaten grammatica. syððan ic tƿa bec aƿende on hund eahtatigum spellum; 
80. Sermons translated by Aelfricus into the English or Saxon tongue.  I Elfrike was desirous to turn into our English tongue from the art of letters, called grammar, this little book, after that I had translated the two books of fourscore sermons, etc.  
Of his Epistles especially we read of four, which he wrote. One to the monks of Egnesham. De consuetudine monachorum. An other to Wulfstane Arch. of York, wherein is touched the matter of the Sacrament. The third, he wrote against priests marriage, 
4. Epistles written of Aelfricus in the Saxon or English tongue.  to one Sygeferth, with whom there was a certain Anchor abiding, which defended the marriage of priests, affirming it to be lawful. The fourth, he wrote to Wulfsinus B. of Scyrburne, touching the matter of the sacrament. In the which epistle he taking occasion by a certain abuse in his time, which was, that priests on Easter day filled their housel box, and so kept it for the space of the whole year, till Easter came again, for sick persons, writeth upon that occasion, in these words as follow in his own Saxons tongue.  

A writing of Aelfrike to wulfstne.  

The words of Aelfricus written to Wulfstne Bishop of Scyrburne, against transubstantiation.  Man sceal healden þaet halige housel mid mycelre gymene & ne forhealdan hit. ac halgian oþen edniƿe to sceocum mannum. a. embe VII. niht. oððe embe XIIII. night ꝧ hit huru fynig ne sy. forðon ðe eal sƿa ꝧ ðe on easterdaeg ƿaes gehadgod; Ðaet housel is Cristes' lichama na lichamlice ac gastlice; Na se lichama ðe he on ðroƿode. ac se lichama ðe he embe spraec. ða ða h bletsode hlaf & ƿin to housel anre nihte aer his ðroƿunge. & cƿaeþ be þam gebletsode hlaf. ðis is min lichama. & eft be ðam halgan ƿine. ðis is min blood þe bið for manegum agoten on synna forgifenesse; Vnderstandaþ nu ꝧ se drighten ðe mihte aƿendon ðone hlaf aer his ðroƿunge to his lichaman. & ꝧ ƿin to his blood gastlice. þaet se ylca daeghƿamlice bletsah ðurh sacerda handa hlaf & ƿin to his gastlican lichaman. and to his gastlican blood.   

The same in English.  
Men shall reserve more carefully that holy housel, & not reserve it to long, but hallow other of new for sick men always within a week or a fortnight, 
An epistle of Aelfricke to Wulfsine.  that it be not so much as hoary. For so holy is the housel which today days hallowed, as that which on Easterday was hallowed, That housel is Christ's body not bodily but ghostly. Not the body which he suffered in, 
The sacrament is the Lords body, not bodily, but ghostly.  but the body of which he spoke, when he blessed bread and wine to housel the night before his suffering, and said by the blessed bread: this is my body, & again by the holy wine, this is my blood, which is shed for many in forgiveness of sins. Understand now that the Lord, who could turn that bread before his suffering to his body, and that wine to his blood ghostly, that the self same Lord blesseth daily through the priests hands, bread and wine to his ghostly body, and to his ghostly blood.  
After this Epistle above prefixed of Elfricus, written to Wulfsinus B. of Shireburne, concerning the sacramental bread, how it is not Christ's body, lichamlice that is, bodily, or (as we term it now) really: and also how the same ought not to be overlong kept in the pixe: here followeth further an other epistle of the said Elfricus written to Wulfstane Archb. of York, both reprehending the said abuse above touched, and also containing matter more at large against the bodily presence in the sacramental bread. The copy of his epistle, both in his own Saxon, and in our English here followeth.   
another Epistle of Aelfricus against the bodily presence to Wulfstane Archbishop of York.  

SVme preostas gefyllað heora husel box on 〈◊〉 & healdaþ ofer tƿelf monaþ to untrumum 〈◊〉 sƿylce ðaet husel sy haligre ðonne oþer. Ac hi 〈◊〉 ƿislice. forðam he hit ƿannað. oððe mid ealle for●●●● on sƿa langum first. & he bið ●onne scyldig 〈◊〉 saegþ seo boc; Se ðe husel forhylt. oððe hit 〈◊〉 oððe miseton. oððe oðre nytenu. sceaƿa þapoenitentialem. hƿaet he saegðe þisum; Eal sƿa halig is ðaet 〈◊〉 ðe bið gehalgod to daeg. sƿa ðaet ðe bið gehalgod on ð●● halgan easterdaege; Healda● forþig ic bid þone hal●● Cristes lichaman mid maran ƿisdome to seocum ●●●num fram sunnan daege to sunna daege on sƿiþe 〈◊〉 box. oððe be ðam maestan feoƿertyne niht and ðþþ hit þonne. and lecgað ðaer oþer; ƿe habbaþ by s●●● ðam on Moyses bocum. sƿa sƿa God sylf bebead 〈◊〉 Moyses ae. ðaet se sacerd sceolde on aelcum saet●●● daege ƿettan tƿelf hlafas on ðam tabernaculo ealle ●●●bacene. ða ƿaeron gehatene Panes propositionis. and 〈◊〉 sceoldon ðaer standan on ðam Godes getaelde oð 〈◊〉 saeternes daeg. & etan hi ðonne ða sacerdas sylfe ●●●tan daer oðre; Sume preostas nellað ðicgan ðaet 〈◊〉 ðe hi halgiaþ; Nu ƿille ƿe eoƿ secgan. hu seo boc segð 〈◊〉 þam; Presyter missam celebrans. & non audens sac●●ficium accurante conscientia sua anathema est; 〈◊〉 maessepreost ðe maessaþ. and ne dear ðaet husel ðicg●● ƿat hine scyldigne. se is amansumod; Laesse 〈◊〉 ●●●digenne ðaet husel. ðonne to halgienne; Se ðe tu●●●gaþ ane ofletan to husle. se bið þam gedƿolan gelice. ●●●an cild fullaþ tuƿa; Crist sylf gehalgod husel aer 〈◊〉 ðroƿunge. he bletsode ðone hlaf. & to braec þus sƿeþe●de to his halgum apostolum. etaþ ðisne hlaf. hit is m●● lichama: and he eft bletsode aenne calic mid ƿine and cƿ●●● heom ðus to. drincaþ ealle of ðisum. his is min ag●●● blode ðaere niƿan gecydnysse. ðe bið for maneg●●●●goten on synna forgyfenysse; Se drihten þe halg●●● husel aer his ðroƿunge, and cƿaeþ ꝧ se hlaf ƿaere his 〈◊〉 lichama. and þaet ƿin ƿaere ƿitodllice his blod. se ha●●● daeghƿamlice þurgh his sacerda handa hlaf to his ●●●man. & ƿin to his blod on gastlicere geryne. sƿa 〈◊〉 raedaþ on bocum; Ne bið se liflica hlaf lichamlice 〈◊〉 ah se ylca lichama. ðe Crist on ðroƿode; Ne ðaet 〈◊〉 ge ƿin nis þaes haelendes blod ●e for us agoten ƿaes ●●●chamlice thing. ac on gastlicum andgyte; aegþer 〈◊〉 soþlice se hlaf his lichama. and ꝧ ƿin eac his blod sƿa 〈◊〉 heofonlica hlaf ƿaes. ðe ƿe hataþ manna. ðe feoƿertig●● ara afedde Godes folce. & þaet hlutre ƿaeter ƿas ●●●lice his blod. ðe arn of ðam stane on ðam ƿaetene ð●●● Sƿa sƿa Paulus aƿraet on sumon his pistol: Omnes 〈◊〉 nostri eandem escam spiritualem manducauerunt: & 〈◊〉 eundem potum spiritualem biberunt. &c. Ealle uref●●● aeton on ðam ƿaestene þone ylcan gastlican mete. & ð●●● gastlican drenc druncon; Hi druncon of þam gastli●●● stane. & se stane ƿaes Crist; Se apostol saede sƿa sƿa 〈◊〉 nu gehyrdon þaet hi ealle aeton ðone ylcan gast●●● mete. and hi ealle druncon ðone gastlican drenc; N● cƿaeð he na lichamlice. ac gastlice; Naes Crist ða gyt geboren. ne his blod naes agoten. ða þaet Israhela folc 〈◊〉 aet ðone mete. & of ðam stane dranc. & se stan naes lichamlice Crist ðeah he sƿa cƿaede; Hit ƿaeron ða ylcan geryn● on ðaere ealdam ae. & hi gastlice getacnodon þaet gastlice husel ures haelendes lichaman. ðe ƿe halgiaþ nu.   

The same in English.  

 SOme Priests fill their box for housel on Easter day, and so reserve it a whole year for sick men, as though that housel were more holy than any other. But they do unadvisedly, because it waxeth hoary, or altogether rotten by keeping it so long space: and thus are they become guilty, as the book witnesseth to us. If any do keep that housel to long or lose it or mice or other beasts do eat it, se what the penitential book saith by this: So holy is altogether that housel, which is hallowed to day, as that which is hallowed on Easter day. Wherefore I beseech you to keep the holy body of Christ with more advisement: for sick men, from Sunday to Sunday, in a very clean box: or at the most not to keep it above a fortnight, and then eat it, laying other in the place. We have an example hereof in Moses books, as God himself hath commanded in Moses' law, how the Priests should set every Saturday, twelve loaves all new baked, upon the tabernacle: the which were called Panes propositionis: and those should stand thereon God's tabernacle, till the next Saturday, and then did the Priests themselves eat them, and set other in the place. Some Priests will not eat the housel, which they do hallow: But we will now declare unto you how the book speaketh by them Presbyter missam celebrans, & non audens sumere sacrificium, accusante conscientia, an athema est. The Priest that doth say mass and dare not eat the housel, his conscience accusing him, is accursed. It is less danger to receive the housel, then to hallow it. He that doth twice hallow one host to housel, is like unto those heretics, who do christian twice one child. Christ himself blessed houssel before his suffering: he blessed the bread and broke it, thus speaking to his Apostles: Eat this bread, it is my body. And again, he blessed one Chalice with wine, & thus also spoke unto them: Drink ye all of this, it is mine own blood of the new Testament, which is shed for many for the forgiveness of sins. The Lord which hallowed housel before his suffering, & saith that the bread was his own body, & that the wine was truly his blood, halloweth daily by the hands of the priest, bread to his body and wine to his blood in ghostly mystery, as we read in books▪ And yet notwithstanding that lively bread is not 
Bodily presence 〈◊〉.  bodily so, nor the self same body that Christ suffered in: nor that holy wine is the saviours blood which was shed for us in bodily thing: but in Ghostly understanding. Both be truly, the bread is his body, & that wine also is his blood, as was the heavenly bread, which we call manna that fed forty years Gods people. And the clear water which did then run from the stone in the wilderness, was truly his blood, as S. Paul wrote in one of his Epistles: Omnes patres nostri candemescam spiritualem manducaverunt, & omnes eundem potum spiritualem biberunt, etc. Al our fathers did eat in the wilderness the same ghostly meat, and drank the same ghostly drink. They drank of that Ghostly stone, and that stone was Christ. The Apostle hath said (as you now have heard) that they all did eat the same ghostly meat, & they all did drink the same ghostly drink. And he saith not bodily, but ghostly. And Christ was not yet borne, nor his blood shed, when that the people of Israel did eat that meat and drank of that stone. And the stone was not bodily Christ, though he so said. It was the 
That is, a ●●stery of 〈◊〉 same 〈◊〉 that 〈◊〉 as in the 〈◊〉 law.  same mystery in the old law, and they did ghostly signify that ghostly housel of our saviours body which we consecrate now.   
Besides these Epistles above prefixed, of Elfricus to Wulfsinus, 
Sermons ●●●nslated 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 into 〈◊〉 by ●●fricus.  and Wulfstane, which fight directly against transubstantiation, mention was touched also before of certain Sermons to the number of lxxx. translated by the said Elfricus, out of Latin into the Saxon, that is, into our English tongue, as ye partly have heard before. Of the which lxxx. Sermons, xxiv. were chief selected, to be read, 
●o●ie of 〈◊〉 special 〈…〉 out of 〈…〉. Ser●●ns 〈…〉▪  as in stead of Homilies, or treatises, unto the people: in such order, as the first xii. Sermons or treatises, entreating of general matters (as De initio creaturae, de augurils, de die judicij, unius confessoris de vanilo●uio & negligentia, d● avaritia, de falsis dijs, etc.) were appointed to be read at pleasure, & at the discretion of the Minister. The other xii. sermons were prescribed of proper feasts: (as De annuntiatione beate Mariae, de nativitate domini, de circumcisione domini, de Epiphania, de purificatione sanctae Mariae. Dominica prima in Quadragesima, Dominica palmarum Die Pascae etc. Whereof this testimony remaineth in the same book yet to be seen both in the Saxon tongue, and also in the Preface of the latter xii. Sermons in Latin, in these words following: In hoc codicillo con tinentur sermones Anglice, quos accepimus de libris quos Abbas Anglicè transtulit. etc.  
Furthermore as touching these lxxx. Sermons aforesaid, which El●ricus translated into English, here is to be understanded, that in the said Sermons used then orderly to be recited to the people, there is one appointed to be red in die Sancto Pascae, that is, upon Easter day, Which Sermon being translated by the said Elfricus, we have here exhibited both in Saxon speech and in English, to the intent, that the Christian and indifferent reader perusing the same, may judge thereby, how the fantastical doctrine of transubstantiation, in those days of Elfricus & before his time, was not yet received nor known in the Church of England: for so much as the said Sermon being in Latin before, doth leave unto us an evident declaration, what was the common opinion of this Sacrament in the Church received: before that Elfricus did ever set hand to translate the same out of the Latin.  
And though the Latin copies and exemplars of these foresaid Sermons, are not remaining in our Libraries, 
The Latin books written against transubstantiation, craftily by the Papists abolished.  let that be no marvel to thee, loving reader: but understand thereby the crafty packing of the Pope's Clergy, who in the time of Lanfrancus, & Pope Innocent, studying by all means, how to prefer and further this their newcome doctrine of transubstantiation, did abolish and raze out of Libraries and Churches, all such books which made to the contrary. And therefore because Lanfrancus and other Italian Priests here in England understood not the Saxon books as they did the Latin, all that which they understood, they made away. The Saxon books, because they knew them not, they let remain, And this is the cause why our Latin copies now are not to be found. Which to be true by iij. reasons coniectural it may probably be supposed.  
First, 
Three conjectures proving that the Papists have made away of purpose the old Latin books against their transubstantiation.  for that these Saxon Sermons being translated out of the Latin (as ye have heard by the words of Elfricus already proved) only we see the Saxon books reserved: of the Latin none doth appear.  
Secondly, there is yet remaining one certain piece or fragment of an epistle of Elfricus in the Library of Worceter, wherein, so much as maketh against the matter of transubstantiation, we have found in the middle of the said Latin epistle, utterly razed out, so that no letter or piece of a letter doth there appear. The words cut out, were these: Non est tamen hoc sacrifi●ium corpus eius, in quo passus est pro nobis neque sanguis eius quem pro nobis effudit: 
The words craftily razed out by the Papists, & restored again by the Saxon book of Exeter.  sed spiritualiter corpus eius efficitur & sanguis, sicut Manna quod de caelo pluit, & aqua quae de petra fluxit. Sicut Paulus etc. 1. Notwithstanding this sacrifice is not the same body of his, wherein he suffered for us, nor the same blood of his: which he shed for us but spiritually it is made his body and blood as that Manna which rained from heaven and the water which did flow out of the rock, as Paul. etc. These words so razed out are to be restored again by an other Saxon book found in Exeter. By the rasing of which one place, it may easily be conjectured, what these practisers have likewise done in the rest.  
Thirdly by one Italian trick of Polydore Virgil in our days, 
An Italiam trick of Polydore Virgil, to burn his books, which he had gotten into his hands.  the properties and doings of all other Italian papists of elder time, may partly be conjectured. For so I am informed by such, as precisely will affirm it to be true that when Polydore being licenced by the king to view and search all Libraries, had once accomplished his story by the help of such books as he had compiled out of Libraries in the end, when he had taken out what he would: like a true factor for the pope's own tooth, he piled his books together & set them all on a light fire. For what cause he so did, I can not certainly pronounce: but who so considereth well his religion, may shrewdly suspect him. For a probation, whereof, this may serve for a sufficient trial: that whereas of all other writers of histories that have been in England, as of Fabian, Lanquer, Rastall, More, Leland, ball, Halle, & such other, some of their books which they then occupied yet remain in hands to be seen. Only of such books, as Polydore used and which past his hands, what English man is he that hath seen, or can show me one? Whereby it may well be thought, the foresaid information to be true. As also by this one Italian trick of Polydore, may other Italians likewise be suspected, in making away such Latin books within this land, as made not for their purpose. But for somuch as those Latin books be n●w abolished, and can not be had, let us return to our Saxon tongue again, and see what this Saxon sermon of Elfricus translation, doth say for transubstantiation: The copy whereof here ensueth.  


¶ A Sermon translated out of Latin into the Saxon tongue by Aelfricus, against Transubstantiation. An. 996.  
In die Sanctae Pascae.  
¶ The Alphabet of the Saxon tongue.  
¶ a. b. c. d. 
d.  e. f. 
f.  ȝ. 
g.  h. i l. m. n. o. p. r. 
r.  s. 
s.  t. 
t  u. ƿ. 
w.  x. y. 
y.  z. 
z.   
Abbreviations.  
A 
Ae.  Þ. 
Th.  Þ. 
Th.  S. 
S.  ƿ. 
W.  &. 
and  ð. 
th'  þ. 
th'.   
This Sermon was usual to be read in the Church here in England in the Saxons time. An. 366.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉   

The same in English.  
A Sermon on Easter day.  
MEn beloved, it hath been often said unto you about our saviours resurrection, 
A Sermon 〈◊〉 Saxon 〈◊〉 into trans●●●ed into English.  how he on this present day, after his suffering mightily rose from death. Now will we open unto you through God's grace, of the holy housel, which ye should now go unto, and instruct your understanding about this mystery, both after the old covenant, and also after the new, that no doubting may trouble you about this lively food. The almighty God bad Moses his Captain in the Land of Egypt, to command the people of Israel to take to every family a lamb of one year old, the night they departed out of the country to the land of promise, and to offer that lamb to God, and after to cut it, and to make the 
✚ This sign of the cross is beside the text, but here we must bear with the ignorance of that time. Exod. 12.  sign of the Cross with the lambs blood upon the side posts, and the upper post of their door, and afterward to eat the lambs flesh roasted, and unleavened bread with wild lettisse, God sayeth unto Moses: Eat of the Lamb nothing raw, nor sodden in water but roasted at the fire. Eat the head, the feet, and the inwards, and let nothing of it be left until the morning, if any thing thereof remain▪ that shall you burn with fire. Eat it in this wise: Gird your loins▪ and do your shoes on your feet▪ have you staves in your hands, and eat it in haste. The time is the Lords passover. And there was slain on that night in every house through out pharao's reign, the first borne child: and God's people of Israel were delivered from that sudden death through the lambs offering & his bloods marking. Then said God unto Moses. Keep this day in your remembrance, and hold it a great feast in your kindreds with a perpetual observation, and eat unleavened bread always seven days at this feast. 
Exod. 14.  After this deed, God led the people of Israel over the red Sea with dry foot, & drowned therein Pharaoh and all his army together with their possessions, and fed afterward the Israelites 40. years, with heavenly food, 
Exod. 17.  and gave them water out of the hard rock, until they came to the promised land. part of this story we have treated off in an other place, partly we shall now declare, to wit, that which belongeth to the holy housel, Christian men may not now keep that old law bodily, but it behoveth them to know what it ghostly signifieth. That innocent Lamb which the old Israelites did then kill, had signification after Ghostly understanding, of Christ's suffering, who unguilty shed his holy blood for our redemption. Hereof sing Gods servants at every 
* This Mass was not then 〈◊〉 to these 〈◊〉 Popish 〈◊〉 blasphemous mas●es 〈◊〉.  Mass, Agnus Dei qui tollis peccata mundi, miserere nobis. That is in our speech: Thou Lamb of God that takest away the sins of the world, have mercy upon us. Those Israelites were delivered from that sudden death, and from pharao's bondage by the lambs offering, which signified Christ's suffering: through which we be delivered from everlasting death, and from the devils cruel reign, if we rightly believe in the true redeemer of the whole world Christ the Saviour. That Lamb was offered in the evening: and our saviour suffered in the sixth age of this world. This age of this corruptible world is reckoned unto the evening. They marked with the lambs blood upon the doors, and the upper posts 
* This Hebrew letter [Thau] was not marked for the sign of the cross but for the word (●orat) that 〈◊〉▪ the law of God the first letter for the whole world. Ezech. 9  Thau, that is the sign of the cross, and were so defended from the Angels that killed the Egyptians first borne child. And we 
* That one●y cross is it wherewith we are marked, that S. Paul speaketh of Ephe. 2. Christ reconciled both to God 〈◊〉 one body through 〈◊〉 cross.  ought to mark our foreheads and our bodies with the token of Christ's rood, that we may be also delivered from destruction, when we shallbe marked both on forehead, and also in heart with the blood of our Lords suffering. Those Israelites did eat the lambs flesh at their Easter time, when they were delivered, and we receive ghostly Christ's body, & drink his blood, when we receive with true belief, that holy housel. That time they kept with them at Easter 7. days with great worship, when they were delivered from Pharaoh, and went from that land. So also Christian men keep Christ's resurrection at the time of Easter these 7. days, because through his suffering and rising we be delivered, and be made clean by going to this holy housel, as Christ sayeth in his Gospel: Verily, verily I say unto you ye have no life in you except ye eat my flesh and drink my blood. He that eateth my flesh and drinketh my blood, 
●ohn. 6.  abideth in me, and I in him, and hath that everlasting life, and I shall raise him up in the last day. I am the lively bread that came down from heaven: not so as your forefathers did eat that heavenly bread in the wilderness, and afterward died. He that eateth this bread, liveth for ever. He blessed bread before his suffering, and divided it to his Disciples, thus saying: Eat of this bread, it is my body, and do this in my remembrance. Also he blessed wine in one cup, 
●ath. 26. 〈◊〉. 22. ●arkke. 14. Cor. 11.  and said: Drink ye all of this: This is my blood that is shed for many, in forgiveness of sins. The Apostles did as Christ commanded, that is, they blessed bread and wine to housel again afterward in his remembrance. Even so also their successors and all priests by Christ's commandment do bless bread and wine to housel in his name with the Apostolic blessing. Now men have often searched and do yet often 
* Note how Christ's words were taken by signification before Berengarius time.  search, how bread that is gathered of corn, and through fires heat baked, may be turned to Christ's body: or how wine that is pressed out of many grapes is turned through one blessing, to the Lords blood. Now say we to such men, that some things be spoken of Christ by 
* A necessary distinction.  signification▪ and some be things certain. True this is and certain that Christ was borne of a maid, and suffered death of his own accord, and was buried, and on this day rose from death. He is said to be bread by signification, and a Lamb, & a Lion, & a mountain. He is called bread, because he is our life and angels life. He is said to be a Lamb for his innocency: a Lion for strength wherewith he overcame the strong devil. But Christ is not so notwithstanding after true nature, neither bread, nor a lamb, nor a lion. Why is then the holy house called Christ's body, or his blood, if it be not truly that it is called? 
Why is the housel called Christ's body, when it is not so truly?  Truly the bread and the wine which in the supper by the priest is hallowed, show one thing without to humane understanding, and an other thing within to believing minds. Without they be seen bread and wine both in figure & in taste, & they be truly after their hallowing Christ's body and his blood through ghostly mystery. An heathen child is christened, yet he altereth not his shape without, though he be changed within. He is brought to the fontstone sinful through Adam's disobedience: howbeit he is washed from all sin within, though he hath not changed his shape without. 
* The water in baptism, and bread & wine in the lords supper compared.  Even so the holy font water that is called the wellspring of life, is like in shape to other waters, and is subject to corruption, but the holy ghosts might cometh to the corruptible water through the priest's blessing, and it may after wash the body and soul from all sin, through ghostly might. Behold now we see two things in this one creature: after true nature, that water is corruptible moisture, and after ghostly mystery, hath wholesome virtue. So also i● we behold the holy housel▪ after bodily understanding, than we see that it is a creature corruptible and mutable. If we knowledge therein ghostly might, them understand we that life is therein, and that it giveth immortality to them that eat it with belief. Much is betwixt the invisible might of the holy housel, and the visible shape of proper nature. It is 
* No transubstantiation.  naturally corruptible bread, and corruptible wine, & is by might of God's word truly Christ's body and blood, not so notwithstanding bodily, but ghostly. Much is betwixt the 
* Difference betwixt Christ's natural body, and the Sacrament thereof.  body of Christ which he suffered in, and the body that is hallowed to housel. The body truly that Christ suffered in, was borne of the flesh of Marie with blood and with bone, with skin and with sinews, in humane limbs, with a reasonable soul living, and his ghostly body, which we call the housel, 
* 1. Difference▪  is gathered of many corns, without blood and bone, without limb, without soul, 
* Not the body that suffered is in the housel.  and therefore nothing is to be understand therein bodily, but all is ghostly to be understand. Whatsoever is in that housel, which giveth substance of life that is of the ghostly might, and invisible doing. Therefore is that holy housel, called a mystery, because there is one thing in it seen, and an other thing understanded. That which is there 
* 2. Difference.  seen, hath bodily shape: and that we do there understand, hath ghostly might. Certainly Christ's body which suffered death and rose from death never 
* 3. Difference.  dieth henceforth, but is eternal and unpassible. That housel is temporal, not eternal, 
Math. 15.  
* 4. Difference.  corruptible and dealt into sundry parts chewed between teeth and sent into the belly: howbeit nevertheless after ghostly might it is all in every part. Many receive that holy body: and yet notwithstanding, it is so all in every part after ghostly mystery. Though some chew the less, yet is there no more might notwithstanding in the more part, then in the less, because it is whole in all men after the invisible might. This mystery is a 
* 5. Difference.  pledge and a figure: Christ's body is truth itself. This pledge we do keep mystically, until that we be come to the truth itself, and then is this pledge ended. Truly it is so as we before have said, Christ's body and his blood: not bodily, but ghostly. But now here the Apostles words about this mystery. Paul the Apostle speaketh of the old Israelites thus writing in his epistle to faithful men: All our forefathers were baptized in the cloud and in the sea, 
1. Cor. 10.  and all they did eat the same ghostly meat, & drank the same ghostly drink. They drank truly of the stone that followed them, and that stone was Christ Neither was that 
* Note this exposition which is now a days thought new. john. 4.  stone then from which the water ran bodily Christ, but it signified Christ, that calleth thus to all believing and faithful men: Who soever thirsteth, let him come to me and drink, and from his bowels shall flow lively water. This he said of the holy Ghost, which they received who believed on him. The Apostle Paul saith: that the Israelites did eat the same ghostly meat, & drank the same ghostly drink, because that heavenly meat that fed them 40. years, and that water which from the stone did flow, had signification of Christ's body and his blood, that now be offered daily in God's Church. It was the same which we now offer, not bodily, but ghostly.  
We said unto you ere while, that Christ hallowed bread and wine to housel before his suffering, 
Math. 26. Luke. 22. Mark. 14.  and said: This is my body and my blood, Yet he had not then suffered: but so notwithstanding he 
* Now we eat that body which was eaten before he was borne by faith.  turned through invisible might, the bread to his own body: and that wine to his blood: as he before did in the wilderness, before that he was borne to be a man, when he 
* Here is no transubstantiation.  turned the heavenly meat to his flesh, and the flowing water from that stone to his own blood. Very many did eat of that 
* Mantua.  heavenly meat in the wilderness, and drink the ghostly drink: and were nevertheless dead, as Christ said. And Christ meant not the death which none can escape, but that everlasting death which some of that folk deserved for their unbelief. Moses and Aaron, and many other of that people which pleased God, did eat that heavenly bread: and they died not the everlasting death, though they died the common death. They saw that the heavenly meat was visible and corruptible, & they ghostly understood by that visible thing, and ghostly received it. The Saviour sayeth: 
john. 6.  He that eateth my flesh, and drinketh my blood▪ hath everlasting life. And he bade them not eat that body wherewith he was enclosed, nor to drink that blood which he shed for us: 
* What body the faithful do now eat.  but he meant with those words that holy housel, which ghostly is his body and his blood, and he that tasteth it with believing heart, hath that eternal life. In the old law faithful men offered to God divers Sacrifices, that had 
* A signification before Christ.  foresignification of Christ's body, which for our sins he himself to his heavenvly father hath since 
* A sacrifice in Christ's tyme.  offered to sacrifice. Certainly this housel which we do now hallow at Gods alter, is a 
* A remembrance of Christ. Math. 26. Hebr. 10.  remembrance of Christ's body which he offered for us: and of his blood which he shed for us: So he himself commanded: Do this in my remembrance. Once suffered Christ by himself, but yet nevertheless his suffering is daily renewed at this supper, through mystery of the holy housel. Therefore we ought to consider diligently: how that this holy housel is both Christ's body, and the body of all 
* The housel is also the body of all faithful men.  faithful men, after ghostly mystery. As wise Augustine sayeth of it: If ye will understand of Christ's body, here the Apostle Paul thus speaking. Ye truly be Christ's body and his members. Now is your mystery set on God's table, and ye receive your mystery, which mystery ye yourselves be. Be that which ye see on the altar, and receive that which ye yourselves be. Again the Apostle Paul sayeth by it: We many be one bread, and one body. understand now and rejoice, many be one bread, and one body in Christ. He is our head, and we be his limbs: and the bread is not of one corn, but of many: nor the wine of one grape, but of many. So also we all should have one unity in our Lord, as it is written of the faithful army, how that they were in so great an unity, as though all of them were one soul, and one heart. Christ hallowed on his table the mystery of our peace and of our unity. He which receiveth that mystery of unity, & keepeth not the bond of true peace, receiveth no mystery for himself, but a witness against himself. It is very good for Christian men, that they go often to housel, if they bring with them to the altar, ungiltines and innocency of hart: if they be not oppressed with sin. To an evil man it turneth to no good, but to destruction, if he receive unworthily that holy housel. Holy 
* No scripture enforceth the mixture of water with the wine.  books command that water be mingled to that wine which shall be for housel, because the water signifieth the people, & the 
* The wine signifieth Christ's blood.  wine Christ's blood, and therefore shall neither the one without the other be offered at the holy mass, that Christ may be with us, and we with Christ, the head with the limbs, and the limbs with the head. We would before have entreated of the Lamb which the old Israelites offered at their Easter time, but that we desired first to declare unto you of this mystery, and after how we should receive it. That signifying lamb was offered at the Easter, And the Apostle Paul sayeth in the Epistle of this present day, that Christ is our Easter who was offered for us, and on this day rose from death. The Israelites did eat the lambs flesh as God commanded, with unleavened bread and wild lettisse: 
* How we should come to the holy communion.  so we should receive that holy housel of Christ's body and blood without the leaven of sin, and iniquity. As leaven turneth the creatures from their nature: so doth sin also change the nature of man from innocency to uncleanness. The Apostle hath taught how we should feast, not in the leaven of the evilness, but in the sweet dough of purity and truth. The herb which they should eat with the unleavened bread is called lettisse, and is bitter in taste. So we should with bitterness of unfeigned repentance purify our mind, 
Exod. 12.  if we will eat Christ's body. Those Israelites were not wont to eat raw flesh, and therefore God bad them to eat it neither raw nor sodden in water, but roasted with fire. He shall receive the body of God raw, that shall think without reason, that Christ was only manlike unto us, and was not God. And he that will after man's wisdom search the mystery of Christ's incarnation, doth like unto him that doth seethe lambs flesh in water, because that water in this same place signifieth man's understanding: but we should understand, that all the mystery of Christ's humanity was ordered by the power of the holy Ghost: and then eat we his body roasted with fire because the holy ghost came in fiery likeness to the Apostles in divers tongues. The Israelites should eat the lambs head, and the feet: and the appurtenance, and nothing thereof must be le●te over night. If any thing thereof were left, they did burn that in the fire: and they break not the bones. After Ghostly understanding we do eat the lambs head, when we take hold of Christ's divinity in our belief. Again when we take hold of his humanity with love, then eat we the lambs feet, because that Christ is the beginning and end, God before all world, and man in the end of this world. What be the lambs appurtenance but Christ's secret precepts, and these we eat when we receive with the greediness the word of life. There must nothing of the lamb be left unto the mornig, because that all Gods sayings are to be searched with great carefulness: so that all his precepts may be known in understanding and deed in the night of this present life, before that the last day of the universal resurrection do appear. If we cannot search out thoroughly all the mystery of Christ's incarnation, then ought we to betake the rest unto the might of the holy ghost with true humility, and not to search rashly of that deep secretness above the measure of our understanding. They did eat the lambs flesh with their loins girt. In the loins is the lust of the body, and he which will receive that housel, shall cover or wrap in that concupiscence, and take with chastity that holy receit. They were also shod. What be shoes but of the hides of dead beasts? We be truly shod if we match in our steps and deeds, the life of men departed this life, which please God with keeping of his commandments. They had staves in their hands when they did eat. This staff signifieth a carefulness & diligent overseeing. And all they, that best know and can, should take care of other men, and stay them up with their help. It was enjoined to the eaters that they should eat the lamb in haste, for God abhoreth slothfulness in his servants, and those he loveth, that seek the joy of everlasting life with quickens, and hast of mind. It is written: Prolong not to turn unto God, lest the time pass away through thy slow tarrying. The eaters mought not break the lambs bones. No more mought the soldiers that did hang Christ, break his holy legs, as they did of the two thieves that hanged on either side of him. And the Lord rose from death sound without all corruption: and at the last judgement they shall see him, whom they did most cruelly wound on the cross. This time is called in the Ebrue tongue Pasca, & in Latin Transitus, and in English a passover, because that on this day the people of Israel passed from the land of Egypt over the red sea: from bondage to the land of promise. So also did our Lord at this time depart as sayeth john the Euangeliste, from this world to his heavenly father. Even so we ought to follow our head, and to go from the devil to Christ: from this unstable world, to his stable kingdom. Howbeit we should first in this present life depart from vice to holy virtue: from evil manners to good manners, if we will after this our lente life go to that eternal life, and after our resurrection, to Christ. He bring us to his everlasting father, who gave him to death for our sins. To him be honour and praise of well doing world without end. Amen.    
And thus I suppose, it standeth clear & evidently proved by course of all these ages afore recited, from the time of Tertullian and Austen unto the days of this Elfricus above mentioned, and after him, that this newcome miracle of transubstantiation was not yet crept into the heads of men, nor almost came in any question amongst learned men nor was admitted for any doctrine in the Church, 
 at least for any general doctrine of all men to be received, till a M. year complete after Christ, that is, till that Satan began to be let at large. Apoca. 20. 
 For who ever heard in all the primitive Church, or ever read in the works of the old ancient Doctors this question once to be asked, or disputed, whether any substance of bread and wine remained in the lords Supper? Or what man was ever so doltish to believe any such thing, or ever called heretic for not believing the same, before the time of seduction that is before the 1000 years aforesaid were expired.  

They that think 〈…〉 be otherwise then a new doctrine, are ignorant of hist●●ie● and antiquity.  Wherefore they that stand so much upon the antiquity of this Article as a doctrine which hath ever since Christ's time been received in the Church, taught by the Apostles, believed of all Catholics, and confirmed by consent of all ages, of Counsels, of nations, and people unto this present day: these I say, either show themselves very ignorant in histories and in all state of antiquity or else most impudently they do abuse the simple credulity of the people.  
To proceed now farther in this discussion of antiquity, it followed, that after the time of Elfricus aforesaid, this matter of transubstantiation began first to be talked off, & to come in question among a few superstitious monks: so that as blindness and superstition began more and more to increase, 
Transubstantiation when it first came in question.  so the said gross opinion still more and more, both in number and authority prevailed, in so much that about the year of our Lord. 1060. the denying of transubstantiation began to be counted heresy.  
And in this number first was one Berengarius a French man, 

Berengarius the first that ever was counted heretic for denying transubstantiation.  
Vide Bulling De origine erroris, & Chronic, Bibliandri.  
Acta Concilij Romae habiti contra Berengarium.   and Archdeacon of Angeowe, which of all Christian men, which we read of, was first called and counted an heretic for denying of transubstantiation, & troubled for the same, as ye shall hear.  
This Berengarius lived in the time of Pope Leo 9 Victor, and Nicholas 2. which was about the year of our Lord. 1060. Albeit I do find our writers here in some discrepaunce. For the most of them do hold, that he first recanted under Pope Leo 9 in the Council of Uercellense: and afterward again under Pope Nicholas 2. about the year 1062. as is to be gathered of Gratian, De consecrat. dist. 2. Ego Berengarius, where he saith, that Pope Nicholas did send about to Bishops and Archbyshops, the Copy of his recantation.  
Again, by the Acts of the Council of Rome, it there appeareth, that the said Berengarius made this his said last recantation under Pope Hildebrande, called Gregory 7. But this difference of times is no great matter to stand upon. The truth of the story is this: that when Berengarius had professed the truth of the sacrament, & had stand in the open confession thereof, according to the ancient verity of the doctrine received in the Church before, he was so handled by certain malignant & superstitious monks that what by evil entreaty, and what for fear of death (such is the weak frailty of man) he began to shrink, and afterward did in deed recant the truth.  
Of these malicious enemies against Berengarius, the chiefest troubler was Lancfranke, Abbot of Codune, afterward Archbishop of Canterbury, Guimond monk, likewise first of the abbey of Leufrede, & afterward Archb. of Auersane: Algerius also monk of Corbein: Fulbertus also monk and bishop: and Hildebrand sometime monk of Cluniake, and then Archdeacon of Turon, & afterward Bishop of Rome.  
By these and such other monks of the like fraternity, the error and heresy of transubstantiation began first to be defended, and parts publicly in writing to be taken about that matter. 
Lancfrancke a persecutor of Berengarius.  Of the which sides and parts, the first that began to set up that faction by writing, seemeth to be Paschasius, who was a little before Berengarius about the time of Bertrame: and likewise Lancfrancke the first that brought it into England. 
Paschasius the first beginner of the faction of transubstantiation.   
On the contrary side again, the first that was openly impugned and troubled for denying transubstantiation, was this Berengarius: with whom Lancfranck also was supposed at the first beginning to hold and take part, but afterward to clear himself, he stood openly against him in the Council, and wrote against him.  
It followeth then in the Act of the Council, that when the Synod of Archbishops, Bishops, Abbots, and other Prelates were together assembled, the greater number (saith the story) did hold, that the bread and wine were turned substantially into the body and blood of Christ. Notwithstanding (sayeth he) divers there were in the said Council which held the contrary with Berengarius, 
Ex W. Malmesb.  but at last were driven to give over. Berengarius among the rest, after he had long stand in the constant defence of the truth, at last relented to their wills, confessing his error where none was, and desired pardon of the Council. And this was (as seemeth to W. Malmesb.) his first giving over. Who afterward returning to himself again after the death of Pope Leo, 
The story & recantation of Berenga●ius declared by W. Malmesb. De gestis Anglorum. Lib. 3.  and pricked with the sting of conscience, was driven again to recognise the truth, which he before had denied.  
The Pope (sayeth Malmesb.) perceiving this, would not leave him so, but sent into France, Hildebrande his Cardinal Chaplain (as meet a mate for such a feat, as was in all Satan's court) and made him with a wany and to come again coram nobis: who so handled Berengarius and bringing him before the face of the Council bolden at Turon, that he made him to say, erravi, once again: against whom stood up in that Council Lanfrancus, and Guimundus aforesaid, impugning his assertion. And thus standeth the narration of W. Malmesbery. But by the acts of the Council of Rome appeareth an other declaration, which is, that this latter recantation of Berengarius should be at Rome under Hildebrand, being then Pope, 

The order of his recantation declared.  
Ex actis Romani Concilij.   in the year of our Lord. 1076. and in the month of February, and that in the said Council holden in Ecclesia salvatoris, this recantation of, Ego Berengarius, was made, and he enjoined by the said Pope Hildebrand, upon his oath, never hereafter to teach or dispute contrary to that faith of the Sacrament there holden. etc.  
Again, Henry Bullinger in his book, 
The order of the said recantation reported out of Henr. Bulling. De origine erroris. cap. 10.  De origine erroris, following belike some other author, expresseth the order of the foresaid recantation after this sort, and sayeth, that in the time of Pope Leo. 9 Anno. 1051. there was a Roman Council holden at Uercellense, in the which Council Lanfrancke being then present, the Book of joh. Scotus was openly read, and there condemned. Also Berengarius was sent for, 
Concilium Vercellen●e.  who seeing the prejudicial proceeding of that Council, refused himself to come, but sent two Clerks, which openly there defended his cause and quarrel, and were for the same committed unto prison. Such is the freedom of the Pope's general Counsels, with prisons and violence to defend their verities. Against the doings of this Council notwithstanding, the French men stood stiff, both at Angew, and Turon, joining and consenting with Berengarius.  
Not long after this, died Pope Leo, and after him succeeded Pope Victor, 
Concilium Florentinum.  by whom an other Synod was kept at Florence, where the Acts and doings of the foresaid Council of Uercellense, were confirmed, and a Legate also appointed to be sent to Turon in France. This legate was Hildebrand above mentioned, 
Concilium Turonense.  who calling the clergy of France together in a Synod, fell there in hand with the cause of the Sacrament. Berengarius not being ignorant of these Roman Counsels, so kept himself, that in all his action, he would give none other answer, but that he believed and consented with the faith of the Catholic Church: & so for that time did frustrate the purpose of the council, rather deluding the pretences of his enemies, then freely confessing the simple truth.  
Again, 
Concilium Romanum ●ub. Nicol. 2.  after Victor came Pope Nicholas 2. who congregating an other Council at Rome, An. 1058. sent for Berengarius there to appear, who being present, argued what he could, for the justness of his cause, but all would not serve: In the Pope's general Counsels, such a stroke and mastership beareth authority above verity. Berengarius being thus borne down on every side by might & superiority, when no remedy would serve, 
Might beareth down right.  but he must needs recant again (for the law of relapse was not yet in season) he desired to know what other confession of the sacrament the Pope would require of him, 

The last recantation of Berengarius.  
Humbertus author of the decree. Ego Berengarius.   besides that which he had there confessed. Then Pope Nicolas committed that charge to Humbart a Monk of Lotharinge, and after a Cardinal, that he should draw out in formable words, the order of his recantation, after the prescription of Rome, which he should read and publicly profess before the people. The form of which words is registered in the Decrees, De consecrat. dist 2. Ego Berengarius. etc. The effect whereof is this: That he pretendeth with heart and mouth, to profess, that he acknowledging the true, catholic, 
De consecra. Dist. 2. cap. Ego Berengarius.  and Apostolical faith, doth execrate all heresy, namely, that, wherewith he hath lately been infamed, as holding that the bread and wine upon the Altar, after the consecration of the Priest, remain only a Sacrament, and are not the very self body and blood of our Lord jesus Christ, neither can be handled or broken with the priests hands, or chewed with the teeth of the faithful, otherwise then only by manner of a Sacrament Consenting now to the holy and Apostolical Church of Rome, 
The effect of Berengarius recantation.  he professed with mouth and heart, to hold the same faith touching the Sacraments of the lords mass, which the Lord Pope Nicholas, with his Synod here present doth hold, and commandeth to be holden by his evangelical and apostical authority, that is, that the bread and wine upon the Altar, after consecration are not only a Sacrament, but also are the very true and self body, and blood of our Lord jesus Christ, and are sensibly felt and broken with hands, and chewed with teeth: swearing by the holy Evangelists, that whosoever shall hold or say to the contrary, he shall hold them perpetually accursed, and if he himself shall hereafter presume to preach or teach against the same, he shall be content to abide the severity and rigour of the Canons. etc.  
This cowardly recantation of Berengarius, as it offended a great number of the godly sort: so it gave to the contrary part no little triumph, whereby ever since they have taken the greater courage to tread down the truth.  
It happened shortly after this, that Hildebrande the Pope's grand Captain, in the behalf of his Master Pope Nicolas, went in warfare against the normans. Which war being finished, shortly after, he set upon a new voyage to fight for Pope Alexander, against Cadolus: which victory being also achieved, it was not long, but he put the new Pope Alexander beside the cushion, and was made Pope himself: so that during the busy stir of these wars, the Pope's holiness had no laisure to attend the debating of this controversy of the Sacrament.  

Concilium Romanum. 3.  At length, when all was quieted, and Pope Hildebrand now was where he would be, his restless brain could not be unoccupied, but eftsoon summoneth a new Council at Rome in the Church of Laterane, to revive again the old disceptation of Berengarius, about the year (as some hold) 1079.  
Thus Berengarius being toast by these Monks and Phariseis, was so confounded, and baited on every side, that partly for worldly fear, straining him on the one side, partly for shame and grief of conscience, that he had now twice renied the truth, on the other side, that the man (as is of him reported) after these such turbulent tragedies, forsaking his goods, his studies, learning, and former state of life, became a labourer, and wrought with his hands for living, all the residue of his life.  
The opinion which Berengarius sustained touching the Sacrament (as by his own words in Lancfranckes book may appear) was this: 
The true opinion and judgement of Berengarius of the sacrament. Ex lib. Lancfranci. Archiepisc. contra Bereng.  The sacrifice of the Church consisteth of two things: The one visible: the other invisible, that is, of the Sacrament, and of the thing or matter of the Sacrament. Which thing (which is to mean, the body of Christ) if it were here present before our eyes, it were a thing visible & to be seen: but being lift up into heaven, and sitting on the right hand of his father, to the time of restoring of all thing (as S. Peter sayeth) it can not be called down from thence. For the person of Christ consisteth of God and man: the Sacrament of the Lords table consisteth of bread and wine, which being consecrate are not changed, but remain in their substances, having a certain resemblance or similitude of those things, whereof they be sacraments, etc. Ex Lib. Lancfranci.  
By these words of Berengarius doctrine, all indifferent readers may see & judge, that he affirmed nothing but that was agreeable to the holy scripture, believing with S. Austen, and all other ancient elders of the Church, that in the holy supper all faithful believers be refreshed spiritually, with the body & blood of the Lord, unto everlasting life. 
The doctrine of Berengarius falsely slandered.  Wherefore most impudently they do misreport him (as they do many other beside) which falsely lay to his charge, as though his teaching should be, that in the sacred supper of the Lord, nothing else were received of the faithful, beside only the bare signs, which is the bread & the wine.  
And now that you have seen the doctrine of Berengarius, let us also take a view of the contrary teaching of Lanfrancus and his fellows, conferring and comparing together the institution of the one side, with the institution of the other, to mark and consider which of them soundeth nearer to the truth of the scriptures. The words of Lanfrancke be these:  
I believe the earthly substances, which upon the lords table are divinely sanctified, through the ministration of the Priest, to be converted unspeakably, incomprehensibly, and miraculously by the operation of God's mighty power, into the essence of the lords body, 
The gross opinion of Lancfrancus and the Papists, concerning the Sacrament,  the outward forms only of the things themselves, and certain qualities reserved, and that for two respects: The one, lest the sight of the raw and bloody flesh might otherwise make men to abhor from eating thereof for that they which believe the thing they see not, might have the greater merit for their belief. The conversion of which earthly substances into the essence of the lords body, notwithstanding, yet is the self same body of the Lord in heaven, and there hath his essential being at the right hand of his father immortal inviolate, perfect, undiminished, and uncorrupted: so that truly it may be affirmed, the self same body both to be received of us, and yet not the self same. 
The impious & gross opinion of Guimundus of transubstantiation.  The self same, I mean, as touching the essence, property, and virtue of his true nature: and yet not the self same as touching the forms of bread and wine, and other outward qualities incurring to our outward senses. etc. And thus have ye the confession of Lancfranke Archb. of Cant.  
From this confession of Lancfranke, the opinion and assertion also of Guimundus Archb. of Auersane, doth nothing differ in grossness and impiety, but rather passeth the same, thus affirming and defending: That the body of Christ is pressed, and torn with teeth even like as it was felt and touched with the hands of Thomas.  
And moreover, the said Guimundus (if his book be not rather counterfeited at Louvain) in the same place answering to an objection put out, that it is not lawful for Christ to be torn in pieces with teeth, doubteth not to pronounce that whether we take tearing for hard biting, or soft biting, it is not repugnant nor disagreeing, but that (by the will of God agreeing thereunto) the body of Christ may be touched with hands, bitten with mouth, crushed, 
〈◊〉. 53.  yea and divided in pieces, with hard or soft pressing of the teeth: and that, as he was bruised upon the cross, according to the Prophet, saying: He was bruised for our iniquities, etc. so the same body for the health of the faithful, may devoutly be torn and rend with their teeth any thing to the contrary notwithstanding. etc. Guimund. lib. Sacrament. fol. 30. judge now all good studious readers, what is to be thought of this kind of doctrine, and how this opinion cohereth with the infallible voice of God's word, saying: Exod. And of him ye shall not break a bone. etc.  
This rude and misshapen doctrine of these Monks, concerning transubstantiation, as ye have heard, 
 when and by whom it began first to be broached: so if ye would now know by what learning and scriptures they did confirm, and establish the same, ye must here think and understand, how their chiefest grounds and substance to persuade the people was at this time, certain miracles by them forged, and published both in their writings and preachings whereof one was the same of Odo above recited, which Osberne, or some other monkish Legend invented of him, how he should show unto certain the host turned into the likeness of flesh and blood droping into the chalice for the conversion of those clerk, which before would not believe it.  
An other like miracle is also told by the said Osberne of Dunstane in this order, 
 how the said Dunstane appeared to a certain lame crepill in the night, willing him to resort unto his tomb, to have his limbs again restored. Which crepil, according as he was willed, after he had there continued praying for health a long time, and could not obtain, began to return home again after long tarrying, 
An 〈…〉 prove 〈…〉.  without all hope of recovery. To whom the said Dunstane appearing again by the way, asked from whence he came, and whether he would. The crepill answering, declared how he came thither upon hope of health, where he had long tarried, and because he could find no recovery, therefore he now was returning home. To whom then said Dunstane: I am (sayeth he) Dunstane the fellow servant of all God's servants, 
 and have been occupied with certain necessary business, for the which I could not be present there with my children. For Elfrike (said he) otherwise surnamed Bata hath attempted to disherit my church, but I have so stopped him, that he could not prevail.  
Many other fabulous miracles of the like stamp are rife in popish stories, counterfeited & forged under divers and sundry names, some referred to Gregory, some to Paschasius, and to other more, which to recite all, would fill a whole sea full of lies & fables. Among many, 
 one is thus invented of Paschasius. There was a Priest, saith he, of Almain, named Plegildus, who did see and handle with his hands, visibly the shape of a child upon the altar & so after he had embraced and kissed him, it returned again to the likeness of bread, as he should come to the receiving thereof. This miracle when it was objected against Berengarius, he merely deriding the blind fable, answered in these words: Speciosa inquit, pax nebulonis, ut cui oris praeberet basium, eo dentium in ferret exitium. That is, A goodly peace quoth he of a false varlet, that whom he before kissed with his mouth, by & by he goeth about to tear him with ●is teeth.  
another miracle is reported of a jew body, who upon a time entering into the Church, with an other Christian lad which was his play fellow, saw upon the altar a little child broken & torn in pieces, 
 and afterward by portions to be distributed among the people. Which sight when the young jew coming home had told unto his father to be true and certain, he was for the same, condemned to be burned. Thus he being enclosed in a house, and the door fast where he should be burned, he was found and taken out from thence by the Christians, not only alive, but also having not one hear of his head blemished with the flames about him. Who then being of the Christians, demanded how he was so preserved from the burning fire: there appeared (said he) to me a beautiful woman sitting on a chair, whose son the child was, which was before divided & distributed in the Church among the people, who reached to me her hand in the burning flame, and with her gown skirts kept the flame from me, so that I was preserved thereby from pearishing. etc. Belike these Monks lacked miracles among the Christians, when they were feign to borrow such figmentes of the jews to prove their feigned transubstantiation.  
And these commonly were then the arguments of these Monks, 
 wherewith they persuaded the people to believe their transubstantiation. But to leave these monks fictions, & to return again to Berengarius, thus Malmesbury of him reporteth, that after he had once or twice recanted (as is aforesaid) yet notwithstanding this doctrine of the Sacrament still remained in the mind of his hearers. And how so ever the tyranny of the Pope did drive him through fear to deny his opinion, and wrought him much trouble, yet notwithstanding after his death he lacked not his well willers. In the number of whom was Hildebertus' Bishop Cenomanensis, whose verses in commendation of his master, I thought here not unworthy to be preserved, being otherwise rare peradventure to be found in our story writers.  

Verses in praise of Berengarius.  
QVem modo miratur, semper mirabitur orbis,  

Verses in commendation of Berengarius.  Ille Berengarius non obiturus obit:  
Quem sacrae fidei fastigia summa tenentem,  
Tandem extrema dies abstulit ausa nefas.  
Illa dies damnosa dies, & perfida mundo:  
Qua dolor & rerum summa ruina fuit.  
Qua status ecclesiae, qua spes, qua gloria cleri,  
Qua cultor juris iurè ruente ruit.  
Quicquid Philosophi, quicquid cecinere Poetae,  
Ingenio cessit eloquioquè suo.  
Sanctior & maior sapientia, maius adorta,  
Implevit sacrum pectus & ora Deo.  
Pectus eam voluit, vox protulit, actio prompsit:  
Singula factori sic studuere suo.  
Vir sacer & sapiens, cui nomen crescit in horas:  
Quo minor est quisquis maximus est hominum.  
Qui census peperit paucos, seruavit honores:  
Cui potior pauper divite, iusue lucro.  
Cui nec desidiam, nec luxum res dedit ampla:  
Nec tumidum fecit multus & altus honos.  
Qui nec ad argentum, nec ad aurum lumina flexit:  
Sed doluit quoties cui daret haec, aberat.  
Qui non cessavit inopum fulcire ruinas,  
Donec inops, dando pauper & ipse fuit.  
Cuius cura sequi naturam legibus uti,  
Et mentem vitijs, ora negare dolis:  
Virtutes opibus, verum praeponere falso,  
Nil vacuum sensu dicere vel facere:  
Laedere nec quemquam, cunctis prodesse, favorem  
Et populare lucrum pellere mente, manu.  
Cui vestis textura rudis, cui non fuit unquam,  
Ante sitim potus, nec cibus ante famem.  
Quem pudor hospitium statuit sibi, quamque libido  
Incestos superat, tam superavit eam.  
Quem natura parens cum mundo contulit, inquit,  
Degenerant alij, nascitur iste mihi:  
Quaeque vagabatur & penè reliquerat orbem,  
Inclusit sacro pectore justitiam.  
Vir sacer à puero, qui quantum praeminet orbi  
Fama, adeò famae praeminet ipse suae.  
Fama minor meritis cùm totum pervo let orbem,  
Cùm semper crescat, non erit aequa tamen.  
Vir pius atque gravis, vir sic in utroque modestus,  
Vt livor neutro rodere possit eum.  
Livor enim destet, quem carpserat antea, nec tam  
Carpsit & odit eum, quam modo laudat, amat:  
Quàm prius ex vita, tam nunc ex morte gemiscit,  
Et queritur celeres huius abyss dies.  
Vir verè sapiens & part beatus ab omni:  
Qui coelos anima, corpore ditat humum.  
Post obitum secum vi●ram precor ac requiescam,  
Nec fiat melior sors mea sort sua.   
Although in this time of Berengarus, which was about the year of our Lord. 1060. (as ye have heard) this error of transubstantiation began to grow in force and strength, by the supporting of certain popish monks above rehearsed, as Lancfrancus, Guimundus, Algerius, Hugo, Bishop of Lincoln. Fulbertus, (of whom it is said in stories, that our Lady gave him suck being sick, with her own breasts) and such other: yet notwithstanding, all this while the said Transubstantiation was decreed for no public law, 
Transubstantiation first decreed for a general law by pope Innocent 3. The general Council of Laterane.  nor doctrine to be holden by any general consent, either of the Church of Rome, or any other Council, before the Council of Lateran, under Pope Innocent the 3. who in the year of our Lord. 1215. celebrating in the church of Lateran, a general council of 1300. bishops, enacted there divers constitutions, as of yearly confession, and the communion to be used of the whole multitude once a year through every parish church.  
Item, for the recovery of the holy land, with a subsidy also to be levied for the same.  
Item for the abolishing of the books and writings of joachim Abbas, and also the opinions of Almaricus afore mentioned: notwithstanding that the said joachim did subscribe with his own hand that he held the same doctrine, 
Ex Antonin. part. 3. tit. 19 c. 1.  which was in the church of Rome, and also submitted his books to be presented to the Sea of Rome, there to be corrected or approved. And yet was he judged though not an heretic yet to be erroneous, & especially in those books which he wrote against Peter Lombard, calide afterward the master of Sentence.  
In the said Counsel, besides divers other constitutions and the Articles of the Creed there in order repeated, 
Extrau De Sum. trin. cap. 1. sirmit. credimus.  as appeareth, Extr. De summa trinit. & fide Catholica, cap. 1. firmiter, there was also enacted, decreed, and established the faith and belief of Transubstantiation, in these words following.  
There is one universal Church of the faithful, without which none can be saved, in the which Church the self same jesus Christ is both Priest and also the sacrifice, 
The words of the Council whereby transubstantiation was first established.  whose body and blood are truly contained in the Sacrament of the altar, under the forms of bread and wine, the bread being transubstantiated into the body and the wine, into the blood, by the power and working of God: so that to the accomplishing of this mystery of unity, we might take of his, the same which he hath taken of ours. And this sacrament none can make or consecrate, but he that is a priest lawfully ordained, according to the keys of the Church, which jesus Christ hath left to his Apostles, and to their successors. etc.  
And thus was the foundation laid for the building of transubstantiation, upon the consent of these foresaid. 1300. Bishops, in the year of our Lord above specified, under pope Innocentius, and the doctrine thereof intruded for an article of faith into the church, necessarily to be believed of all men under pain of heresy.  
But yet all this while, notwithstanding that the substaunte of bread and wine was now banished out of the sacrament, 

Elevation and adoration brought in by Pope Honorius the 3.  
¶ Anno. 1220.   and utterly transcorporated into the substance ot Christ's very body and blood: yet was not this body elevated over the priests head nor adored of the people till the days of pope Honorius the 3. succeeding after Innocentius, who by his counsel likewise commanded adoration and elevation to be joined with transubstantiation as one idolatry commonly bringeth forth an other.  
Again, the said sacramedt of the lords supper being now consecrated, transubstantiated, elevated and adored yet it was not offered up for a sacrifice propitiatory for the quick and the dead, nor for a remedy of the souls in Purgatory, nor for a merit operis operati, sine bono motu utentis. etc. before that other pope's coming after, added still new additions to the former inventions of their predecessors.  
And thus have you the whole order and origine of these Idolatrous parts of the mass described by their times & ages, 
Consecration. Transubstantiation. Elevation. Adoration. Oblation.  which first began with consecration and the form thereof, which were words of the Canon. Then came transubstantiation by Innocentius, and after elelevation & adoration by Honorius, and last of all came the oblation meretorious and propitiatory for the quick and dead in remission of sins, Ex opere operato.  
Which things being thus constituted by the to much usurped authority of the church of Rome, 
Persecution first beginning in these latter days.  shortly after followed persecution, tyranny and burning among the christians, first beginning with the Albingenses, and the faith full congregation of Tholouse, near about the time of the said Innocentius, as is afore remembered. pag. 271.  
And thus much for the first article of transubstantiation which (as ye have heard) was not admitted into the Church for any general doctrine of faith, before the year and time above assigned, of pope Innocent the third, and therefore if any have been otherwise persuaded, or yet do remain in the same persuasion still of this doctrine, as though it had been of a longer continuance then from the time above expressed, let him understand that by ignorance of histories he is deceived, and for the more satisfying of his mind, if he credit not me, 

Read before pag 271.  
Read before pag 257.  
joh. Duns, in Two 4. lib. Sentent.   let him believe the words of one of his own catholic sort, john Duns I mean, who in his 4. book writing of Transubstatiation, in what time and by whose authority it was first establieshd, hath these words, which also are before mentioned, pag. 257. These words of the Scripture might be expounded more easily and more plainly without transubstantiation: but the Church did choose this sense, which is harder, being thereto moved (as seemeth) chief because men should hold of the Sacraments, the same which the Church of Rome doth hold. etc. And further in the same place the said Duns expounding himself what he meaneth by the church of Rome, maketh there express mention of the said Innocentius the 3. and of this Council of Laterane. etc.  
And furthermore, to the intent that such as be indifferent seekers of the truth, may be more amply satisfied in this behalf, that this transubstantion is of no antiquity, but of a late invention: I will also adjoin to this testimony of johan. Scotus, 
Erasm. lib. Annot. in 1. Cor. cap. 7.  the judgement and verdict of Erasm. lib. Annot. where he writeth in these words: In Synaxi transubstantiationem serò definivit Ecclesia. Diu satis erat credere sive sub pane consecrato, sive quocunque modo adesse verum corpus Christi. 
Serò.  etc. That is, In the sacrament of the communion, the church concluded transubstantiation but of late days. Long before that it was sufficient to believe the true body of Christ to be present either under bread, or else by some manner. etc.  

The second Article.  
As touching the second Article, which debarreth from the lay people the one half of the Sacrament, 
The second article of both kinds.  understanding that under one kind, both parts are fully contained, for so much as the world well knoweth that this Article is but young, invented, decreed, and concluded no longer since then at the Council of Constance, not past 200. years ago: I shall not need to make any long standing upon that matter, 
Read afore pag. 611.  especially for that sufficient hath been ●aid thereof before in our long discourse of the Bohemians story, pag. 611.  
First, let us see the reasons and objections of the adversaries in restraining the laity from the one kind of this Sacrament. 
The reasons and objections of the Papists against both kinds.  The use (say they) hath been so of long continuance in the Church. Whereunto we answer, that they have no evident nor authentic example of any ancient custom in the church, which they can produce in that behalf.  
Item, where they allege the place of S. Luke, where Christ was known in breaking of bread. 
Luke. 24.  etc. citing moreover many other places of Scripture, wherein mention is made of breaking of bread: to answer thereunto, although we do not utterly repugn, but that some of those places may be understanded of the Sacrament, yet that being granted, it followeth not therefore, that one part of the Sacrament was only ministered to the people without the other, when as by the common use of speech, under the naming of one part, the whole action is meant. Neither doth it follow, because that bread was broken among the brethren, therefore the cup was not distributed unto them. For so we find by the words of S. Paul, that the use of the Corrinthians was to communicate not only in breaking of bread, but in participating the cup also. The cup (sayeth he) which we participate. 
1. Cor. 10.  etc.  
Also after the Apostles, in the time of Cyprian, of Jerome, of Gelasius and other successively after them, it is evident that both the kinds were frequented in the Church. First Cyprian in divers places declareth that the sacrament of the blood was also distributed. 
Cypria. lib. 1. Epist. 2. De laicis Martyribus Scriberis.  How do we (saith he) provoke them to stand in the confession of Christ, to the shedding of their blood, if we deny unto them the blood of Christ when they prepare themselves to the conflict?  
The words of Jerome are plain. Priests (saith he) which minister the Eucharist, 
Hieronimus in Sophon cap. 3.  and divide the blood unro the people.  
In historia tripartita, it was said to the Emperor Theodosius, 
In Histor tripart. lib. 9  how will you receive the body of the Lord, with such bloody hands, or the cup of his precious blood, with that mouth, which have spilled so much innocent blood?  
In the Canon of Gelasius, and in the Pope's own decrees, 
De consecrat.  these words we read: We understand that there be some which receiving only the portion of the lords body, do abstain from the cup of his sacrate blood, to whom we enjoin, that either they receive the whole Sacrament in both the kinds, or else that they receive neither: 
The Council of Constance a sacrilegious Council.  for the dividing of that whole & one Sacrament cannot be done without great sacrilege, etc. So that this decree of Pope Gelasius being contradictory to the council of Constance, it must follow, that either the pope did err, or else the council of Constance must needs be a sacrilegious Council, as no doubt it was.  
The like testimony also appeareth in the Council of Toletane, 

The forbidding of both kinds of the Sacrament hath no ground of ancient custom.  
No custom may derogate from the Lords express commandment.  
The lords testament ought not to be altered ●or any respect.   that the laity did then communicate in both kinds, besides divers other old precedents, remaining yet in the churches both of Germany and also of France, declaring likewise the same.  
And thus it standeth certain and demonstrable by manifold probations, how far this newfound custom differeth from all antiquity and prescription of use and time. Again, although the custom thereof were never so ancient, yet no custom may be of that strength to gainstand or countermand the open and express commandment of God, which sayeth to all men: Bibite ex hoc omnes. Drink ye all of this. etc.  
Again, seeing the cup is called the blood of the new testament, who is he that dare or can alter the Testament of the Lord, when none may be so hardy to alter the Testament of a man, being once approved or ratified?  
Further, as concerning those places of Scripture before alleged, De fractione panis, that is, of breaking of bread, whereupon they think themselves so sure that the Sacrament was then ministered but in one kind: To answer thereunto, first we say, it may be doubted whether all those places in Scripture, De fractione panis, 
In fractione panis.  are to be referred to the Sacrament. Secondly, the same being given unto them, yet can they not infer thereby, because one part is mentioned, that the full Sacrament therefore was not ministered. The common manner of the Hebrew phrase is, under breaking of bread to signify generally the whole feast or supper: as in the Prophet Esay, these words, Frange esurienti panem tuum, do signify as well giving drink as bread, etc. And thirdly howsoever those places, De fractione panis be taken, yet it maketh little for them, but rather against them. For if the Sacrament were administered amongst them in fractione panis. i. in breaking of bread, then must they needs grant, that if bread was there broken. Ergo, there was bread, 
Exod. 12.  forasmuch as neither the accidences of bread without bread can be broken, neither can the natural body of Christ be subject to any fraction or breaking by the Scripture, which sayeth: 

The natural body of christ may not be broken.  
Accidences no man can break. No bread is there to be broken: Ergo, there is nothing in the Sacrament broken.   And ye shall break no bone of him. etc. Wherefore take away the substance of bread, and there can be no fraction. And take away fraction, how then do they make a Sacrament of this breaking, whereas neither the substance of Christ's body, neither yet the accidences without their substance can be broken, neither again will they admit any bread there remaining to be broken? And what then was it in this their Fractione panis▪ that they did break, if it were not Panis, that is, Substantia panis quae frangebatur? To conclude, if they say that this fraction of bread was a Sacramental breaking of Christ's body, so by the like figure let them say that the being of Christ's natural body in the Sacrament is a Sacramental being, and we are agreed.  
Item, they object further and say, 
another objection, against both kinds.  that the church upon due consideration may alter as they see cause, in rites, ceremonies and Sacraments.  
Answer. The institution of this sacrament standeth upon the order, example, & commandment of Christ. 
Answer.  This order he took: First he divided the bread severally from the cup, and afterward the cup severally from the bread. 
1. Order. 2. Example. 3. commandment.  Secondly this he did not for any need on his behalf, but only to give us example how to do the same after him, in remembrance of his death to the worlds end. Thirdly, beside this order taken, and example left, he added also an express commandment: Hoc facite, Do this. Bibite ex hoc omnes. Drink ye all of this. etc. Against this order, example, and commandment of the Gospel, no Church nor council of men nor angel in heaven hath any power or authority to change or alter, according as we are warned: If any bring to you any other Gospel beside that ye have received, hold him accursed. etc.  
Item, an other Objection. 
Galat. ●. another objection against both kinds. Act. ●.  And why may not the Church (say they) as well alter the form of this Sacrament, as the Apostles did the form of Baptism, where in the Acts S. Peter saith: Let every one be baptized in the name of jesus Christ. etc.  
Answer. This text sayeth not, that the Apostles used this form of baptising: I baptise thee in the name of Christ. 
Answer.  etc. but they used many times this manner of speech, to be baptized in the name of Christ, not as expressing thereby the formable words of baptising, but as meaning this, that they would have them to become members of Christ, 
The Apostles changes the 〈◊〉 Bapti●●●.  and to be baptized as Christians, entering into his baptism, and not only to the Baptism of john: and therefore, although the apostles thus spoke to the people, yet notwithstanding when they baptized any themselves, they used (no doubt) the form of Christ prescribed, and no other.  
Item, among many other objections, they allege certain perils and causes of weight and importance, as spilling, shedding, or shaking the blood out of the cup, or souring, or else sticking upon men's beards. etc. for the which they say it is well provided, the half communion to suffice. Whereunto it is soon answered, that as these causes were no let to Christ, to the Apostles, to the Corinthians, and to the brethren of the Primitive Church, but that in their public assemblies they received all the whole Communion, as well in the one part as in the other: 
Man's 〈◊〉 sin in 〈…〉 own 〈…〉 God.  so neither be the said causes so important now, to annul and evacuate the necessary commandment of the Gospel, if we were as careful to obey the Lord, as we are curious to magnify our own devices, to strain gnats, to stumble at straws, and to seek knots in rushes, which rather are in our own fantasies growing, then there where they are sought.  

〈…〉. Eccle. 〈…〉 Cap. 5.  In summa, divers other objections and cavillations are in Popish books to be found as in Gabriel the difference made between the laity and Priests, also the distinction used to be made between the priests communion and the laical communion. Where is to be understand, that when Priests were bid to use the laical communion, thereby was meant not receiving under one kind as lay men do now, but to abstain from consecrating, and only to receive as the lay men than did. Some also allege certain special or particular examples, as of the cup only serving for the bread, or of the bread only sent to certain sick folk for the cup. And here they infer the story of Sozomenus, touching the woman in whose mouth the Sacrament of bread, which she only received without the cup, was turned to a stone, etc. other allege other private examples likewise of infants, aged men, sick persons, men excommunicate, phrentickes and mad men, or men dwelling far off from Churches, 
All respects 〈◊〉 give 〈◊〉 to the ●●●dience of the word.  in mountains or wilderness, etc. All which private examples neither make any instance against the ancient custom of public congregations frequented from the Apostles time, and much less ought they to derogate from the express and necessary precept of the Gospel which saith to all men without exception: Hoc facite, etc. Bibite ex hoc omnes, etc.   

The third Article.  
Private Masses, trental Masses, and dirige Masses, as they were never used before the time of Gregory, 
The 3. article.  vi. C. years after Christ: so the same do fight directly against our christian doctrine, as by the definition thereof may well appear: The Mass is a work or action of the priest, applied unto men for meriting of grace, Ex opere operato, in the which Action the Sacrament is first worshipped, 
Definition of the Mass  and then offered up for a sacrifice for remission of sins, à poena & culpa, for the quick and the dead. Of this definition as there is no part, but it agreeth with their own teaching: so there is no part thereof which disagreeth not from the rules of christian doctrine, especially these, as follow.  

The first rule of Christian doctrine.  1. The first rule is: Sacraments be instituted for some principal end and use, out of the which use they are no sacraments. As the sacrament of Baptism is a Sacrament of regeneration, and forgiveness of sins to the person that is baptized. But if it be carried about to be worshipped and showed to other as meritorious for their remission, and regeneration, to them it is no sacrament.  
2. No sacrament nor ceremony doth profit or conduce, but them only which take and use the same. 
The 2. rule.   
3. Only the death of Christ, and the work of his sacrifice upon the cross is to be applied to every man by faith for salvation and health of his soul. 
The 3. rule.  Beside this work alone, to apply any action or work of Priest or any other person, as meritorious of itself, and conducible to salvation, to soul's health, or to remission of sins, it is Idolatry and derogatory to the Testament of God, and to the blood of Christ prejudicial.  
4. To make Idols of sacraments, and to worship dumb things for the living God, 
The 4. rule. 2. Cor. 10.  it is Idolatry. Fugite Idola, etc. 1. Cor. 10.  
5. Every good work whatsoever it be that a man doth, profiteth only himself, 
The 5. rule.  and cannot be applied to other men, Ex opere operato, to profit him unto merit or remission, only the Actions of Christ except.  
6. No man can apply to an other the sacrifice of Christ's death by any work doing: 
The 6. rule.  but every man must apply it to himself by his own believing. justus ex fide sua vivet. Habacuc. 2.  
7. The Sacrifice of Christ's death doth save us freely by itself, 
The 7. rule.  and not by the means of any man's working for us.  
8. The Passion of Christ once done and no more, is a full and a perfect oblation and satisfaction for the sins of the whole world, 
The 8. rule.  both original and Actual: by the virtue of which Passion, the wrath of God is pacified toward mankind for ever, Amen.  
9 The Passion of Christ once done is only the object of that faith of ours which justifieth us and nothing else. 
The 9 rule.  And therefore whosoever setteth up any other object, beside that Passion once done, for our faith to apprehend and to behold the same, teacheth damnable doctrine, and leadeth to Idolatry.  
Against all these rules, private Masses directly do repugn. For first beside that they transgress the order, example, and commandment of Christ (which divided the bread and cup to them all) they also bring the Sacrament out of the right use whereunto principally it was ordained. For where as the use of that Sacrament is principally instituted for a testimonial and remembrance of Christ's death, the private Mass transferreth the same to an other purpose, either to make of it a gazing Idol, or a work of application meritorious, 
The Sacrament of the Lords▪ supper put out of his right use by private mass●s.  or a sacrifice propitiatory for remission of sins, or a commemoration for souls departed in Purgatory, according as it is written in their Mass book: Pro quorum memoria corpus Christi sumitur, Pro quorum memoria sanguis Christi sumitur. etc. Where as Christ saith contrary, Hoc facietis in meam commemorationem.  
Furthermore, 
Christ's memory put out in dirige masses.  the Institution of Christ is broken in this, that where the Communion was given in common, the private Mass suffereth the Priest alone to eat & drink up all, and when he hath done, to bless the people with the empty cup.  
Secondly, whereas Sacraments properly profit none but then that use the same in the private Mass the Sacrament is received in the behoof not only of him that executeth, but of them also that stand looking on, & of them also which be far of, or dead and in Purgatory.  
Thirdly, 
A supplication.  when by the scripture nothing is to be applied for remission of our sins, but only the death of Christ, cometh in the private Mass as a work meritorious done of the Priest, which being applied to other, is available Ex opere operato, both to him that doth it, and to them for whom it is done, ad remissionem peccatorum.  
Fourthly, private Masses & all other Masses now used of the Sacrament make an Idol, of commemoration make adoration, in stead of a receiving, make a deceiving, 
Adoration.  in place of showing forth Christ's death, make new oblation of his death, & of a communion, make a single sole supping. 
Oblation.  etc.  
Fiftly, whereas in this general frailty of man's nature, 
Meriting for other.  no man can merit by any worthiness of working for himself, the Priest in his private Mass taketh upon him to merit both for himself, and for many other.  
Sixtly, it standeth against Scripture, that the Sacrifice and death of Christ can be applied any other wise to our benefit and justification, then by faith: Wherefore it is false that the action of the Mass can apply the benefit of Christ's death unto us. Ex opere operato, 
Opus operatum.  sine bono motu utentis vel sacrificantis.  
seventhly, where as the benefit of our salvation and justifying standeth by the free gift & grace of God through our faith in Christ: 
Private masses against the free grace of God.  contrary the application of these Popish Masses stoppeth the freeness of God's grace and maketh that this benefit must first come through the Priests hands and his opus operatum, unto us.  
The eight contrariety between private Mass, and gods word, is in this: That where the scripture saith unica oblatione consummavit eos, qui sanctificantur in perpetuum With one oblation he hath made perfect them that be sanctified for ever: 
Heb. 10.  against this rule the private Mass proceedeth in a contrary doctrine, making of one oblation a daily oblation, and that which is perfectly done and finished, new to be done again: And finally, that which was instituted only for eating and for a remembrance of that oblation of Christ once done, the Popish Mass, maketh an oblation and a new satisffaction daily to be done, for the quick and the dead.  
To conclude these both private and public Masses of Priests, 
Private masses turn our faith from Christ's body crucified, to Christ sacrificed in their masses.  turn away the object of our faith from the body of Christ crucified, to the body of Christ sacrificed in their Masses. And where God annexeth the promise of justification, but only to our faith in the body of Christ crucified: they do annex promise of remission a poena & culpa, to the body in their Masses sacrificed, by their application: besides divers other horrible and intolerable corruptions which spring of these their private and public Masses, which here I leave to other at their leisure further to conceive and to consider. Now let us proceed to the other Articles following.   

¶ The fourth and fift Articles of vows and priests Marriage.  
As we have discoursed before by histories and order of time, 
The 4. and 5. articles of vows & priests marriage.  the antiquity of the iij. former Articles above mentioned, to wit, of transubstantiation, of the half communion and of private Masses, so now coming to the Article of vows and of priests marriage, the reader will look perchance to be satisfied in this likewise, as in the other before & to be certified from what continuance of time these vows & unmarried life of Priests have continued. 

Read afore pag. 195.  
Read afore pag. 175.   Wherein although sufficient hath been said before in the former process of this history, as in the life of Anselmus. pag. 195. also of Pope Hildebrand, pag. 175. etc. yet for the better establishing of the readers mind against this wicked article of Priest's marriage, it shallbe no great labour lost, here briefly to recapitulate in the tractation of this matter, either what before hath been said, or what more is to be added.  
And to the intent that the world may see and judge the said law and decree of Priests single sole life, to be a doctrine of no ancient standing here within this Realm, but only since the time of Anselmus, 

Priest's marriage first forbidden by Anselmus in England.  
Ex Henr. Huntingt. lib. 7. De historia Anglorum.   I will first allege for me the words of Henr. Huntyngton. lib. 7. De historia Anglorum here following.  
Eodem anno ad festum Michaelis tenuit Anselmus Archiepiscopus Concilium apud Londonias: In quo prohibuit sacerdotibus Anglorum, uxores antea non prohibitas. Quod quibusdam mundissimum visum est, quibusdam periculosum: ne dum mundicias viribus maiores appeterent, in immundicias horribiles ad Christiani nominis summum dedecus inciderent, etc. That is, The same year at the feast of S. Michael. Anselme the Archbishop of Canterbury held a Synod at London: 
The words of Huntingdon.  In the which Synod he forefended Priests here in England to have wives, which they were not inhibited before to have. Which constitution seemed to some persons very pure and chaste. To othersome again it seemed very dangerous, 
Priests not restrained from wives before Anselmus time.  lest while that men should take upon them such chastity more than they should be able to bear, by that occasion they might happily fall into horrible filthiness, which should redound to the exceeding slander of christian profession, etc.  
Albeit I deny not but before the time also of Anselmus, both Odo, and after him Dunstane Archb. of Canterbury, and Ethelwold B. of Winchester, and Oswold B. of Worcester in the days of King Edgar, anno. 963. as they were all Monks themselves, so were they great doers against the marriage of priests, placing in Monks in Churches and Colleges, 
Read afoae pag. 153.  and putting out the married Priests as ye may read before pag. 153. Yet notwithstanding neither was that in many Churches, and also the priests then married, were not constrained to leave their wives, nor their rooms, but only at their own choice. For so writeth Malmesbury in vita Dunstani: Itaque clerici multarum Ecclesiarum, 
Malmesb. in vita Dunstani.  data optione, ut aut amictum mutarent, aut locis valedicerent, cessere, etc. That is: Therefore divers & sundry clerks of many Churches, being put to their choice, whether to change their weed, or to part from their places, went their ways, etc. So also Elfricus after them (of whom mention was made before) was somewhat busy in setting forward the single life of Priests, 
priests first restrained from their wives general in England.  and Lanfrancus likewise. But yet this restraint of priests lawful marriage was never publicly established for a law here in the Church of England, before the coming of Anselme in the days of William Rufus, & king Henry 1. writing in these words: Boldly I command by the authority which I have by my archbishopric, 
Read afore pag. 196.  not only within my archbishopric, but also throughout England, that all Priests that keep women, shall be deprived of their Churches, and all ecclesiastical benefices, etc. As ye may read more at large before, page. 196. which was much about the same time when as Hildebrand also at Rome begun to attempt the same matter, as before hath been showed: & also besides him were other Pope's more, as Innocent the 3. Pope Nicholas the 2. and Calixtus the 2. by whom the act against Priest's marriage was brought at length to his full perfection, and so hath continued ever since.  
Long it were and tedious to recite here all such constitutions of Counsels provincial and general, namely of the council of Carthage, & of Toledo, which seemed to work something in that behalf, against the matrimony of priests. Again, longer it were to number up the names of all such bishops and priests, which notwithstanding have been married since that time, in divers countries, as more amply shall be showed (the Lord willing) in the sequel hereof. In the mean season, as touching the age & time of this devilish prohibition for priests to have their wives, this is to be found by credible proofs, and conferring of histories, that in the year of our Saviour 1067. at what time Pope Hildebrand began first to occupy the Papal chair, 
Ex actis Synodi Mediolanensis.  this oath began first to be taken of Archbishops and Bishops, that they should suffer none to enter into the ministery, or into any ecclesiastical function having a wife: and likewise the Clergy to be bound to promise the same.  
And this was (as I said) about the year of our Lord, 1067. well approved and testified by course of histories. 
S. Paul prophesieth of forbidding of marriage.  Whereby appeareth the prophesy of S. Paul truly to be verified, speaking of these latter times. 1. Tim. 4. Where he writeth in these words. The spirit speaketh plainly, that in the latter times, there shall some departed from the faith, hearkening unto spirits of error, and to doctrines of devils, forbidding to marry, and commanding to abstain from meats, which the Lord hath created to be taken with thanksgiving, etc.  
In this prophesy of S. Paul ij. things are to be observed: First the matter which he prophesieth of, that is, the forbidding of marriage, 
S. Paul's prophesy found true for the count of times.  and forbidding of meats, which God generally hath left free to all men. The second thing in this prophesy to be noted, is the time when this prophesy shall fall, that is, in the latter times of the world. So that this concurreth right well with these years of Pope Hildebrand aforesaid, being a thousand years complete after the Ascension of our Saviour: so that they may well be called the latter times.  
This prophesy of S. Paul thus standing (as it doth firm and certain, that is, 
 that forbidding of marriage must happen in the latter times of the world, then must it needs consequently follow thereby, that the married life of priests is more ancient in the Church, then is the single life, than the law I mean commanding the single life of Priests. Which may soon be proved to be true, by the true count of times, and search of histories.  
For first at the Council of Nice, it is notorious that this devilish law of marriage to be restrained, was stopped by Paph●●tius.  
2. Before this Council of Nice, in the year of our Lord 180. we read of Polycrates B. of Ephesus, who dissenting from Pope Victor about a certain controversy of Easter day, allegeth for himself how his progenitors before him 7. together, one after another, succeeded in that seat, and he now the 8. after them was placed in the same: using this his descent of his parents, not only as a defence of his cause, but also a glory to himself, etc.  
3. Pope Syricius about the year of our Lord 390. wrote to the priests of Spain about the same matter of putting their wives from them, if his Epistle be not counterfeit. These Spanish priests had then with them a Bishop of Terragon. Who answering to Syricius in this behalf, alleged the testimonies of S. Paul, that Priests might lawfully retain their wives, etc. 
 To this Syricius replied again (if his writing be not forged) most arrogantly and no less ignorantly, reproving the Priests that were married, and for the defence of his cause, alleged this sentence of S. Paul: Si secundum carnem vixeritis, moriemini. That is: If ye shall live after the flesh, ye shall die, etc. Whereby may appear not only how they in Spain then had wives, 
〈◊〉 8.  but also how blind these men were in the Scriptures, which showed themselves such adversaries against Priest's Marriage.  
4. To be short, the further we go & nearer to the ancient time of the church, the less ancient we shall find the deprivation of lawful matrimony amongst christian ministers, beginning if we will, with the Apostles, their examples and Canons, who although were not all married, yet divers of them were, and the rest had power and liberty to have and keep their wives, witnessing S. Paul, where he writeth of himself: 
 Non habemus potestatem sororem mulierem circumducendi sicut & reliqui Apostoli? That is to say: have not we power to lead about a sister to wife, as also the other Apostles have? Whereby is to be seen, both what he might do, and what the other Apostles did. Also Clemens Alexandrinus, which was CC. years after Christ, Lib. Strom 7. denieth not but that Paul was married being an Apostle, as well as Peter and Philp. 
 And as the said Apostles in their doctrine admonish all men to marry that can not otherwise do, saying to every one being in danger of temptation: unusquisque suam uxorem habeat ne tentet vos Satanas, etc. That is, Let every man have his own wife, lest Satan tempt you, etc. So likewise the same Apostles in their Canons (as in the Pope's Decrees cited) do precisely charge, that no Bishop nor priest, 
 should sequester from him his wife for any matter or pretence of religion, saying: If any shall teach that a priest for religion sake, 
 aught to contemn his own wife, let him be accursed, etc.  
As for the Gloze there in the margin, which expoundeth this word contemning for exhibiting things necessary for her sustenance, all the world may see that to be a Gloze of mere Sophistry. 
 And because I have here made mention of Clemens Alexandrinus, it shall not be to our purpose impertinent, to infer the words of this worthy writer, wherewith he doth defend Priests lawful matrimony, against certain vain boasters of virginity in his time. Dicunt gloriosi isti iactatores, se imitari dominum, 
 qui neque uxorem duxit, neque in mundo aliquid possedit: se magis quam alios evangelium intellexisse gloriantes. That is: These glorious bragger's do vaunt themselves to be the followers of the Lord, who neither had wife, nor yet possessed any thing here in the world, etc. And it followeth: Eyes autem dicit scriptura, deus superbus resistit, humilibus autem dat gratiam. Deinde nesciunt causam cur dominus uxorem non duxerit primum quidem propriam sponsam habuit ecclesiam. Deinde vero nec homo erat communis, ut opus haberet etiam adiutore aliquo secundum carnem, etc. To these the Scripture maketh answer: God withstandeth the proud, and giveth grace to the humble. Again, they consider not the cause why the Lord took no wife. 
 First he had his own peculiar spouse: which is the Church. Moreover, neither was he as a common man, that he should stand in such need of a helper after the flesh, etc. And in the same book a little after alleging against them that abhor matrimony, 
1. Tim. 4.  he inferreth the words of S. Paul: how that in the latter days some shall fall from the faith attending to spirits of error, and to doctrine of devils, forbidding to marry, and to abstain from meats, etc. Which place of Saint Paul, Clement here apply not against the novatians, and them that condemn matrimony in general in all men, as nought: but he applieth it only against such, as forbid marriage in part, and namely in Priests, etc.  

C●●cilium 〈◊〉.  This Clement wrote after Christ two hundredth years, and yet if we come downward to lower times, we shall find both by the Council of Gangrene CCC. years, and also by the Council of Nice CCCC. years after Christ, the same liberty of priests marriage established and enacted as a thing both good and godly. The words of Gangrene Council be these: Si quis discernit Praesbyterum coniugatum, tanquam occasione nuptiarum, quod offerre non debeat, 
Distinct. 28.  & ab eius oblatione ideo abstinet, anathema sit, etc. That is: If any do judge that a Priest for his marriage sake, ought not to minister, and therefore doth abstain from the same, let him be accursed.  
Moreover, proceeding yet in times and Chronicles of the Church, we shall come to the sixth Council called Synodus Constantinopolitana, 
Concilium Constantinopolitanun. Distinct. ●5. ca Quo●●●.  almost seven C. years after Christ: the words of the which Council be alleged in the Decrees, and be these in Latin. Quoniam in Romani ordine canonis esse cognovimus traditum, eos qui ordinati sunt Diaconi vel Presbyteri, confiteri quod non suis iam copulentur uxoribus, antiquum sequentes canonem Apostolicae diligentiae & constitutiones sacrorum virorum, legales nuptias amodo valere volumus, nullo modo cum uxoribus suis eorum connubia dissoluentes, aut privantes eos familiaritate adinuicem, in tempore oportuno, etc. That is: Because in the order of the Roman Canon, we know it so to be received, that such as be Deacons and Priests, shall profess themselves to have no more copulation with their wives, we following the ancient Canon of the diligent Apostles and constitutions of holy men, enact that such lawful marriage, from henceforth, shall stand in force, in no case dissolving their conjunction with their wives, neither depriving them of their mutual society and familiarity together, in such time as they shall think convenient, etc. Hitherto ye have heard the decree: hear now the penalty in the same decree and distinction contained. Si quis igitur praesumpserit contra Apostolicos canones aliquos Praesbyterorum & Diaconorum privare à contactu & communione legalis uxoris suae deponatur, etc. That is: If any therefore shall presume, against the Canons of the Apostles, 
Ibidem. 6. things in this Council to be noted.  to deprive either priest or Deacon from the touching and company of his lawful wife, let him be deprived. And likewise this Priest and Deacon, whosoever for religion sake shall put away his wife, let him be excommunicate, etc. And the Council of Gangrene saith: let him be accursed. By these words of the Council recited, six things are to be noted.  
1. First, how this Council calleth the Marriage of priests lawful, contrary to these vj. articles, and to a certain late English writer of our country, entituling his book against the unlawful marriage of Priests.  
2. In that this Council so followeth the Canons of the Apostles, and constitutions of holy men: we have to understand, what the censure both of the Apostles: and determination of other holy men were therein.  
3. If the Injunction of this Council, agreeing thus with the Apostles and holy men, stood with truth, the contrary Canon of the Romans, and also of these six English articles, must needs be condemned of error.  
4. By this Council appeareth that so long time, almost 700. years after Christ, this prohibition of priests marriage was not yet entered into the Orient Church, but stoutly was holden out.  
5. By the Roman Canon here mentioned (which began with Gregorius 600. years after Christ, a little before this Council) it can not be denied, but the Church of Rome began then to dissever, not only from the verity, but also from the unity of all other Churches, following the Apostolic doctrine. Albeit the said Roman Canon, at that time stood not long, but was shortly disannulled by the said Gregorius again by the occasion of infant's heads found in his fish pond, whereof (Christ willing) more shall be spoken hereafter. 
The crafty packing of the Romans in suppressing and counter 〈◊〉 the Canon● of Counsels.   
6. Sixtly, here is to be noted & remembered the crafty false packing, and fraud of the Romans: which in the Latin book of Counsels, in divers new impressions, have suppressed this Canon, because be like, it maketh little with their purpose: playing much like with this, as Pope Zosimus Bonifacius and Celestinus played with the sixth council of Carthage, which for their supremacy would have forged a false Canon of Nice, had not the Council sent to Constantinople for the true exemplar thereof & so proved them open liars to their faces. So likewise this Canon above mentioned although it be omitted in some books, yet being found in the ancient & true written copies being alleged of Nilus a Greek Bishop of Thessalonica. 
Dist. 31.  CC. year tofore and moreover being found & alleged in the Pope's own book of Decrees Distin. 31. must needs convince them of manifest theft & falsehood. Thus it may stand sufficiently proved that the depravation of priests lawful marriage all this space was not entered into the church neither Greek nor Latin, 
Hildebrand and Calixtus first extorters of Priests lawful marriage.  at least took no full possession before Pope Hildebrandus tyme. Anno Domini. 1070 and especially Pope Calixtus time. Anno Domini. 1120. which were the first open extortors of priests marriage.  
aventinus a faythfulll writer of his time writing of the Council of Hildebrand, hath these words: 
aventinus in histor. Bonorum  Sacerdotes illa tempestate publicè uxores, sicut caeteri Christiani habebant filios procreabant, sicuti instrumentis donationum quae illi templis, Mystis, & Monachis fecere: ubi hae nominatim cum coniugibus testes citantur, & honesto vocabulo Praesbiterissae nuncupantur, invenio Caesar tum. etc. That is: In those days Priests commonly had wives as other Christian men had, and had children also, as may appear by ancient instruments, & deeds of gift, which were then given to Churches to the Clergy and to religious houses in the which instruments both the Priests and their wives also with them (which there be called Praesbyterissae) I find to be alleged for witnesses. It happened moreover the same time (saith Aventine) that the Emperor had the investing of divers Archbyshoprickes, bishoprics, abbeys and Nunneries within his dominions, Pope Hildebrand disdaining against both these sorts aforesaid, that is, both against them that were invested by the Emperor and also against all those Priests that had wives, provided so in his Council at Rome, that they which were promoted by the Emperor into liings of the Church were counted to come in by Simony: the other which were married Priests were counted for Nicolaitanes. Whereupon pope Hildebrand writing his letters to the Emperor, to Dukes, Princes, and other great Prelates, and Potentates: namely to Bertholdus, Zaringer, to Rodolphus of Suevia, to Welphon of Bavaria, to Adalberon, and to their Ladies, and to divers other to whom he thought good: also to Bishops, namely, to Otto Bishop of Constance, with other Priests and lay people, willeth them in his letters to refuse and to keep no company with those Symoniake, and those Nicolaitane Priests (for so were they termed then, which had either any Ecclesiastical living by the Emperor, or else which had wives to avoid their Masses: 
Simoiacke Priests, Nicolaitan Priests.  neither talk, neither to eat nor drink with them, nor once to speak to them, nor to salute them, but utterly to shun them, as men execrable and wicked, no otherwise than they would eschew the plague or pestilence.  
By reason whereof ensued a mighty schism and affliction among the flock of Christ, 
Ex Auentino Annal. Bonor● lib. 5.  such as lightly the like hath not been seen. For the Priests went against their Bishops, the people against the Priest, the laity against the Clergy: briefly all ran together in heaps & in confusion. Men and women, as every one was set upon mischief, wickedness, contention and avarice, took thereby occasion upon every light suspicion, to resist their Minister, to spoil the goods of the Church. The vulgar people contemned the Priests which had married wives, despised their Religion, and all things that they did: yea and in many places would purge the place where they had been, with holy water, and brent their Tithes. Also such was, the mischief of them, that they would take the holy mysteries, which those married Priests had consecrated, and cast them in the dirt, & tread them under their feet: For so then had Hildebrand taught them, that those were no Priests, neither that they were Sacraments, which they did consecrate. So that by this occasion, many false Prophet's rose, seducing the people from the truth of Christ, by forged Fables, and false miracles, and feigned Gloss, wresting the Scriptures as served best for their own purposes. Of whom few there were that kept any true chastity. Many could make glorious boasts & brags thereof, but the greatest part under the show & pretence of honesty & pureness of life committed incest, fornication, adultery, every where almost, and no punishment was for the same. etc. Thus much out of aventinus: Lib. 5. Annal.  
To this testimony of aventinus above mentioned, we will also adjoin the record of Gebuilerus a writer of this our latter time, and one also of their own crew, 
Gebuilerus.  who doth testify that in time of the Emperor Henricus the fourth, 
Isidorus de vita clericorum.  an. 1057. the number of 24. Bishops both in Germany, Spain, and in France, were married, with the Clergy also of their diocese.  
Of the which Spanish Bishops we read also in Isidorus, which wrote more than six hundredth years after Christ (and the place also cited in the Pope's Distinctions) in his book De clericorum vita, 
Dist. 23. cap. Ius igitur.  how they ought either to lead an honest chaste life, or else to keep themselves within the band of matrimony, etc. Whereby is declared the single life of Priests, either to be then voluntary, or else their marriage not to be restrained as yet, by any law.  
Moreover, such Calistian Priests as be now adays, counting Priests marriage as a new devise, and not standing with ancient times, 
Calistian priests, that is, of Calixtus sect, who chief forbade priests marriage.  let them look upon the Decree of Pope Symmachus, and answer there to the Gloze. Dist. 81. where it is written: Let Priests be all restrained from the conversation of all women, except it be their mother, sister, or their own wife, etc. Where the gloze in the margin, giveth a note, saying: Hic loquitur secundum antiqua tempora.  
Thus if either the voice of scripture might take place with these men which be so rigorous against priests marriage: 
All the Apostles were married, except john and Paul. Ex Ambrose. 2. Cor. 11.  or if the examples of the Apostles might move them (whom S. Ambrose witnesseth to have been all married, except only Paul and john) or else if the multitude of married Bishops and Priests might prevail with them, here might be rehearsed:  
That Tertullian was a married Priest, as witnesseth Jerome.  

Ex Epist Hilarij ad Abram filiam.  Spiridion Bishop of Cyprus, had wife and children.  
Hylary Bishop of poitiers, was also married.  
Gregory Bishop of Nyssa.  
Gregory Bishop of Nazianzum.  

Ex Ruffino. lib. 2. cap. 9  Prosper Bishop of Rhegium.  
Cheremon Bishop of Nilus. All these were married Bishops.  

Ex Nazianzeno.  Of Polychrates, and his 7. ancestors Bishops and married men, we spoke before.  
Epiphanius Bishop of Constantinople in justinian's time was the more commended, because his father & ancestors before him, 

Ex Novel. constit. 3.  
¶ Finali.   were Priests and Bishops married.  
Jerome saith, that in his time, Plurimi Sacerdotes habebant matrimonia. That is, many Priests were then married men.  
Pope Damasus reciteth up a great number of Bishops of Rome, 

Ex Hiero. adversus jovinian. lib. 1.  
Distinct. 56. Hosius.   which were Priests sons, as: 

Syluerius. an. 544.  
Deus dedit, about the year 622.  
Adrianus 2. about the year 873. 
Ex Vicelio de sacrificio missae.   
Foelix 3. about the year 474.  
Hosius.  
Agapetus. an. 534.  
Gelasius, 484.  
Bonifacius.  
Theodorus, whose Father was bishop of Jerusalem, about the year 634.  
joannes 10. an. 924.  
joannes 15. the son of Leo a Priest, about the year 984.  
Richard Archdeacon of Coventry.  
Henry Archdeacon of Huntingdon.  
Volusianus Bishop of Carthage.  
Tho. Archbishop of York, son of Samson Bishop of Worcester.    
And how many other Bishops and Priests in other countries besides these Bishops of Rome, might be annexed to this Catalogue, if our leisure were such, to make a whole beaderole of them all?  
In the mean time the words of silvius Cardinal, & afterward B. of Rome, are not to be forgotten, which he wrote to a certain friend of his, 
Ex Aenea Silvio. Epist. 321.  which after his orders taken, was disposed to marriage. To whom the foresaid Silvius answereth again in these words following: Credimus te uti non insulso consilio, si cum nequeas continere, coniugium quaeris: quamuis id prius cogitandum fuerat, anteaquam initiaveris sacris ordinibus. Sed non sumus dij omnes qui futura prospicere valeamus. Quando huc ventum est, ut legi resistere nequeas, melius est nubere quàm uri, etc. That is: We believe that you in so doing, follow no sinister counsel, in that you choose to be married, when otherwise you are not able to live chaste. Albeit this counsel should have come into your head, before that you entered into Ecclesiastical orders. But we are not all gods to foresee before, what shall happen hereafter. Now for so much as the matter and case standeth so, that you are not able to resist the law, better it is to marry then to burn, etc.  
All these premises well considered, it shall suffice, I trust though no more were said, to prove that this general law and prohibition of priest's marriage pretended to be so ancient, is of no such great time, nor long continuance of years as they make it, but rather to be a late devised doctrine gendered by the Monks, and grounded upon no reason, law nor scripture, but that certain, which be repiners against the truth, do rack and wrest a few places out of Doctors and ij. or iij. Counsels for their pretenced purpose. Whose objections and blind cavillations, I as professing heat but to write stories, refer to the further discussion of Divines: in whose books this matter is more at large to be sought and searched. In the mean season so much as appertaineth to the searching of times and antiquity, and to the conservation of such Acts and monuments as are behovable for the Church, I thought hereunto not unprofitable to be adjoined a certain Epistle learned and ancient of Uolusianus, Bishop sometimes of Carthage, tending to the defence of Priests lawful wedlock, 
Volusi●●●● Bishop of Carthage.  which Aeneas Silvius in Descriptione Germaniae, also Illyricus in cattle. and Melancth. Lib. De coniugio do father upon Huldericus Bishop of Augusta, in the time of Pope Nicholas 2. but as I find it in an old written example, sent by john Bale to Math. Archbishop of Canterbury, as it is joined in the same book: 
Hulderi●●● Bishop of August. about the year of 〈◊〉 Lord. 9TH.  so it beareth also the same title and name of Uolusianus Bishop of Carthage: joining also withal, another Latin Epistle, which perhaps hath not been seen in Print before. The Copies of which both Epistles as being pertinent to the purpose present, here under ensue in form as followeth.  

¶ The epistle in Latin of Volusianus, or as some think of Huldericus Bishop of Augusta, to Pope Nicholas, against the forbidding of priests Marriage.  
Epistola Volusiani Carthaginensis Episcopi ad Nicolaum Romanorum Episcopum.  
¶ Haec est rescriptio Volusiani Carthaginensis Episcopi, in qua Papae Nicolao de continentia clericorum, non justè sed impiè, nec canonicè, sed indiscretè tractanti ita respondit.  
Nicolao Domino & patri pervigili sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae Provisori, Volusianus solo nomine Episcopus, amorem ut filius, timorem ut servus.  
cum tua, ô Pater & Domine, 
The Epistle of Volusianus or as some say, of Hulderic●●● to the Pope in defence priests 〈◊〉.  decreta super clericorum continentia nuper mihi transmissa, à discretione invenirem aliena, timor me turbavit cum tristitia. Timor quidem propter hoc, quod dicitur, pastoris sententia, sive justa, sive iniusta timenda est. Timebam enim infirmis Scripturae auditoribus, qui vel iustae vix obediunt sententiae, ne iniustam conculcantes liberè, onerosa, imò importabili pastoris praevaricatione praecepti, se obligarent. Tristitia verò vel compassio, dum considerabam, qua ratione membra cavere possent, capite suo tam gravi morbo laborante. Quid enim gravius quid totius Ecclesiae compassione dignius, quam te summae sedis Pontificem, ad quem totius Ecclesiae spectat examen, à sancta discretione vel minimum exorbitare? Non parum quip ab hac deviasti, cum clericos, quos ad abstinentiam coniugij monere debebas, ad hanc imperiosa quadam violentia cogi volebas. Nun quid enim meritò communi omnium sapientum judicio haec est violentia, cum contra Euangelicam institutionem, ac sancti Spiritus dictationem, ad privata aliquis decreta cogitur exequenda?  
Cum ergo plurima veteris ac novi Testamenti suppetant exempla, sanctam (ut nosti) discretionem docentia, 
Math. 19  tuae rogone grave sit paterniati, vel pauca ex pluribus huic paginae interseri. Dominus quidem in veteri lege sacerdoti coniugium constituit, quod illi postmodum interdixisse non legitur. Sed idem in evangelio loquitur: Sunt eunuchi, 
1. 〈◊〉. 7.  qui se castraverunt propter regnum caelorum, sed non omnes hoc verbum capiunt: qui potest capere, capiat. Quà propter Apostolus quoque ait: De virginibus praeceptum Domini non habeo, consilium autem do. Qui etiam juxta praedictum Domini, non omnes hoc consilium capere posse considerans, sed multos eiusdem consilij assentatores, hominibus, non Deo, pro falsa specie continentiae placere volentes, graviora vides committere, patrum scilicet uxores subagitare, masculorum ac pecudum amplexus non abhorrere: 
 ne morbi huius aspersione ad usque pestilentiam convalescente, nimium status labefactetur Ecclesiae totius: Propter fornicationem, dixit, unusquisque suam uxorem habeat. Quod specialiter ad laicos pertinere, ijdem mentiuntur hypocritae: qui licet in quovis sanctissimo ordine constituti, alienis tamen uxoribus non dubitant abuti. Et quod flendo cernimus, omnes in supradictis saeviunt sceleribus. Hi nimirum non rectè Scripturam intellexerunt, 
 cuius mamillam quia durius pressêre, sanguinem pro lact biberunt. Nam illud Apostolicum: unusquisque suam habeat uxorem, nullum excipit verè, nisi professorem continentiae, vel eum qui de continuanda in Domino virginitate prefixit.  
Quod nihilominus tuam, Pater venerande, condecet strenuitatem, ut omnem qui tibi manu vel ore votum faciens continentiae, postea volverit apotatare, aut ad votum exequendum ex debito constringas, aut ab omni ordine, canonica autoritate deponas: & hoc ut viriliter implere sufficias, 
 me omnesque mei ordinis viros adiutores habebis non pigros. Verùm ut huius voti nescios omninò scias non esse cogendos, audi Apostolum dicentem ad Timoth: Oportet (inquit) Episcopum irreprehensibilem esse, unius uxoris virum. Quam sententiam ne quis ad solam Ecclesiam verteret, subiunxit: Qui autem domui suae praeesse nescit, quomodo Ecclesiae Dei diligentiam habebit? Similiter inquit: Diaconi sint unius uxoris viri, qui filijs suis bene praesint, & suis domibus. Hanc autem uxorem à sacerdote benedicendam esse, sancti Syluestri Papae decretis scio te sufficienter docuisse. His & huiusmodi sanctae Scripturae sententijs, Regulae clericorum scriptor non immeritò concordans, ait: Clericus sit pudicus, aut certè unius matrimonij vinculo foederatus. Ex quibus omnibus veraciter colligit, quòd Episcopus & Diaconus reprehensibiles notantur, si in mulieribus multis dividuntur. Si verò unam sub obtentu religionis abijciunt, utrunque, scilicet Episcopum & Diaconum, sine graduum differentia, hic Canonica damnat sententia: Episcopus aut Presbyter uxorem propriam nequaquam sub obtentu religionis abijciat, si verò reiecerit, excommunicetur: 
Apost.  & si perseveraverit, deijciatur. Sanctus quoque Augustinus, sanctae discretionis non inscius: Nullum, inquit, tam grave facinus est, quin admittendum sit, ut devitetur peius.  
Legimus praeterea in secundo Tripartitae Ecclesiasticae libro historiae, quòd cum Synodus Nicaena haec eadem vellet sancire decreta, 
〈◊〉 rule 〈◊〉 Austen 〈…〉 is for 〈◊〉 Papists, 〈…〉 marriage of Priests, 〈◊〉 that adultery, Sodomitrye, & other like inconvenience should follow, as they do.  ut videlicet Episcopi, Praesbyteri, Diaconi, post consecrationem à proprijs uxoribus vel omninò abstinerent, vel gradum deponerent: surgens in medio Paphnutius, (ex illis Martyribus quos Maximus Imperator, oculis eorum dextris ewlsis, & sinistris suris incisis, damnavit) contradixit, honorabiles confessus nuptias, ac castitatem esse dicens connubium cum propria uxore: persuasitque Concilio ne talem ponerent legem: gravem asserens esse causam, quae aut ipsis, aut eorum coniugibus occasio fornicationis existeret. Et haec quidem Paphnutius, licet nuptiarum expers, exposuit: Synodusque eius sententiam laudavit, & nihil ex hac part sancivit, sed hoc in uniuscuisque voluntate, non in necessitate dimisit.  
Sunt verò aliqui, qui sanctum Gregorium suae sectae sumunt adiutorem: quorum quidem temeritatem rideo, ignorantiam doleo. Ignorant enim, quòd periculosum huius haeresis decretum à S. Gregorio factum, condigno poenitentiae fructu postmodum ab eodem sit purgatum. Quippè cùm die quadam in vivarium suum propter pisces misisset, & allata inde plus quam sex milia infantum capita videret, intima mox ductus poenitentia ingemuit, 
〈…〉 found ●regories 〈◊〉.  & factum à se de abstinentia decretum, tantae caedis causam confessus, condigno illud, ut dixi, poenitentiae fructu purgavit: suoque decreto prorsus damnato, Apostolicum illud laudavit confilium: Melius est nubere quàm uri: addens ex sua part: Melius est nubere, quàm mortis occasionem praebere. Hunc forsitan rei eventum si illi mecum legissent, 
● Cor. 7.  non tam temerè, credo, iudicarent, Dominicum saltem timentes praeceptum: Nolite judicare, ut non iudicemini. Ind Paulus dicit: Tu quis es, qui iudicas alienum servum? suo Domino stat, aut cadit. Stabit autem: potens est enim Dominus statuere illum. 
Math. 7. Rom. 14.  Cesset ergo sanctitas tua cogere, quos tantùm deberet admonere: ne privato (quod absit) praecepto, tam veteri quàm novo contrarius inveniaris testamento. Nam, ut ait sanctus Augustinus ad Donatum: Solum est quòd in tua justicia pertimescimus, ne non pro lenitatis Christianae consideratione, sed pro immanitate facinorum censeas coercendum. Quod te per ipsum Christum ne facias obsecramus: sic enim peccata compescenda sunt, ut supersint quos peccasse poeniteat. 
Augustinus.  Illud etiam Augustini volumus te recordari, quod ait: Nihil nocendi fiat cupiditate, omnia consulendi charitate: & nihil fiat immaniter, nihil inhumaniter. Idem de eodem: In timore Christi in nomine Christi exhortor: Quicunque non habetis temporalia, habere non cupiatis: quicunque habetis, in eis non praesumatis. Dico autem, non si ista habetis, damnamini: sed si in istis praesumatis, damnamini: si propter talia magni vobis videamini: si generis humani conditionem communem propter excellentem unitatem, 
1. Cor. 7.  obliviscamini. Quod nimirum poculum discretionis ex illo font Apostolicae hauserat praedicationis: Solutus es ab uxore, noli quaerere uxorem: alligatus es uxori, noli quaerere solutionem. Vbi & subditur: Qui habent uxores, sint tanquam non habentes: & qui utuntur mundo, tanquam non utantur. Idem dicit de vidua: Cui vult nubat, tantum in Domino. Nubere in Domino est, nihil in contrahendo connubio quod Dominus prohibeat, attentare. jeremias quoque ait: Nolite confidere in verbis mendacij, dicentes: Templum Domini, templum Domini, templum Domini est. Quod Hieronimus exponens: Potest (inquit) & hoc illis virginibus convenire, 
〈◊〉. 7. H●erony●●●.  quae iactant pudicitiam suam impudenti vultu: praeferunt castitatem, cum aliud habeat conscientia: & nesciunt illam Apostoli definitionem de virgine, ut sit sancta corpore & spiritu. Quid enim prodest corporis pudicitia, animo constuprato, si caeteras virtutes, quas Propheticus sermo describit, non habuerit? Quas quidem, quia te aliquatenus habere videmus, & quia discretionem, licet in hac re neglectam, in alijs tamen vitae tuae constitutionibus eam honestè conseruatam non ignoramus: huius intentionis pravitatem te citò correcturum non desperamus. Et ideo non quanta possumus gravitate, istam licet gravissimam negligentiam corripimus, vel iudicamus. Quanquam enim secundum vocabula quae usus obtinuit, sit Episcopatus Praesbyterio maior: tamen Augustinus Hieronymo minor est, & à minori quolibet non est refugienda correptio: praesertim cum is qui corripitur, & contra veritatem, & pro hominibus niti invenitur. Neque enim, ut ait sanctus Augustinus ad Bonifacium: Quorumlibet disputationes, quam vis catholicorum & laudatorum virorum, velut Scripturas Canonicas habere debemus: ut non liceat nobis salva honorificentia, quae illis debetur, aliquid in eorum scriptis improbare atque respuere, si fortè invenerimus quòd aliter senserint quàm veritas habeat, divino adiutorio vel ab alijs intellecta, vel à nobis. Quid autem veritati magis contrarium, quàm hoc, quòd cum ipsa veritas de continentia loquens, non unius hominis, 
Math· 19  sed omnium planè (non excepto numero professorum continentiae) dicat: Qui potest capere, capiat: isti (nescitur unde instigati) dicant: Qui non potest capere, feriatur anathemate?  
Quid verò per homines fieri potest stolidius? quid divinae maledictioni obligatius, quàm cum aliqui, vel Episcopi videlicet, vel Archidiaconi, ita praecepites sint in libidinem, ut neque adulteria, neque incestus, neque masculorum (proh pudor) turpissimos amplexus sciant abhorrere: casta clericorum coniugia sibi dicant foetere, & ab eye non verae justiciae compassione, sed falsae justiciae dedignatione, non ut conseruos rogent continere, sed ut servos iubeant ac cogant abstinere? Ad cuius imperij, ne dicam consilij, tam fatuam, tamque turpem addunt suggestionem, ut dicant: Honestius est pluribus occultè implicari, quàm apertè in hominum vultu & conscientia cum una legari. Quod profectò non dicerent, si ex illo & in illo essent, qui dicit: Vae vobis Pharisaeis, qui omnia facitis propter homines. Et per Psalmistan: Qui hominibus placent, confusi sunt, 
Turpis Papistarum vox. Psal. 53.  quoniam Dominus sprevit eos. Hi sunt, qui prius deberent nobis persuadere, ut in conspectu eius, cui omnia nuda & aperta sunt, erubescamus peccatores esse, quàm in conspectu hominum mundi esse. Licet ergo merito suae pravitatis, nullius consilium mereantur pietatis, nos tamen memores humanitatis divinae, eye consilium authoritatis nunquam à pietate vacantis, per viscera ministramus charitatis. Dicimus nempe: 
Math. 7.  Eiice primùm hypocrita trabem de oculo tuo, & tunc perspicies ut eiicias festucam de oculo fratris tui.  
Illud quoque rogamus eos attendere, quod Dominus dicit de muliere: Qui sine peccato est vestrûm, primus in eam lapidem mittat, quasi di●eret: Si lex jubet, si Moses jubet, 
john. 8.  jubeo & ego, sed competentes legis ministros exigo. Attendentes, quid adducitis, attendite quaeso & quid estis: quia, si te ipsum, ut ait Scriptura, perspexeris, nulli unquam detraxeris. Significatum est autem nobis de quibusdam eorum, quod tanta apud se intumescant elatione, ut gregem Domini, 
Christus legem non soluit, sed competentes exigit.  pro quo boni pastores animas non dubitant ponere, isti verberibus etiam absque ratione praesumant laniare. Quorum sententiam S. Gregorius nimium deplorans ait: Quid fiet de ovibus, quando pastores lupi fiunt? Sed quis vincitur, nisi qui saevit? quis verò persecutorem judicabit, nisi qui dorsum suum ad flagella patienter ministravit? 
Gregorius.  Operae praecium est autem, ut audiatur, quo fructu tantum Ecclesiae Dei inducabant scandalum, tantum cleris despectum, & ab ipsis Episcopis, & ab eorum infidelibus patiatur. Nec enim eos infideles dicere dubitaverim, de quibus Paulus Apostolus dicit ad Timotheum: Quia in novissimis temporibus discedent quidam a fide, attendentes spiritibus erroris, 
1. Tim. 4.  & doctrinis daemoniorum, in hypocrisi loquentium mendacium, & cauteriatam habentium conscientiam, prohibentium nubere.  
Hic est autem, si diligenter inspiciatur, totius eorum manipulus zizaniae, totius eventus insaniae, 
Ex coelibatu Sacerdotum qui fructus oriantur.  ut dum clerici licita unius mulieris consortia, Pharisaico devicti (quod absit) furore, relinquere cogantur, fornicatores & adulteri & aliarum pravitatum turpissimi ministri cum ipsis efficiantur. Qui hanc in Ecclesia Dei haeresim, sicut caeci duces caecorum machinantur, ut videlicet illud impleatur quod Psalmista eis, ut pote doctoribus erroris, taliter imprecatur: Obscurentur oculi eorum ne videant. etc. Quia ergo nemo, ô Apostolice, ignorat, 
Psal. 69.  quòd si tu per tui decreti sententiam, tantam futuram esse pestilentiam solitae discretionis claritate perspexisses, numquam quorumlibet tam pravis suggestionibus consensisses: debitae tibi subiectionis fidelitate consulimus, ut vel nunc ad tanti scandali ab Ecclesia Dei pro pulsionem evigiles: & qua nosti discretionis disciplina, Pharisaicam ab ovili Dei extirpes doctrinam, ne scilicet unica Sunamitis, adulterinis diutius usa maritis, gentem sanctam, regal sacerdotium, per irrecuperabile à sponso Christo videlicet, avellat divortium: dum nemo sine castimonia, non tantum in virginali flore, sed etiam in coniugali habita coniunctione, visurus sit Dominum nostrum: qui cum Deo patre & Spiritu sancto vivit & regnat per omnia saecula saeculorum. Amen.   
As touching the antiquity of this Epistle above prefixed it appeareth by the copy which I have seen, & received of the above named Matthew Archbishop of Canterbury, to be of an old & ancient writing, both by the form of the characters, and by the wearing of the Parchment, almost consumed by length of years and tyme.  
And as concerning the author thereof, the superscription (if it be true) plainly declareth it to be the Epistle of Uolusianus Bishop of Carthage. Albeit heretofore it hath commonly been taken and alleged by the name of Huldericus Bishop of Augusta, and partly appeareth to be so, both by the testimony of Aeneas Silvius, in Descriptione Germaniae, who in the said treatise affirmeth that Huldericus Bishop of Augusta, did constantly resist the Pope abolishing the marriage of Priests, etc. and also by the record of Illyricus, testifying that the said epistle not only remaineth yet to this day in old monuments, but also that he himself did see two exemplars of the same, both pretending the name of the said Huldericus to be the author. Notwithstanding this copy here above prefixed, beareth the title not of Huldericus Bishop of Augusta, but of Uolusianus Bishop of Carthage in Aphricke, as ye may see by the words of the preamble, saying, This is the rescript of Volusianus Bishop of Carthage, unto Pope Nicholás concerning Priests not to be restrained from lawful marriage, etc.  
Furthermore, which Pope Nicholas this was to whom these epistles were written, it is not plainly showed in the same, but that by probable conjecture it may be guessed rather to be Pope Nicholas 2. for so much as in his time, priests marriage began somewhat earnestly to be called in, more than at other times before  
Now as touching the English▪ of this Latin epistle above exhibited, 
Read before pag. 139.  forasmuch as the same is before inserted, page 157. we will refer the reader unto the same place. Wherein if the translation of the English do serve any thing from the Latin here above prefixed, the cause was, for that the Latin copy which here we follow, came not before to our hands.  

¶ Another epistle of the said Volusianus, concerning marriage not to be restrained from priests and ministers of the Church.  
cum sub liberi arbitrij potestate creati simus, & non sub lege, sed sub gratia, qualiter creati sumus, vivamus. Vos qui continentiae legem nobis invitis, imponitis, liberi arbitrij nos potestate privatis. Quod nolumus velle, & quod volumus nolle cogendo imperatis, & imperando cogitis: & legis vinculo, à quo ipsa gratia nos in libertatem liberati sumus, 
Rom. 8. Rom. 11. Rom. 9  alligare, & spiritum servitutis iterum in timore accipere, ipsamque gratiam, sine qua nihil facere possumus, omninò evacuare satagitis, ita ut (sicut ait Apostolus) ipsa gratia iam non sit gratia, & Dei donum non sit Dei donum: Et non ex Deo sed ex homine, nec ex vocante, sed ex operant: cum idem Apostolus dicat: Quia non est volentis neque currentis, sed Dei miserentis.  
Nam cùm sint▪ tria principalia & quasi effectiva, per quae omnis anima humana capax & compos rationis, 
1. Liberum arbitrium. 2. Gratia. 3. Mandatum.  quicquid spiritalis boni apprehendere & percipere potest, apprehendit & percipit, & sine quibus nihil prorsus capere possit: liberum arbintrium videlicet, Mandatum, & gratia (libero enim arbitrio bona à malis decernimus atque eligimus: mandato ad omnia facienda provocamur ac incitamur: gratia promovemur & adiwamur) horum omnium tamen gratia Domina & Magistra & quasi praepotens imperatrix & Regina est, ad cuius nutum caetera pendent, & ab ea vim & efficaciam expectant, & sine illa nihil praevalent, sed quasi stolida & mortua, 
Libe●um arbitrium locum Materiae tenet: Gratia locum Formae.  sicut materia sine forma, jacent & subiacent. Loco enim materiae, secundum propositionem aliquam, liberum arbitrium possumus accipere non incongruè: Gratiam verò, loco formae: Mandatum autem quod medium est quasi instrumentum, ad utrunque respicere, quo summus artifex Dominus liberum arbitrium quasi stolidam materiam moveat & promoveat, & formam gratiae illi componat. Et sicut materia sine form● est horrida & deformis: ita liberum arbitrium est horridum & deform sine gratia superueniente se movente & promovente, mandato medio quasi instrumento (ut diximus) interueniente. Quod ergò forma in materia, hoc in libero arbitrio per quandam similitudinem est gratia: & quod materia sub forma, hoc idem est libera voluntas sub gratia. 
Mandatum loco instrumenti  Et item, quod est instrumentum ipsorum, hoc est mandatum ad utrunque istorum. Instrumentum namque sordidam materiam, & horridam atque asperam, obscuram, & quasi coecam emaculat & expolit, & claram, planam ac lucidam, forma superueniente, reddit. Sic & mandatum, liberum arbit●ium sordidum & horridum, asperum & incultum, obscu●um & coecum, nitidat, comit, lenit, & excolit, lucidat, & illuminat: sicut Propheta dicit: 
Psal. 19  praeceptum domini lucidum, illuminans oculos, splendore gratiae superueniente. Et sicut materia & instrumentum sine forma nihil valent, ita libera voluntas & mandatum sine gratia nihil virtutis habent. Quid enim liberum arbitrium vel mandatum sine gratia praeveniente & subsequente potest▪ Gratia namque ad liberum arbitrium, 
Liberum arbitrium et Mandatum sine Gratia nihil valent.  mandatum quasi nuntium ac famulum mittit: mandatum liberum arbitrium provocat atque quasi sopitum excitat, ut ad bona facienda evigilet & exurgat, viamque ei quam peragere debeat, quasi coeco deducendo demonstrat. Quorum utrunque▪ si à gratia deseritur, nihil omninò per se potest. Quod si conatur, deficit, non proficit, neque etiam efficit, vel perficit. Si praesumit, non assumit, sed potius to tam operam & laborem frustra consumit. Cùm enim mandatum, seu per hominem sive per Angelum mittitur, & etiam liberum a●bitrium seu humano seu angelico mandati nuntio commovetur, provocatur, & instruitur, 〈◊〉 divina gratia comitetur, praeveniat, & subsequatur, quid valebi●● Quid nempè homini in paradiso posito mandatum quod audivit: E● omni ligno Paradisi comede, de ligno vero scientiae boni & mali ne comedat? Nihil prorsus ad salutem, 
Gen. ●.  sed potius ad condemnationem. Quare? Quia gratia saluatrix & auxiliatrix defuit, quam ille iniustè suis viribus fisus, contempsit. Aut quid valuit Israelitico populo in Eremo constituto, mandatum legis quod per Moyse accepit, cui obedire neglexit? 
 Aut quid profuit illi qui Dominum se qui suo arbitrio, & non illius vocatione praesumit dicens: Domine, sequa● te quocunque ieris. Ex multis alijs divinae scripturae locis novi & veteris Testamenti demonstrari potest, quòd neque mandatum, neque liberum arbitrium per se quicquam valet, nisi divina gratia praeveniendo▪ & subsequendo adiwet. Cùm igitur continentiae bonum, imò omne bonum sit solius divinae gratiae donum, nec per mandatum, 
Math. ●.  nec per liberum arbitrium comprehendatur, errant & frustrà laborant qui se suis viribus illud apprehendere ●entant. Illi etiam magis errant qui hoc invitis & nolentibus imperant, & non spontaneè sed coactè in Sacrarium Dei dona offerre suadent, nescientes aut obliti illius quod Dominus Moysi & Moses à Domino praecepit dicens● Separate apud vos primitias Domino: quisque voluntarius & bono animo offerat eas Domino. Quid est separare apud vos primitias Domino, 
Donum contine●● frustra 〈◊〉 mani● 〈◊〉 appe●●tur. Num▪ ●5.  nisi studiosa cogitatione & meditatione in cordibus vestris tractare, & cum discretione deponere & dividere, quid Domino de thesauro cordis nostri valeamus offer? Si enim rectè offeras & non rectè dividas, peccasti. Et quid est prono animo offerre, nisi quod ait Psalmista: voluntariè sacrificabo tibi? Et Apostolus: Non ex tristitia aut necessitate: Hilarem datorem diligit Deus. Et Solomon, Bono animo gloriam redde Domino, & in omni Dato hilarem fac vultum tuum, & in exultatione sanctifica decimas tuas, & in bono oculo facito adinuentionem manuum tuarum. Et Apostolus jacobus: 
Psal. 54. 2. Cor. ●▪ Eccle. 35.  Non amat Dominus (inquit) coacta seruitia. Et, maledictus qui opus Domini facit negligenter i non curiosè neque voluntariè. Sicut nos ergo Dominus invitos aliquid offerre non jubet: ita vos invitos aliquos offerre aliquid cogere, prohibet per eundem Moysen ubi ait: 
jerem. 48.  Ne facias Calumniam proximo tuo, nec vi opprimas eum. Calumniam proximo facere, est eum non compatiendo & miserando corrigere de peccato: sed dedignido & exprobrando & detrahendo arguere & accusare, & non in spiritu lenitatis instruere, sed in spiritu asperitatis & austeritatis destruere, cum Apostolus dicat: 
levit. 9  Si praeoccupatus fuerit homo in aliquo delicto, vos qui spirituales estis instruite huiusmodi in spiritu lenitatis, considerans teipsum ne & tu tenteris. Vi opprimere proximum, est ultra vires suas aliquid exigere, & onus quod portare non potest imponere, imponentibus fortassis importabile, 
Gal. 6. ●piritus le●itatis viri●●onuenit a●ostolicis, Math. 23. ●. Pet. 5.  cùm Dominus de Pharisaeis ad Discipulos loquens, hoc eis prohibeat dicens: Super cathredam Moysi sedent Scribe & Pharisaei, etc. Et Apostolus Petrus: Pascite (inquit) qui in vobis est, gregem Domini, providentes, non coactè, sed spontaneè, secundum Dominum: neque turpis lucri gratia, sed voluntariè: neque dominantes in Clero, sed forma estote gregi ex animo. Hic pastor pastorum, princeps Apostolorum, quid caeteri pastores vel Apostoli debeant facere, quomodo gregem Domini sibi creditum tractare, apertè & piè demonstrat atque insinuat, & quantam solicitudinem & compassionem erga subditos habere oporteat, eye inculcat: & omnem potestatem tyrannicae dominationis vel ambitionem cupiditatis, quam quidam in subditos sibi exercent, ab eorum cordibus procul eliminat, & eos non dominos, 
 sed patres subditorum debere esse pronunciat: neque eye aliquid typo potentiae imperare, sed zelo pietatis admonere & obsecrare juxta vires uniuscuiusque secundum Dominum, non secundum suae voluntatis arbitrium vel potestatis imperium: & illis formam esse gregi debere, ut quid alijs imperant, ipsi priores faciant, & non minus exemplis quam verbo proficiant. Ex animo▪ inquit: non ex imperio: ex voluntate, non coactione: ex charitate, non ex cupiditate. Sunt enim plaerique qui zelo cupiditatis, non charitatis accensi, alijs imperant quod implere non valent: & dum lucrum animarum querere se simulant, lucrum potius terrenum captant. Quod bene Baalam propheta exprimit, 
 qui prophetiae donum & benedicendi gratiam quam divinitus acceperat, non ad utilitatem aliorum, sed ad usum suae cupiditatis vertit: & sicut nonnulli qui dum alios corrigunt, hoc zelo Dei facere se ostendunt, & dum meliores alijs se videri volunt, hoc praesumptione quadam & temeritate agunt, & ideo in ipso praesumptionis suae & temeritatis actu corruunt. De quibus dicit Apostolus: Qui zelum Dei habent, 
 sed non secundum scientiam. Zelum Dei secundum scientiam est habere, providè & consult in divinis rebus aliquid agere. Quorum profectio Oza similitudinem gerit, qui dum Arcam Domini calcitrantibus bobus qui eam portabant, in●linatum parumper erigere voluit, mox dum ad eam manum tetendit, mortuus cecidit. Arcam Domini calcitrantibus bobus inclinari▪ est legem Domini quam ipsi sacerdotes portare & tenere debent ab eis non obseruando contradici, & quasi à recto statu in diversam partem flecti, quam Oza, qui adiutor dei interpretatur, erigere tentat: Quia sunt quidam Prelati, qui dum sacerdotalem ordinem▪ ipsam legem divinam maligno excessu vel leviter à sitae rectitudinis uta quasi inclinare & in aliam partem flectere vident, eam inclinationem castigere & corrigere magis virtutis suae ostentatione quàm divina emulatione praesumunt, & quia hoc inconsultè agunt dum adiutores Dei videri appetunt, plerumque mortaliter in deterius cadunt. Sunt & alij qui nullam infirmitatis humanae considerationem, 
〈…〉. 11.  nec ullum misericordiae respectum & compassionis affectum habent, & cum Apostolo dicere nescientes: Quis infirmatur & ego non infirmor? D●m se subditis non conditione qua pares, sed authoritate qua superiores sunt, conferunt, atque magistri videri, & plus prae esse quàm prodesse cupiunt, 
 illorum infirmitatem vi dominationis premunt, & eos sibi obedire compellunt. Quod nimirum illo facto figuratur, quod de Simone Cyrenaeo in evangelio legitur, quem angariaverunt persecutores Domini ut tolleret crucem eius. Cuius etiam nomen huic figurae convenienter aptatur. Simon namque interpretatur obediens. Simon verô, id est obediens, crucem Domini portare angariatur cum subiecti quique à suis magistris vi dominationis vel authoritatis, ●el anathematis pressi, & eye obedire compulsi, crucem continentiae patiuntur inviti: ipsamque crucem quam portant, non amant, quia ipsam plus ad perniciem suam, quàm ad salutem portant, nec ipsa cruce peccato moriuntur, 
 sed potius ipsi peccato vivificantur: Nam & alia peccata graviora exindè oriuntur. Inhibito enim naturali unius mulieris coniugio, surrepit non naturalis, sed contra naturam execrabilis Sodomitica fornicatio: surrepit illicita & damnabilis, non legitima sed contra legem alienae uxoris contaminatio, nec non etiam & meretricabilis nefanda pollutio: quin etiam abominabilis omnibus parentalis incestatio, vel aliarum multarum immundiciarum vel libidinum à diabolo inventarum id genus, in quibus humana infirmitas periclitatur. unde Loth de Sodomitico incendio Angelo domini educente ereptus, & uxoris consortio viduatus, dum sua infirmittais conscius ad montana non ausus est Angelo monente ascendere, ipse in Segor p●rua civitate quae juxta erat, elegit habitare, ipso Angelo praecipiente & sic ad eum loquente: 
〈◊〉. 19  salva animam tuam: noli respicere post tergum, sed in monte saluum te fac, ne & tu simul pereas. Cui dixit▪ Loth: Quaeso Domine mi, quia invenit servus tuus gratiam coram te ut saluares me: non possum in monte salvari, ne fortè apprehendat me malum & moriar. Est Civitas juxta hic ad quam▪ possum fugere parva, 
 & saluabor in ea. Quid est quod Loth à Sodomis fugiens praecipiente Angelo ut in monte saluaretur, montem ascendere quia ibi mori timebat, noluit, sed Segor paruam civitatem iuxtà montem positam, ut in ea saluaretur, ad habitandum elegir, nisi quicunque fidelium Sodometicae libidinis incendium & periculum evadere cupiens, dum celsitudinem virginalem non valet, & castitatis vidualis timet ascendere ne in ea periclitetur ad coniugalem copulam cùm ad utramque continentiam p●r●ula est & utrique proxima, 
 confugit? Namque post continentias supradictas, haec castitas probatur laudabilis, & non privatur praemio regni coelestis. Ad hanc castitatem, qui non potest continere, iubetur accedere & in ea suluari, ne fortè si montem ascenderit, apprehendat eum malum & moriatur, & ne, si continentiam non sibi divinitus concessam, suis viribus obtinere tentaverit, malum incontinentiae vel fornicationis vel aliquarum supradictarum pes●●um eum apprehendat, & in eis mortaliter pereat. Sunt enim multi qui dum infirmitatem suam non considerant, & dum maiora se apprehendere conantur, ipsa sua praecipitatione retroacti, in deteriora labuntur: quia dum maiora inconsultius ambiunt, minora quae tenere videbantur, 
 amittunt. Quod sanè exemplo ipsius Loth apertè demonstratur: qui dum relicta Segor quam ad habitandum elegerat, & in qua salvari petierat, in montem ascendit, ibique mansit, in incestum filiarum suarum, ipsarum surreptione corruit, sicut scriptura dicit. Ita namque scriptum est: Ascendit Loth de Segor & mansit in monte, dederuntque filia patri suo bibire vinum nocte illa, & ingressa est maior, dormivitque cum patre. Quod nequaquam sibi contigisset, si in Segor in qua salvari poterat, ad praeceptum Angeli, sicut ille postulaverat, remaneret. Sed quia hoc quod sibi ab Angelo concessum fuerat, dereliquit, & quod concessum non fuerat, 
 id postea sua voluntate contra praeceptum Angeli praesumpsit, salutis suae dispendium pertulit, & grave incestus peccatum incurrit. Sic plerisque contingit▪ qui dum quod sibi concessum est à Deo relinquunt, & id quod sibi concessum est ambiunt, & illud quod sibi concessum est perdunt, & illud quod sibi concessum non est, aprehendunt. Quia sunt nonnulli, qui dum coniugalem vitam quae sibi concessa est, & in qua salvari possent, vel inviti vel volentes deserunt, & maiori profectus desiderio caelibem vitam actitare satagunt, salutem quam in illa habere poterant, perdunt, & periculum maximum in ista incurrunt, & ex quo proficere conabantur, magis deficiunt (& sicut supradiximus) in maioris ruinae voraginem vergunt. Quod bene Doctor gentium Paulus considerans, & infirmis quibusque benignè prospiciens Corinthijs super his scriptis suis se consulentibus, ita rescripsit dicens: De quibus autem scripsistis mihi: bonum homini est mulierem non tangere: 
〈…〉. 7.  propter fornicationem autem vitandam, unusquisque uxorem suam habeat, & unaquaeque virum. Et uxori vir debitum reddat: similiter uxor viro. Et post pauca, Nolite (inquit) fraudari invicem, nisi fortè ex consensu ad temptus, ut vacetis orationi: & iterum revertimini in idipsum ne tentet vos Satanas propter incontinentiam vestram: quoniam, sicut ait Poeta, non omnia possimus omnes: Et sicut Apostolus in superioribus dixit: Quia non est volentis neque currentis, sed Dei miserentis: Et alibi: 
Rom. 9 Ephes. 4. Quisque intra mensuram suâ se contineat. 1. Cor. 7.  Quia unicuique nostrum data est gratia secundum mensuram donationis Christi. Hanc mensuram unicuique tenendam nec transgrediendam esse, docens mox intulit: Volo autem omnes homines esse sicut meipsum, sed unusquisque proprium habet donum ex Deo, alius quidem sic▪ alius autem sic: Quia videlicet mensura nos arcendos, & debere esse contentos in sequentibus intimavit dicens: unumquemque sicut vocavit Deus, ita ambulet. Et unusquisque in qua uocatione vocatus est, in hac permaneat apud Deum Et hoc idem repetit paulò inferius causa confirmationis: unusquisque in quo vocarus est frater, in hoc permaneat apud Deum. Et quia infirmitatem humanam videbat non posse tollerare incentiva 
* Forte legend● ingeniti.  gemini calori●▪ nisi per gratiam Dei, neque vincere pugnam carnis adversus spiritum: & quia sic ipse dixit de se alibi● Videbam aliam legem in membris meis, repugnantem legi mentis meae, hoc se misericorditer, & compatienter, & unanimiter, non regulariter neque imperatiuè dix isse, sicut in alia epistola, monstraverat ubi ait: Humanum dico propter infirmitatem carnis vestrae. 
Rom. 6. 1. Cor. 7.  Et in hac ipsa paulò superius in eodem schemate, ubi ait: Hoc autem dico secundum indulgentiam, non secundum imperium, subdendo demonstrat: De virginibus autem preceptum Domini non habeo▪ consilium do tanquam misericordiam consecutus, ut sim fidelis. Id est, ea misericordi● qua mihi Dominus consuluit quando ad fidem me vocavit, & sibi fidelem fecit, & ego alijs consulo & eandem misericordiam illis impendo. Et quoniam bonum est utrumque cum uxore esse & sine uxore esse, & cum viro esse & cum viro non esse, neque peccatum est vel cum uxore esse vel cum viro esse, mox subinfert dicens: Estimo ergò bonum esse propter instantem necessitatem: quo niam bonum est homini esse sic. etc.  
Quid est propter instantem necessitatem? Que est necessitas instans, nisi infirmitas praesens? Vel necessitas instans, 
Necessitas instans apud Paulum quae sit.  est necessitas urgens & cogens prout necessitas extirerit vel coegerit. Vel instantem necessitatem dicit illius temporis necessitatem & angustiam quae tunc extabat & cum cogebat ut talia scriberet & eye sic indulgeret causa scilicet vitandae fornicationis quae▪ tunc temporis acciderat, & aliarum multarum fornicationum supradictarum quae accidere possent. Pro qua fornicatione hoc incaepit, & sibi scribentibus rescripsit, & Corinthijs in superioribus huius epistolae vehementer invectus, in haec verba prorupit: Quid vultis? In verga veniam ad vos, 
1. Cor●. 4.  an incharitate & spiritu mansuetudinis? Omninò auditur inter vos fornicatio, & talis fornicatio qualis nec inter gentes, ita ut uxorem patris sui quis habeat. Propter hanc ergo necessitatem vitandae fornicationis dico bonum esse homini sic esse, ut si continere non potest, nubat, vel uxorem accipiat, Quod exponendo subdit: Alligatus es uxori? 
1. Cor. 7.  Noli quaerere solutionem. Solutus es ab uxore? Noli querere uxorem. Si autem acceperis uxorem, non peccasti. Et si nupserit virgo, non peccavit. Et hic iterum non imperando sed indulgendo & compatiendo se dixisse ostendit: Ego autem vobis parco, id est, infirmitati vestrae cedo, Hoc itaque in potestate voluntatis uniuscuiusque posuit utrum velit eligire: nec se dicit cuiquam violentiam inferre, nec laqueum quo eum astringat & teneat, inijcere, consequenter subiungens: Porrò, hoc ad utilitatem vestram dico: non ut laqueum vobis inijciam, sed ad id quod honestum est, & quod facultatem praebeat Dominum obsecrandi. Hoc dicit illis quos ad continentiam superius hortatus fuerat, & quos consortio uxoriae coniunctionis impediri, vel sollicitos esse nolebat. Alijs verò ita dicit: Si quis autem turpem videri se existimat super virginem suam, quod sit superadulta, & ita oportet fieri: quod vult, faciat: non peccat si nubat. Et iterum: utrunque bonum esse▪ unum tamen melius esse concludendo confirmat: 
1. Cor ●.  Igitur qui matrimonio coniungit virginem suam, benè facit, & qui non iungit melius facit. Quod concordatur superiori sententiae utrique sexui datae, in qua ait: Si acceperis uxorem non peccasti, & si nupserit virgo non peccavit. Si ergo virum accipere uxorem, & virginem nubere, juxta Apostolum peccatum non est, & beatitudinem non aufert, sed affert: & quia uterque bene facit, ideo ambo beati: nos qui uxores propter infirmitatem habemus, quid habendo peccamus? Aut si Apostolus unicuique propter fornicationem uxorem suam habere indulget & permittit, cur nos qui ex eadem massa sumus, & carnem peccati ex carne Adae peccatricem traximus, & continere non possumus, propter eandem causam & secundum eandem indulgentiam uxores habere non permittimut, & habitas dimittere angariamur? Aut itaque uxores nobis habere imitantes Apostolum permittite, aut nos ex eadem massa non esse docete, aut nobis eandem indulgentiam, & permissionem non esse concessam ab Apostolo, demonstrate. Quod opinor dicturi estis, quia haec indulgentia non fuit data ab Apostolo clericis aut alicui nostri ordinis, sed solis laicis. Quod ex verbis Apostoli vel ex circumstantia epistolae non potest defendi, cûm nulla ibi certa distinctio vel denominatio habeatur personarum vel graduum sive professionum, nec ipse discernit seu nominibus seu officijs vel qui sibi scripserunt, vel de quibus, vel quibus ipse rescribebat, nisi tantum generaliter omni Ecelesiae Corinthiorum, sicut ipse in principio huius epistolae his verbis demonstrat: 
1. Cor. 1.  Paulus vocatus Apostolus Christi jesu per voluntatem Dei, & Sostenes frater, Ecclesiae Dei quae est Corinthi, sanctificatis in Christo jesu, vocatis sanctis, cum omnibus qui invocant nomen Domini. [Et post nonnulla alia, quae compendij causa hic rescidimus, haud ita multum ad rem attinentia, subinfert mox ad hunc modum:] Infirmitatem nostram vos considerate, ac miserari rogamus, & ne ei violentiam inferatis suppliciter imploramus. Nam sicut iam satis superius inculcavimus vobis, nullus ad continentiam invitus debet compelli. Neque hoc genus virtutis ulli per legem Dei necessario imparutum est, sed volutaria devotione Domino offerendum, dicente ipso de hoc, evangelio: Non omnes capiunt verbum istud, sed quibus datum est. Ad quam tamen benigna mox exho●tatione eos qui possunt invitat dicens: 
Math. 19  Qui potest capere ●apiat. undè gratia distinctionis non Moyses foeminalibus vestire Aaron & filios eius iubetur, 
Exod. 28.  ut de prioribus dicitur: vesties ijs Aaron fratrem tuum & filios eius cum eo: sed, facies (inquit) faeminalia linea ut operiant carnem turpitudinis suae. Ipsi (inquit) operian● ea●nē turpitudinis suae, tu foeminalia pontifici & filijs eius facies: tu castitatis regulam docebis: tu abstinendum ab vxorio complexu eye qui Sacerdotio functuri sunt, intimabis: nulli tamen violentum huiusmodi continentiae jugum imponens: sed quicunque Sacerdotes fieri ac ministerio altaris servire volunt, ipsi sua sponte uxori servi esse desistant. Quod ubi perfecerint, atque suscepto semel continentiae proposito, ministros se Sanctuarij atque Altaris fore consenserint, aderit divina gratia quae velut caeteris illis habitum Sacerdotibus congruum imponens, quomodo vivere vel docere debeant, abundanter instituit. Qui sensus subsequentibus quoque Domini verbis affirmatur, quibus post pauca subiungit: Cùmque laveris patrem cum filijs aqua, endues Aaron vestimentis suis, id e●t, linea & tunica, 
Exod. 29.  & superhumerali, & rationali, quod strings balteo, & pones tiaram, & oleum unctionis fundes super caput eius, atque hoc ritu consecrabitur. Filios quoque illius applicabis & endues tunicis lineis, cingesque Aaron balteo, cilicet & liberos eius, & impones eye Mitras, eruntque Sacerdotes mei in religione perpetua: Namque hic de foemmalibus à Moyse accipiendis praecipitur. undè liquidò constat quod se hoc genere vestimenti ipse prius Aaron ac filii eius induerant, & ●ic ad manum Moysi lavamdi, inducendi, ungendi & consecrandi intrabant. Hic apertè ostenditur & docetur nulli continentiae jugum invito imponendum, sed à Deo prompta & devota voluntate accipiendum. Quod & Dionysius Areopagita theosophus, id est Deum sapiens, Pauli Apostoli Discipulus▪ & ab eo Atheniensium Archiepiscopus ordinatus, in epistola qua dam ad Pymtum Gnasiorum Episcopum missa, in qua plurima de nuptijs & castitate commemorat, sicut Ecclesiastica refert historia, monet, & precatur illum ne gravia onera discipulorum ceruicibus imponat, neve fratribus necessitatem compulsae castitatis inducat, in qua nonnullorum pereclitatur infirmitas. Atque Pymtus Dionysio rescripsit sententiam se consilij melioris quod ipse dabat, amplecti. Hoc i●idem & Paphnutius vir divinissimus atque castissimus, cùm in Niceno Concilio (ut in tripartita historia invenimus) patres qui ibi aderant, hoc interdicere Sacerdotibus voluissent, in medium eorum zelo humanae infirmitatis commotus & conscius exurgens, hoc ne facerent rogavit: quin potius in voluntate uniuscuiusque ponerent exoravit, ne fortè per hoc locum darent & occasionem adulterio & fornicationi. Hac namque cautela sancti viri in religione utebantur, ut cùm de instructione & aedificatione subditorum aliquid agerent, & eos ad meliorem vitam de divinis praeceptis commoneri facerent, cum patientia & mansuetudine potius obedienda praeciperent, quam cum potentia & austeritate imperarent, nullumque invitum sibi obedire compellerent. Quorum vos exempla sequentes qui eorum loco tenetis & nomen, ne nobis infirmis importabilem sarcinam quaesumus imponatis, 
Luke. 11.  ne imprecatione dominica cum pharisaeis & ●egisperitis suscipiamini, in qua a●●: Ve vobis legis periti, qui oneratis homines oheribus quae non possunt portari, & ipsi uno digito vestro ea non tangitis. Et ne clamo● filiorum Israel ascendat ad Dominum propter duritiam eorum qui praesunt operibus Neque vos voletis facere eunuchos qui de utero matris sic nati sunt, 
Exod. 3.  vel eos eunuchos qui violenter ab hominibus facti sunt, sed potius eos eunuchos, qui seipsos sua sponte eunuchizaverunt propter regnum coelorum: 
Math. 19.  neue sacris ordinibus & divino mysterio propter nos tantum, calumniam faciatis vel inferatis, qui propter nostram vitam improbam illud hominibus contemptibile facitis, dum eis ne à nobis illud audiant & percipiant, prohibitis: 
Exod. 5.  ac per hoc vitam improbam infamatis, & odorem nostrum coram Pharone & servis eius faetêre facitis. Quod vos non rectè, si dici liceat (ne molestè accipiatis) videtur nobis, facere, & contra divinam authoritatem & Canonicam regulam hoc ꝙ facitis, esse: cùm Dominus per legislatorem dicat: 
levit. 18.  Turpitudinem matris tuae non reueles, & ignominia eius ne discooperias: Mater nostra Ecclesia est: filii huius matris, quiquè fidelium sunt. Cuius tamen materna appellatio, 
Gal. 4.  maximà in Sacerdotibus est. Nam ipsi, generant fideles, & verbo praedicationis, & sacramento Baptismatis. An non mater erat quae dicebat: Filioli mei quos interum parturio? Turpitudo ergo & ignominia matris nostrae reprehensibilis est actio Sacerdotalis vitae. Quae turpido tunc revelatur, & ignominia discooperitur, cum sacerdotalis vita publicè infamatur. Quod vos nimirum facitis, qui fragilitatem nostram quasi hactenus latentem & coopertam (quia eam nullus ita cognoverat) hominibus diffamatis, & propter eam divina mysteria vel ministeria aspernanda sancitis. Quasi ad ea pertineat pollutio aliena, 
Psal. 18,  & ea polluat & commaculet immundicia nostra cum Psalmographus dicat: Lex domini immaculata. Aut qua si illi nostro contagio contaminentur, quia ea ex nostro ore & ex nostro officio adipiscuntur. 
Math. 23.  Quod si ita dicitis esse, nequaquam discipulis & turbis de Pharisaeis Dominus praeciperaet: Omnia quaecumque dixerint vobis, seruate & facite Et rursus, si ita esset nequaquam Dominus judam quē●urē esse scieba● & proditorem suum futu●um, cum discipulis alijs ad praedicandum mitteret, neque pot●statem signa ●●c●endi & sanitates donandi, n●que ad communionem sac●o●anctae caenae eum admittéret. Et si immundicia nostra divina mysteria vel ministeria & eorum capaces & auditores insiceret & deteriora●et, nequaquam Dominus Lepro●ū quem mundaverat, ●āgeret, neque ei o●●ulum daret, & nequaquam cum Simone alio Leproso manducaret, & nequaquam à Maria peccatrice pedes suos osculari, & lach●y●●● la●ari, & capillis tergi▪ & caput suum ungi permitteret. Hinc sacrorum Canonum veneranda authoritas sanxit, nullum qui etiam ab haeretico sacramenta dominica rectè perceperit, vll●tenus ipsa haeretica pravitate corrumpi, nec ulla sacramenta illius contagione comaculari. undè Romana Ecclesia Anastasium Papam in quadam epistola ad Anastasium Imparatorem directa, decrevit & scripsit, quòd nullum de his vel quos baptizavit Acatius, vel quos Sacerdotes vel Levitas secundum Canones ordinavit, ulla eos ex nomine Acatij portio laesionis attingat, quo forsan per iniquum t●adita sacramenti gratia minus firma videatur. Nam & baptismum (quod procul sit ab Ecclesia) sive ab adultero, sive a fu●e datum fuerit, ad percipientem non minus pervenit illibatum. Quid vox illa quae son●it per columbam? Omnem maliciam vel maculam humanae pollutionis excladit, qua declaratur ac dicitur: Hic est qui baptizat. etc. Nam si visibilis solis istius radij cum per loca foetidissima transeunt, 
Math. 3.  nulla contactus inquinatione maculantur: multo magis virtus illius qui istum visibilem solem fecit, nulla mysterij dignitate constringitur. Quicquid ergo ad hominum profectum quilibet in Ecclesia minister pro officio suo videtur operari, hîc totum continetur implendo divinitatis effectu. Ita ille per quem Christus loquitur Paulus, affirmat: Ego plantavi, Apollo rigavit: sed deus incrementum dedit. A Deo non qu●ritur quis vel qualis praedicet: sed sic praedicet, ut invidos etiam benè de Christo praedicare confirmet. 
1. Cor. 3.  Tanta est namque divinae potentia graciae, ut per malos acquirat bonos, & per reprobos & improbos acquirat & colligat probos. His itaque authoritabus & alijs praedictis rationibus persuaderi debetis, neque nos à divini officij celebritate arcere, neque illos quorum nihil interest, ab eius communione suspendere. Quodsi mali sumus, nobis ipsis sumus▪ & plus nobis quàm alljs nocemus: & quos fortassè malos conspicitis, quid boni interius habeant, ignoratis. Sunt enim plerique quos de incontinentia iudicatis, qui continentiores sunt quàm illi quos de continentia glorificatis. Qui habemus uxores, juxta Apostolum tanquam non habemus. Quum videlicet continentiam quia nobis non potestis dare, orate nobiscum & pro nobis, ut ille nobis donet, 
1. Cor. ●.  cuius hoc donum nos citur esse, & sine quo nemo poterit continens esse. Aliter enim illam habere non possumus nisi ex totis precordijs illum oremus cuius hoc donum esse cognoscimus. Et hoc ipsum (inquit Solomon) est sapientia, scire culus hoc donum est, & quoniam super hoc nihil est. 
Sap. 8.    

¶ The same in English.  
Forasmuch as we are created under the power of 
* What he meaneth ●ere by f●ee will he expound●●h plainly hereafter.  free will, 
The epistle of Volu●ia●us Bish. of Carthage for priests marriage.  & not under the law but under grace let us so live as we are created. You which lay upon us the law of continency against our will, do deprive us of the liberty of fire will. You command us, and by commanding compel us to will that we would not, & not to will that we would do. You bind us to the law, from the which by grace we are made free: and you constrain us to receive the spirit of bondage again to fear: and go about to make the grace of God of no effect, without the which we can do nothing, so that, as the Apostle saith: Grace is now no grace: and the gift of God is not the gift of God. And not of God, but of man: not of him that calleth, but of him that worketh where as the Apostle saith: It is not in him that willeth, nor in him that runneth, but in God that showeth mercy. 
Rom. 9   
For where as there be three principal & effectual things whereby every human soul endued with reason apprehendeth & perceiveth whatsoever spiritual thing it is able to apprehend and perceive, and without the which it can perceive nothing: the which three things be these: 
1. Free will▪ 1. The Commandment, 〈◊〉 the law. 3. Grace.  to wit free will, the commandment, and grace (for by free will we discern and choose the good from the evil: by the commandment we are provoked and stirred up to do all things: by grace we are furthered & helped to perform the same) yet of all these, grace is the Lady & Mistress, and as a mighty Empress and Queen, 
Grace 〈◊〉 & Queen over the 〈◊〉 Free will▪  upon whose beck the other do wait and give attendance, receiving of her both strength and efficacy, and without her can do nothing, but remain as things of themselves dull and dead, much like as amongst the Philosophers, their Materia without Forma, being thereto adjoined. For in the stead of Materia, we may, after a manner not unfitly place free will: and in the place of Forma we may set grace, & the commandment (which is the mean between them both, 
free-will ●●kened to ●ateria. Grace to Forma.  as a certain instrument) to have respect to both: whereby the principal Artificer which is God, furthereth and setteth forward free will as a rude dull matter, apply to it his grace as the form thereof. And like as the said Materia without Forma, is rude and shapeless, so free will is a thing rude and deform, if it be not helped with grace coming thereunto, to move it & to further it, the commandment coming as a mean between them both in the stead of the instrumental cause, as is before said.  
Therefore like as Forma is in respect of Materia, the like resemblance beareth free will in respect of grace. And again, as Materia is in respect of Forma, the same also is free will in respect of grace. 
 And as the instrument serveth between the foresaid Materia and Forma, so doth the commandment between free will and grace. The instrument coming and working upon the said Materia being of itself ougle, rugged, and a thing without all shape and fashion, doth form it, shape and pullish it, and maketh it handsome, lightly, lightsome, bright and clear: even so likewise the commandment coming and working upon free will, being of itself, a thing rude, gross, unshapen & deformed, blind and obscure, doth clarify it, deck 〈◊〉, adorn it, bewtifye and lighten it through the brightness of grace coming unto it, according to the saying of the Prophet: The commandment of the Lord is bright and clear, giving sight to the eyes. 
〈◊〉. 19   
And as the matter & the instrument without the form can do nothing, even so free will and the commandment without grace have no power to work. For what can either free w●ll or the commandment do except they be holpen with grace both going before and following? 
〈◊〉 will & the law without 〈◊〉 have 〈◊〉 power.  For grace sendeth the commandment as a messenger and minister to free will: the commandment provoketh free-will and stirreth it up, as out of a sleep to do good works and leadeth it as a blind man, by the hand, teaching him the way wherein to go. Which both if they be destitute of grace, are able of themselves to do nothing. And if they begin, yet they proceed not, neither do they perform or accomplish any thing: and if they presume, it prospereth not, and is but labour lost. For where the commandment cometh, ●yther by man or by Angel: and also where freewell is moved, provoked and informed either by the motion of man or of Angel, yet unless God's grace go withal preventing and following the same what is it able to do? For when man was put in Paradise, what availed him the commandment which he heard: Thou shalt eat of every tree of Paradise, but only of the tree of knowledge of good and evil, thou shalt not eat. 
〈◊〉. 2.  Which commandment wrought not to his salvation but to his condemnation. And why? because grace that saveth and helpeth, 
 was wanting, which he presuming unjustly upon his own strength despised. Or what did the commandment of the law given by Moses, profit the people of Israel in the wilderness, which law they refused to obey? Or what profit wrought it to him which presumed to follow the Lord of his own free will and not of the Lords calling, saying unto him: Lord I will follow thee whether soever thou goest. By these and many other places of holy Scripture both of the old and new Testament, 
〈◊〉. 8.  it may be proved that neither the commandment nor free will have power to work of themselves, unless they be helped by God's grace preventing and following them.  

●●●tinency 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 of god.  Seeing therefore the gift of continency, as all other gifts be, is the gift only of God's grace, and cometh not by the commandment nor by free will: they err therefore & strive in vain which labour to obtain it by their own power. And much more they also do err, which by force constrain men against their will thereunto, moving them to offer gifts into the sanctuary of God, not of their own accord but by coaction, either not knowing or else not remembering the saying of the Lord to Moses: Separate amongst you the first fruits unto the Lord, and let every man of his own voluntary and willing mind, 
〈◊〉. 15.  come and offer the same unto the Lord. What is this, to separate with you the first fruits to the Lord, but only to weigh and consider diligently in your hearts, and with discretion to lay down and separate unto the Lord, what we ought to present unto him out of the treasure of our hart? For if thou offer rightly & dost not rightly divide, thou sinnest. And what is to offer with a willing and ready mind, 
〈◊〉. 54. 〈◊〉. 9  but as the psalmist, saith: I will offer sacrifice unto thee willingly and cheerfully: And the Apostle sayeth: Not grudgingly or of necessity: for God loveth a cheerful giver. And Solomon saith: give the Lord his glory with a good and free hart, and in every gift thou givest, 
〈◊〉. 35.  show a joyful countenance, and sanctify thy tithes with gladness: and with a cheerful eye do all that thou takest in hand. And the Apostle james saith: The Lord loveth not constrained service. And cursed be he that doth the work of the Lord negligently, that is, not carefully and with a willing mind. 
〈◊〉. 48.   
Wherefore, as the Lord willeth us not to offer any thing to him against our wills: so doth he forbidden us to compel any man to offer any thing against their wills by the foresaid Moses' where he saith: Thou shalt not do thy neighbour wrong, neither oppress him with violence. To do wrong to thy neighbour, is to correct him for his sin not of any compassion or mercy towards him, but to re, prove him and to cause him in disdaining, upbraiding, 
levit. 9  〈◊〉 rebuking him: not to inform him in the spirit of lenity: but to destroy him in the spirit of bitterness and rigour, as the Apostle saith: If a man be taken in any fault, 
Gal. 6.  you that are spiritual inform such in the spirit of lenity, considering thyself lest thou also be tempted.  
To oppress our neighbour with violence, is to exact any thing of him above his power, & to lay upon him more than he is able to bear, an● more peradventure than they themselves are able to wield, which lay it upon him. Where as the Lord speaking of the Pharises to his disciples, 
1. Pet. 5.  forbiddeth them the same, saying: The Scribes and Pharises do sit upon the chair of Moses. etc. And the Apostle Peter: Feed (saith he) as much as in you lieth, the lords flock, providing for them, not by constraint, but willingly after a godly sort, and not for filthy lucre, but of a ready a mind: not as though ye were Lords over the Clergy, but be you as an example to the flock of good will.  
This shepherd of shepherds and Prince of the Apostles doth plainly and evidently declare and insinuate what all other Pastors and Apostles ought to do: how to entreat the flock of the Lord committed unto them, 
Lordship over the clergy for tendstd.  and what great care and compassion of mind they ought to have towards their Cure: and removeth far out of their hearts all power of Tyrannical Lordship and all ambition, which some do exercise with greediness upon those that are committed to their charge, and pronounceth that they ought not to be Lords, but fathers over their flock: and not imperiously to command them, as exercising stately authority and power upon them, but gently to admonish them and beseech them in the zeal of piety, according to the strength of every person, after the Lord, and not after the affection of their own will, or ambitiously setting forth their own power and jurisdiction, and that they ought to be an example to the flock, doing first themselves that thing, which they command others, and so to teach them no less by examples then by words. Willingly (saith he) and not by constraint: of charity, & not for greedy gain. For there be many which being inflamed with affection, not of charity, but of covetous greediness and ambition, command others that which they are not able to accomplish, 
Num. 22.  and while they pretend to seek the gain of souls, they hunt and seek rather for worldly lucre. Which Baalam the Prophet did well express: who converted the gift of prophecy, and the grace of blessing which he had received of God, not to the profit of others, but to his own commodity.  
And some there be, which whiles they correct others, they pretend to do it with the zeal of God: and whiles they would seem to be better than other, this they do with a certain presumption & rashness, and so fall in their own presumption and temerity. 
Rom. 10. Zeal without knowledge what it is.  Of whom the Apostle speaketh: Which have a zeal of God, but not according to knowledge To have a zeal of God, according to knowledge, is to do any thing in God's matters prudently and circumspectly. Of whom Oza beareth a type and resemblance: Who whiles that he went about with his hand to stay the Ark of the Lord staggering a little by reason of the kicking of the Oxen which carried it, fell down therefore dead. 
2. King. 6.  The Ark of the Lord to stagger or miscarye by the kicking of the Oxen, signifieth the law of the Lord (which the priests themselves ought to bear and hold up) to be contraried of them in not observing the same, 
Oza punished for holding up the Ark.  & to be turned out of the right course to the contrary part, which Oza, who is interpreted to be a helper of god, attempteth to hold up. For there be certain Prelates, which while they see the order of priesthood by some enormity or excess, to strain the law of God never so little out of the right course, and labour to redress and rectify that misorder, rather by vain ostentation of their own strength, then for any pure zeal to God, while they thus presume inordinately to do, thinking to seem to be the helpers of God, many times do mortally fall, and incur thereby great danger and peril.  
Some other also there be which having before their eyes no consideration of man's infirmity neither being touched with any respect of mercy and compassion, nor knowing how to say with the Apostle: Who is infirm and I am not infirm? these whiles they compare themselves to such as be under their charge, not in condition wherein they are equal, but in authority wherein they are superiors, & covet to be their masters, & more to rule over them then to profit them, they oppress the weakness of them by force and violence of authority, and compel them to their obedience: which is rightly figured by the fact, which is read in the Gospel of Simon Cyrenaeus, 
Luke. ●●.  whom the persecutors of the Lord constrained to take up the Cross of Christ. Whose name also doth fitly agree with the same figure. For Simon by interpretation is called obedient. Simon then, that is to say, the obedient man is forced to bear the Cross of the Lord, when as subjects being constrained of their masters by the rigour either of Lordship, or authority, or fere of their curse, and so compelled to obey them, are driven to sustain the Cross of continency against their wills: who neither do love the Cross which they bear, because they bear it rather to their destruction than to their health: neither by bearing the Cross, do die unto sin, but by the bearing thereof are rather quickened unto sin. For thereof rise divers other more grievous sins. For by the inhibiting of lawful and natural marriage with one woman, riseth the unnatural and most execrable Sodomitical fornication: 
What inconvenience riseth of coacted matrimony.  riseth also the unlawful and damnable defiling of other men's wives: riseth furthermore cursed and whorish filthiness and pollution: and moreover riseth most abominable incest against all nature, with their own kindred, with a heap of manifold other filthy ahhominations and lecherous pollutions, whereby the frail infirmity of man is brought (no doubt) into great peril.  
Wherefore Loth being delivered from the burning of Sodom through the guiding of the lords Angel, and bereaved of the fellowship of his wife, whiles that he considering his own infirmity durst not ascend unto the mountain as the Angel bad him, did choose rather to dwell in Segor a little City near by, the Angel thus bidding him and speaking unto him: 
Gen. 19  Save thy soul and look not behind thee, but save thyself in the mountain lest thou also perish. To whom Loth answered: I pray thee Lord, because thy servant hath found such grace in thy sight that thou wilt save me, I can not be saved in the mountain, lest perhaps some evil take me and I die: There is a little City hereby whereunto I may fly and may be saved in it.  
What meaneth this that Loath flying from Sodom by the commandment of the Angel to be saved in the mountain, would not ascend up to the hill fearing there to perish but did chose rather to dwell in Segor a small City near unto the hill, 
Loathes refusing to go up to the mountain, what it meaneth.  there to be saved, but that every faithful man coveting to eschew the burning & danger of Sodomitical lust, while neither he is able to mount up to the top of virginity, and also is afeard to ascend to the mountain of the state of widowhood lest he perish therein, flieth therefore to the state of matrimony, which is a small continency in respect of the other two, & also near unto than both. For after those two kinds of continency, 
The chastity of of marriage, as near to heaven as vi●ginitye.  this chastity is also proved to be laudable, & is not deprived of the reward of the kingdom of heaven.  
Unto this chastity, he is commanded to fly which can not otherwise contain, & to be saved in it, lest peradventure if he climb up to the mount, he fall into inconueniency & perish therein: that is, lest if he shall attempt to obtain by his own strength the contenencye which is not given unto him of God, the evil of incontinency or fornication, or of some of the other evils afore rehearsed, do fall upon him, and so he perish in them mortally. For there be many who while they consider not their own infirmity, & while they strive to achieve greater things than they are able to reach in this their climbing do fall headlong into worse inconvenience, and while they foolishly seek for great things, do lose the less, which before they seemed to have. Which we may well understand by the example of Loath aforesaid: Who what time he left the small City Segor, which he chose before to inhabit, in the which he sought to be saved: went up to the mountain and there abiding fell into the stolen incest of his own daughters, as the scripture witnesseth, saying: Loth went up from Segor and remained in the mountain, and his daughters gave to their father wine to drink that night. And the elder of them went and lay with her father. Which thing had not happened unto him, if he had kept himself still in Segor, where be might have been saved at the bidding of the Angel, as he himself required. But because he forsook that, which was granted to him of the Angel, and presumed to that upon his own will; contrary to the precept of the Angel, which was not granted:: therefore he fell into great danger of his soul & committed the grievous sin of incest.  
No otherwise doth it hap to many other, who while either they forsake the thing which is granted them of God, or ambitiously climb after that which is to them not granted, 
Every man ought to be contented with his own gift.  both they lose that which they had granted unto them, and fall into that which to them was not granted. For divers there be which while they forsake either willingly or against their will, the married life which is to them lawfully permitted, and in which they might be saved, and strive with a presumptuous desire to lead a single life, both they lose that health and safety, which they might have had in one, and incur great danger in the other: so that whereby they suppose most to gain, by the same they lose & fall into the pit of greater ruin. Which thing S Paul the Doctor of the Gentiles well considering, and tenderly providing for the infirmity of the weak Corinthians writing to him for counsel touching this matter, did write to them again in this wise, saying: As concerning the things whereof ye wrote unto me, as it is good for a man not to touch a woman. 
1. Cor ●.  Nevertheless to avoid whoredom, let every man have his wife and let every woman have her husband. Let the husband give unto his wife due benevolence: likewise also the wife unto her husband. And a little after: withdraw not (saith he) yourselves one from an other, except it be with consent for a time, that you may give yourselves unto fasting and prayer: and afterward come together again le● to Satan tempt you for your incontinency. 
●om. 9  For as the Poe● saith, we can not all do all things, and as the Apostle saith: It is not in him that willeth not in him that runneth, but in God that showeth mercy. Also an other place: For to every one of us is given grace according to the measure of the gift of Christ. 
●phe. 4.  And that every one of us ought to keep and not to transgress this measure, he teacheth anon after saying: I wish that all men were as I myself am but every man hath his proper gift of God, one after this manner, an other after that. 
1. Cor. 7.   
And that we are to be kept within our compass, and measure, and aught therewith to be content, he teacheth moreover as followeth: Let every man abide in that vocation wherein he is called, And shortly after, for confirmation thereof, he repeateth the same again and saith: Let every man wherein he is called, therein abide with the Lord And because he perceived that the infirmity of man was not able to sustain the burning motions and heats of nature stirring in a man, but only by the grace of God, neither to be able to conquer the flesh fight against the spirit, according to that which he saith of himself in an other place: For I see an other Law in my members rebelling against the Law of my mind, he therefore of mercy and compassion, as condescending unto their weakness: and not by rigour of law and force of commandment, thus said. As also in an other place in his Epistles he speaketh in like words saying: I speak thus grossly after the manner of men, because of the infirmity of your flesh. And in this foresaid Epistle, 
〈◊〉. 6.  moreover a little before, using the same manner of speech, he saith, Thus I say to you as of favour and not of commandment. And adding moreover, he showeth: As touching virgins I have no commandment of the Lord, 
1. Cor 7.  but only do give counsel, as one that have found mercy with God, that I should be faithful. That is, after the same mercy wherewith the Lord hath informed and instructed me when he called me to the faith, and made me faithful to him: so I likewise do give counsel to other and show the same mercy to them.  
And for as much as both are good: to wit to have a wife or not to have: to have a husband or not to have: neither is there any sin in having wife or husband: shortly after he inferreth saying: I suppose therefore this to be good for the present necessity: I mean, that it is good for a man so to be: What meaneth this, for present necessity? What is this necessity present, but present infirmity? or else instant necessity, compelling to do, as the order of necessity requireth. Or else he meaneth by this present necessity, 
 the distress of that time which then was instant, and compelled him to write, and so to bear with them which was for the avoiding of the fornication amongst them, and many other kinds of filthiness above touched which might have happened. For the which fornication he took occasion to write unto the Corinthians and to answer to their letters: and therefore he vehemently against the said Corinthians in the former part of the said Epistle uttereth these words: What will you shall I come to you with a rod? or in love and in the spirit of meekness? There is heard among you to be fornication, 
1. 〈…〉.  & such fornication as is not named among the Gentiles, that one should have his own father's wife. etc. And therefore for this necessity of avoiding such fornication, he saith: It is good for a man so to be: that he which cannot contain, 
1. 〈…〉  should marry & take a wife. which afterward he expoundeth thus inferring: art thou bound to a wife? seek not to be loosed. And if thou be loosed from a wife seek not a wife. But if thou takest a wife thou sinnest not, and if a virgin marry, she sinneth not. etc. And that he spoke not this by way of commanding, but of sufferance and compassion, he showeth plainly in these words following: But I spare you: that is to say, I bear with your infirmity: & therefore he leaveth it in the free power and will of every man, to choose what he best liketh, Neither doth he enforce any man (he saith) violently, nor charge them with any straight commandment, and therefore addeth these words following: And this I speak for your own commodity, not to tangle you as in a snare, but for that it is good and honest for you, that you may serve the Lord without separation.  
This he saith to them whom before he exhorted to continency, and whom he would not to be let or troubled by matrimonial conjunction. But to other he saith thus: If any man think that it is uncomely for his virgin to remain over long unmarried, and if need so require, let him do what he thinketh good, he sinneth not: let them marry: And again both be good, he saith, but yet the one to be better he concludeth saying: Therefore he that joineth in Matrimony, his virgin doth well, but he that doth not doth better. Which agreeth well with the text above, speaking of both kinds, as well the man as the woman, where he saith: If thou take a wife thou sinnest not, and if the virgin take a husband she sinneth not.  
If therefore it be no sin for the man to take a wife, nor for the virgin to take a husband, after the apostles mind, neither doth diminish their felicity, but rather increase it, & for as much as both do well, & so both be blessed: we than which take wives for our infirmity, what do we sin in having them? Or if the apostle do suffer & permit to every man for the avoiding of fornication to have his wife, we then which come of the same lump or mass & taking our sinful flesh of the sinful flesh of Adam, are not able otherwise to contain, why are we not permitted for the same cause & by the same permission, to have likewise our wives, but are enforced to forsake them being married?  
Wherefore either do you permit us, following the apostle, to have our wives, or else teach us that we come not of the same mass, 

〈◊〉 is permitted to 〈◊〉 infirmity 〈…〉 are 〈◊〉 as other men be.  
Ergo▪ 〈◊〉 aught to be permitted to Priests also.   either else show us that the same sufferance & permission is not granted to us by the Apostle which is granted to other. Which cause peradventure you will thus pretend: that this sufferance was granted of the Apostle, not to the clergy or to any of our order, but only to lay men. Which cannot well be defended neither by the words of the Apostle, nor by any circumstance of his Epistle for as much as there is no certain distinction or denomination either of people or degrees, or professions there mentioned, neither doth he make any difference either in names or offices of men, either of them which wrote unto him either of those persons of whom he wrote, or else of those to whom he answereth, but only in general to the whole church of the Corinthians, as he himself in the beginning of his Epistle purporteth in these words: Paul called the Apostle of jesus Christ, 
1. Cor. 1.  by the will of God & Sosthenes his brother to the church which is at Corinth, such as be sanctified in Christ jesus, called saints, with all that invocate the name of the Lord. etc. [And after a few other words, which here for brevities sake we omit, as not being greatly to the purpose pertinent: thus he inferreth:] These premises being then well considered, we beseech you to have regard & compassion of our infirmity, most humbly desiring you, not to oppress us with this violence. For as we have sufficiently before proved, no man ought to be constrained unto continency against his will, neither is this kind● of virtue commanded of God to any man, of necessity, 
〈◊〉 continency is no virtue.  but only of voluntary devotion to be offered unto the Lord: as he himself speaketh in the Gospel: All men can not receive this saying, but to whom it is given. Whereunto he gently exhorteth them that can take it, saying: He that is able to receive this, let him receive it. etc.  
Wherefore for distinctions sake Moses is not himself commanded to cloth Aaron and his sons with breeches as in these words going before: 
Math. 15.  Thou shalt clothe with these Aaron thy brother, and his sons with him. etc. But he thus saith: Thou shalt make linen breeches that they themselves may cover the filth of their flesh. That they themselves (saith he) may cover the filth of their flesh. Thou (saith he) shalt make the breeches for the bishop and his sons: thou shalt teach the rule of chastity: thou shalt exhort them to abstain from the company of their wives, which shall do the priests office: Yet laying upon none violently the said yoke of continency, but whosoever shallbe priests and shall serve the altar, shall of their own accord surcease from the use of matrimony: which when they shall do, & of their own voluntary consent shall take upon them the purpose of continency to serve the altar, then shall the grace of God be present, which as it did apparel those other priests aforesaid with attire for than convenient: so shall it instruct these abundantly how they ought to live and to teach. And this sense well agreeth with the text that followeth, saying: And when thou shalt wash the father and his sons with water, 
●●od. 29.  thou shalt take the garments, that is, the straight coat, the tunicle & the breastlap, and put them upon Aaron, & gird them to him with a broidered girdle of the Ephod. Then thou shalt put the mitre upon his head, and shalt put the holy crown upon the mitre, and thus shall he be consecrated. Also thou shalt bring his sons and put coats upon them, and shalt gird them with girdles, both Aaron & his sons, and shalt put bonnets on them, and the priests office shallbe theirs for a perpetual law.  
Thus than you see a commandment of receiving the linen breeches of Moses. Whereby it plainly appeareth, 
The place of Moses Exod. ●9▪ applied.  that Aaron and his sons, first did apparel themselves with this kind of apparel, and so entered in to be washed, inducted, anointed & consecrated by the hands of Moses.  
By the which we are plainly taught, that the yoke of continency is not to be enforced upon any man against his will, but is to be received of God with a prompt & a devout will. Which thing also Dyonisius Areopagita that godly wise man, the Disciple of S. Paul and ordained of him B. of Athenes, in a certain Epistle of his scent to Pymtus B. of the Gnasians, in which he toucheth many things of marriage and chastity (as is in the Ecclesiastical history rehearsed) doth admonish the said Pymtus, and prayeth him that he will lay no grievous burdens upon the necks of the Disciples, neither infer any necessity of compelled chastity upon the brethren, whereby the infirmity of some of them might be in danger. 
Ex histor. Tripartita.  And Pymtus answering to Dyonisius again, showeth himself willing to embrace the sentence of his wholesome council. The same also did Paphnutius, the divine & chaste bishop, who in the council of Nice (as the tripartite history doth show us) when the fathers, which there were present went about to restrain Priests from marriage: he rising up amongst them & moved with the zeal of man's infirmity, desired them that they would not so do, but rather to leave it unto the voluntary discretion of every man, lest in so doing they might peradventure give occasion of adultery and fornication. For those holy men did them use this cautel and moderation in religion, that when they treated any thing concerning instruction and edification of the people, 
The spirit of lenity required in Bishops▪  and would have them stirred up to a better life by godly instructions, they would rather persuade things to be observed with patience and lenity, then command with rigour and authority: neither would they compel any man to their obedience against his will.  
Whose examples you also following, which succeed in their room and name, do you not lay upon us infirm persons, such importable burdens, lest you be partakers with the Pharisyes and lawyers of the Lords curse: Who saith: 
Luke. 11.  Woe to you lawyers which lay burdens upon men, which they can not bear, 
Exod. 3.  and you yourselves touch not the burdens with one finger. And lest the cry of the children of Israel ascend up to the Lord for the cruel dealing of them which are overseers of the works: 
Read the Canons of the Apostles. Can. 22.  Neither do you make such eunuchs which are so borne from their mother's womb, or such eunuchs which are violently made by men, but rather those eunuchs which of their own accord have gelded themselves for the kingdom of heaven. 
Math. 19  Neither do you bring upon the holy order of God's ministers for us only, such an offence and slander, that for our wicked life you make the ministry to be despised of others, while you will not suffer them either to hear us, or to receive the sacraments of us, infaming thereby our lend life, & causing the savour of us to stink before Pharaoh, & his servants. Wherein it seemeth to us that you deal not sound & uprightly, if a man may so say (I pray you take it in good worth, 
Exod 5.  that I speak) & also to be against the authority of God's word, & the canonical constitutions which you do: where as the Lord saith by Moses the lawgiver: the shame of thy mother thou shalr not disclose, & her ignominy thou shalt not discover. Our mother is the church: the sons of this mother be all the faithful, 
levit. 18.  which name yet most fitly is appropriate unto priests: for they do beget the faithful, both by the word of preaching & sacrament of baptism. Was not he to be counted a right mother: who said, my little children of whom I travel in birth again? The shame & ignominy of our mother, what is it but the reprovable conversation of the life of priests which shame & ignominy is then revealed, 
Gal. 4.  when the life of priests is publicly infamed. Which thing you do, the discover & notify unto men our fragility, lying before as hid & covered, because before it was not known & for the same you bring the holy ministry & mysteries of god into contempt & hatred: as though the polluted life of other did any thing pertain thereto to pullute the same, & as though our uncleanness did any thing blemish them, or diminish the pureness thereof, where as the Psalmist saith: 
Psal. 18.  The law of the Lord is pure and immaculate: Or as though they were any whit polluted by our infection, which do receive the said mysteries either by our mouth, or by our ministry. Which if you grant to be so, than the Lord would never have spoken so to his disciples & the people, touching the Phariseis, saying: Whatsoever they bid you observe, that observe and do.  
And again, if it were so, the Lord would not have sent forth judas, whom he knew should betray him, 
Math. 23. The wickedness of the Ministers make not the ministry worse  with the other Disciples to preach, neither would have committed to him the power of working miracles, & of giving health nor admitted him to the Communion of the Supper. And if our impurity should infect our holy mysteries or ministrations, and make them worse that hear and receive the same than the Lord would never have touched the Leper whom he had healed, neither would he have kissed him, neither would have eaten with Simon an other Leper, neither would have suffered his feet to be kissed, and with the tears to be washed, and with the hear to be dried, & his head to be anointed of Mary the sinner.  
Therefore the holy Canons have thus decreed, that no man which rightly receiveth the lords Sacraments of an heretic, should be therefore any thing corrupted by his heretical pranity, nor the said Sacraments should be any whit distained by the infection of him. Whereupon the Church of Rome in a certain Epistle directed unto Anastasius the Emperor, by Anastasius the Pope, did so ordain and write, that none of all them whom Acatius did baptise, or whom he ordained Canonically to be priests or Levites, should be any thing hurt by the name of the said Acatius: so that thereby the Sacraments which by him were ministered, should seem the less firm and effectual. For the sacrament of Baptism also being ministered of an adulterer or a thief (which God forefend to be in the Church) doth come unto the receiver never a whit the worse. What meant that voice which sounded by the Dove, but that it excluded all evil and impurity of the corruption of man? 
Math. 3.  in the which it is declared and said: This is he which baptiseth. etc. For if the beams of this visible Sun passing by the filthy places, receive no spot of filthiness thereby, much more the grace of him which made this visible Sun, is not tied to any worthiness of our works. What soever therefore any minister of the Church worketh in his function to the behoof of the people, all that taketh his effect by the operation of God. Thus witnesseth Paul by whom Christ speaketh: I have planted, and Apollo hath watered, but it is the Lord that hath given the increase. God regardeth not so much, who or what manner of person doth preach, but that he so preach, that he may confirm them that be nought, and cause them to preach well of Christ. For such is the operation of God's mighty grace, 
Cor. 3.  that by evil men he winneth good men, and by reprobate and wicked persons he getteth and gathereth together those that be good.  
By these and such other reasons and authorities above alleged, you ought to be persuaded, neither to abandon us that be married, from the administration of divine service, nor yet to excommunicate such, to whom the matter nothing pertaineth, from the communion thereof. And if we be evil, we are evil to ourselves, and hurt ourselves more than others. And such as you suppose peradventure to be vicious, yet may have some good thing inwardly which you know not of.  
For many there be whom you judge to be incontinent, which live more chastened than they whom you so greatly extol for their continency. 
1. Cor. 7.  We that have wives, according to the Apostles mind, so have them as though we had them not. Which gift of continency for as much as you can not give us, pray therefore with us and for us, that he will give it unto us, who only is the giver thereof, & without whom no man is able to live continently. For otherwise we can not have it, vules we pray unto him from the bottom of our hearts, who is known to be the author and giver thereof. And this same (saith Solomon) is wisdom, 
Sap. 8.  to know whose gift it is: neither is there any gift above this.   
These two Epistles written to Pope Nicolas under the title of Uolusianus, giveth us to understand by the contents thereof, first that he himself was then a married Bishop.  
Secondly, that the liberty of priests marriage ought not to be restrained by any general Law, of compulsion: but to be left to every man's free choice and voluntary devotion.  
Thirdly the said Epistles being written to Pope Nicolas (if the title be true) declare, that this law prohibiting the lawful matrimony of Churchmen, began first in this Pope's times generally to be enacted.  
And although it be not here expressed, which Pope Nicolas this was, yet by the circumstance of time, and especially by the words of Pope Alexander 1. Distinct. 32. Praeter, 

Dist. 32. Praeter. Flac. Illyric. Cent. 9 cap. 10. joan. Bal●us, De scriptoribus Centur. 2.  
A doubt discussed whether this Nicolas, was 1. or 2. to whom Volusianus wrote.  
Dist. 32. Nullus.   it may probably be esteemed to be Nicolas. 2. and not Nicolas the first, as some do suppose amongst whom is Illyricus in Centur. 9 cap. 10. and also john Bale, De Scriptoribus Cent. 2. with certain other: from whose judgements although I am loath to dissent, yet notwithstanding modestly and freely to utter herein my opinion, this I suppose, that if the truth of this matter were thoroughly tried, it might peradventure be found, that they be herein deceived, and all by mistaking a certain place of Gracian. For the better explanation whereof, here is to be understanded, that amongst the distinctions of Gracian there is a constitution, Dist. 32. Nullus, the tenor whereof is thi●● Nullus Missam audiat Praesbiteri, quem scit Concubinam iud●bitanter habere, aut subintroductam mulierem. etc. That is: That no man shall hear mass of any Priest, whom he knoweth undoubtedly to have a Concubine, or a woman privily resorting to him. etc.  
This Decree for as much as Gracian doth allege under the name and title of Pope Nicolas, not naming what Nicolas he was, therefore john Bale and Illyricus, one following the other, and they both following Uolaterane Lib. 22. doth vouch this constitution upon Nicolas the first. The words of Uolateran be these, writing of Nicolas the first: Multa hic utilia constituit, inter quae, nequis Concubinam habenti praesbitero aut sacrificanti interesset, ut testatur Gracianus. etc.  
In like effect follow also the words of Illyricus afore said: Decretum fecit, 
 ne quis à Sacerdote Sacramentum su●cipiat, quem sciret habere Concubinam, seu uxorem, and allegeth, as Uolaterane doth, the said Distinction of Gratiam Distinct. 32. Nullus. In alleging whereof both they seem to be deceived, mistaking belike one Nicolas for an other, as may be proved, & made good by three or four reasons.  
First, by the words of Pope Alexander the second, in the next Chapter following, 
 who being the successor of Leo and Nicolas the second, useth the same words in his Synod of Mantua (which Gracian referreth unto Nicolas, and prosecuteth the same more amply and fully alleging moreover the former constitution of both his predecessors Pope Leo and Nicolas: which by all stories are known to be Leo the ninth and Nicolas the second, which both were next before him. The words of Alexander. 2. be these: Praeter hoc autem praecipiendo mandamus, ut nullus Missam audiat praesbiteri quem scit Concubinam habere indubitanter, vel subintroductam mulierem, unde etiam sancta Synodus hoc capitulum sub excommunicatione statuit, dicens▪ Quicunque Sacerdotum, diaconorum, Subdiaconorum, post constitutum beatae memoriae praedecessoris nostri sancti Leonis Papae & Nicolai, de castitate Clericorum, Concubinam palam du●erit, vel ductam non reliquerit. etc. By the which words speaking of Nicolas his predecessor it is evident to understand this to be Pope Nicolas the second, which was his next predecessor and not Pope Nicolas the first, who was about 200. years before him.  
The second reason, I take out of the next Chapter of Gracian going before, 
 where he allegeth again the same Nicolas writing to Otho Archbishop. Which Otho was then in the time of this Nicolas the second Archbishop of Colen, and was afterward in the Counsel of Mantua, under Pope Alexander 2. teste joan. Quintio, jure consulto, 
 Whereby it must needs be granted, that this was Nicolas the second, and not the first.  
The third conjecture or reason is this, for that Pope Nicolas the first never made any such Act or Decree, the Priests that were entangled with a Concubine, should neither sing Mass, nor that any should resort to hear the Mass of such. etc. but rather the contrary. 
 For so we read in the history of Antoninus, and in the Decrees 15. q. 8. Sciscitantibus. Sciscitantibus vobis si à sacerdote quifuerit comprehensus in adulterio, sive de hoc sola fama resperserit, debeatis Communionem suscipere, nec ne, respondemus: 
 Non potest aliquis quantumcunque pollutus sit, sacramenta divina polluere, quae Purgatoria cunctarum contagionum existunt. etc.  
And yet more plainly also afterward he saith: Consulendum decernitis utrum praesbiterum habentem uxorem debeatis sustentare & honorare, an à vobis preijcere? In quo respondemus, quoniam licet ipsi valdè sint reprehensibiles, 
 vos tamen convenit Deum imitari, qui solem suum oriri facit super bonos & malos: deijcere enim à vobis eos non debetis. Distinct. 18. Consulendum. etc. That is: 
 Where ye demand concerning the Priest that hath a wife, whether ye ought to sustain him, and honour him, or reject him from you, we answer, That albeit they be very much blame worthy, yet ye ought to be followers of God, which maketh his sun to rise both upon the good, and upon the bad. And therefore ye ought not to reject such away from you. etc.  
And this Nicolas, Antoninus confesseth plainly to be Nicolas the first. Whereby it is not only not unlike, 
 but also most certain that Nicolas the first was not the father of this constitution, either to exterminate married priests from their churches, or to excommunicate the people from receiving their Communion, much less than from hearing their service.  
Fourthly, for as much then as it is undoubted that Nicolas 2. and Alexander 2. through the intrigation of wicked Hildebrand, were the authors of that constitution, whereof Gracian speaketh, it remaineth plain by the words of Uolusianus, in the latter end of his Letter, (wherein he maketh mention both of discharging the priest from singing Mass, & the people from hearing) that the said Epistle was written, not to Pope Nicolas the first but to the second, for because both these were decreed against married priests under Nicolas. 2. and Alexander. 2. as is afore declared.  
And further, lest my judgement herein should seem to stand alone and singular, without some to take my part, I will here produce for me a Parisian Doctor, 
〈◊〉 testimony joan. Quint●● De Clericorum moribus.  and a famous Lawyer, joannes Quintius above mentioned, who in his book De Clericorum moribus, plainly accordeth w●th mine opinion, touching this Nicolas author of the Decree aforesaid, where he writeth in these words: Nicolaus Papa Othoni Coloniensi Archiepisc. etc. Quinque fuerunt hoc nomine pontifices Primum, secundumúe oportuit esse, qui haec rescripserit, ille Romanus, anno. 860. hic Burgundus, ann. 1059. Reliquos Ninolaos antecessit Gratianus, qui scripsit haec, anno. 1150 Posteriorem fuisse credo, qui in Panomiae lib. 3. Tit. de lapsis, nominatur Nicholaus junior, cuius est & aliud Decretum sequens. 
The author of this book of 〈◊〉, was 〈…〉 in which book he 〈…〉 of Popes and Bishops.  etc. That is to say in English: Pope Nicolas writing to Otho archbishop of Colen. Glos. There have been in all, five Popes called by this name of Nicolas. Of the which five, this Nicolas the writer hereof must be either the first, or second: the one a Roman, anno. 860. the other a Burgundian, ann. 1059 or. 1060. the other Nicolas lived after Gratian, who wrote in the year. 1150. In my judgement I suppose this to be Nicholas the second, which in the third book of the Laws called Pannomiae. Tit. de lapsis, is named Nicolas the younger. Which Nicholas also is author of the next Decree that followeth. etc.  
Wherefore if any man shall object hereafter, that because Gratian in the Distinction aforesaid, nameth Pope Nicolas absolutely without any additions, 
Objection answered.  it is therefore to be taken for Nicolas the first: unto this objection I set here these two Lawyers to answer. Unto whose answer this I add also, that the common manner of Gracian lightly in all his Distinctions is, that when he speaketh of Popes, as of Innocentius, Gregorius, Leo, Lucius, and such other, very seldom he expresseth the difference of their names. So in the Dist. 18. Praesbyteris, where he bringeth in the Decree of Pope Calixtus in like manner against the Matrimony of Priests, Deacons, and Subdeacons, he addeth thereto no discrepance of his name: and yet all the world knoweth, that this was Calixtus the second, & not the first, etc. But whether he were or no, the matter forceth not much. The letters (no doubt) by their title appear to be written by Uolusianus. Most certain this is, by whom so ever they were written, fruitful Epistles they are, and effectual to the purpose.  
But lest we shall seem too much to digress from our purpose, let us return to the story & time of Nicolas the second again, which was about the year, as is said. 1060. a little before Hildebrand was Pope. Which Hildebrande, albeit he was then but a Cardinal, yet was he the whole doer of all things, 
Read afore pag. 174.  and concluded what him listed in the Church of Rome, and also made Popes, whom he would, as appeared both by this Nicolas, & also Pope Alexander which followed him. pag. 174. So that this dissolution of priest's marriage began somewhat to kindle under this pope Nicolas, 
The time examined of this Volu●ianu● Epistle to Pope Nicholas.  through the pestilent means of Hildebrand, and after him increased more under Pope Alexander, as appeareth by the Synod holden at Milan, an. 1067. but most of all it burst out under the said Hildebrand himself being Pope, the year (as is said) 1076.  
Although as touching this prohibition of priests to be married, I am not ignorant, that certain of the contrary faction, in searching out the reach and antiquity of this tradition, for priests to abstain from wives, do refer the same to the time of the second Council of Carthage, which was about the time of Pope Syritius, a great enemy to Ministers wives, as appeareth Distinct. 84. Cum praeterito. 
〈◊〉 4. cap. 〈…〉  Yet notwithstanding to the same may be answered, that this was no universal or general Council, but some particular Synod, and therefore of no such great forcible authority.  
2 Secondly, the same Synod being about the time of Pope Syritius, who was a capital enemy against priest's marriage: 
 may seem to draw some corruption of the time then present.  
3 thirdly, neither is it unpossible, but as divers bastard Epistles have been falsely fathered upon certain ancient Bishops of the Primitive Church, and divers Canons also (as of the Council of Nice) have been corrupted by bishops of Rome, so some falsehood likewise or forgery might be used in this second Council of Carthage.  
4 Fourthly, although no false conveyance had been used therein, yet for so much as the said Canon of this second Council of Carthage doth misreport and falsify the Canons of the Apostles, in so doing it doth justly diminish his own credit.  
5 Fiftly, seeing the foresaid Canon of this second Council of Carthage tendeth clean contrary to the Canons of the Apostles, to the Council of Gangra, and other Counsels more, and commandeth that, which they do accurse, the authority thereof aught to have no great force, but rather may be rejected.  
6 Finally, though this constitution of the Council of Carthage, were perfectly sound, without all corruption, 
Priests and Bishops married long after the 2 Council of Carthage.  yet plain and evident it is by this Uolusianus, Bishop also of Carthage, that the same constitution took no great hold in the Church, for so much as we see, that both this Uolusianus was married after that in Carthage himself, and also besides him many hundredth years after, Marriage was a common matter through most Churches of Christendom, amongst Bishops and priests, as partly before hath been declared. And more may be seen in histories, what great tumults and business was long after that in hildebrand's time, and after him also amongst the Clergy men, both in Italy, Spain, France, and in all quarters of Christendom, for separating priests from their liberty of marrying.  
And again, if this tradition concerning the unmarried life of Priests had stand upon such an old foundation from the second Council of Carthage (as they pretend) what needed then in the time of Pope Nicolas. 2. Pope Alexander. 2. Pope Gregory. 7. and other Popes after them, so much labour to be taken, so many Laws and decrees to be devised & enacted, for the abolishing o● priests marriage, if the same had been of such a long antiquity as they would make men believe?  
By these things considered it may appear, that this distraction of Priest's marriage, by public Law compelling them to single life, 
The general law forbidding Priests to ma●y, when it first began.  was neither received for a full law generally to be observed in the Church of Rome, but only since the beginning of Hildebrand, that is, since these five hundred years.  
About which time first is to be noted, that under Pope Leo and this Pope Nicolas, Cranzius, and certain German Chronicles do say, that Simony and priests Marriage were prohibited. This Pope Leo was. ann. 1051.  
After him Pope Nicolas (to whom the foresaid Letter of Uolusianus seemeth to be written) made this ordinance: Vt nullus missam audiat praesbyteri quem scit concubi nam indubitanter habere aut subintroductam mulierem. Et mox: Quicunque Sacerdotum, Diaconorum, Subdiaconorum, post constitutum beatae memoriae praedecessoris nostris sanctiss. Papae Leonis, de castitate clericorum, concubinam palam duxerit, vel ductam non reliqueret, 
Ex Romana Sinodo. 4.  ex part omnipotentis Dei & authoritate beati Petri & pauli praecipimus, & omninò contradicimus ut Missam non cantet etc. That is, What soever priest Deacon, or Subdeacon, according to the constitution of Pope Leo our predecessor, conserning the chastity of Clerkees, shall openly marry a Concubine, or shall not put her away being married in the behalf of almighty God etc. we utterly charge and forbid the same, that he sing no Mass, nor read the Gospel or Epistle at Mass, nor execute any divine service. etc. And this was about the year of our Lord. 1058.  
Although in this constitution of Pope Nicolas, this word Concubine may be understanded for no wi●e, but so as Gratian understandeth it in the 16. Canon of the Apostles in these words: Concubina verò intelligenda est praeter uxorem: That is, for one besides a man's wife. 
Concubinae.  Then after this Pope Nicholas, coming pope Alexander, and specially Pope Hildebrand, 
Dist. 33. quis.  do expound this Concubine forbidden, for a wife, and such priests as be married, they expound them for Nicolaitans: for so we read in the Synod of Milan, under Pope Alexander the second: 
Ex Synod. Med●olanens.  Nicholaitae autem dicuntur Clerici, qui contra castitatis Ecclesiasticae regulam foeminis admiscentur. etc.  
And further it followeth in the same Synod: Nicolaitarum quoque haeresin nihilominus condemnamus, 
Married Priests called Nicolaitans.  & non modo praesbyteros, sed & Diaconos & Subdiaconos ab uxorum, vel concubinarum foedo consortio nostris studijs, in quantum nobis possibilitas fuerit, arcendos esse promittimus etc.  
And after it followeth in this wise: Si haec de Simoniaca & Nicolaitarum haeresi delenda & funditus destruenda fideliter non obseruavero, ab omnipotenti Deo & omnibus Sanctis sim excommunicatus et anathematizatus, & ab omni Christianorum consortio inveniar alienus.  
And moreover it followeth upon the same: Anathematizo quoque omnes haereses extollentes se adversus sanctam Catholicam et Apostolicam Ecclesiam, 
Ibidem.  specialiter vero et nominatim. Simoniacam haeresin: deindé Nicolaitarum aquè abominabilem haeresin, quae impudenter latrat, sacri altaris Ministros debere vel posse licenter uti coniugibus, quomodo & laicos, etc. As much to say in English, as, I do accurse all heresies extolling themselves against the holy catholic and Apostolic church, 
The Synod of Milan against priest's marriage. ¶ 1067. ¶  but especially and namely, the heresy of Simony: and in like manner, the abominable heresy of the Nicolaitanes, which impudently barketh, that the Ministers of the holy altar may & aught to use wives lawfully, as well as lay men, etc. And thus much concerning the Synod of Milan, under Pope Alexander. 2. ann. 1067.  
next after this Alexander, rose up Pope Hildebrand, of all other, the chiefest and most principal enemy against priests Marriage. For whereas all other approved Canons and Councils were contented, that any Clergy man having a wife before his entering into his ministery, 
Pope Hildebrand the greatest enemy to priest's marriage.  might enjoy the liberty of his marriage, so that he married not a widow, or a known harlot, or kept a Concubine, or were twice married, now cometh in Pope Hildebrande, making priests Marriage to be heresy, and further enacting: That what soever Clerk, Deacon, or Minister had a wife, what so ever she was, (maid or other) either before his orders, or after, should utterly put her from him, or else forsake his ministery. etc.  
Although notwithstanding the greatest part of Ecclesiastical Ministers seeing this strange doctrine and proceedings (which Saint Paul expressly calleth the doctrine of devils) did what they could to withstand the same. 
1. Tim. 4.  
Ex Lamberto Schafnaburgensi.  Of whom Lambertus Scafnaburgensis thus writeth: Aduersus hoc Decretum protinus vehementer infremuit tota factio Clericorum, hominem planè haereticum, & vesani dogmatis esse clamitans, qui oblitus sermonis Domini, quo ait: Non omnes capiunt hoc Verbum: Qui potest capere, capiat, etc. Et Apostoli: Qui se non continet nubat: Melius est nubere, quàm uri, Violenta exactione homines vivere cogeret ritu Angelorum. Quod si pergeret, mall se sacerdotium, quàm coniugium deserere, etc. In English thus: Against this Decree, the whole number of the Clergy did vehemently storm and grudge, crying out upon him, as a pernicious heretic, & one that maintained fantastical doctrine: who forgetting what the Lord saith: 
Math. 19  All men can not take this word: He that can take it, let him take it. And also what the Apostle sayeth: Who so can not otherwise contain let him marry, better it is to marry then to burn, etc. Yet notwithstanding would bind men to live like Angels. Who if he continued as he began, they would (they said) sooner forsake the order of priesthood, than their order of Matrimony, etc.  

The Council of Rome against priests marriage under Pope Hildebrand. ¶ 1074. ¶  Which Hildebrand, all this notwithstanding, yet ceased not still to call upon them, and to send to the Bishops every where to execute his commandment with all severity, threatening to lay the Apostolical Censure upon them, if otherwise they showed not their diligence there in to the uttermost. Ex Lamb. This was, ann. 1074. Of the same Hildebrande, Radulphus de Diceto also writing hath these words:  
Gregorius Papa septimus Hildebrandus, celebrata Synodo, Symoniacoes 
Ex Radulpho de Diceto.  anathematizavit, uxoratos sacerdotes à Divino removit officio, & Laicis Missam eorum audire interdixit, novo exexemplo, & (ut multis visum est) inconsiderato praeiudicio, contra sanctorum patrum sententiam, etc. The English is this: Pope Gregory the seventh called Hildebrand holding a Synod, accursed, such as committed Simony, and removed married Priests from saying service, forbidding also the lay men to hear their Mass, after a new and strange example, & as many thought, after an unconsiderate prejudice, against the sentence of holy fathers.  
And thus much for the antiquity of bringing in the single life of Priests, which first springing from the time of Pope Nicholas and Alexander 2. begins first with a custom, and afterward was brought into a law, chiefly by Pope Hildebrand, and so spread from Italy into other countries, and at length into England also, albeit not with out much ado, as ye shall hear, the Lord willing.  
In the mean while as Pope Nicolas and Hildebrand were busy at Rome, so Lanfranke Archb. of Canterbury likewise was doing here in England about the same matter, although he began not altogether so roughly as Pope Hildebrand did, for so it appeared by his Council holden at Winchester: where though he inhibited such as were Prebendaries of cathedral churches to have wives, yet did he permit in his Decree, 
Lanfrancks' law for Priests not to mary.  that such Priests as dwelled in towns and villages, having wives, should retain them still, and not to be compelled to be separate from them: and they which had none, should be inhibited to have: enjoining moreover the Bishops thus, to foresee hereafter, that they presumed not to admit into order, any priests or Deacons, unless they should first make a solemn profession to have no wives.  
The words of the Council be these: Decretumque est, ut nullus Canonicus uxorem habeat, sacerdotum verò in castellis & in vicis habitantium habentes uxores, 
Ex act 〈…〉 sub 〈◊〉.  non cogantur ut 〈◊〉 non habentes, interdicantur ut habeant: & deinceps caveant Episcopi, ut Sacerdotes vel Diaconi non praesumant ordinare, nisi profiteantur ut uxores non habeant, etc.  
And here to note by the way of the said Lanfranke, for all his glorious gay show of his monkish virginity and single life, yet he escaped not altogether so unspotted for his part, but that the story of Matthew Paris, writing of Paulus Cadonensis, 
Ex Math, Pari●i●●. Lanfra●●●● supposed 〈◊〉 to be a 〈◊〉 virgin▪  whom Lanfranke preferred so gladly to be Abbot of S. Albon, thus reporteth of him: Paulus (inquit) Monachus Cadonensis Archiepiscopi Lanfranci nepos, iure, aliquorum relationibus, consanguinitate propinquior, etc. That is, Paul a Monk of Cadune, and nephew of the Archbishop Lanfranke, yea as some say further, more near in blood to him, than so, etc.  
Then after Lanfranke, came Anselme into the See of Canterbury, who taking to him a stouter stomach, 
Anselme Archb. of Canterb●●y a const●●● doer 〈◊〉 priests marriage.  more fiercely and eagerly laboured this matter, in abrogating utterly the marriage of priests, Deacons, Subdeacons, and of the universal clergy, not permitting as Lanfranke did, Priests that had wives in villages and towns, to keep them still, but utterly commanding, and that under great pain, not only Priests and Deacons, but Subdeacons also (which is against the Council of Laterane) which were already married, to be separated, 
Concil. ●a●teran. 〈◊〉 14. De 〈◊〉 matrimoine copulati●.  and that none should be received into order hereafter, without profession of perpetual chastity.  
And yet notwithstanding, for all this great blustering and thundering of this Romish 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Priests yet still holding their own, as well as they could, gave not much place to his unlawful Injunction, but kept still their wives almost two hundred years after, refusing and resisting of long time, the yoke of that servile bondage, to keep still their freedom from such vowing, professing, and promising, as may well appear by those Priests of York, of whom Gerardus Archbishop of York speaketh, writing to Anselme in these words: Sitio Clericorum meorum integritatem, sed praeterquam in paucis admodum, ve Aspidis surditatem, vel fabulosi cuiusdam Prothei mutabilitatem invenio. Varijs linguarum aculeis, minas, modò convitia infligunt. Sed hoc facilius in his qui remotíores sunt, tolero. Illud omninò grave genus mali est, quod hi qui quasi in sinu meo sunt, qui Canonicorum nomine gaudent canones aspernant, adversus concilij nostri statuta, quasi Sophistici disputatores argumentantur, professiones verò mihi penitus abnegant Canonici illi, qui sine professione ad sacros ordines inordinabiliter sunt provecti, & qui in praesbyteratu vel Diaconatu constituti, uxores sive Concubinas in publico hactenus habuerunt, ab Altari nulla se reverentia continuerunt. Cum verò ad ordines aliquos invito, dura ceruice nituntur, ne inordinando castitatem profiteantur: In english thus: I much desire the purity of my clergy men. Howbeit except it be in very few, I find in them the deafness of the serpent aspis, and the inconstancy of Protheus that the Poet's fable spoke of. With their stinging tongues they cast out some while threats; some while taunts and rebukes. But this grieveth me less in them that be further off. This grieveth me most of all, that they which be of mine own Church as in mine own bosom, and prebendaryes of mine own See, contemn our Canons, and argue like Sophistical disputers, against the statutes of our Council. The prebendaries which unordinately have been taken into orders heretofore without making vow or profession, refuse utterly to make profession to me. And they that be priests or Deacons, having married before openly wives or Concubines, will not be removed for any reverence from the Aultare. And when I call upon any to receive order, styffely they deny to profess chastity in their ordering etc.  
Thus for all their rigorous austerity by this Anselme in forcing his Decree made at London, against the marriage of Priests, yet the same had no great success, 
Hereby appeareth tha● priests 〈◊〉 the ol●● time here 〈◊〉 England 〈…〉 made ●ow of ●●●●stity at th● orders; b●fore this tyme. Ex 〈◊〉 lib. 4·  neither in his life time, nor after his life. For although sundry priests, during his life time, were compelled by his extremity, to renounce their wives, yet many denied to obey him.  
divers were contented rather to leave their benefices, than their wives. A great number were permitted by king Henry, for money to enjoy their wives. Which was so chargeable unto them, (saith Edmer in his 4. book) that at length two hundredth priests, in their Albes and Priestly vestments, came barefoot to the king's Palace, crying to him for mercy, and especially making their suit to the Queen, who using much compassion towards them, yet durst not make for them any intercession.  
Anselme at this time was over the Sea, making his voyage to the pope. Who hearing hereof, 
Read 〈◊〉 pag. 19●.  writeth to the King, declaring that such forfeitures appertained nothing to him. But only unto Bishops, and in their default to the Archbishops. Whereof read more, pag. 194. So wilful was the blind zeal of this Prelate, against all reason, against nature itself, against the example of his forcelders against public custom of his own time, against the doctrine of the Apostles, the constitution of Counsels against all honesty, and all Gods forbade, that he neither at the contemplation of the king, nor at the crying out and public dolour of so many priests, nor yet moved with the letters of Pope Paschalis himself (who putting him in remembrance of so many priests sons, 
 willed him to consider the necessity of the time, pag. 196. would yet nothing relent from his stubborn purpose, unto his latter end. In whom, as many great crimes may justly be noted, so of all other, this is most principally in him to be reprehended: for that he seeing and perceiving what Sodomitical feditie and abomination, with other inconveniences, did spring incontinently upon this his Diabolical doctrine, yet for all that would not give over his pestilent purpose.  
For so the story recordeth, that when Anselme had established his Synodoll constitution, 
〈◊〉 the ●●●ibition ●atrimo●●●●llowed 〈◊〉 of sodomitry.  in separating priests from their wives (which was, anno. 1103.) not long after, rumours and complaints were brought to him, of the execrable vice of Sodomitry, which then began specially to reign in the Clergy, after this inhibition of matrimony.  
Whereupon Anselme was constrained to call an other Council at Paul's within London, to provide for this mischief. In which Council this Act was made: Sodomiticum flagitium facientes, & eos in hac voluntate iwantes, gravi an athemate damnamus, donec poenitentia & confession absolutionem mereantur, etc. All them that commit the ungracious sin of Sodomitry, 
An act of A●●elme against Sodomitrye.  and them also which assist them in this their wicked purpose, with grievous curse we do condemn, till such time as they shall deserve absolution by penance and confession, etc.  
Thus ye have heard what abominable wickedness ensued after that priests were debarred from marriage, and whatfore punishment was devised by this maidenly prelate, for extirping that sinful wickedness: in the abolishing whereof, more wisely he should have removed away the occasion whereof he was the author himself, then by penalty to suppress it, which he could never do.  
Now let us hear further, what followed in that worthy Council: 
The penalty provided against Sodomitry.  Qui vero in hoc crimine publicatus fuerit, statutum est, siquidem fuerit persona religìosi ordinis, ut ad nullum amplius gradum promoveatur, & si quem habet, ab illo deponatur. Si autem laicus, ut in toto Regno Angliae legali sua condignitate privetur. Et ne huius criminis absolutionem, ijs qui se sub regula vivere voverunt, aliquis nisi Episcopus deinceps facere praesumat Statutum quoque est, ut per totam Angliam in omnibus Ecclesijs, & in omnibus diebus Dominicis, excommunicatio praefata publicetur ac renovetur, etc. Which is as much to say in English: It is enacted, that whosoever shall be publicly known to be guilty hereof, 
E● epist. Anselm. Rog. Houed●●.  if he be a religious person, he shall from thence forth be promoted to no degree of honour, and that degree which he hath already, shall be taken from him. If he be a lay person, he shall be deprived of all his freedom within the whole realm of England. And that none under a bishop shall presume to assoil such as have been Monks professed, of that trespass. It is also enacted, that every sunday in the year, and in every parish church in England, this general curse aforesaid shall be published and renewed, etc. Ex Rog. Houed. & Epist. Anselm. 278.  
Is not here (trow you) good division of justice, that lawful wedlock of priests can find no grace nor pardon, yea, is made now heresy: where adultery & horrible Sodomitry is washed away with a little confession? And see yet what followeth more. 
The curse against cursed Sodomitry 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉.  After that this penal curse should now go abroad and be published in churches, the monks perceiving this matter to touch them somewhat near, whispered in Anselmus care, persuading him that the publication of that Act might grow to great danger and inconvenience, in opening the vice which before was not known: 
〈◊〉 joan 〈◊〉.  in such sort, that in short time after, that curse was called in again.  
And so cursed Sodomitry & adultery passed free without punishment, 
〈…〉, vice 〈◊〉 free.  or word spoken against it, where contrary godly matrimony could find no mercy.  
Now what reasons and arguments this Anselme sucked out of the Court of Rome, to prove the matrimony of priests unlawful, were it not for combring the Reader with tediousness, here would be showed. Briefly, the chief grounds of all his long disputation, 
〈◊〉 Ostendiculun 〈◊〉.  in his book entitled, Offendiculum Sacerdotum, between the master and scholar, come to this effect.  

Argument.  
Priests of the old law, during the time of their ministration, abstained from their wives:  
Ergo, Priests in the time of the Gospel, which every day minister at the altar, must never have any wives. 
The reasons and arguments of Anselme against the marriage of Priests.    

Another Argument.  
Moses, when he should sanctify the people, going up to the hill, commanded them to sequester themselves from their wives three days:  
Ergo, Priests that must be sanctified to the Lord always ought to live chaste always without wives.   

Another Argument.  
David before he should eat of the showbread, was asked whether he and his company had been without the company of their wives three days:  
Ergo, Priests that be continually attending upon the table and sacraments of the Lord, ought never to have company with any such.   

Another Argument.  
Oza, which put his hand to the Ark, 
2. King. 6.  was slain therefore, as it is thought, because he lay with his wife the night before:  
Ergo, Priests whose hands be always occupied about the lords service, must be pure from company of wife, or any woman.   

Another Argument.  
Nadab, and Abiud, which sacrificed with strange fire, were devoured therefore, 
Num. 4.  because they companied with their wives the same night:  
Ergo, Priests and sacrificers must have no wives to company with all.   

Another Argument.  
The priests of the Gentiles, in old time when they sacrificed to their idols, are said to lie from their wives:  
Ergo, much more the priests that sacrifice to the living God, ought so to do.   

Another Argument.  
Christ was borne of a Virgin, Christ lived ever a virgin, and commandeth them that will serve him, 
john. 12.  to follow him. Qui mihi ministrat, me sequatur: id est, Si vis mihi ministrare, me castè vivendo imitare.  
Ergo, Priests that have wives are not meet to serve him.    

1. Cor. 7.  
Let every man have his own wife for avoiding of fornication.  

The exposition of Anselme.  
That is meant and granted of the Apostle, 
The gross expositions of Anselme, upon the words of S. Paul.  only to lay men: Hoc solis laicis eum concessisse, nemo ignorat.    

1. Cor. 7.  
Melius est nubere quàm uri: It is better to marry then to burn.  

The exposition.  
Melius, id est, levius est legitimae uxori nubere, quàm uri, id est, quàm alienarum mulierum concupiscentia consumi. It is a lighter fault to marry one lawful wife, then to be consumed with concupiscence of strange women.    

1. Timoth. 3.  
Oportet esse episcopum irreprehensibilem, unius uxoris virum. etc. A Bishop ought to be unreprovable, the husband of one wife. etc.  

The exposition.  
Praecipit Apostolus, ne quis ad sacerdotium accedere praesumat, nisi is qui non nisi unicam uxorem laicus habuisset: Accepto autem ordine, nunquam ei carnis commixtione se copularet, tantum vitae necessaria ei subministraret: That is, The Apostle here commandeth, that none should presume to be Priest, but he who being a lay man before, hath had no more but one wife: And after he be made priest, not to couple himself any more with her, but only to minister to her, things necessary for her living. etc.  
And finally after these things thus disputed, and alleged, the said Anselme concludeth the matter with this final censure and determination, as followeth: Per hoc autem quod sacras vestes induunt, 
The conclusion or censure of Anselm● upon mar●ed Priests.  vel sacra vasa tangunt, Christo violenter manus inijciunt. Per hoc autem quod impudenter offerre praesumunt▪ Christum quodam modo visibiliter in altari crucifigunt. Legitur ministerium eorum, Christi persecutio, imo crucifixio appellatur: In English thus: In that these men (he speaketh of married Priests) do put on the holy vestments, or do touch the holy vessels, they do lay violent hands upon Christ. And in that they presume impudently to offer, they do in a manner visibly crucify Christ upon the altar. The ministry of such is read to be a persecution, or rather a crucifying of Christ, etc.  
Lo here the mighty reasons, the strong timbered arguments, and the deep divinity wherewith this Anselm and all other that draw after his string, 
Answer to Anselmes reasons.  go about to impugn the lawfulness of priests marriage. Because the Israelites when they should appear before the Lord at Mount Sinai, were commanded to keep from their wives three days: and because the Priests of the old Law in doing their function, as their turn came about, refrained the company of their wives for that present time: Ergo, priests of the new law must at no time have any wives, but live always single, etc.  
And why might not Anselme as well argue thus: The people of Israel approaching to the Mount, were commanded in like sort to wash their garments: Ergo, Priests of the new Law, which are occupied every day about the Altar, ought every day to wash all their garments.  
Moses approaching to the presence of the Lord in the bush, was commanded to put of his shoes: Ergo, Priests of the new law, which are ever approaching to the presence of their God, should never wear shoes.  
Of king David and his company, which but once in all their life did eat of the shewebread, it was demanded by the high Priest, whether they had kept them from their wives three days before: Ergo, Kings and the people of the new Testament, which every year eat the bread of the lords board, more precious than ever was that Panis propositionis, should abide all their life wifeless and unspoused.  
But here Anselme should have considered by these Scriptures, how we are taught not to put away our wives, 
A time for all things.  but wisely to distinct times, when and how to have them. For as Solomon teacheth, to be a time for all things: so is there a time to marry, and a time not to marry, a time to resort, a time to withdraw, a time of company, a time of abstinence and prayer, which S. Paul calleth, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
1. Cor. 7.  and as he speaketh of a time of prayer and abstinence, so he speaketh also of a time of resorting together, and addeth the cause why: Ne tentet vos Satanas propter incontinentiam vestram, etc. That is, Lest Satan (saith he) tempt you for your incontinency.  
And thus should Anselme with Solomon & Paul, have considered the order and distinction of times. Oftentimes in scripture that is commanded to some, and at sometime, which extendeth not to others. And that which for a time is convenient, is not by and by always convenient. Neither that which for a time is forbidden in Scripture, is therefore forbidden for ever. 
Special examples break n● general orders.  Neither aught special examples, to break general orders: neither again do extraordinary prohibitions, make an universal rule.  
They were then commanded to sequester themselves from their wives at the coming of the Lord: not that the coming of the Lord did break wedlock, 
Separation of the Isr●lites from their wives for 3. days is no argument that Priests should never marry▪  but his commandment did bind obedience: and therefore obeyed they, because they were commanded. And yet were they not commanded to put away their wives, but only to separate themselves for a time, and that not for months and years, but only for three days, which abstinence also was enjoined them, not in the presence, nor at the appearing of the Lord, but three days before his descending to them on the hill. Whereby it appeareth, that the use of their wedlock, neither displeased God being present, nor yet did drive his presence away when he was come: for he remained there present amongst them on the hill xl. days notwithstanding.  
Furthermore, this time of separation from their wives, as it was expressly commanded to them by God: so was it not long nor tedious, but such as was neither hard for them, nor unconvenient for the time: giving us thereby to understand, how to use separation in wedlock wisely, that is, neither at no time, nor yet too long.  
For as they do not well, which never follow the time of S. Paul, 
Separation in wedlock, how it is to be used.  called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, for abstinence and prayer: so do they worse which fall into that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, whereof S. Paul again giveth us warning, Ne tentet vos Satanas per incontinentiam vestram. But worst of all do they, which so separate their wives clean from them, and so abjure all matrimony, that they fall headlong into the devils pitfall of fornication, and all filthy abomination. And therefore the Lord foreseeing the peril thereof, said unto the people: Estote parati in diem tertium, & ne appropinquetis uxoribus vestris, etc. 
Exod 1●.  Appointing in deed a separation from their wives, but yet knowing the infirmity of man, limiteth the time withal, adding, In diem tertium, and goeth no further.  
He saith not, as Anselme said in the Council of Winchester: jurabunt praesbyteri, diaconi, & Subdiaconi, uxores suas omnino abiurare, nec ullam deinceps cum eis conversationem habere, sub districtione censurae, etc.  
The like order also was taken by the Lord with the priests of the old Testament, who although they were enjoined to withdraw themselves from their wives during the time of their priestly service: yet for avoiding fornication, they were permitted to have their wives notwithstanding. So that both their absenting from their wives served to sanctification, and their resorting again unto them, served to avoid adultery and fornication.  
But here our priestly prelate's will object, that because they be continually conversant about the priestly function therefore a perpetual sanctification is of them specially required. Whereunto I answer. 
Objection of the Papiste● why Priests should li●e wives. Answer 〈◊〉 the obie●●●.   
1 First, the priestly function of those high priests sacrificing for the people in the old law, representeth only the function of Christ the high priest sacrificing for the sins of the world, which truly and only performed that pure chastity in his sanctified body, which the law then in those priests prefigured.  
2 secondarily, speaking now of the Priests of the new Testament (and speaking properly) the Scripture knoweth nor admitteth no Priest to sacrifice to God for the sins of man, 
No sacrif●●●● for sin b●t only Christ.  but only the high king and priest Christ jesus.  
3 Thirdly, unto that priest all other be but servants and Ministers: of whom, some be Apostles, some Prophets, some Evangelists, some Preachers, having the gift of utterance, some Interpreters and Doctors, having the gift of understanding, some Deacons serving the lords board. The office of all whom chief co●sisteth in ministering the word, next in administering the Sacraments.  
4 Fourthly, for so much as in these principally above all other, pureness and sanctification of life is required, as much and more too, then was in the Priests of the old Law, from whom all fornication, adultery, incest, 
Marriage more convenient for Priests of the new law, then of the old. 1. Cor. 1.  and uncleanness of life ought most to be banished: therefore in these especially above the Priests of the old Law, matrimony and spousage is most requisite and convenient, who so ever he be, which otherwise can not contain, according to the Apostle, saying: unusquisque uxorem svam habeat propter fornicationem.  
5 Fiftly, neither is this matrimony in these, any hindrance to their sanctification before God, 
Matrimony is no hindrance, but a furtherance to san●●fication.  but rather furthereth & helpeth their sanctification, forasmuch as where matrimony is not, there commonly reigneth adultery, fornication, and all kinds of filthiness according to the true saying of Bernard: Tolle de Ecclesia honorabile connubium & thorum immaculatum, nun reples eam concubinarijs, incestuosis, seminifluis, mollibus, masculorum concubitoribus & omni denique genere immundorum? That is, 
〈◊〉 sup. Cant. Serm 66.  Take from the Church honourable marriage, and the bed undefiled, shalt thou not replenish it with Concubinaries, with incestuous persons, Sodomitical vices, and finally with all kind of beastly filthiness?  
The truth of which saying, lacketh no kind of examples for confirmation, if we listed here to ransack the lives of these glorious despisers of matrimony, even from Lanfrank the first ringleader of this dance here in England, with 
*  Paulus Monk of Cadone his Nephew, whom Matthew Paris misdoubted to be his own son, unto Steven Gardiner with his gouldelockes, the author and workmaster of these six articles. But to the reasons of Anselme hitherto sufficient, which of themselves be so frivolous and gross, that only to recite them, is enough to confute the same.  
Permitting therefore the rest to the discussion of Divines, it shall suffice for our purpose, professing here to write stories, to declare and make manifest by process of times & histories, that this cruel law compelling ministers of the church to abjure matrimony, entered not into this land before Lanfranke and Anselme his successor, as both may appear by the multitude of priests sons lawfully begotten in matrimony, and succeeding in the churches here of England, testified by the epistle of Pope Paschalis to Anselme before, pag. 196. and also may appear likewise by the Council of Anselme holden at Winchester which partly was touched before, and now the full act we have more largely expressed to be read and seen of all posterity, as under followeth.     

The Act against priests marriage concluded in the Council at Winchester, under Anselme, An. 1104.  

〈…〉 at the 〈◊〉 in Wynchester.  HAEc sunt statuta de Archidiaconibus, Praesbyteris, & Canonicis in quocunque gradu constitutis, quae Wintoniae statuerunt Anselmus Archiepiscopus Cantuariensis, & cum eo Girardus Archiepiscopus Eboracensis, & omnes alij Angliae Episcopi, in praesentia gloriosi Regis Henrici, assensu omnium Baronum suorum▪ Statutum est ut Praesbyteri, & Diaconi castè vivant, & foeminas in domibus suis non habeant praeter proxima consanguinitate sibi iunctas, secundum hoc quod sancta Nicena Synodus diminished. Illi verò praesbyteri, diaconi, sive subdiaconi, qui post interdictum Londonensis Concilij, foeminas suas tenuerint vel alias duxerint, si elegerint in sacris ordinibus remanere, iurent quòd cum eye carnale commertium non habebunt amplius. Statutum est etiam ut praedictae foeminae in domo cum eis scienter non conveniant, neque huiusmodi faeminae in territorio Ecclesiae habitent. Si autem propter aliquam honestam causam eos colloqui oporteat, cum duobus ad minus legitimis testibus extra domum colloquantur. Si verò in duobus aut tribus legitimis testibus vel publica parochianorum fama, aliquis eorum accusatus fuerit, quòd hoc statutum transierit, purgabit se adiunctis secum ordinis sui idoneis testibus, sex si praesbyter, quinque si diaconus, quatuor si subdiaconus sueriti Cui autem haec purgatio defecerit, ut transgressor sacri statuti iudicabitur. Illi verò praesbyteri qui divini altaris & sacrorum ordinum contemptores praeelegerint cum uxoribus suis habitare, à divino officio remoti, extra 
* 〈…〉 extra 〈…〉 intellig●●.  hortum ponantur, infames pronunciati. Eadem sententia Archidiaconos & Canonicos omnes complectitur & de abiurandis uxoribus, & de vitanda earum conversatione, & de districtione censurae si statuta transgressi fuerint. jurabunt & Archidiaconi omnes quòd pecuniam non accipient pro tolleranda transgressione huius statuti. Sed neque vllo modo tollerabunt praesbyteros uxoratos cantare, vel vicarios habere, & quòd ipsi non dissimulabunt per Archidiaconos suos hoc inquirere, & fideliter episcopis suis renunciabunt, & attentè, & fideliter de exequenda huius rei vindicta Episcopos suos adiwabunt. Qui verò Archidiaconus vel Diaconus hoc jurare noluerit, Archidiaconatum vel Diaconiam irreparabiliter perdet. Praesbyteri verò qui relictis vxoribus Deo & sac is ordinibus servire elegerunt, quadraginta dies ab officio cellantes pro se vicarios habebunt, iniuncta eis poenitentia secundum quod Episcopis eorum visum fuerit.  
And yet this unreasonable statute of Anselme, so diligently defensed with sharp censures and penalties, had no great speed, 
The cruel law of Anselme took no great place.  neither in the life time of the said Anselm, nor long after his death, but that divers priests notwithstanding kept still their wives, or that after his death, they returned to their wives again, through the sufferance of the famous & learned king named then Henry Bewclark who something stayed the opportunity of this monkish prelate, and willed that priests should keep both their wives and their Churches, as they did before in Lanfrankes days.  
Then after Anselme followed Radulphus Archbishop of Canterbury, in whose time was no great stir against the Priests that were married. 
Ex epist. 〈◊〉. 77. ●●dulphus Archiepisc. 〈◊〉.  About the time of this Archbishop, king Henry called a Counsel at London, where he obtained of the spirituality a grant to have the punishment of married priests (which the spirituality afterward did much repent) whereby the priests paying a certain to the king, were suffered to retain their wives still, as is above storied, 
〈◊〉 afore pag 294.  pag. 294.  
Next after this Radulph, then succeeded William Turbile, surnamed De Turbine, who renewed again the constitution of Anselme against married priests, 
R●cardus de Turbine Arch●. Cant.  especially by the help of joannes priest and Cardinal of Crema the Popes Legate, sent the same time into England, anno. 1129. Of which Cardinal Cremensis, because enough hath been before declared, 
〈◊〉 this Card●●all Crem●●sis read 〈◊〉 pag. ●●.  how after his stout replying in the council of London, against the married state of priests, exclaiming what a shameful thing it was, to rise from the sides of an whore, to make Christ's body, the night following was shamefully taken with a notable whore, etc. as is apparent before, pag. 294.  
I will therefore pass over that matter, returning again to William the Archbishop, who with the Cardinal Legate aforesaid, although he busily occupied himself in repriuing the matrimony of priests: in so much, that he would give them no longer respite to put away their wives but from Michaelmas to Saint Andrew's day. following, yet could he not bring his purpose to pass, but that the priests still continued with their wives by the kings leave, as the Saxon story plainly recordeth in these words: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; That is to say in English, 
Cronie. Saxony.  This William the Archbishop of Canterbury and the Bishops which were in England did command, 
The priests kept their wives contrary to the Archbishop's commandment.  and yet all these decrees and bid stood not: all hled their wives by the king's leave, even so as they before did, etc. So hard was this cause to be won, that the Archb. at length gave it over, and left the controversy wholly unto the king. Whereupon he decreed that the Priests should remain with their wives still. 
¶ An. 25. Hen. 1.  And so continued they after that, in the time of Theobaldus after him, of Tho. Becket, Rich. Baldwine, Steven Langton, Rich. Edmund, Boniface, Peccham, and other, during we●nere the time after Anselme, 200. years.  
And lest the quarreling adversary being peradventure disposed here to cavil, should object and say, 
Priests with wives how long they continued in England afer Anselme.  that such marriage among the Spiritual men might be private and secret, but not openly known, nor quietly suffered by any law of this Realm: to avoid therefore what may be by them objected, I thought it good, and as a thing neither impertinent nor unprofitable to this story, and for the further satisfying of the Readers mind herein, to infer and make known by good record, not only that the liberty of marriage amongst spiritual men, hath continued within this Realm during the time aforesaid, (videlicet) two hundred years or thereabouts, after Anselme, and that not in secret wise, but also openly, and being known, the same to be suffered and lawfully allowed of, in such sort, as both they, their wives, children, and assigns might inherit and enjoy lands, tenements, and other hereditaments, by way of feoffament, deed of gift, or any other assurance, in such sort, manner, and form, as lay men, their heirs and assigns at this day lawfully may do. As by divers writings and instruments showed unto us at the writing hereof, by divers men (whose names hereafter follow) some to this day remaining fair sealed, some by antiquity and long keeping, much worn, and their seals mouldered and wasted, is very evident and manifest to be seen. The copies whereof being by us truly and faithfully excerpted out of the very originals (being yet extant) we have here under inserted, as followeth.   

¶ Certain Instruments and Evidences of ancient record, declaring the marriage of priests to have stand in times passed, both with ancient custom, & public laws of this Realm.  
SCiant praesentes & futuri quod ego Williel. de Blunwille miles concessi, dedi, & hac praesenti charta mea confirmani Stephano de Saxlingham Clerico, & Matildae uxori suae pro homagijs & seruitijs suis, & pro sex marcis argenti quas mihi dederunt in 
Carta feoffament. Williel▪ de Blunwille milit. fact. Stephan. de Saxling●am Clerico & Matilde uxori suae, de terris in Newton in Com. Norff.  gersumam, unam peciam terrae arabilis, quae jacet in campo de Neuton in cultura, inter mesuagium Galfridi Sulyard, & coemeterium Ecclesiae de Neuton, inter terram Radulphi Malherbe, & terram joannis de Neuton, & abuttat super regiam stratam versus orientem, & super terram quae fuit Henrici Popiltele versus occidentem: Habend. & tenend. de me & haeredibus meis illis & heredibus suis aut quibuscunque dare, legare, vendere vel assignare volverint, in quocunque statu fuerint, liberè, quietè, in feodo, per petuè & haereditariè Reddendo inde annuatim mihi & haeredibus meis duos denarios, scilicet ad festum sancti Andreae denarium & ad nativitatem sancti johannis baptistae unum denarium. Et ad scutagium domini regis quando evenit unum obolum tantum & non amplius pro omnibus seruitijs, consuetudinibus, sectis curiae, & exactionibus secularibus. Et ego Williel. de Blunwell, & haeredes mei warrantizabimus, acquietabimus & defendemus praedictam peciam terrae praenominatis Stephano & Matildae uxori suae & haeredibus suis, aut cuicunque dare, legare, vendere, vel assignare volverint contra omnes gentes tam judaeos quam Christianos in▪ perpetuum per praefatum seruitium. Et ut haec concessio & donatio rata sit & stabilis in perpetuum, hanc cartam sigillo meo roboravi: His testibus, Radulpho Malherbe, Willielmo de Reynestorpe, joanne de Nevion, Willielmo Canebot, joan. filio Simonis, Milone le Much, Radulpho de Kinegham, Willielm. de Campo, Thomae Croce, Andr. Waleys, Willielm. Valiant, & alijs.  
¶ This said piece of Evidence called a deed of Feoffment of lands remaineth in the keeping of Thomas Blundevill of Neuton Flotman in the County of Norfolk Esquire at this present (videlicet) 22. die Novembris, 
One piece of Evidence in the custody of M. Tho. Blundevil.  Anno R. Eliz. R. decimo. Et anno Dom. 1567. Who (I know) will not refuse to show the same to any man that shall desire the sight thereof.  

1. Other deeds and instruments of like antiquity, declaring the same, received of Master john Ford.  

Carta Wiliel. filii Walteri de Ridware fact. joan. de Edinghall Clerico & Matildae vxo●i suae de terris in ●dinghall 〈◊〉 Com. Darb.  SCiant omnes praesentes & futuri quòd ego Williel filius Walteri, dominus de Ridware Hamstall, concessi, & tradidi joanni filio Galfridi de Edinghal Clerico, & uxori suae Matildae filiae Henrici Colbein, unam dimidiam virgat●● terrae in Edinghall, cum omnibus pertinen tijs in ●●ftis & croftiss, pra●is & pasturis in villa & in territorio de Edinghall: illam scilicet quam Thomas Palmer aliquando de me tenuit: Habend & tenend▪ de me & de haeredibus meis sibi & uxori suae Matildae, ad totam vitam eorum liberè & quietè, benè & pacificè, etc. Et ego vero Williel. & haered▪ mei praedict dimidiam virgatam terrae cum pertinentijs praedict. joanni & uxori suae praedict. ad totam vitam eorum contra omnes gentes Warrantizabimus, etc. In huius concessionis & traditionis robur & testimonium uterque nostrum alterius scripto sigillum suum apposuit: His testibus, Roberto Saluein de Haselour Andrea Saluein de eadem, joanne filio Radulphi de Edinghall, Richardo de Ykebrom, Roberto de Fryeford, & alijs.   

2. another evidence touching the same, of lands in the County of Leicester.  
SCiant praesentes & futuri quòd Ego Radulphus filius & haeres joannis Wiscarde de Sceyle dedi, 
Carta feoffament. Radulphi Wiscarde de Sceyle fact. Agneti de Willintona & pueris suis de Williel. ●e●sona de Lollinton procreat.  & concessi, & hac mea ●●esenti carta confirmavi Agneti de Welintona unam a cram terrae in territorio de maiori Sceylae quae jacet super le Wovelondis, inter terram monachorum de Miriuall, extendentem se ad unum caput super soreram monachorum de Miriuall, & aliud caput versus villam de Sceyle: Habendum & tenendum de me & haeredibus meis vel assignatis & eorum haeredibus praedict. Agneti de Welintona & pueris suis de Will. Persona de Lollinton procreatis, videlicet Willielmo filio suo primogenito, si superuixerit matri suae. 
* Note the wife and children of this Person of Lollington being known, might enjoy & inherit according to this deed.  Deinde Galfrido fratri eius. Postea Roberto fratri eorum iuniori. Deinde sororibus eorum si frater superstes non fuerit. Ita quidem quòd quilibet eorum alteri succedat in dictam terram cum pertinentijs licentialiter sine omni recognitione mihi & omnibus meis praedictis facienda: & quòd haeredibus vel assignatis ultimi vel ultimae possidentis remaneat ulterius in perpetuum liberè, & quietè, bene & in pace iure perpetuo: Reddendo inde annuatim mihi & haeredibus meis vel assignatis meis & eorum haeredibus unum obolum argenti ad pascha, pro omnibus seruitijs, & exactionibus, wardis, ma●itagijs, relevijs, legatis, tallagijs, & omnimodis sectis comitatus, hundredorum & curiae meae & haeredum meorum, & aliorum, & seruitijs forinsecis vel exigentijs humanis. Ego vero Radulphus & haeredes mei vel assignati & eorum haeredes, totam praedictam terram cum pertinentijs, ●raedict. Agneti & filijs suis & filiabus post decessum praedict. Agnetis, singulis eorum de dicta persona genitis uni post alterum successiuè, & haeredibus vel assignatis ultimi vel ultimae possidentis (ut praedictum est) contra omnes mortales in perpetuum warrantizabimus, acquietabimus, & defendemus. Et ut haec omnia supradicta rata & inconcussa permaneant in posterum, praesentem cartam sigilli mei impressione corroboravi: His testibus, Willielmo tunc Persona de Stretton, Petro de Vorantisthorpe, Richardo & Roberto filijs suis Henrico filio Richardi Clerici de Sceyle, Willielmo filio suo, joanne filio Radu●phi Aky, Williel, Clerico de eadem, & multis alijs.   

3. another evidence of like effect.  

Carta Radulphi Wi●carde de Sceyle fact. Agnet. de Willington & pueris suis de Wiliel. Persona de Lollinton procreate de terris in Sceyle in Com. Leicest.  SCiant praesentes & futuri. quòd ego Radulphus Wilscharde, filius & haeres joannis Wilscardi de Sceyle, dedi & concessi, & hac mea praesenti carta confirmavi Agneti de Willington, quatuor acras & unam rodam terrae meae arabilis in campo de maiori Sceyle. Quarum una acra jacet super Wodde Hulles, etc. [Et Paulo infra:] Habend & tenend. de me & haeredibus meis vel assignatis & eorum haeredibus, praedict. Agnetae de Willington & pueris suis de Willielmo persona de Lollinton procreatis, videlicet Willielmo filio suo primogenito si superuixerit matri suae, deinde Galfrido fratri eius, postea Roberto fratri eorum iuniori, deinde sororibus eorum si frater superstes non fuerit, ita quidem quòd quilibet eorum alteri succedat in dictam terram cum pertinentijs, licentialiter sine omni recognitione mihi & omnibus meis praedictis facienda, & quod haeredibus vel assignatis ultimi vel ultimae possidentis remaneat ulterius in perpetuum liberè, & quietè, benè, & in pace iure perpetuo: Reddendo inde annuatim mihi & haeredibus vel assignatis & eorum haeredibus, unum obolum argenti ad pascha, aut unum par albarum chirothecarum de praecio unius obuli apud Sceyle ad voluntatem soluentis, pro omnibus se●uitijs & exactionibus, wardis, maritagijs, relevijs, legatis, talliagijs & omnimodis sectis comitatus hundredorum & curiae meae & haeredum meorum & aliorum, & seruitijs forinsecis vel exigentijs humanis. Ego vero Radulphus & haeredes mei ve● assignati & eorum haeredes, totam praedictam terram cum pertinentijs, praedict. Agneti & filijs eius & filiabus post discessum praedict. Agnetis▪ singulis eorum de dicta persona genitis uni post a●terum successiuè, & haeredibus vel assignatis ultimi vel ultime possidentis (ut praedictum est) contra omnes mortales in perpetuum warrantizabimus, acquietabimus, & defendemus. Et ut haec omnia supradicta, rata & inconcussa permaneant in posterum, praesentem cartam sigilli mei impressione corrobora●: His testibus, Will. tunc Persona de Stretton, Petro de Vorantisthorpe, Rich & Rob▪ filijs suis. Henr. filio Personae de Sceyle, joanne filio, Radulph. Aky, de eadem, Rob. Hastyng, Williel. Grym, & alijs.   

4. another evidence upon the like matter.  
SCiant praesentes & futuri quod ego Henricus filius Domini Willielmi de Apleby militis, dedi, concessi, 
 & hac praesenti carta mea confirmavi Henrico de Aldolester Clerico & Amiciae uxori suae, illud mesuagium quod Matheus Gilbert quond● de me tenuit in parvo Apilby, in longitudine juxta altam via: tenendum & habendum de me & haeredibus meis, sibi & Amiciae uxori suae & eorum haeredibus, & cui vel quibus communibus horis quandocunque dare vel assignare volverint, liberè, quietè, bene & in pace, etc. Et ego praedict. Henricus & haeredes mei praedictum mesuagium cum omnibus aisiamentis & pertinentijs suis praefatis, Henrico & Amiciae uxori suae & eorum haeredibus & assignatis (ut supra scriptum est) contra omnes gentes warrantizabimus & defendemus in perpetuum etc. Vt haec omnia subscripta robur obtineant in futuro, huic praesenti scripto sigillum meum apposui: His testibus, joanne de Norton, Willielmo Huelen de Apilby, etc.   

5. another evidence touching the like.  
SCiant praesentes & futuri, 
 quòd ego Rogerus Pescher de Apilby dedi, concessi, & hac praesenti carta mea confirmavi Henrico de Aldolester Clerico, & Amiciae uxori suae, viginti buttes terrae arabilis cum pertinentijs suis in territorio de Apilbe. Quarun tres buttes jacent super Brodelein, etc. [Et Paulo post: Tenend. & habend. praedict. Henrico & Amiciae uxori suae & eorum haeredibus & assignatis, cui vel quibus in sanitate vel in aegritudine, dare, legare, vendere, vel assignare volverint, liberè, quietè, bene & haereditariè in perpetuum, etc. Et ego praedictus Rogerus Pescher & haeredes mei totam praedictam terram cum pertinentijs suis ubicunque memoratis, Henrico & Amiciae uxori suae & eorum haeredibus & assignatis (ut supra scriptum est) contra omnes gentes in calumnias warrantizabimus, & in omnibus & per omnia acquietabimus & defendemus in futurum, etc. Vt haec mea donatio, concessio, & cartae meae confirmatio robur obtineat in perpetuum, huic praesenti scripto sigillum meum pro me & haeredibus meis du●i apponendum, fide mediant: His testibus, Williel. de Meycham, joanne filio Henrici de Norton, etc.   

6. another evidence touching the same, of lands in the County of Darb.  
SCiant praesentes & futuri quod ego Willielmus filius & haeres quondam Williel. Mahenmey de Banquel Clerici, dedi, 
 concessi, & omninò quietum clamavi de me & haeredibus meis in perpetuum Nich de Crumford pro quadam summa pecuniae quam idem Nicholaus mihi prae manibus donavit, omnes terras & tenementa cum gardinijs, curtilagijs, burgagijs & edificijs, & cum omnibus pertinentijs suis in omnibus rebus & locis, sine aliquo retinemento, quae & quas habuit iure haereditario in feodo de Banquel. per Williel. de Banquel Clericum quondam patrem meum, Habend. & tenend. ipso Nicholas & haeredibus suis vel assignatis in feodo & haereditate de capitali Domino de Banquel, liberè, benè, quietè, & in pace cum omnibus libertatibus & aisiamentis in omnibus locis & singulis ad praedicta terras & tenementa pertinentibus infra villam de Banquel & terra: Ita quidem quod nec ego Williel. nec haeredes mei, nec aliquis pro me nec nomine nostro ius vel clameum in praedictis terris & tenementis, gardinijs, curtilagijs, burgagijs, edificijs, & omnibus pertinentijs suis de caetero habere, exigere, vendicare vel reclamare potero vel poterimus in perpetuum: Faciendo pro praedict terris & tenementis capitali domino 7. solidos, 3 denarios & obulum argenti annui redditus ad terminos statutos Paschatis, & S. Michaelis. In cuius rei testimonium huic scripto praesenti sigillum meum apposui & munimenta inde eidem Nicholao tradidi: His testibus, domino joanne de Osemondiston perpetuo vicario de Banquel, Matheo de Reynedon, Matheo Drabill, Elio de Banquell Clerico, Richardo de Yollegrane, Rogero Filio Yoke, & alijs.   

7. Another Evidence concerning the like.  
SCiant praesentes & futuri quod ego Williel. filius & haeres quondam Willielmi Mahenmey de Banquer Clerici, dedi, concessi, & hac praesenti carta mea confirmavi de me & haeredibus meis in perpetuum, Nicholas de Crumford pro quadam summa pecuniae mihi prae manibus data, unum capitale mesuagium edificatum, & unam bovatam terrae, cum prato & omnibus pertinent. suis sine aliquo retinemento, illam videlicet bovaram terrae cum pertinentijs quam Willielmus Mahenmey quondam pater meus habuit & tenuit in villa & territorio de Banquell: 
〈◊〉 Wil 〈…〉 de 〈…〉 mesuag. 〈…〉 in 〈…〉 de Ban●●ell in, 〈◊〉. Da●b.  & octo acras terrae arabilis, & unam particulam prati divisim iacientes in campis de Banquell. etc. Habend & tenend. ipso Nicholas & haeredibus suis vel suis assignatis in feodo & haereditate, liberè, quietè, benè, & in pace, cum omnibus libertatibus, & aisiamentis in omnibus rebus & locis infra villain de Banquel & extra, ad praed. terras & tenementa cum pertinentijs pertinentibus de capitali domino de Banquel. etc. Et ego Williel. & haeredes mei omnia praedicta terras & tenementa cum omnibus pertinent. suis ut (praedictum est) dicto Nicholas & haeredibus suis vel suis assignatis contra omnes gentes warrantizabimus. In cuius rei testimonium praesenti scripto sigillum meum apposui: His testibus, Domino joanne de Osemondist●n perpetuo Vicario de Banquel, Math. de Reynedon▪ Math. Drabill, Elio de Banquel, Rich. de Yollegrave▪ Rogero 〈◊〉 Yoke de Banquel, & alijs.   

8. another evidence concerning the like.  

〈…〉 de 〈…〉 & 〈…〉. eius 〈◊〉. Gerard. Caecilio suae, de 〈◊〉 te●ris ●eodo de ●●nquel in 〈◊〉. Darb.  SCiant praesentes & futuri quòd nos Thomas de Billeston Clericus & Leticia uxor mea, dedimus, concessimus, & hac praesenti carta nostra confirmavimus Gerardo Filio Alexandri de Wiston & Cicilie uxori suae, omnia illa burgagia, mesuagia: gardina, curtilagia, terras, tenementa, parta & edificia, seldas' cum redditibus, seruitijs, pascuis, communis, pasturis & caeteris omnib. pertinentijs suis in feodo de Banquel, quae habuimus ex dono & feofamento dicti Gerardi: Habendum & tenendum dictis Gerardo & Ciciliae uxorisuae ad totam vitam eorundem de nobis & haeredibus nostris, liberè, quietè, benè, & in pace, cum omnibus suis pertinentijs: faciendo inde annuatim nobis & haeredibus nostris, predict Gerardus & Caecilia ad totam eorum vitam, unum denarium argenti ad festum S. Michaelis, & faciendo etiam pro nobis & haeredibus nostris capitali Domino feodi illius seruitia, inde annuatim d●bita & consueta. 
Note to 〈◊〉 and to 〈◊〉 of the 〈◊〉, his ●●fe & their 〈…〉 the 〈◊〉 of the 〈◊〉 for a 〈◊〉 of ●aily rent.  Et nos vero praedicti Thomas & Letitia & nostri haeredes omnia praedicta burgagia, mesuagia, gardina curtilagia, terras, tenementa, prata & edificia; seldas' cum redditibus, seruitijs, pascuis, communis pasturis, & caeteris omnibus pertinentijs suis praedictis Gerardo & Caeciliae ad totam vitam eorundem contra omnes gen●es warrantizabimus. In cuius rei testimonium huic praesenti cartae nostrae sigilla nostra apposuimus: His testibus, Thoma de Beley, Radulpho Co●●errel. Will de Crunford▪ Williel. de Gratton, Nic. de Crumford in Banquel, Rad. Bercar●o in eadem, Rob. de Walley in eadem, & alijs.   

9 another evidence touching the same.  
universis ad quos praesens scriptum pervenerit, Leticia quae fuit uxor Thomae de Bylleston, salutem in domino. Noveritis me in pura viduitate mea concessisse & confirmasse pro me & haeredibus meis Gerardo filio Alexandri de Wyston, & Caecillae uxori suae omnes terras & tenementa cum omnibus pertinentijs suis in Banquell, quae idem Gerardus & Cicilia uxor eius habent ex concessione Thomae de Bylleston quondam viri mei: Habendum & tenendum eisdem Gerardo & Ciciliae ad totam vitam eorundem de me & haeredibus meis liberè, quieté, cum omnibus pertinentijs suis: faciendo inde mihi & haeredibus meis unum denarium argenti ad festum S. Michaelis, & faciendo inde pro me & haeredibus meis capitalibus Dominis seruitia inde annuatim debita & consueta. Et ego praefata Leticia & haeredes meis praedicta tenementa cum pertinent. praedictis Gerardo & Ciciliae ad totam vitam eorundem contra omnes gentes warrantizabimus. In cuius rei testimonium praesentibus sigillum meum apposui: His testibus Rob▪ le Walley, Rob. le Taylor, & alijs. Datum apud Banquell, die veneris proximo post festum Annunciationis beatae Mariae, anno regni Regis Edwardi filii Regis Edwardi nono.   

10. another evidence touching the like matter.  
SCiant praesentes & futuri quòd ego Williel. dictus Basket, dedi, concessi, & hac praesenti mea carta confirmavi joanni de Bradburne Clerico & Aliciae uxori suae, 
〈…〉. joanni B●adb. 〈…〉 suae, ●●●●edibus 〈◊〉 e●rum ●●untibus.  & haeredibus de corporibus eorum exeuntibus, unam particulam curtilagij mei (videlicet) centum pedes in longitudine, & triginta in latitudine, cum omnibus pertinentis & aisiamentis, eidem placeae pertinēt●bus: Habendum & tenendum eidem joanni & Aliciae & eorum haeredibus legitime procreatis, liberè, quietè, benè, & in pace in perpetuum, reddendo inde annuatim mihi & haeredibus meis unum florem Rosae ad festum Nativit. S. joannis Baptistae pro omnibus. Et ego praedictus Williel Basket & haeredes mei praedictam placeam cum aisiamentis contra omnes gentes warrantizabimus & contra omnes gentes defendemus. Et si contingat (quòd absit) quòd praedictus joannis & Alicia sine haeredibus de corporibus eorum legitimè procreatis obierint, quòd praedicta placea sine alicuius contradictione revertatur. Et ut haec mea donatio, concessio, & praesentis cartae meae confirmatio ●ata sit & stabilis permaneat, huic praesenti cartae sigillum meum apposui: His testibus, 
Dated An. 1314. which was An. R. Edw. R. 1. octavo.  Richardo de Longdun, Rob. Brag. Rog. Gerard, Thoma le Plumer, joanne Glankirion & alijs. Datum apud Yelgraue in festo S. joannis ante portam Latinam. Anno Domini 1313.   

11. another evidence touching the same.  
SCiant praesentes & futuri quòd ego Rogerus le Potter haeres Aliciae filiae Williel. de Downedale de parva Ridware dedi, 
Scriptum Rogetile Potter fact. M. Rich. de Hampton Clerico & Margareta ux. eiu●, de terris in feodo de parva Ridware in Com. staff.  concessi, & haec praesenti cartame● confirmavi magistro Richardo de Hampton Clerico & Margaretae uxori eius, & haeredibus vel assignatis praedicti Rich. omnes terras & tenementa mea quae habeo in diversis locis in feodo de parva Ridware: Habend. & tenend. omnes praedictas terras & tenementa cum pertinentijs eorum praedictis Rich. & Margaretae uxori eius & haeredibus vel assignatis predicti Rich. de capitali Domino feodi illius per seruitia debita & de iure consueta, liberè, quietè, benè, & in pace in perpetuum. Et ego verò praedictus Rogerus & haeredes mei omnes praedictas terras & tenementa cum omnibus partinentijs eorum, praedictis Rich. & Margaretae uxori eius & haeredibus vel assignatis praedicti Rich. contra omnes gentes warrantizabimus & defendemus in perpetuum. 
Dated An. R. Edw. R. 3.28. which was An. 1353.  In cuius rei testimonium huic praesenti cartae sigillum meum apposui: His testibus, Thoma de Pipe▪ Rich. julian, Roberto Ka, Edmund le Walshemon, Williel. le Fletcher, & alijs. Datum apud paruam Ridware die Lunae proximo post festum S. Gregorij Papae, Anno regni Regis Edwardi 3 post Conquestum 28.  
¶ The originals of these 11. pieces of evidences last recited I received, in the writing of this story, 
M. john Ford hath 11. pieces of Evidences for priests marriages.  of a right honest and worshipful Gentleman called M. john Ford, a student of the laws in the Inner Temple: in whose hands (I trust after the finishing of this story) shall remain to be seen of them that shall desire the same.   

1. The copies of other Evidences touching the same matter, received of Master john Hunt.  
SCiant praesentes & futuri quòd ego philippus Poupu de parva Bradley, dedi, concessi, 
Carta feoffa. Phil. poup. de parva Bradley; fact. Henrico de Denardiston Clerico & Aliciae uxori eius, de terris in Grevecrost, in villa de parva Bradley in Com. Suff.  & hac praesenti carta mea confirmavi Henrico de Denardistone Clerico & Aliciae uxori eius, pro seruitijs eorum & pro quadam summa pecuniae quam mihi dederunt prae manibus in gersumam, unam peciam terrae meae arabilis cum omnibus pertinentijs, sive habeatur plus sive minus, prout bundae testantur, in campo vocato Grenecrost, in villa de parva Bradley, iacentem inter terram meam ex part una, & terram praedicti Henrici ex part altera, uno capite abuttante super Coemeterium de parva Bradley, & alio capite abuttante super terram praedicti Henrici: Habend. & tenend. de capitalibus Dominis feodi praedict. Henrico & Aliciae uxori eius, ha●red. & assignat. dict. Henrici, vel cuicunque vel quibuscunque dict. peciam terrae came omnibus pertinent: dare, vendere, legare vel assignare volverint, liberè, quietè, iurè benè, in pace in perpetuum & hereditariè: Reddendo inde annuatim capitalibus Dominis feodi feruitium inde debitum & consuetum, videlicet unum obulum ad Nativitatem beati joannis Baptistae pro omnibus seruirijs, consuetudinibus, auxilijs, curiarum sectis, & secularibus demand. Et ego praedict. Phil. hered. & a●signat, mei warrantizabimus praedictam peciam terrae cum omnibus pertinent, praedictis Henrico & Aliciae uxori eius, heredibus & assignat. dict. Henrici, contra omnes gentes in perpetuum. In cuius rei testimonium, huic praesenti scripto sigillum meum apposui: His testibus, Petro de Walpol. Rich. de Hanuile. Williel. wastel, Hugone wastel, Thoma de Bures, Williel. Picot, Laurentio Picot, Williel. le Heyward, & alijs.   

2. another evidence touching the same.  
OMnibus Christi fidelibus ad quos praesens scriptum pervenerit, Williel. le Bygod, salutem in Domino sempiternam. 
Carta relaxacionis Wiliel. le Bygot tunc Domini de parva Bradley fact. Henrico Denardiston Clerico & Aliciae uxori eius, & corum haeredibus.  Noverit universitas vestra me dedisse, concessisse, remisisse, ac omninò tam pro me quam pro haeredibus meis in perpetuum, quietum clamasse Henrico de Denardiston Clerico & Aliciae uxori eius, hered. & assignat. eorum totum ius & clameum quòd habui vel habere potui aut potero in omnibus redditibus, homagijs, wardis, relevijs, eschaetis, libertatibus & omnibus pertinent. suis, quae in aliquo modo seu tempore facere debuerunt vel consueverunt pro terris & tenement. quae quondam fuerunt Rich. Poup, in villa de parva Bradley, & in alijs terris & tenement, quae vel quas praedict. Henr. & Alicia tenent vel tenuerunt de me seu de feodo meo die confection is praesentium in praedicta villa de parva Bradley: Ita quòd ego Williel praedict. nec haered mei nec aliquis nomine nostro amodò in praemissis aliquid juris vel clamei aliquo modo exigere vel vendicare poterimus in perpetuum. In cuius rei testimonium, huic praesenti scripto sigillum meum apposui: Histestibus, joanne Maueysin, Rich Bercar. Henr. Maueysin, joh. Bercar, Williel: Wastel, Hug. Wastel. Wil Attegrene, Walt. Bercar, & alijs.   

3. another evidence touching the like matter.  
SCiant praesentes & futuri quòd ego Reginaldus filius jordani de Wethresfeld, dedi, concessi, & hac praesenti carta mea confirmavi Hen. de Denardiston Clerico & Aliciae uxori eius pro homagis & seruitijs eorum, 
Carta Reginaldi filii jordani Wethre●feld fact. Henrjco de Denardiston Clerico & Alici ae uxori eius, de terris in parualey in Com. Suff  & pro quadam summa pecuniae quam mihi dederunt praemanibus in 
* Gersuma signifieth money paid before hand▪ which we call a fine.  gersumam, unam peciam terrae meae arabilis cum omnibus suis pertinentijs, sive habeatur plus sive minus, in villa de parva Bradley, in campo vocato heldhey, iacentem inter terram Williel. de Mampford quondam, & terram joannis le Reed quondam, ex part una in longitudine, & tertam Richar. de Hanuyle ex altera, & abuttat ad unum caput super terram joannis le Lombard, & aliud caput super campum vocatum Crondon, cum sepibus & foveis & omnibus alijs pertinentijs, ad dictam terram spectantibus: Habend. & tenend. de me haeredibus & assignatis meis, praedictis Henrico & Aliciae uxori eius, heredibus & assignatis dict. Henrici, vel cuicunque vel quibuscunque dict, Henr. praedictam terram cum omnibus pertinentijs praedict. dare vendere vel aliquo modo assignare volverit, liberè, quietè, iure, benè, in pace & hereditariè: Reddendo inde annuatim mihi haeredibus, & assignat. meis, unàm rosam ad festum nativitatis Sancti joannis Baptistae pro omnibus seruiti; s, consuetudinibus, auxilijs, curiarum sectis & secularibus demaundis. Et ego praedict. Reginaldus, heredes, & assignati mei warrantizabimus, acquietabimus & defendemus praedictam terram cum sepibus & foveis & omnibus alijs pertinentijs praedictis Henrico & Aliciae uxori eius, heredibus, & assignat. dict. Henrici per praedict. seruitium contra omnes mortales in perpetuum. In cuius rei testimonium, huic praesenti scripto sigillum meum apposui: His testibus, joanne Maveysin, Petro de Walepol. Ricard. de Hanuyle, Ricard. Bercar, Hen. Maveysin, joanne Bercar, Williel. Wastel, Hugone Wastel, Thom. de Bures, Williel. filio Rogeri, & alijs,   

4. another evidence of like effect.  
SCiant praesentes & futuri quòd ego Richard. de Hanuyle de parva Bradley, 
Carta Rich. Hanuile de parva Bradley fact. Henrico de Denardiston Clerico & Aliciae. uxori eius & corum haeredibus de terris in parva Bradley in Com. Suff.  dedi, concessi, & hac praesenti carta mea confirmavi Henr. de Denardenston Clerico & Aliciae uxori eins, unam peciam terrae meae arabilis, cum omnibus pertinent, in parva Bradley in campo vocato Mortecrost, pro homagijs & seruitijs ●orum, & pro quadam summa pecuniae quam mihi dederunt prae manibus in gersumam, iacentem inter terras Williel. de Mampford quondam ex utraque part, & unum caput abuttat super campum vocat. Wodcraft. Habend. & tenend. de me, haered. vel assignatis meis, ipsis, haered. & assignat eorum, vel cuicunque vel quibuscumque dict. tenementum cum omnibus pertinentijs, dare, vendere, legare, vel assignare volverint, liberè, quietè, iure benè, in pace & haereditariè: Reddendo inde annuatim mihi & haeredibus meis duos denarios ad duos anni terminos, videlicet ad festum Sancti Michaelis unum denarium, & ad Pascha unum denarium pro omnibus seruitijs consuetudinibus, auxilijs, Curiae sectis & secularibus demaundis. Et ego praedict. Ricar. haered. & assignati mei warrantizabimus, acquietabimus, & defendemus praedict. tenementum cum omnibus pertinentijs praedictis, Henrico & Aliciae uxori eius, haered. & assignat. eorum per praedictum seruitium contra omnes mortales in perpetuum. In cuius rei testimonium huic praesenti scripto sigillum meum apposui: His testibus, Petro de Walepol, Williel. Wastel, Hugone Wastel, Ric. Bercar, Henr. Maveysin, joanne Bercar, Rob. de Ponte, Williel. Picot, & alijs.   

5. another evidence touching the same.  
SCiant praesentes & futuri, quòd ego Mathaeus de Raclisde dedi, 
Scriptum Mathei de Raclide, fact. Henrico de Denardiston Clerico & Aliciae uxori eius de terris in parva Bradley in Com. Suff.  concessi, & hac praesenti carta mea confirmavi Henrico de Denardiston Clerico & Amiciae uxori eius, haered. & assignat. dict▪ Henrici, unam peciam terrae arabilis cum omnibus suis pertinent sive habeatur plus sive minus, prout jacet in villa de parva Bradley in campo vocato Cronudonbrede inter terram Ricard. de Hanuyle ex una part, & terram dict. Henrici de Denardiston ex alia part, & unam caput abuttat super viam vocatam Lebreddich, & aliud caput super terram Ricar. de Hanuyle antedict. Habend. & tenend. praedictam peciam terrae cum omnibus suis pertinent. de capitali Domino feodi, & cuicunque vel quibuscunque praedictus Henr. praedictam peciam terrae cum omnibus pertanent▪ dare, vendere, vel assignare volverit, liberè, quietè, iurè, benè, in pace, haereditariè in perpetuum: faciendo capitali Domino ●●odi seruitia inde de iure debita & consueta. Et ego praedict. Mathaeus & heredes mei praedictam peciam terrae cum omnibus suis pertinent (ut praedictum est) praedict. Henr. & Aliciae, hered. & assignat dict Henr. contra omnes gentes warrantizabimus in perpetuum▪ In cuius rei testimonium huic praesenti cartae sygillum meum apposui: His testibus, Ricard. de Hanuyle, joanne de Stonham, 
Dated An. R. Edw. R. 2.8. which was An. ●. 1315.  joanne Godfrey Williel▪ Wastel. Clement. de Bures, & alijs. Datum apud paruam Bradley, die Lunae in quindena Sancti Michaelis. Anno Regni Regis Edwardi filii Regis Edwardi, octavo.   

6. another evidence touching the same.  
SCiant praesentes & futuri quod ego Richardus de Louerhal de parva Bradley, dedi, concessi, 
Scriptum Rich. 〈…〉 de De●●●diston Clerico & Aliciae 〈◊〉 eius, de 〈◊〉 in par●a Bradley predict, This dee●● seemeth by the 〈◊〉 to be made An. R. Edw R. 2.10. As D. 1317. which 〈◊〉 about 〈◊〉 years 〈◊〉 Anselme.  & hac praesenti carta mea confirmavi Henr. de Denardiston Clerico & Amiciae uxori eius, & haered. dict. Henr. unam peciam terrae meae arabilis, sive habentur plus sive minus, prout jacet in villa de parva Bradley in campo vocato Peterfeld, inter terram Henrici cousin ex una part, & terram Thom. Bercar ex alia part, uno capite abbuttante super crostam Williel. Attegaene, & alio capite super le Ouerhallmede: Habend & tenend dictam peciam terrae cum omnibus pertinent. de capitali Domino feodi, praedict. Henr. & Aliciae & hered. dict. Henr. cuicunque & quibuscunque dictam peciam terrae dare, vendere, vel assignare volverint, liberè, quietè iure, benè, in pace, hereditariè, in feodo & in perpetuum: faciendo eidem capitali Domino feodi seruitia inde de iure debita. Et consueta Et ego praedict. Ricar. & hered. mei praed. peciam terrae praed. Henr. & Aliciae & hered. dict. Henr. & suis assignat. contra omnes gentes warrantizabimus in perpetuum. In cuius rei testimonium huic praesenti cartae sigillum meum apposui: His testibus, Ricar. de Hanuyle, joanne Godfrey, joanne de Stonham, Williel● Attegrene▪ Roberto Petipas, Williel. Aleyne, & alijs. Datum apud paruam Bradley die dominica proxima post festum Paschale. Anno Regni Regis Edwardi filii Regis Edwardi. 10.   

7. another evidence touching the like matter.  
SCiant praesentes & futuri quòd Ego Clemens de Cloptone, concessi, dedi, 
Scriptum Cleme●●● de Clop●●●● fact. Ioane● de Bosco de Cowling Clerico & basiliae uxori eius, de terris in Cowling 〈◊〉 Suff.  & hac praesenti carta mea confirmavi joanne de Bosco de Couling Clerico & Basiliae uxori eius & haeredibus praed joannis▪ tres acras terrae cum omnibus suis pertinentijs in Couling, sive sit ibi maius sive minus prout simul jacent inter terram domini Roberti de Aspal ex part una, & terram quódam joannis le Pogeys ex alia, uno capite abuttante super viam communem, & alio super terram quondam praedict. joannis Pogeys: Habend. & tenend. praedict. tres acras terrae cum omnibus ●uis pertinent. praedict. joanni & Basiliae & hered praedict. joannis de capitalibus Domini feodi illius per seruitia inde debita & de iure consueta. Et ego praedictus Clemens & heredes mei, praedictis joanni & Basiliae & haered. praedict. joannis totam praedictam terram cum omnibus suis pertinentijs contra omnes gentes in perpetuum warrantizabimus. In cuius rei testimonium, huic praesenti chartae sigillum meum apposui: His testibus, 
Dated. R. Edw. R. ●. ●3. which was Ann. D. 1320.  Thoma de Caldebeke, Ricard. Farewell, joanne de Schelford, Roberto Godfrey, Rogero le Porter, & Williel. le Paumer. Datum apud Coulynge die dominica proxima post festum Sancti Lucae Euangelistae. Anno Regni Regis. Edwardi filii Regi, Edwardi, tertiodecimo.  
¶ All the Originals of these seven several pieces of Evidences, the true copies whereof are here before inserted and last recited, at this present (videlicet) this 23. of November in the year of our Lord. 1575. are in the custody and do remain among the Euedences, 
M. john Hunt hath 7. pieces of Evidences for priests marriage in his custody.  and writings of john Hunt of Esse alias Ashen, in the County or Essex Esquire, and are pertaining, and belonging to his Manor of Ouerhall, alias parva Breadley aforesaid, in the County of Suffolk. At whose hands they are easily at this present and long time (I trust) after the writing of this history, shall remain to be seen, of good record, if any man either be desirous of the sight thereof, or doubtful of the truth of the same.  
Although these Instruments and Evidences above here specified, be of themselves evident & plain enough, so that no man can reasonable object any thing to the contrary: yet to stop the mouths of all such wranglers and cavillers, who being satisfied with no truth, will here peradventure take some occasion upon this word Clericus, so oftentimes named in these Evidences aforesaid, to object that this word may as well be taken for other, 
Objections containing the word Cleri●us resolved.  as for Priests therefore, to prevent the cavilling objections of such, this shallbe briefly to reply thereunto, that in the common laws of this realm, in all gifts or feoffmentes made to any spiritual person (unless he be some graduate of Divinity in the schools) the said spiritual person is named by no other term, but by the word Clericus: as by divers places, as well in the printed books, as in old Registers and writings of the Lawyers, as well in the common law, as Statute law remaineth of Record very evident to be seen. Some special notes whereof as well for the ease of the Reader in the search of the same, as also for the further satisfying of some who peradventure shall want the books, I thought good here to exhibit in form and tenor as followeth.    

Certain notes how this word Clericus is taken in the Law books. 
Stat. de M●rlebri▪ An. 52. 〈◊〉. 3. 〈◊〉. ●7.   
SI Clericus aliquis pro reatu vel crimine aliquo, quod ad Coronam pertineat, arestatus fuerit, & postmodum per praeceptum domini regis in Ballium traditus, vel replegiatus extiterit, ita quòd high quibus traditus fuerit in Ballium eum habeant coram justiciarijs, non amercientur de caetero illi quibus traditus fuerit in Ballium, nec alij plegij sui, si corpus suum habeant coram justiciarijs, licet coram eis propter privilegium clericale respondere noluerit, vel non potuerit propter Ordinarios suos.  

another Note.  
Rex & antecessores sui a tempore cuius contrarij memoria non existit, usi sunt quòd Clerici suis immorantes obsequijs, dum obsequijs illis intenderint, 
〈…〉. 2. in 〈…〉. 8.  ad residentiam in suis beneficijs faciendam minime compellantur, nec debet dici tendere in praeiudicium Ecclesiasticae libertatis quòd pro Rege & republica necessarium invenitur.   

another Note.  

 Clericus ad Ecclesiam confugiens pro felonia, pro immunitate Ecclesiastica obtinenda, si asserit se esse Clericum, regnum non compellatur abiurare, sed legi regni se reddens, gaudebit Ecclesiastica libertate, juxta laudabilem consuetudinem regni hactenus usitatam.   

An other Note.  
Appellatori in forma debita tanquam Clerico per Ordinarium petito libertatis Ecclesiasticae beneficium non negabitur. 
In cap. 16.   
In the Statute entitled Articuli Cleri, made only for the benefit of the Clergy. An. R. Edwardi. R▪ 2. nono. are divers notes to like effect.  
But what needeth many arguments for the proof hereof? The Statutes and law books of this Realm are very full of them in divers and many places, besides the precedents, for the form of giving of benefices, whereof none are capable, but such as are spiritual men & of the Clergy, wherein they are not called or termed by any other title or term in the Latin tongue, 
●●ericus in 〈◊〉 law 〈◊〉 taken for a Priest.  then Clerici, for the most part, not in the kings own grant or the Lord Chancellors, or any other subjects of his, as very well appeareth both by divers old written Precedents which have been showed unto me, & also by the forms of presentations collected & set forth for the instruction of such as are ignorant, or not very perfit in the order of them, in a Printed book called The book of sundry Instruments. In which form in the said book the words in the kings grant be these: Rex Reverendissimo in Christo. etc. ad Ecclesiam Parochialem de N. vestrae diocaesis modo per mortem ultimi incumbentis ibidem vacantem, & ad nostram donationem pleno iure spectantem, dilectum Capellanum nostrum A.B. Clericum, intuitu charitatis vobis praesentamus, & mandamus uti dictum A. Capellanum nostrum ad praefatam Ecclesiam admittere, eumque Rectorem eiusdem instituere, cum suis iuribus. etc.  
But if the presentation be from a Knight, an Esquire, or a Gentleman, than these words Capellanum nostrum are always left out, as in the said book appeareth in this sort. Reverendo in Christo patri. etc. A.B. de N. ad Ecclesiam de N predictam vestrae dioc. modo per mortem T.D. ultimi incumbentis ibidem vacantem, & ad meam praesentationem pleno iure spectantem, dilectum mihi in Christo jacobum P. Clericum vestrae paternitati praesento, humiliter rogans quatenus prefatum I. ad dictam Ecclesiam admittere, ipsumque in Rectorem eiusdem Ecclesiae institui & induci facere velitis cum suis juribus & pertinentijs universis. etc. As in the said book is more at large to be seen or perused.  
Thus I doubt not, loving reader, but by these so plain Evidences above prefixed, thou hast sufficiently to understand, that this violent restraint of Priests lawful Marriage within this Realm of England, is of no such long reach and antiquity, as hath been thought of many, and all by reason of ignorance of histories, and course of times. So that briefly as in a Summary Table to comprehend that whole effect hereof:  
First about the year of our Lord. 946. to the profession of single life, 
〈◊〉 46.  and displacing of marriage began to come into example here in England, 
Priests' mar●●ge, how 〈◊〉 when it 〈◊〉 first 〈◊〉 excluded out of ●●●rches.  by reason of s. Benet's monks, which then began to increase hereabout the time of King Edgar, and especially by the means of Oswald bishop of York, Odo and Dunstane, Archbishops of Canterbury, and Ethelwolde Bishop of Wint. so that in divers Cathedral churches, and bishops Seas, monks with their professed singleness of life, crept in, & married Ministers (which were then called secular Priests) with their wives out of sundry Churches were dispossessed not from wives, but only from their places: and yet not in all Churches, but only in certain, whereof read before, page 198.  

● 1067.  Not long after that, about the time of Pope Nicolas 2. An. 1060. of Alexander, and Hildebrande, came into the sea of Canterbury an other Monk called Lanfranke, who also being a promoter of this professed chastity, made the Decree more general, that all Prebendaries being married in any Churches, should be displaced: yet the Priests in Towns and villages should not be compelled to leave their married wives, unless they would.  
Last of all followed monkish Anselme. an. 1106. by whom was made this law of Winchester aforesaid, that Priests, Archdeacon's, Deacons, & subdeacons, which had wives & spiritual living, should be put from them both, 
¶ 1166.  and also that none after should be admitted to their orders, but should first profess single life, that is, to live without wives. And thus much concerning priests marriage forbidden.  
Let us add moreover to these evidences above rehearsed, for more confirmation of the ancient use and liberty of priest's marriage an other testimony or two out of like ancient records with like plain words declaring unto us, how the matrimony of Priests, before the time of Lanckfranke aforesaid was no strange example in the Church, and first we will infer the words of an old martyrologue pertaining to the Records of Canterbury. The words of which martyrologue be these.    

Ex antiq. Martyrilogio Ecclesiae Cant.  
LAnfrancus Archiep. reddidit Ecclesiae S. Andreae, 
Livingus Pra●biter cum vxor●.  quia de iure ipsius Ecclesiae antiquitus fuerunt, in Suthrege, Mutelac, Londoniae, monasterium Sanctae Mariae, cum terris & domibus, quas Livingus Praesbyter & uxorillius Londoniae habuerunt.  
To this also may be adjoined an other like antiquity out of an old written history belonging to the church off. Assaph, after the time of Lanfranke, as followeth.  

Anno Domini, 1261. ex antiq. libro Assaphensi manu scripto.  
DE Clerico vxorato receptante publicè 
¶ Forbonizatum is a Saxon term and signifieth as much, as a man outlawed.  forbonizatum scienter, & possit contra ipsum probari, nobis videtur quòd tenetur respondere in fo●o Ecclesiastico. Si verò facit residentiam in terra principis, & contingat ipsum mulctari, tota mulcta sua principi debetur. Si verò residentiam in terra Episcopi facit, mulcta dividatur inter Episcopum & Principem. Si verò uxor alicuius talis scienter vel nolenter in eiusabsentia receptaverit, Mulier in foro Ecclesiastico respondeat, & Clericus ratione sui facti, non puniatur, nec pro ea (nisi velit) respondere cogatur.  
Neither is the testimony of Mantuanus unworthy also hereeunto to be added, writing in the life of Hilarius Bishop of Pictavium, as followeth.   

Ex Mantuano.  
INtegras vitae, legum prudentia cultus  
Coelicolûm, tutela inopum, diadema, pedumque  
Pictaviense tibi, dum nil mortalia curas,  
Dum vivis tibi, sort tua contentus, ab omni  
Ambitione procul, populo applaudente, tulerunt.  
Non nocuit tibi progenies, non obstitit▪ uxor  
Legitimo coniuncta toro, non horruit illa  
Tempestate Deus thalamos, cunabula, taedas.  
Sola erat in pretio, quae nunc incognita virtus  
Sordet & attrito vivit cum plebe cucullo.  
Propterea leges, quae sunt conubia contra,  
Esse malas quidam per hibent Prudentia patrum  
Non satis advertit, dicunt, quid ferre recuset,  
Quid valeat natura pati. Ceruic bus, aiunt,  
Hoc insuaue ingum nostris imponere Christus  
Noluit, istud onus quod adhuc quàm plurima monstra  
Fecit, ab audaci, dicunt, pietate repertum.  
Tutius esse volunt, qua lex divina sinebat  
Isse via, veterumque sequi vestigia patrum:  
Quorum vita fuit melior cum coniuge, quàm nunc  
Nostra sit exclusis thalamis & coniugis usu.    

The sixth Article touching Auricular confession.  
OF confession three kinds we find in the scriptures expressed and approved. The first is our confession privately or publicly made unto God alone: 
Three kinds of confession. Confession to God. 1. john. 1.  and this confession is necessary for all men at all times. Wherefore S. john speaketh: If we confess our sins, he is faithful to forgive us. etc.  
The second is the confession which is openly made in the face of the congregation. And this confession also hath place when any such thing is committed, whereof riseth a public offence and slander to the Church of God: As amples of penitentiaries in the primitive Church, & Melciades and other. etc.  
The third kind of confession is that, which we make privately to our brother. 
Private confession to our brother. Math. 5.  And this confession is requisite, when either we have injuried or by any way damnified our neighbour, whether he be rich or poor. Whereof speaketh the Gospel: Go and reconcile thyself first unto thy neighbour. etc. Also S. james: Confess yourselves one to another. etc. Or else this confession may also have place, when any such thing lieth in our conscience, in the opening whereof we stand in need of the counsel & comfort of some faithful brother. But herein must we use discretion in avoiding these points of blind superstition. First that we put therein no necessity for remission of our sins, 
jacob. 5.  but to use therein our own voluntary discretion, according as we see it expedient for the better satisfying of our troubled mind. The second is, 
Centaine points of superstition to be avoided in private confession.  that we be not bound to any ennumeration of our sins. The third, that we tie not ourselves to any one person, more than to an other, but to use therein our free choice, whom we think can give us the best spiritual counsel in the Lord.  
But as there is nothing in the Church so good and so ghostly, which through peevish superstition either hath not, or may not be perverted: so this confession also hath not lacked his abuses. First the secret confession to God alone, as it hath been counted insufficient, so hath it been but lightly esteemed of many. The public confession to the congregation hath been turned to a standing in a sheet, or else hath been bought out for money. Furthermore, the secret breaking of a man's mind to some faithful or spiritual brother, in disclosing his infirmity or temptations, for counsel and godly comfort, hath been turned into auricular confession in a priests ear for assoiling of his sins. In the which auricular confession, 
4. or 5. abuses in auricular confession.  first of the free liberty of the penitent in uttering his griefs, they have made a mere necessity, and that unto salvation and remission of sins. Secondly, they require withal, ennumeration and a full recital of all sins whatsoever: 


1. necessity.  
2 Enumeration of sins.  
3. Prescription of time,  
4. Confession made a Sacrament.  
5. To a Priest only.    both great and small, also besides the necessity of this ear confession, they add thereto a prescription of time, at least once in the year for all men, whether they repent or no, to be confessed: making moreover of the same a sacrament. And lastly, where as before it stood in the voluntary choice of a man to open his hart to what spiritual brother he thought best, for an easement of his grief & ghostly consolation, they bind him to a Priest (unless some Friar come by the way to be his ghostly father) to whom he must needs confess all, whatsoever he hath done, and though he lack the key of knowledge, and peradventure of good discretion, yet none must have power to assoil him, but he through the authority of his keys.  
And this manner of confession, say they, was instituted by Christ, and his Apostles, and hath been used in the Church ever since to this present day. Which is a most manifest untruth, and easy by stories to be convinced.  

Socrat. Lib. 5. cap. 19 SoZo. Lib. 7. cap. 16. Beat. Rhenanus in argum. libel. Tertulliani de penitentia.  For Socrates lib. 5. cap. 19 Sozom. lib. 7. cap. 16. in the book of Ecclesiastical history, do give us plainly to understand, that this Auricular confession never came of Christ, but only of men.  
Item, in the time of Tertullian, Beat. Rhenanus testifieth, that there was no mention made of this Auriculare confession. Which may well be gathered thereof, for that Tertullian writing upon repentance, maketh no mention at all thereof.  

Chrisost. in Psa. 30. hom. 1.  Item, in the time of chrysostom, it appeareth there was no such assoiling at the Priest's hands, by these words where he sayeth: I require thee not that thou shouldest confess thy sins to thy fellow servant. Tell them unto God, who careth for them.  

Chrysost. in hom. de penit. & confession.  Item, the said chrysostom in an other place writing upon repentance, and confession: Let the examination of thy sins, and thy judgement (saith he) be secret and close without witness. Let God only see and hear thy confession. etc.  

De penit. dist. 1· Petrus in Glosa.  Item, in the time of Ambrose, De poenit. Dist. 1. Petrus, the gloze of the Popes own decrees recordeth: That the institution of Baptism was not then begun, which now in our days is in use.  
Item, it is truly said therefore of the Gloze in another place, where he testifieth: That this institution of penance began rather of some tradition of the universal church, 
De penit Dist. 5 in principio.  then of any authority of the new Testament, or of the old. etc.  
The like also testifieth Erasm. writing upon Jerome in these words. Apparet tempore Hieronymi nondum institutam fuisse. etc. That is: It appeareth, that in the time of Jerome, this secret confession of sins was not yet ordained, 
Erasm. in Scholar in Epitaph●um fabiolae.  which the church afterward did institute wholesomely, if our Priests and lay men would use it rightly. But herein, divines not considering advisedly what the old doctors do say, are much deceived. That which they say of general and open confession, they wrest by and by to this privy and secret kind of confession, which is far divers, and of an other sort. etc.  
The like testimony may also be taken of Gracian himself, who speaking of confession used then in his time, 
 leaveth the matter in doubtful suspense, neither pronouncing on the one side, nor on the other, but referreth the matter to the free judgement of the Readers, which the act of these six Articles here enjoineth as necessary, under pain of death.  
Briefly, in few words to search out and notify the very certain time, 
 when this Article of ear confession first crept into the Church, & what antiquity it hath in following the judgement of joannes Scotus, and of Antoninus, it may be well▪ supposed, that the institution thereof took his first origine by Pope Innocent the third, in his Council of Laterane, An. 1215. For so we read in joannes Scotus Lib. 4. Sent. Dist. 17. Artic. 3. Praecipua autem specificatio huius praecepti invenitur in illo cap. Extra. de poenit. & remiss. 
 Omnis utriusque sexus. etc. And after in the same Article it followeth: Nam ex prima institutione Ecclesiae non videntur fuisse Distincti proprij sacerdotes. Quando enim Apostoli hinc & inde ibant praedicando verbum Dei. etc. By the which words it appeareth that there was no institution of any such confession specified before the constitution of Innocentius the third.  
But more plainly the same may appear by the words of Antoninus in 3. part Histor. 
 Which be these Innocentius tertius in Concilio generali praedicto, circa Sacramenta confessionis & communionis sic statuit: Omnis utriusque sexus fidelis, postquam ad annum discretionis pervenerit, omnia peccata sua solus saltem semel in anno confiteatur proprio sacerdoti, & iniunctam sibi poenitentiam proprijs viribus studeat adimplere, alioqu● & vivens ab ingressu Ecclesiae arceatur, & moriens Christiana careat sepultura. unde hoc salutare statutum frequenter in Ecclesijs publicetur: ne quisquam ignorantiae coecitate velamen excusationis assumat. etc. That is to say. Pope Innocent the 3. in his general Council aforesaid, touching the Sacraments of confession and the communion, made this constitution as followeth. 
 That every faithful person, both man & woman, after they come to the years of discretion, shall confess all their sins by themselves alone, at least once a year, to their own ordinary priest, and shall endeavour to fulfil by their own strength, their penance to them enjoined. Or else who so doth not, shall neither have entrance into the Church being alive, nor being dead shall enjoy Christian burial. Wherefore rhis wholesome constitution we will to be published often in the Churches, lest any man through the blindness of ignorance may make to themselves a cloak of excuse. etc. And thus much hitherto we have alleged by occasion incident of these six Articles for some part of confutation of the same, referring the reader for the rest, to the more exquisite tractation of Divines, which professedly write upon those matters.  
In the mean time, for asmuch as there is extant in Latin a certain learned Epistle of Philippe Melancthon, written to king henry against these vj. wicked Articles above specified, I thought not to defraud the reader of the fruit thereof, for his better understanding and instruction. The tenor and effect of his Epistle translated into English, thus followeth.  

The Copy of Melancthons' Epistle sent to king Henry, against the cruel Act of the vj. Articles.  
Most famous and noble Prince, 
 there were certain Emperors of Rome, as Adrianus. Pius, and afterward the two brethren Uerus and Marcus, which did receive gently the Apologies and defences of the Christians: which so prevailed with those moderate Princes, that they suaged their wrath against the Christians, and obtained mitigation of their cruel Decrees. Even so, for as much as there is a Decree set forth of late in your Realm against that doctrine which we profess, both godly and necessary for the Church, I beseech your most honourable Majesty favourably both to read & consider this our complaint, especially seeing I have not only for our own cause, but much rather for the common safeguard of the Church, directed this my writing unto you. For seeing those heathen Princes did both admit and allow the defences of the Christians, how much more is it beseeming for a king of Christian profession, and such a one as is occupied in the studies of holy histories, to hear the complaints and admonitions of the godly in the Church? And so much the more willingly I write unto you, for that you have so favourably heretofore received my letters with a singular declaration of your 
*  benevolence towards me. This also giveth me some hope that you will not unwillingly read these things▪ for as much as I see that the very phrase & manner of writing doth plainly declare, not yourself, but only the bishops to be the authors of those articles and decrees there set forth: Albeit, through their wily and subtle sophistications, they have induced you (as it happened to many other worthy princes besides you) to condescend and assent unto them: as the rulers persuaded Darius being otherwise a wise and a just prince, to cast Daniel unto the lions.  

〈◊〉 3.  It was never unseemly for a good prince to correct & reform cruel and rigorous laws (as it is commonly said) to have a second view and oversight of things before passed and decreed.  
The wise Athenians made a Decree when the City of Mitilene was recovered, which before had forsaken them that all the Citizens there should be slain, and the city utterly destroyed. Whereupon there was a ship sent forth with the same commandment to the army. 
Example of the Athenians revoking their decree.  On the next morrow the matter was brought again before the same judges, and after better advise taken, there was a contrary decree made, that the whole multitude should not be put to the sword, but a few of the chief authors of their rebellion, should be punished and the City saved. There was therefore an other ship sent forth with a countermand in all haste to overtake and prevent their former ship, as also it happened. Neither was that noble city which then ruled and reigned far and wide, ashamed to altar and reform their former Decree. Many such examples there be, the most part whereof, I am sure are well known unto you. But in the Church especially, Princes have many times altered & reform their Decrees, and Nabuchodonosor & Darius. There was a Decree set forth in the name of Assuerus, 
Ester 8.  concerning the kill of the jews. That Decree was afterwards called in again. So did Adrianus and Antoninus also correct and reform their Decrees.  
Therefore, although there be a decree set forth in England, which threateneth strange punishments and penalties, disagreeing from the custom of the true Church, and swerving from the rules & Canons thereof: yet I thought it not unseemly for us to become petitioners unto you, for the mitigation of these your sharp and severe proceedings. The which when I consider, 
Mitigation of the 6. articles desired.  it grieveth my mind, not only for the peril and danger of them which profess the same doctrine that we do, but also I do lament for your cause, that they should make you an instrument and a minister of their bloody tyranny and impiety. And partly also I lament, to see the course of Christian doctrine perverted, superstitious rites confirmed, whoredom and lecherous ●u●tes maintained.  
Besides all this, I here of divers good men, excelling both in doctrine and virtue, to be there detained in prison, as Latimer, Cromer, Shaxton and others, to whom I wish strength, patience, & consolation in the Lord. Unto whom albeit there can nothing hap more luckily or more gloriously, 
Latimer, Cromer, Shaxton, & others imprisoned for the 6. articles.  then to give their lives in the confession of the manifest truth and verity: yet would I wish that you should not distain your hands with the blood of such men: neither would I wish such Lanterns of light in your Church, to be extinguished: neither these spiteful & malicious Phariseis, the enemies of Christ, to have their wills so much fulfilled. Neither again would I wish that you should so much serve the will and desire of that romish Antichrist, which laugheth in his sleeve to see you now to take part with him, against us hoping well by the help of his bishops, to recover again his former possession, which of late by your virtuous and godly means be lost. He seethe your Bishops, 
The Bishops pretend outward obedience to the king, but their hearts be with the Pope.  for the time, loyal unto you, and obsequious to obey your will: but in heart he seethe them linked unto him in a perpetual bond of fidelity and obedience. In all these feats and practices, the Romish Bishops are not to seek. They see what great storms and blasts heretofore they have passed by bearing & suffering. They see that great things be brought to pass in time. Neither do they forget the old verse of the Poet.  Multa, dies variusque labor mutabilis aevi Retulit in melius. 
Many good and learned men in Germany conceived of you great hope, that by your authority and example other Princes also would be provoked to surcease likewise from their unjust cruelty, and better to advise themselves for the reformation of errors crept into the Church: trusting that you would be as a guide and Captain of that godly purpose and enterprise. But now seeing these your contrary proceed, we are utterly discouraged: the indignation of other Princes is confirmed: the stubborness of the wicked is augmented: and old and great errors are thereby established.  
But here your Bishops will say again (no doubt) that they defend no errors, but the very truth of God's holy word. And although they be not ignorant that they strive in very deed, both against the true word of God, and the Apostolic Church, yet like crafty Sophisters, they can find out fair gloss, pretending a goodly show outwardly, to colour their errors and abuses.  
And this sophistication not only now in England is had in great admiration, and esteemed for great wisdom, 
The Bishop's 〈◊〉 errors against their knowledge.  neither in Rome only reigneth, where Cardinal Couterrenus, Sadolet, and Cardinal Poole, go about to paint out abuses with new colours and goodly gloss: but also in Germany divers noble men are likewise corrupted and seduced with the like sophistication. And therefore I nothing marvel that so many there with you be deceived with these crafty iugglinges. And although you for your part, lack neither learning nor judgement, yet some times we see it so happen, that wise men also be carried away by fair and colourable persuasions, from the verity. The saying of Simonides is praise worthy: 
Falsehood ofte● times beareth a fairer show the truth.  Opinion (sayeth he) many times perverteth verity. And many times fall opinion hath outwardly a fairer show, then simple truth. And specially it so happeneth in cases of religion, where the devil transformeth himself into an Angel of light, setting forth with all colourable & goodly shows, false opinions. How fair seemeth the gloze of Samosatenus, upon the Gospel of S. john: 
john. 1.  In the beginning was the word. etc. and yet is it full of impiety, but I omit foreign▪ examples.  
In these articles of yours, how many things are craftily & deceitfully devised? Confession saith the article, is necessary, & aught to be retained. 
Confession.  And why say they not plainly, that the rehearsing & numbering up of sins is necessary by God's word? This the bishops knew well to be very false, & therefore in the article they placed their words generally, to blear the eyes of the simple people, that when they hear confession to be necessary, they should thereby think the enumeration of sins to be necessary by God's word.  
The like legerdimaine also they use in the article of private Masses, albeit the beginning the said article containeth a manifest untruth, where they say that it is necessary to retain private Masses. What man in all the primitive Church, more than 4. hundredth years after the Apostles time, did ever so say or think, at what time there were no such private Masses used? 
Private Masses▪  But afterward in the process of the Article, follow other blind sophistications, to make the people believe that they should receive by them, divine consolations and benefits. And why do they not plainly declare what consolations and benefits those be? 
By application of masses is meant when the passi● and merits of Christ is applied to any by the virtue of the Mass.  The Bishops here do name no application and merit, for they know that they can not be defended. Yet they dally with glozing words, whereby they may wind out and escape, if any should improve their application. And yet notwithstanding they would have this their application to be understanded and believed of the people. They would have this Idolatrous persuasion confirmed: to wit, that this sacrifice doth merit unto others, remission A poena & culpa: release of all calamities, and also gain & lucre in common traffic, and to conclude, whatsoever else the careful heart of man doth desire.  
The like Sophistication they use also, where they say that Priest's marriage is against the law of God. They are not ignorant what S. Paul saith: 
priests marriage. 1. Tim. 3.  A Bishop ought to be the husband of one wife: and therefore they know right well that Marriage is permitted to Priests by the law of God. But because now, they say, they have made a vow, they go craftily to work, and do not say that priests for their vows sake can not marry, but plainly give out the Article after this sort: that Marriage of Priests is utterly against the law of God. Again, what impudency and tyranny do they show moreover, when they compel marriages to be dissolved, and command those to be put to death, which will not put away their wives, and renounce their matrimony? Where as the vow of Priests, if it had any force at all should extend no further but only to put them from the ministery if they would marry. And this (no doubt) is the true meaning of the Counsels and Canons.  
O cursed Bishops. 
Winchester cu●●●ning in the art of juggling, called deceptio visus.  O impudent and wicked Winchester, who under these colourable fetches, thinketh to deceive the eyes of Christ, and the judgements of all the godly in the whole world. These things have I written that you may understand the crafty sleights, and so judge of the purpose and policy of these Bishops. 
The word of God ought simply to be handled without all sophistry●▪  For if they would simply and heartily search for the truth, they would not use these crafty collusions and deceitful jugglings.  
This Sophistication, as it is in all other affairs pernicious and odious, so above all things, most specially it is to be avoided in matters of Religion: wherein it is a heinous impiety to corrupt or pervert the pure word of God. And hereof the Devil which is called Diabolus, specially taketh his name, because he wresteth the word of God out of men's hearts by such false juggling and sophistical cavillations. And why do not these Bishops as well plainly utter and confess that they will abide no reformation of doctrine and Religion in the Church, for that it shall make against their dignity, pomp & pleasure? Why do not their adherents also, and such as take their part, plainly say that they will retain still this present state of the Church for their own profit, tranquility, and maintenance? Thus to confess, 
The cloaked hypocrisy of false Papists.  were true and plain dealing.  
Now, whiles they pretend hypocritically a false zeal and love to the truth and sincere Religion, they come in with their blind sophistications, wherewith they cover their errors: for their Articles set forth in this act be erroneous, false & impious, how glorious soever they seem outwardly. Wherefore it were to be wished that these bishops would remember Gods terrible threatening in the prophet Esay: Woe to you (sayeth he) which make wicked laws. 
Esa 10. Esa. 5.  What will you do in the day of visitation and calamity to come? etc. Woe unto you that call evil good, etc.  
Now to come more near to the matter which we have in hand: this cannot be denied, but that long and horrible darkness hath been in the church of Christ. 
Man's traditions counted for God's service.  men's traditions not only have been a yoke to good men's consciences, but also (which is much worse) they have been reputed for God's holy service, to the great disworship of God. There were vows, things bequeathed to churches, diversity of garments, choice of meats, long babbling prayers, pardons, image worship, manifest idolatry committed to saints, the true worship of God and true good works not known. Briefly, little difference there was betwixt the Christian and heathen religion, as still is yet at Rome, to this present day, to be seen. The true doctrine of repentance, of * remission of sins, which cometh by the faith of Christ, of justification of faith, of the difference between the law and the gospel, of the right use of the Sacraments, was hid and unknown. The keys were abused to the maintenance of the Pope's usurped tyranny. Ceremonies of men's invention were much preferred before civil obedience and duties done in the common wealth.  
Unto these errors moreover was joined a corrupt life, 
The filthy life of the Clergy, for lackee of marriage.  full of all lecherous and filthy lusts, by reason of the law forbidding Priests to marry. Out of this miserable darkness, God something hath begun to deliver his church through the restoring again of true doctrine. For so we must needs acknowledge, that these so great and long festered errors have not been disclosed and brought to light by the industry of man, 
This restoring of the Gospel is only of God and not of man.  but this light of the Gospel, is only the gift of God, who now again hath appeared unto the Church. For so doth the holy Ghost prophecy before, how in the later times the godly should sustain sore & perilous conflicts with antichrist, foreshowing that he should come, environed with a mighty and strong army of Bishops, hypocrites and Princes: that he should fight against the truth, and slay the godly.  
And that now all these things are so come to pass, it is most evident, and can not be denied. The tyranny of the bishop of Rome hath partly brought in errors into the church, partly hath confirmed them, & now maintaineth the same with force and violence, as Daniel well foreshowed. And much we rejoiced to see you divided from him, 
By the 6. Articles all errors and traditions are maintained.  hoping and trusting well that the Church of England would now flourish. But your Bishops be not divided from the Romish Antichrist: his Idolatry, errors, and vices they defend and maintain with tooth and nail: for the Articles now passed, are craftily picked out. They confirm all human traditions in that they establish solemn vows, single life and auricular confession. They uphold and advance not only their pride and authority, but all errors withal, in retaining the private Mass.  
Thus have they craftily provided that no reformation can take any place, that their dignity & wealth may still be upholden. And this to be the purpose of the bishops, experience itself doth plainly teach us. Now what man will not lament to see the glory of Christ thus to be defaced? For (as I said before) this matter concerneth not only these Articles which be there enacted, but all other Articles of sound doctrine are likewise overthrown, 
Mark. 7.  if such traditions of men shallbe reputed as necessary, and to be retained. For why doth Christ say? For they worship me in vain with the precepts of men? or why doth S. Paul so oft detest men's traditions?  
It is no light offence to set up new kinds of worshipping and serving of God without his word, 
God will not be worshipped but after his word. Prou. 3.  or to defend the same. Such presumption God doth horriblely detest, which will be known in his word only. He will have none other Religions invented by man's devise: for else all sorts of religions of all nations might be approved & allowed. Lean not (saith he) to thine own wisdom. But he sent Christ, and commandeth us to hear him, & not the invention of subtle and politic heads, which apply religion to their own lucre and commodity.  
Furthermore, private Masses, ●owes, the single life of Priests, numbering up of sins to the Priest, with other things more, being but mere ordinances of men, are used for God's true service and worship. For although the Supper of the Lord was truly instituted by Christ, yet the private mass is a wicked profanation of the Lords supper. For in the Canon what corruption is contained in this, where it is said that Christ is offered, and that the work itself is a sacrifice which redeemeth the quick and the dead? 
 These things were never ordained of Christ: yea manifold ways they are repugnant to the Gospel. Christ willeth not himself to be offered up of Priests, neither can the work of the offerer or of the receiver, by any means, be a sacrifice. This is manifest Idolatry, and overthroweth th● true doctrine of faith, and the true use of the Sacraments. 
 By faith in Christ we are justified, and not by any work of the Priest. And the Supper is ordained that the Minister should distribute to others, 
 to the intent that they repenting for their sins, should be admonished firmly to believe the promises of the Gospel to pertain unto them: Hear is set a plain testimony before us, that we are made the members of Christ, and washed by his blood.  
And this is the true use of that Supper, which is ordained in the gospel, 
 and was observed in the primative Church 300. years and more, from the which we ought not to be removed. For it is plain impiety to transfer the lords institution to any other use, as we are taught by the second commandment. Wherefore these private Masses, for asmuch as they serve from the right institution of Christ manifold ways, as by oblation, sacrifice, application, and many other ways beside, 
1. Cor.  they are not to be retained but to be abolished. Fly (sayeth S. Paul) from all Idolatry. In these private masses much Idolatry is committed, which we see our bishops now so stoutly to defend: and no marvel. 
Ma●●. ●.  For in the latter times the scripture plainly showeth that great Idolatry shall reign in the Church of God. As Christ himself also signifieth, saying: When ye shall see the abomination of desolation, which is foretold of the Prophet Daniel, standing in the holy place, he that readeth, 
Dan. ●●.  let him understand. And Daniel in the 11. chapter. And he shall worship the God Maozim in his place, and shall adore the God whom his fathers knew not, with gold, silver, and precious stones. Both these places speak of the mass.  
This kind of worship and horrible profanation of the Sacrament, God abhorreth. For how many sundry kinds of manifest impiety are here committed in this one action of the Mass? First, it is set forth to sale. Secondly, 
 they that are unworthy, are compelled to receive whether they will or no. Thirdly, it is applied for meritorious and satisfactory for the quick and the dead. Fourthly, many things are promised thereby, as prosperous navigation, remedies against diseases both for man and beast, with other infinite more. These be most manifest and notorious abominations. But besides these, there be other also no less to be reprehended, which the simple people do not so plainly see. Such worshipping and serving of God is not to be set up after the fantasy of men.  
Wherefore they do wickedly when they offer sacrifice to God without his commandment. For when of this work they make a sacrifice, they imagine that private Masses are to be done, because God would be worshipped after this sort, And we see that Masses are bought with gold and silver, great riches and sumptuous charges: also the Sacrament to be carried about in gold and silver to be worshipped, whereas the sacrament was never ordained for any such purpose. Wherefore seeing the commandment of God biddeth, fly from Idolatry, private Masses are not to be maintained. And I marvel what they say that such private Masses are necessarily to be retained, 
 when it is evident that in the old time there was none such. Shall we think that things pertaining to the necessary worship of GOD, could so long be lacking in the primative Church 300. years after the Apostles and more? What can be more absurd and against all reason?  
We see these private Masses to be defended with great labour and much a do: of some, for fear lest their gain should decay: of some, because they would serve the affection of the vulgar people (which thinketh to have great succour thereby, and therefore are loath to leave it) rather than for any just cause or reason to lead them. But howsoever they do, a most manifest & evident cause there is why these private Masses ought to be abolished. For first their application undoubtedly is wicked: neither doth the work of the priest merit any grace to any person, but every one is justified by his own faith. Neither again would God have any man to trust upon any ceremony, but only to the benefit of Christ. And most certain it is, that the application of these Masses for the dead, is full of great error and impiety.  
But here come in blind gloss (albeit to no purpose) to excuse this application. 
Application of the Mass 〈◊〉.  For universally amongst all the people, who is he that thinketh otherwise, but that this work is available for the whole Church? Yea the Canon of the Mass itself declareth no less. And why then do some of these crafty sophisters dally out the matter with their glozing words, denying that they make any application of their Masses, when they know full well that the error of the people is confirmed by this their doing: although they themselves do think otherwise? Albeit how few be there in very deed which do otherwise think?  
We ought not to dissemble in God's matters. Let us use them as the holy Scripture teacheth, and as the ancient custom of the primitive Church doth lead us. 
The old institution of Christ is not to be altered by n●w inventions.  Why should any man be so presumptuous to swerver from ancient custom? Why now do they defend the errors of other which have perverted the institution of Christ?  
Now, although some perhaps will pretend and say, that he maketh no application of his Masses, yet notwithstanding he so dealeth in handling the ceremony privately by himself, that he thinketh this his oblation to be high service done to God, and such as God requireth: which is also erroneous and to be reproved. For why, no service nor worship pertaining to God ought to be set up by man's devise, without the commandment of God.  
Wherefore I beseech you for the glory of Christ, that you will not defend the article of this Act concerning these private Masses, but that you will suffer the matter to be well examined by virtuous and learned men. All things that we here with us do, we do them by evident & substantial testimony of the primitive Church, which testimony I dare be bold to set against the judgements of all that have since followed, such as have corrupted the ancient doctrine and old rites with manifold errors.  
As touching the other articles, they have no need of any long disputation. 
Against vows of Priests single l●fe. The common error concerning vows.  Uowes that be wicked, feigned, and impossible, are not to be kept. There is no doubt, but this is the common persuasion of all men touching vows, that all these will works devised by man, are the true service and worship of God: and so think they also which speak most indifferently of them. Other add thereunto more gross errors, saying, that these works bring with them perfection, and merit everlasting life. Now all these opinions the Scripture in many places doth reprove. Christ saith: They worship me in vain with the precepts of men. 
Mark. 7. ●. Tim. 4.  And Paul saith, that these observations be the doctrine of devils: for they ascribe to the power and strength of man, false honour, because they are taken for the service of God: they obscure faith and the true worshipping of God. Item, the said Paul to the Coloss. saith: Let no man deceive you by feigned humility, 
Coloss 2.  etc. Why make you Decrees? etc. Wherefore these corrupt traditions of men are in deed a wicked and detestable service of God.  
Unto these also are annexed many other corrupt & wicked abuses. The whole order of Monkery, what superstition doth it contain: What profanations of Masses, invocation of Saints, colours & fashions of apparel, choice of meats, superstitious prayers without all measure? Of which causes every one were sufficient, 
Causes why vows ought to be broken.  why these vows ought to be broken. Besides this, a great part of men are drawn to this kind of life chiefly for the bellies sake, and then afterward they pretend the holiness of their vow and profession.  
Furthermore, this vow of single life is not to all men possible to be kept, as Christ himself say't: All men do not receive this. 
Math. 19  Such vows therefore which without sin can not be performed are to be undone, but these things I have discussed sufficiently in other of my works.  
But this causeth me much to marvel, that this vow of Priests in your English Decree, 
The 6. articles make the ●owe of Priests as stre●ght as the vow of Monks, which is contrary to their own law.  is more strait and hard, then is the vow of Monks, whereas the Canons themselves do bind a Priest no farther to single life: but only for the time that he remaineth in the ministry. And certainly it made my hart to tremble when I read this Article which so forbiddeth matrimony, and dissolveth the same being contracted, and appointeth moreover the punishment of death for the same. Although there have been divers godly Priests which in certain places have been put to death for their marriage, yet hath never man hitherto been so bold to 'stablish any such law. 
No law of death ever established for priests marriage, before the 6. Articles  For every man in a manner, well perceived that all well disposed and reasonable persons would abhor that cruelty: and also they feared least the posterity would think evil thereof. Who would ever think, that in the Church of Christ, wherein all lenity toward the godly aught most principally to be showed, such cruelties and tyranny could take place, to set forth bloody laws to be executed upon the godly for lawful matrimony?  
But they broke their vows, will the bishops say. 
Why Priest's vows ought not to stand.  For (as I said) that vow ought not to stand seeing it is turned to a false worship of God, & is impossible to be kept. Again, although it stood in force, yet it should not extend to them which forsake the ministry. Finally, if the Bishops here would have a care and regard to men's consciences, they should then ordain Priests without any such profession or vow making, as appeareth by the old Canons, how that many were admitted to the ministry without professing of any vow, and the same afterward, when they had married their wives, to have remained in the ministry, as is testified Cap. Diaconi. Distinct. 28.  
Certainly what here I may complain, I can not tell. 
Dist. 28. ●ap. Diaconi.  First, in this Article I can not impute it to ignorance that they do. For no man is ignorant of the commandment of God, which saith: Let every man have his wife for avoiding of fornication. Again, who is so blind but he seethe what a life these unmarried Priests do live? 
Bishops restrain priests marriage against all reason and excuse▪  The complaints of good men are well known. The filthiness of the wicked is toto manifest. But peradventure your Bishops holding with the sect of Epicures, do think that God is not offended with filthy lusts. Which if they so think, then do we sustain doubtless a hard cause where such must be judges.  
I am not ignorant that this single life is very fit to set out the glory and bravery of Bishops and Colleges of Priests, & to maintain their wealth and portly state, and this I suppose to be the cause why some do abhor so much that Priests should be married. But O Lamentable state of the Church, if laws should be so forced to serve, not the verity and the will of God, but the private gain and commodity of men. They err which think it lawful for them to make laws repugnant to the commandment of God & to the law of nature, so that they be profitable to attain wealth and riches. 
Complaint of unjust laws serving to the ●●ker of men against the glory of God.  And of troth from my very hart I do mourn & lament, right noble Prince, both for your sake & also for the cause of Christ's Church. You pretend to impugn and gaynestand the tyranny of the Romish Bishop, and truly do call him Antichrist, as in deed he is: & in the mean time you defend and maintain those laws of that Romish Antichrist, which be the strength & sinews of all his power▪ as private Masses, single life of Priests, & other superstitions. You threaten horrible punishments to good men and to the members of Christ, you violently oppress and bear down the verity of the Gospel beginning to shine in your Churches. This is not to abolish Antichrist, but to establish him.  
I beseech you therefore for our Lord jesus Christ, that you file not your conscience in defending those Articles which your Bishops have devised and set forth touching private Masses, Auricular confession, vows, single life of Priests, & prohibition of the one half of the Sacrament. It is no light offence to establish Idolatry, errors, cruelty the filthy lusts of Antichrist. If the Roman Bishop should now call a Council, what other Articles chief would he devise and publish unto the world, but the very same which your Bishops have here enacted.  
Understand and consider I pray you, the subtle trains and deceits of the devil, 
The subtlety of Satan in abusing the power of Princes to maintain his kingdom.  which is wont first to set upon and assail the chief governors. And as he is the enemy of Christ from the beginning of the world, so his chief purpose is by all crafty and subtle means, to work contumely against Christ in sparsing abroad wicked opinions and setting up Idolatry: and also in polluting mankind with bloody murders and fleshly lusts: in the working whereof he abuseth the policies and wits of hypocrites: also the power and strength of mighty Princes: as stories of all times bear witness what great kingdoms & Empires have set themselves with all might & main, against the poor Church of Christ.  
And yet notwithstanding God hath reserved some good Princes at all times, out of the great multitude of such giants, and hath brought them to his Church, to embrace true doctrine, and to defend his true worship: 
Example of good Princes▪  as Abraham taught Abimelech, joseph the Egyptian kings: and after them came David, josaphat, Ezechias, josias excelling in true godliness. Daniel converted to the knowledge of God the kings of Chaldea & Persia. Also brittany brought forth unto the world the godly Prince Constantine. In this number I wish you rather to be, then amongst the enemies of Christ, defiled with Idolatry & spotted with the blood of the godly: of whom God will take punishment, as he doth many times forewarn, and many examples do teach.  
Yet again therefore I pray and beseech you for our Lord jesus Christ, that you will correct and mitigate this Decree of the Bishops: In which doing you shall advance the glory of Christ, and provide as well for the wealth of your own soul, as the safeguard of your Churches.  
Let the hearty desires of so many godly men through the whole world, move you, so earnestly wishing that some good Kings would extend their authority to the true reformation of the Church of God, to the abolishing of all Idolatrous worship, and the furthering of the course of the Gospel. Regard also and consider I beseech you, those godly persons, 
He meaneth Shaxton, Latimer Cromer, and others.  which are with you in bands for the Gospel's sake, being the true members of Christ.  
And if that cruel Decree be not altered, the Bishops will never cease to rage's against the Church of Christ without mercy or pity. For them the devil useth as instruments and ministers of his fury and malice against Christ. 
The devils instruments by whom he works.  These he stirreth up to slay and kill the members of Christ. Whose wicked and cruel proceed and subtle sophistications, that you will not prefer before our true and most righteous request, all the godly most humbly & heartily do pray & beseech you. Which if they shall obtain, no doubt but God shall recompense to you great rewards for your piety, and your excellent virtue shallbe renowned both by pen and voice of all the godly, whiles the world standeth. For Christ shall judge all them that shall deserve either well or evil of his Church. And whiles letters shall remain, the memorial worthy of such noble deserts, shall never die or be forgotten with the posterity to come. And seeing we seek the glory of Christ, and that our Churches are the Churches of Christ, there shall never be wanting such as both shall defend the righteous cause, and magnify with due commendation such as have well deserved, & likewise shall condemn the unjust cruelty of the enemies.  
Christ goeth about hungry, thirsty, naked, prisoned, complaining of the raging fury of the Bishops, and of the wrongful oppression and cruelty of divers Kings and Princes, entreating that the members of his body be not rend in pieces, but that true Churches may be defended, & his Gospel advanced. This request of Christ to hear, to receive, and to embrace, is the office of a godly King, and service most acceptable unto God.   
☞ Entreating a little before, page 1143. of certain old instruments for proof of priests lawful Marriage in times past, I gave a little touch of a certain record taken out of an old martyrologue of the Church of Cant. touching Livingus a priest, and his wife, in the time of Lanfrancke. Wherein I touched also of certain lands and houses restored again by the said Lanfrancke to the Church of S. Andrew. 
Livingus Priest, and his wife.  Now for as much as the perfect note thereof is more fully come to my hands, and partly considering the restoring of the said lands, to be to Christ's Church in Canterbury, and not S. Andrew in Rochester: and also for that I have found some other presidents approving the lawful Marriage of Priests, and legitimation of their children, I thought good for the more full satisfying of the reader, to enter the same, as followeth.  

* A note out of an old martyrologue of Caunterbury.  
OBijt Guillielmus Rex Anglorum, etc. Hic reddidit Ecclesiae Christi omnes ferè terras, etc. That is: After the death of William King of England, 
Ex Archivis. Eccles. Cant.  the said Lanfrancke restored again to Christ's Church in Canterbury, all the lands which from ancient memory unto these latter days, have been taken away from the right of the said Church. The names of which lands be these: In Kent, Raculfe, Sandwich, Rateburch, Wodetun, the Abbay of Limming, with the lands and customs unto the same monastery belonging, Saltwude, etc. (Stock and Denentun, because they belonged of old time to the Church of S. Andrew, 
S. Andrew's. Church in Rochester.  them he restored to the same Church.) In Sutherey, Murtelac, the Abbay of S. Mary in London, with the lands and houses which Livingus Priest, and his wife had in London. All these Lanfrancke restored again for the health of his own soul, freely, and without money, 
Livingus Priest & married man.  etc.   

* A note for the legitimation of priests children, ex termino Michael. Anno 21. Henr. 7. fol. 39 page. 2.  
NOte, that in the nineteen. year of this King, in an Assize at Warwick, before Sir guy Fairfax, and Sir john Vavisour, it was found by Verdict, 
M. 21. H. 7.  that the father of the tenant had taken the order of Deacon, and after married a wife, and had issue, the tenant died, and the issue of the tenant did enter. Upon whom the pleyntife did enter as next heir collateral to the father of the tenant. 
A Deacon taketh a wife, hath issue & dieth, the issue adjudged not Bastard.  Upon whom he did re-enter, etc. and for difficulty, the justices did adjourn the Assize. And it was debated in the Escheker chamber: If the tenant shall be a Bastard, etc. And here by advise it was adjudged that he shall not be bastard, etc. ¶ Frowicke chief justice said to me in the nineteen. year of Henry the seven. in the common place, that he was of counsel in this matter, and that it was adjudged as before, which Vavisour did grant. ¶ And Frowicke said, that if a Priest marry a wife, 
 and hath issue and dieth, his issue shall inherit, for that the espousals be not void but voidable. ¶ Vavisour: if a man take a Nun to wife, this espousal is void.  
☞ Note, that in the latter Impression of Henry the seven. years of the law, this word Priest in this case aforesaid in some books is left out: whether of purpose or by negligence, I leave it to the Reader to judge.   

* Another note for legitimation of priests children.  
AD Curiam generalem D. Philippi & D. Mariae Dei gratia, etc. xuj. die julij, Anno Reg. dict. Regis & Reginae, primo & tertio irrotulatur sic. Praesentatum est per totum homagium quòd Simon Heynes 
*  Clericus diu antè istam Curiam, vid. per duos annos iam elapsos, fuit sesitus secundum consuetudinem huius Manerij in dominio suo ut de feodo, de & in duabus acris terrae, percellis de xxxv. acris & dimidij terrae, nuper in tenura joannis Heynes. Ac. de & in uno tenemento vocat. Bernardes' nuper in tenura joannis Cotton. Ac de & in lvij. Acris & iij. rodis terrae & pasturae, sive plus sive minus, prout jacent in campis de Myldenhall praedicta in diversis pecijs, ut patet in Curia hic tenta die iovis proximo post festum Sancti Lucae Euangelistae, An. regni Regis Henrici viii. xxxviij. Necnon de & in xii. acris terrae nativae iacentibus in Townefield & Twamelfield in diversis pecijs. Ac de & in quatuor Acris & dimidio terrae iacentibus in Myldenhall praedicta. Ac de & in quinque rodis terrae iacentibus in Halywelfield. Qua propter praemissa, idem Symon nuper habuit ex sursum redditione Willielmi Heynes prout▪ pater in Curia hic tenta die Martis proximo post Dominicam in Albis Anno regni Regis Edwardi vj. primo. 
 Et sic sesitus idem Symon de omnibus supradictis praemissis inde obijt solus sesitus. Et quòd joseph Heynes est filius & haeres eius propinquior, & modo aetatis quinque annorum & amplius. Qui quidem joseph praesens hic in Curia in propria persona sua, petit se admittie ad omnia supradicta praemissa tanquam ad ius & hear ditatem suam. Et D. Rex & D. Regina ex gratia sua speciali, per Clementum Heigham militem Senescallum suum, concesserunt ei inde sesinam tenendam sibi▪ haeredibus, & assignatis eius, per virgam ad voluntatem dict. D. Regis & D. Reginae secundum consuetudinem huius, Manerij, per seruitia & redditus inde debita, etc. Saluo iure, etc. Et dat Domino Regi & D. Reginae v. lib. de fine pro ingressu suo habendo, & fidelitas inde respectuatur quousque, etc. Et ulterius consideratum est per Curiam quòd dict. joseph est infra aetatem ut praefertur. Ideo determinatum est & concessum est per consensum Curiae quòd joanna Heynes nuper uxor praedicti Simonis, ac matter predicti joseph habebit custodiam eiusdem joseph, quousque idem joseph pervenerit ad suam legitimam aetatem.  
Concerning these vj. Articles passed in this Act aforesaid in the 21. year of King Henry, sufficiently hitherto hath been declared, first what these Articles were: secondly by whom and from whom chief they proceeded: thirdly, 
 how erroneous, pernicious, repugnant and contrarious to true doctrine, christian religion, and the word of God, to nature also itself, all reason and honesty, and finally to the ancient laws, customs, and examples of our forcelders during the days of a thousand years after Christ they were. Fourthly, ye have heard also what unreasonable and extreme penalty was set upon the same, 
 that a man may deem these laws to be written not with the ink of Steven Gardiner, but with the blood of a Dragon, or rather the clause of the Devil. The breach whereof was made no less than treason and felony, and no less punishment assigned thereto then death.  
Besides all this, the words of the Act were so curious and subtle, that no man could speak, write or cipher against them, without present danger, yea scarcely a man might speak any word of Christ and his Religion, 
 but he was in peril of these vj. Articles. Over & beside, the Papists began so finely to interpret the Act, that they spared not to indite men for abusing their countenance & behaviour in the Church. So great was the power of darkness in those days. And thus much concerning this Act.  
Besides these vj. Articles in this foresaid Act concluded, there was also another constitution annexed withal, not without the advise (as may seem) of the Lord Cromwell, which was this: 
 that Priests and Ministers of the Church, seeing now they would needs themselves be bound from all Matrimony, should therefore by law likewise be bound to such honesty and continency of life, that carnally they should use & accustom no manner of woman married or single, by way of adultery or fornication: the breach whereof, for the first time, was to forfeit goods, & to suffer imprisonment at the King's pleasure: and for the second time, being duly convicted, it was made felony as the other were.  
In this constitution, if the Lord Cromwell and other good men of the Parliament might have had their will, there is no doubt, but the first crime of these concubinarye Priests, as well as the second, had had the same penalty, as the other vj. Articles had and should have been punished with death. But Steven Gardiner with his fellow Bishops, who then ruled all the roast, so basted this extraordinary Article with their accustomed shifts, that if they were taken and duly convict for their not castè nor cautè, at first time it was but forfeit of goods. Also for the second conviction or atteinder, they so provided that the next year following, that punishment and pain of death by Act of parliament, 
〈◊〉 an. 〈…〉 c. 10.  was clean wiped away and repealed. And why so? Because (sayeth the Statute) that punishment by pain of death is very sore, and much extreme, therefore it pleaseth the King, with the assent of the Lords, that that clause above written concerning felony, and pains of death, and other penalties and forfeitures, for and upon the first and second conviction or attainder of any Priest or woman, 
The Act against the whoredom 〈◊〉 priests 〈◊〉, & ●fter what 〈◊〉.  for any such offences (of whoredom or adultery) aforesaid, shall be from henceforth void and of none effect, etc. So that by this statute it was provided, for all such votaries as lived in whoredom and adultery, for the first offence to lose his goods and all his spiritual promotions except one. For the second, to forfeit all that he had to the King. For the third conviction to sustain continual imprisonment.  
In these ungodly proceed of the Pope's Catholic Clergy, two things we have to note.  

The manifest impiety ●f the pope's doctrine, disclosed.  1. First, the horrible impiety of their doctrine, directly fight against the express authority of God & his word, forasmuch as that which God permitteth, they restrain: that which he biddeth, they forbidden. Habeat, sayeth he: non habeat say they, taking exceptions against the word of the Lord. That which he calleth honourable and undefiled, they call heresy: that which he cummendeth and suiteth, they punish with pains of death. Not only the Priests that marry, but them also that say or cipher that a Priest may marry, at the first they kill as felons. Neither can any Miserere take place for chaste and lawful wedlock: where as contrariwise a spiritual man may thrice defile his neighbour's wife, or thrice deflower his Brother's daughter, and no felony at all laid to his charge. What is this in plain words to say, but that it is less sin thrice to commit adultery, than once to marry.  
2. The second is to be noted, how these painted hypocrites do bewray their false dissembled dealings unawares, with whom a man might thus reason. Tell us you Priests and votaries, 
Dilemma, ●gainst 〈◊〉 that will not marry.  which so precisely fly the state of Matrimony, intend you to live chaste, and are able so to do without wives, or do you keep yourselves chaste & honest without them, and without burning, or not? If ye be not able, why then marry you not? why take you not the remedy appointed of God? Why make you those vows, which you can not perform? or why do you not break them being made, falling thereby in danger of breaking God's commandment, for keeping your own? If you be able, and so do intend to continued an honest and a continent, conversation without wives, then shall I ask of you, according as Doct. Turner gravely & truly layeth to your charge: why do you so carefully provide a remedy by your laws aforehand for a mischief to come, which you may avoid if ye list, 
Doct. Tur●e● hunting ●he Romish Fox.  unless either ye listed not to stand, though ye might, or else saw your own infirmity, that you could not though ye would? And therefore fearing your own weak fragility, you provide wisely for yourselves aforehand, that where other shall suffer pains of death at the first for well doing, you may fall thrice in abominable adultery, and yet by the law have your lives pardoned.  
And here cometh out your own hypocrisy by yourselves bewrayed. For where as you all confess, that you are able to live chaste if ye will without wives, this moderation of the law provided before against your adulterous incontinency, plainly declareth that either ye purpose willingly to fall, or at least ye fear and stand in doubt not to be able to stand. And why then do you so confidently take such vows upon you, standing in such doubt and fear for the performance thereof?  
And be it to you admitted that all do not fall, but that some keep their vow, 
The Pa●istes be●●ay their 〈…〉.  though some viciously run to other men's wives and daughters: then here again I ask you, seeing these vicious whorehunters and adulterous persons amongst you, do live viciously (as you can not deny) and may do otherwise if they list (as you confess) what punishment then are they worthy to have, which may live continent and will not, neither yet will take the remedy provided by God, but refuse it? Which being so, then what iniquity is this in you, or rather impiety inexcusable against God and man, to procure a moderation of laws for such, 
The impiety of the Papists inexcusable.  and to show such compassion and clemency to these so heinous adulterers, whorehunters, and beastly fornicators, that if they adulterate other men's wives never so oft, yet there is no death for them: and to show no compassion at all, nor to find out any moderation for such, but at the very first to kill them as felons and heretics, which honestly do marry in the fear of God, or once say that a Priest may marry? How can ye hear be excused. O you children of iniquity? What reason is in your doing, or what truth in your doctrine, or what fear of God in your hearts? You that neither are able to avoid burning & pollution without wedlock, nor yet will receive that remedy that the Lord hath given you, how will you stand in his face, when he shall reveal your operations and cogitations to your perpetual confusion, unless by time ye convert and repent? And thus being ashamed of your execrable doings I cease to defile my pen any further in this so stinking matter of yours, leaving you to the Lord.  
It was declared before, 
Read afore pag. 1130.  pag. 1136. that what time these vi. Articles were in hand in the Parliament house, Cranmer then being Archbishop of Canterbury only withstood the same, disputing iij. days against them: whose reasons and Arguments I wish were extant and remaining. After these Articles were thus passed and concluded, the king, who always bore especial favour unto Cranmer, perceiving him to be not a little discomforted therewith scent all the Lords of the Parliament, and with them the Lord Cromwell, to dine with him at Lambeth (as is afore declared) and within few days also upon the same, required that he would give a note of all his doings and reasonynge in the said Parliament, which the said Cranmer eftsoons accomplished accordingly, 
Cranmers' reasons and allegations against the 6. articles, written to the king.  drawing out his reasons & allegations, the copy whereof being fair written out by his Secretary, was sent and delivered unto the king and there remained.  
Now after these things thus discussed as touching the vi. wicked Articles, it followeth next, in returning to the order of our story again, to declare those things, which after the setting out of these Articles ensued, coming now to the time and story of the Lord Cromwell, a man whose worthy fame and deeds are worthy to live renowned in perpetual memory.    

¶ The history concerning the life, acts, and death of the famous and worthy counsellor Lord Thomas Cromwell, Earl of Essex.  
THomas Cromwell although borne of a simple parentage, and house obscure, 
The story of the Lord Thomas Cromwell.  through the singular excellency of wisdom and dexterity of wit wrought in him by God, coupled with like industry of mind and deserts of life, rose to high preferrment and authority, in somuch that by steps and stairs of office and honour, 
The base degree of the L. Cromwell recompensed with noble Ornaments.  he ascended at length to that, that not only he was made Earl of Essex, but also most secret and dear Counsellor to king Henry, and Vicegerent unto his person, which office hath not commonly been supplied, at least not so fruitfully discharged with in this Realm.  
First as touching his birth, he was borne at Putney or thereabout, being a Smiths son, whose mother married after unto a shyreman. In the simple estate & rude begynnyngs of this man (as of divers other before him) we may see and learn that the excellency of noble virtues & heroical prowesses, which advance to fame and honour, stand not only upon birth & blood, as privileges only entailed appropriate to noble houses: but are disposed indifferently & proceed of the gift of God, who raiseth up the poor object many times out of the dunghill, & matcheth him in throne with Peers and Princes. Psal. 113.  
As touching the order and manner of his coming up, 
Commendation of the L. Cromwell.  it would be superfluous to discourse what may be said at large: only by way of story it may suffice to give a touch of certain particulars, and so to proceed. Although the humble condition and poverty of this man was at the beginning (as it is to many other) a great let & hindrance for virtue to show herself, yet such was the activity and forward ripeness of nature in him so pregnant in wit & so ready he was, in judgement discreet, in tongue eloquent, in service faithful, in stomach courageous, in his pen active, that being conversant in the sight of men, he could not long be unespied, not yet unprovided of favour & help of friends to set him forward in place and office. Neither was any place or office put unto him, whereunto he was not apt & fit. Nothing was so hard which with wit and industry he could not compass. Neither was his capacity so good, but his memory was as great in retaining whatsoever he had attained. Which well appeared in cannyng the text of the whole new Testament of Erasmus translation without book, in his journey going and coming from Rome: 
Tho. Cromwell learned the new Testament in ●atin without book.  whereof ye shall hear anon.  
Thus in his growing years, as he shot up in age, and ripeness, a great delight came in his mind to stray into foreign countries, to see the world abroad, and to learn experience: whereby he learned such tongues and languages, as might better serve for his use hereafter.  
And thus passing over his youth, being at Antwerp, he was there retained of the English Merchants to be their Clerk or Secretary, or in some such like condition placed pertaining to their affairs.  
It happened the same time, that the Town of Boston thought good to send up to Rome, 
The town of Bosten.  for renewing of their two Pardons, one called the great Pardon, the other the lesser Pardon. Which thing although it should stand them in great expenses of money (for the Pope's Merchandise is always dear ware) yet notwithstanding such sweetness they had felt thereof, 
The pope's merchandise dear ware.  and such gain to come to their Town by that Romish Merchandise (as all superstition is commonly gainful) that they like good Catholic Merchants, 
Superstition commonly is gainful. The pope's lea●es of pardons.  and the Pope's good customers, thought to spare for no cost, to have their leases again of their Pardons renewed, whatsoever they paid for the fine. And yet was all this good Religion then: such was the lamentable blindness of that time.  
This then being so determined & decreed amongst my countrymen of Boston, to have their pardons needs repaired & renewed from Rome, one Geffray Chambers with an other companion was sent for the messengers, with writings & money, no small quantity, well furnished, & with all other things appointed, necessary for so chargeable & costly exploit, who coming in his journey to Antwerp, & misdoubting himself to be too weak for the compassing of such a weighty piece of work, conferred & persuaded with Tho. Cromwell to associate him in that legacy, and to assist him in the contriving thereof. Cromwell although perceiving the enterprise to be of no small difficulty, to traverse the Pope's Court, for the unreasonable expenses amongst those greedy cormorantes, yet having some skill of the Italian tongue, and as yet not grounded in judgement of religion in those his youthful days, was at length obtained and content to give the adventure, and so took his journey toward Rome. 
Cromwell goeth to Rome.  Cromwell loath to spend much time, & more loath to spend his money: and again perceiving that the Pope's greedy humour must needs be served with some present or other (for without rewards there is no doing at Rome) began to cast with himself, what thing best to devise, wherein he might best serve the Pope's devotion.  
At length, having knowledge how that the Pope's holy tooth greatly delighted in new fangled strange delicates, and dainty dishes, it came in his mind to prepare certain fine dishes of jelly, after the best fashion, made after our country manner here in England, which to them of Rome was not known nor seen before.  
This done, Cromwell observing his time accordingly, as the Pope was newly come from hunting into his pavilion, he with his companions approached with his english presents brought in with a three man's song (as we call it) in the English tongue, and all after the English fashion. The Pope suddenly marveling at the strangeness of the song, and understanding that they were Englishmen, and that they came not empty handed, willed them to be called in. Cronwell there showing his obedience, & offering his jolly junkets, 

Cromwel's presents to the Pope.  
Cromwell a suitor for Boston Pardons.   such as Kings and Princes only (said he) in the realm of Englaand use to feed upon, desired the same to be accepted in benevolent part, which he and his companions as poor suitors unto his holiness, had there brought and presented, as novelties meet for his recreation, etc.  
Pope julius seeing the strangeness of the dishes, commanded by and by his Cardinal to take the assay. Who in tasting thereof, liked it so well, and so likewise the Pope after him, that knowing of them what their suits were, and requiring them to make known the making of that meat, he incontinent without any more ado, stamped both their pardons, 
Boston pardons obtained at Rome.  as well the greater as the lesser.  
And thus was the jolly pardons of the Town of Boston obtained as you have heard, for the maintenance of their decayed port. The copy of which Pardons (which I have in my hands) briefly comprehended, cometh to this effect: That all the brethren and sisters of the gild of our Lady in S. Botulphes church at Boston, 
The effect and contents of Boston pardons.  should have free licence to choose for their confessor or ghostly father, whom they would, either seculare Priest, or religious person, to assoil them plenarely from all their sins, except only in cases reserved to the Pope.  
Also should have licence to carry about with them an altar stone whereby they might have a Priest to say them Mass, or other divine service, where they would, without prejudice of any other Church or Chapel, though it were also before the day, yea and at three of the clock after midnight in the Summer tyme.  
Furthermore, that all such brethren and sisters of the said gild, 
 which should resort to the chapel of our Lady in S. Botulphes Church at the feast of Easter, Whitsuntide, Corpus Christi, the Nativity or Assumption of our Lady, or in the Octaves of them, the feast of S. Michael, and first Sunday in Lent, should have Pardon no less then if they themselves personally had visited the Stations of Rome. 
  
Provided that every such person, man or woman, entering into the same gild, at his first entrance should give to the finding of seven. Priests, xii. Choristers, & xiii. beademen, and to the lights of the same brotherhood & a Grammar school, vj. shillings viii. pence, and for every year after, xii. pence.  
And these premises being before granted by Pope Innocentius, and Pope julius 2. this Pope Clement also confirmed, granting moreover, that whatsoever brother or sister of the same gild through poverty, sickness, or any other let could not resort personally to the said chapel, notwithstanding he should be dispensed withal, as well for that, as for all other vows, irregularities, censures Canonical whatsoever, only the vow of going the Stations of Rome, and going to S. james of Compostella excepted, etc.  
He also granted unto them power to receive full remission A poena & culpa once in their life, 
 or in the hour of death.  
Item, that having their altar stone, they might have Mass said in any place, though it were unhallowed. 
 Also in the time of interdict, to have Mass or any Sacrament ministered: and also being departed, that they might be buried in Christian burial notwithstanding the interdict.  
Extending moreover his grant, that to all such brethren and sisters, in resorting to the foresaid Chapel of our Lady upon the Nativity, or Assumption of our Lady, giving supportation to the said Chapel, at every such Festival day, to have full remission of all their sins. Or if they for any impediment could not be present at the Chapel aforesaid, yet if they came to their own Parish Church, and there said one Pater noster, and ave Maria, they should enjoy the same remission above specified: or whosoever came every Friday to the same Chapel, should have as much remission, as if he went to the Chapel of our Lady called Scala coeli.  
Furthermore, that whatsoever christian people, 
 of what estate or condition soever, either spiritual or temporal, would aid & support the chamberlains or substitutes of the foresaid gild, should have five hundredth years of pardon.  
Item, to all brothers and sisters of the same gild was granted free liberty to eat in time of Lent, 
 or other Fasting days, eggs, milk, butter, cheese, and also flesh, by the counsel of their ghostly father and physician, without any scruple of conscience.  
Item, that all partakers of the same gild, and being supporters thereof, which once a quarter, or every Friday or Saturday, either in the said Chapel in S. Botulphes Church, or any other Chapel, of their devotion shall say a Pater noster, ave Maria, and Creed, or shall say or cause to be said Masses for souls departed in pains of Purgatory, shall not only have the full remission due to them which visit the Chapel of Scala Coeli, or of S. john Lateran, but also the souls in Purgatory shall enjoy full remission, and be released of all their pains.  
Item, that all the souls departed of the brothers and sisters of the said gild: 
 also the souls of their fathers and mothers shall be partakers of all the prayers, suffragies, almoses, fastings, masses, and matins, pilgrimages, and of all other good deeds of all the holy Church militant for ever, etc.  
These indulgencies, pardons, grants, and relaxations, were given and granted by Pope Nicholas the fift, 
 Pope Pius 2. Pope Sixtus, and Pope julius the second, of which Pope julius it seemeth, that Cromwell obtained this Pardon aforesaid about the year of our Lord 1510. Which Pardon again afterward through the request of King Henry, an. 1526. was confirmed by Pope Clement the seventh. And thus much concerning the pardon of Boston, renewed by the means of Thomas Cromwell, of Pope julius the second.  
All this while it appeareth, that Cromwell had yet no sound taste nor judgement of Religion, but was wild & youthful, without sense or regard of God and his word as he himself was wont ofttimes to declare unto Cranmer Archbishop of Cant. showing what a ruffian he was in his young days, 
Cromwell was in th● 〈◊〉 of the Duke of B●●rbon besieging Rome.  and how he was in the wars of duke Bourbon at the siege of Rome, also what a great doer he was with Geffray Chambers in publishing and setting forth the pardon of Boston every where in Churches as he went, and so continued, till at length by learning the text of the new Testament without book, of Erasmus translation in his going and coming from Rome (as is aforesaid) he began to be touched and called to better understanding.  
In this mean time Thomas Woolsey Cardinal of York began to bear a great port in England, 
Cromwell ●●ceiued into the cardinals service.  and almost to rule all under the King, or rather with the King, so that the freshest wits, and of best towardness, most commonly sought unto him. Among whom was also Thomas Cromwell to his service advanced, where he continued a certain space of years, 

Cromwell solliciter to the Cardinal.  
Cromwell More, and Gardiner, companions in the cardinals house.   growing up in office and authority, till at length he was preferred to be solicitor to the Cardinal.  
There was also about the same time, or not much different, in the household of the said Cardinal, Tho. More, afterward knight and chancellor of England: & Steven Gardiner Bishop after of Wint. and of the King's Counsel. All these three were brought up in one household, and all of one standing almost together. Whose ages as they were not greatly discrepant, nor their wits much unequal: so neither was their fortune and advancements greatly divers, 
A comparison between Cromwell More, and Gardiner  albeit their dispositions and studies were most contrary. And though peradventure in More and in Gardiner there was more art of letters, and skill of learning: yet notwithstanding there was in this man a more heavenly light of mind, & more prompt & perfect judgement, eloquence equal, and as may be supposed, in this man more pregnant: and finally in him was wrought a more heroical and princely disposition, borne to greater affairs in the common wealth, and to the singular help of many.  
It happened that in this mean season, ● Cromwell was placed in this office to be solicitor to the Cardinal, the said Cardinal had then in hand the building of certain Colleges, 
Small monasteries suppressed by the Cardinal.  namely his College in Oxford, called then Frideswide, now Christ's Church. By reason whereof, certain small monasteries and priories, in divers places of the realm, were by the said Cardinal suppressed, and the lands seized to the Cardinal's hands. The doing whereof was committed to the charge of Thomas Cromwell. In the expedition whereof he showed himself very forward, 
Cromwell first set a work by the Cardinal to suppress religious houses.  and industrious, in such sort as in the handling thereof, he procured to himself much grudge with divers of the superstitious sort, and with some also of noble calling about the King. And thus was Cromwell first set a work by the Cardinal, to suppress religious houses. Which was about the year of our Lord 1525.  
As this passed on, it was not long, but the Cardinal which had gotten up so high, began to come down as fast, first from the Chauncellorship (in which room was placed Sir Tho. More, as is aforesaid) than he fell into a Praemunire: So that his household being dissolved, Tho. Cromwell amongst other, laboured also to be retained into the King's service.  

Sir Christopher Hales helper of Cromwell to the king. Cromwell commended to the king by Sir Christopher Hales M. of the Rolls. Cromwell complained of to the king.  There was at the same time one Sir Christopher Hales Knight, Master of the Rolls, who notwithstanding was then a mighty Papist, yet bore he such favour and good liking to Cromwell, that he commended him to the King, as a man most fit for his purpose, having then to do against the Pope. But here before is to be understand, that Cromwell had greatly been complained of, and defamed by certain of authority about the King, for his rude manner and homely dealing in defacing the Monks houses, & in handling of their altars, etc. Wherefore the king hearing of the name of Cromwell, began to detest that mention of him: neither lacked there some standers by, who with reviling words ceased not to increase and inflame the kings hatred against him. What their names were, it shall not need here to recite. Among other there present at the same hearing, was the Lord russel Earl of bedford, whose life Cromwell before had preserved at Bologna, through politic conveyance, at what time, the said Earl coming secretly in the king's affairs, 
The Lord 〈◊〉 Earl of bedford, through the policy of Cromwell, escaped at Bononie. The Lord Russel commendeth Cromwell to the king.  was there espied, and therefore being in great danger to be taken, through the means and policy of Cromwell escaped.  
This Lord russel therefore not forgetting the old benefits passed, & with like gravity willing again to requite that he had received, in a vehement boldness stood forth, to take upon him the defence of Thomas Cromwell, uttering before the king many commendable words in the behalf of him, and declaring withal how by his singular device and policy, he had done for him at Bononie, being there in the King's affairs, in extreme peril. And for as much as now his Majesty had to do with the Pope, his great enemy, there was (he thought) in all England none so apt for the kings purpose, which could say or do more in that matter, then could Thomas Cromwell, and partly gave the king to understand wherein. The king hearing this, & specially marking the latter end of his talk, was contented and willing to talk with him, to hear and know what he could say.  
This was not so privily done, but Cromwell had knowledge incontinent, that the king would talk with him, & whereupon: & therefore providing before hand for matter, had in a readiness the copy of the bishops oath, which they use commonly to make to the Pope at their consecration: and so being called for, was brought to the king in his garden at Westminster, which was about the year of our Lord. 1530.  
Cromwell after most loyal obeisance, doing his duty to the king, according as he was demanded, 
Cromwell brought to talk with the king.  made his declaration in all points, this especially making manifest unto his highness, how his Princely authority was abused within his own Realm, by the Pope & his Clergy, who being sworn unto him, were afterward dispensed from the same, & sworn a new unto the Pope, so that he was but as half king, and they but half his subjects in his own land: which (said he) was derogatory to his crown, 
Cromwel's words to the king, concerning the praemunire of the Clergy▪  and utterly prejudicial to the common laws of his Realm: Declaring therupon how his Majesty might accumulate to himself great riches, so much as all the Clergy in his Realm was worth, if it so pleased him to take the occasion now offered. The king giving good ear to this, and liking right well his advice, required, if he could avouch that which he spoke. All this he could (he said) avouch to be certain, so well, as that he had the copy of their own oath to the Pope, there present to show, and that no less also he could manifestly prove, if his highness would give him leave: & therewith showed the bishops oath unto the king.  
The king following the vain of his counsel, took his ring of his finger, & first admitting him into his service, 
Cromwell sent by the king to the convocation house.  sent him therewith to the Convocation house among the Bishops. Cromwell coming with the kings signet boldly into the Clergy house, and there placing himself among the Bishops (W. Warham being then Archbishop) begun to make his Oration, declaring to them the authority of a king, and the office of subjects, and especially the obedience of Bishops & Churchmen under public laws, necessarily provided for the profit & quiet of the common wealth. Which laws notwithstanding they had all transgressed, & highly offended in derogation of the kings royal estate, falling in the law of Praemunire, in that no● only they had consented to the power Legative of the Cardinal, 

For the copy of the Bishop's 〈◊〉▪ to the Pope read before pag. 1025.  
The clergy condemned in the Praemunire. Sir Tho. Cromwell made knight and M. of the kings jewel house.   but also in that they had all sworn to the Pope, contrary to the fealty of their sovereign Lord the king, & therefore had forfeited to the king all their goods, cattles, lands, possessions, and whatsoever livings they had. The bishops hearing this, were not a little amazed, and first began to excuse and deny the fact. But after that Cromwell had showed them the very copy of their oath made to the Pope at their consecration, and the matter was so plain, that they could not deny it, they begun to shrink, and to fall to entreaty, desiring respite to pause upon the matter. notwithstanding the end thereof fell so out, that to be quite of that Praemunire, by Act of Parliament, it cost them to the king for both the provinces, Canterbury and York, no less than .118840. pounds, which was about the year of our Lord. 1530. whereof before you may read more at large, pag. 1020.  
After this. an. 1522. Sir Thomas Cromwell growing in great favour with the king, 
Cromwell made M. of the Rolls. Cromwell made knight of the Garter.  was made Knight & Master of the kings jewel house, & shortly after was admitted also into the kings Counsel, which was about the coming in of Queen Anne Bullen. Furthermore, within two years ofter the same. an. 1524. he was made Master of the Rolls, Doct. Taylor being discharged.  
Thus Cromwell springing up in favour and honour, after this, in the year .1527. a little before the birth of king Edward, was made Knight of the Garter, 
L. Cromwell made Earl of Essex, great Chamberlain of England▪ and Vicegerent to the king.  & not long after, was advanced to the Earldom of Essex, and made great Chamberlain of England. Over and beside all which honours, he was constitute also Vicegerent to the king, representing his person. Which office although it standeth well by the law, yet seldom hath there been seen any besides this Cromwell alone, either to have sustained it, or else to have so furnished the same with counsel and wisdom, as Cromwell did. And thus much hitherto concerning the steps and degrees of the Lord Cromwel's rising up to dignity and high estate.  
Now somewhat would be said likewise of the noble Acts, the memorable examples, and worthy virtues not drowned by ease of honour in him, but increased rather, & quickened by advancement of authority & place, to work more abundantly in the common wealth. Among that which his worthy acts and other manifold virtues, in this one chiefly above all other riseth his commendation, 
The acts and doings of the L. Cromwell▪ described.  for his singular zeal and laborious travail bestowed in restoring the true Church of Christ, and subverting the Synagogue of Antichrist, the Abbeys, I mean, and religious houses of Friars and Monks. For so it pleased almighty God by the means of the said Lord Cromwell, to induce the King to suppress first the chantries, than the friars houses and small Monasteries, till at length all the Abbeys in England both great and less, were utterly overthrown and plucked up by the roots. The which act and enterprise of him, as it may give a precedent of singular zeal to all Realms christened, which no Prince yet to this day scarce dare follow: so to this Realm of England it wrought such benefit & commodity, as the fruit thereof yet remaineth, and will remain still in the Realm of England, though we seem little to feel it. Rudely and simply I speak what I suppose, without prejudice of other which can infer any better reason. In the mean time my reason is this: that if God had not raised up this Cromwell as he did, to be the instrument of rooting out of the Abbeys and Cells of strange religion, 
The L. Cromwell a profitable instrument in suppressing abbeys.  what other men see, I know not: for my part I never yet saw in this Realm any such Cromwell since Cromwel's time, whose hart and courage might not sooner have been subverted with the money and bribes of Abbots, than he to have subverted any Abbey in all England.  
But here I must of necessity answer the complaint of certain of our country men. For so I hear of many, the subversion of these Monasteries to be reprehended, 
The defence of the L. Cromwell for overthrowing the abbeys.  as evil and wicked. The building (say they) might have been converted unto schools and houses of learning. The goods and possessions might have been bestowed to much better and more godly use of the poor, and maintaining of hospitality. Neither do I deny, but that these things are well and godly spoken of them, and could willingly embrace their opinion with my whole hart, if I did not consider herein a more secret and deeper meaning of God's holy providence, then at the first blush peradventure to all men doth appear.  
And first to omit the wicked and execrable life of these religious orders, 
The abominable life in monasteries, bewrayed by their own confession.  full of all feditie, & found out by the King's visitors, and in their Registers also recorded, so horrible to be heard, so incredible to be believed, so stinking before the face of God and man, that no marvel it is if God's vengeance from heaven provoked, would not suffer any stone or monument of these abominable houses to be unplucked up. But (as I said) letting these things pass under chaste silence, which for very shame will abhor any story to disclose: let us now come to the first institution of these orders and houses of Monkery, and consider how and to what end they were first instituted and erected here among the Saxons, at the first foundation of them, about the time 666.  
In the former part of this History, declaration was made before, 
Read afore pag. 133.134.  page 133.134. first by whom, and at what time these Monkish houses here in England among the Saxons (flowing no doubt out of the order of Saint Benet, 
The first beginning of religious houses in the time of the Saxons.  and brought in by Augustine) began first to be founded, as by Augustine the Monk, Furseus, Medulphus, Aidanus, Ceadda, king Ulferus, Oswius, Elfreda, King Oswys daughter, Kineburga, Hilda, Botulphus, Edeldreda, King Oswald, Edgar, Erkenewaldus Bishop, Ethelwoldus Bishop of Winchester, Osketellus Archbishop of York, Oswaldus Bishop of Worcester, Leswinus Bishop of Dorcester, Dunstane, and divers other.  
The end and final cause why they were builded, appeareth in stories to be, 
The end and cause of building religious houses.  pro remissione & redemptione peccatorum: pro remedio & liberatione animae: pro amore coelestis patriae: in eleemosinam animae: in remissionem criminum: pro salute Regnorum: pro salute & requie animarum patrum & matrum, fratrum, & sororum nostrarum parentum, & omnium benefactorum: in honorem gloriosae Virgins, etc. As may appear in ancient histories, in old Charters and donations unto religious houses, and in the Chronicle of Ingulphus, as also all other stories be full of the same.  
So King Ethelstane for killing his brother Edwyne, builded two Monasteries, 
The damnable doctrine and institutions of religious sects and orders.  Midleton, and Michelneye, for his soul, page. 152. Which doctrine and institution, for so much as it tendeth and soundeth directly against the foundation of Christian religion, against the Testament of God, the Gospel of jesus Christ, the freedom of our redemption, and free justification by faith, it is therefore to be condemned as execrable and horrible, as evil or worse than the life of the persons, and not only worthy to be suppressed to the foundation, but to be marveled rather that God would suffer it to stand so long. 
God's continual pla●●●gaynst Mo●●sterye●.  Albeit Gods mighty vengeance and scourge hath not ceased from time to time, to work against such impious foundations from the time of their first setting up. For besides the invasions of the Danes, (which may seem to be stirred up of God, especially for the subversion of Abbeys) let old histories be searched, what Monastery almost in all this Realm, was either left by the Danes, or re-edified again after the Danes, but by some notorious casualty of fire sent by God's hand, it hath been burnt up.  
First, the Monastery of Caunterbury, 
 called the house of S. Gregory, was burnt, an. 1145. and afterward again burnt, an. 1174. Ex hist. Geruasij.  
The Abbey of Croyland also was twice burnt. Ex hist. Ingulphi.  
The Abbey of Peterborow twice set on fire, an. 1070. Ex Chron. Peterb.  
The Abbey of S. Mary's in York burnt, with the hospital also.  
The Abbey of Norwich burnt.  
The Abbey of S. Edmund's Bury burnt and destroyed. Ex Chron. S. Edmund.  
The Abbey of Worcester burnt.  
The Abbey of Gloucester was also burnt.  
The Abbey of Chichester burnt.  
The Abbey of Glastenbury burnt.  
The Abbey of S. Mary in Southwark burnt.  
The Church of the Abbey at Beverley burnt.  
The steeple of the Abbey of Euesham burnt.  
These, with many other monasteries more, 
Abbeys burnt and 〈◊〉 within fire.  God brought down to the ground, so that few or none of all the Monastical foundations in all England, either before the Conquest escaped the hands of the Danes and Scots, or else after the Conquest escaped destruction of fire, and that not without ius●●●use deserved: 
The doctrine of the monks worse than their lives.  for as the trade of their lives was too too wretched and bestial, so the profession of their doctrine was intolerable, fraught with all superstition, full of much Idolatry, and utterly contrary to the grace of the Gospel and doctrine of Christ.  
Furthermore, the more these Abbeys multiplied, and the longer they continued, in time the more corruption still they drew unto them. And albeit we read the name of Monks to have continued from the old ancient time, yet notwithstanding the Monks of those days were not like to the Monks of our time, nor their houses then, like to our Abbeys now. So we read of the Monks of Bangor before the coming of Augustine: but those Monks got their living with toil and labour of their hands, and had no other lands nor lordships to live upon. 

16. q. 1. Mo●●chus.  
16 q. 2. 〈◊〉 caus● 〈◊〉.   Again, neither were they as Ministers then, but as Say men: according as Jerome describeth the Monks of his time, saying: Monachus non docentis, sed plangentis habet officium. And again he sayeth: Alia causa est Monachi, alia Clerici. Clerici oves pascunt. Ego pascor. That is, A Monks office is not to preach, but to mourn. The state of a Monk is one thing, and the state of a Priest is another. priests feed the flock of Christ. I am fed, etc.  
Also in the story of Ingulphus Abbot of Croylande, 
Ex 〈…〉  thus I find, an. 1075. In Croylandiam primum installatus inveni tunc in isto Monasterio Croylandési Monachos numero, 62. Quorum quatuor laici fratres erant, praeter aliorum Monasteriorum Monachos nostri capituli conprofessos, etc. That is, 
Lay 〈…〉  Being installed in the Abbey of Croyland, I found there to the number of lxij. Monks. Of which Monks, four of them were lay brethren, besides the Monks of other Monasteries, which were also professed to our Chapter, etc.  
The like matter also appeareth in the fourth Canon of the Council of Chalcedon, 
 where it is provided Ne Monachi se Ecclesiasticis negotijs immisceant, etc. Et Leo Epist. 62. Vetat Monachos & laicos etsi scientiae nomine glorientur, admitti ad officium docendi & concionandi. Whereof read more page. 154.  
Thus it appeareth about or before the time of Jerome, that Monks in the first persecutions of the Primitive Church were lay men, and companies of Christian's associating themselves together, 
 either for fear of persecution, or for eschewing the company of heathen Gentiles. Afterward in continuance of time, when the Gentiles began to be called to Christianity, the monks yet keeping their name, & growing in superstition, would not join with other Christians, but keep still their brotherhoodes, dividing themselves from other Christians, and professing a kind of life strange and divers from the common trade. Upon this diversity of life and profession, followed also like diversity of garments and attire differing from their other brethren. After this moreover came in the rule of S. Benedict, enjoining to them a prescribed form of going, of wearing, of watching, sleeping, rising, praying, of silence, sole life and diet, and all things almost differing from the vulgar sort of common Christians.  
Whereby men seeing their austerity, began to have them in great admiration. 
Monks divers from other in apparel.  And thus growing up in opinion of hovanes, of lay men and labourers they came at length to be Clergy men, and greatest doers of all other in Christ's religion: In so much that at last there was none reputed almost for a religious man or perfect christian unless he were a monk: neither almost was any advanced to any dignity of the Church, but either he was a monk, or afterward he put on a monks weed: According as in the stories of this Realm is to be seen, how in the time of Dunstane Archbishop of Canterbury, 
Monk of lay, in 〈◊〉 made Clergy men. Pope john 13. wrote to K. Edgar, that one should be made Bishops but Monks.  of Ethelwold Bishop of Worcester, and of Oswald Bishop of Winchester, Pope john. 13. writing to king Edgar, willed him in his letters, to see in his Cathedral Churches none to be promoted to be Bishops, but such as were of the Monastical religion, and willed him moreover to exclude the secular prebendaries at Winchester, and to place in Monks, and that none of the secular Clerks there should be chosen bishop, but either taken out of the same Covent of that church, or of some other Abbey.  
So was also king Henry the second commanded to do in the house of Waltham, 
Secular Priests put out, and Monks intruded into Churches.  where the secular Canons were removed out, and regular Canons intruded. The same did Oswald Bishop with the Church of Worcester, likewise in their Sees did Dunstane Archbishop of Canterbury, Osketellus Archbishop of York, Ethelwold Bishop of Worcester (who in story is reported to be Multorum fundator Monasteriorum,) Leswinus also Bishop of Dorcester, with other Bishops more about the time and reign of king Edgar. ●do Archbishop of Caunterbury before Dunstane, an. 934. after his election refused to take that dignity upon him, before he had received the habit of a monk in the Abbey of Florence in France, because as the story telleth (if it be true) Nullus ad id tempus nisi monachali schemate indutus, 

Ex Guliel. Malmesh. in vita Odonis.  
Ex Neaburgens. lib 4. cap 33.   Archiepiscopus fuisset. etc. That is, Because all the Archbishops of Caunterbury before him, had been Monks. etc. In like manner Baldwinus also an. 1114. after he was elected Archb. of Canterbury, took upon him the habit and profession of Mereton Abbey. And so did Reginaldus his next successor after him. etc.  

Monks first lay men, then made regulars and votaries: at length made Churchmen Pope Boniface.  As concerning therefore the origen of Monks, ye have heard how first they began of lay men only, leading a straighter life from the society of other persons, who then following the rule of S Benet, were called regulars & votaries, and yet all this while had nothing to do with any Ecclesiastical ministry, till the time of Pope Bonifacius the fourth an. 606. who then made a decree, that monks might use the office of preaching, of the christening, of hearing confessions and assoiling them of their sins, differing from priests only in this, 
Difference between M●nkes Priests.  that they were called Regulares, and priests were called Seculares, the monks were votaries, the priests had free liberty to have wives, till the time of Lanfranke and Anselme, as is aforesaid. Albeit Athanasius in his Epistle Ad Dracontium, witnesseth also, that he knew Monks in the old time and Bishops, which were married and had children. Furthermore, as ignorance & superstition with time increased, so the number and swarm of monks still more and more multiplied, in such sort, as not only they thrust out secular Priests from their houses, but also out of them were made, Popes, Cardinals, Archbishops, and Bishops, to govern Churches. Of which number began Austen the first Archbishop of the See of Cant. and the most part of all other Archbishops after him, until the time of the Conquest, and after.  
All this while the Friars were not yet come, neither the discipline of S. Dominike, 
The coming in of the ●ryers.  nor the Testament of S. Frances, nor the order of the Austen brothers, nor of the Carmelites was yet heard of. Which last of all came in with their pageants, and played their part likewise, an. 1220. being much more full of hypocrisy, blindness, Idolatry, and superstition, than were the monks: So that, what with monks of the one side, & with the friars, of the other side while all things were ruled by the Rules of S. Benet, by the Canons of the Pope, by the doctrine of S. Dominike, and by the Testament of S. Frances, Christ's Testament was trod under foot, the rule of God's word neglected, true Christian religion defaced, faith forgotten, the right way of salvation abolished, sound doctrine oppressed, Christ's servants persecuted, and the people's souls uncomforted: yea and the true Church of Christ almost clean extirped, had not almighty God (who can not forget his promise, provided remedy in time, in raising up this Cromwell his servant, and other like champions, to cut up from the root of the houses of them, which otherwise would utterly have rooted up the house of the Lord, & had subverted a great part already.  
Wherefore, whosoever findeth himself aggrieved with Cromwel's doings in suppressing these monasteries of Monks and Friars, let him wisely consider with himself, first the doctrine, laws and traditions of these men, which he shall find rebelling to the religion of Christ, 
The life of Monks and Friars considered.  pernicious to our salvation, derogatory to Christ's glory, full of much blasphemy and damnable idolatry. Secondly, let him likewise well advise the horrible and execrable lives of these cloisterers, or at the lest search out the rolls and registers of matters found out by inquisition in king Henry the eight his days, against them: which here is not to be spoken of, unless we will speak as Matthew Paris speaketh of the Court of Rome: Cuius foetor usque ad nubes fumum teterrimum exhalabat: That is, Whose filthy stinch (saith he) did breath up a most pestiferous fume, even unto the clouds of heaven. etc.  
All which things well considered, 
The Lord Cromwell defended in suppressing abbeys.  what marvel is it then, if God of his just judgement did set up the foresaid Lord Cromwell to destroy these sinful houses, whom their own corruptions could suffer no longer to stand? And as touching the dissipation of their lands and possessions to the hands of such as they were bestowed upon: if it so pleased the king in bestowing those Abbey lands upon his Nobles and Gentlemen, 
Dissipation of Abbay lands in England expedient.  either to restore them again unto them from whence they came, or else to gratify his nobility, by that means of policy not to mislike his doings, what is that to Cromwell? But they might (say you) have been much better employed to other more fruitful uses. Briefly to answer thereunto, what may be done presently in a common wealth, is not enough to say: but what may also follow must be considered. If this throwing down of Abbeys had happened in such free and reformed cities or countries, as are amongst the Germans, where the state governed & directed by laws, rather than by rulers, remaineth always alike and unmutable, who doubteth but such houses there standing still, the possessions might well be transposed to such uses abovesaid, without any fear or peril? But in such Realms and Kingdoms as this, where Laws and parliaments be not always one, but are subject to the disposition of the prince: neither is it certain always what Princes may come: the surest way therefore to send Monkery & Popery packing out of the realm, is to do with their houses and possessions as king Henry here did, through that motion of the counsel of Cromwell. For else who seethe not in Queen Mary's time, if either the houses of monks had stand or their lands had been otherwise disposed then into the hands of such as they were, how many of them had been restored & replenished again with monks & friars, in as ample wise as ever they were? And if Dukes, Barons and the Nobilities scarce were able to retain the lands and possessions of Abbeys distributed to them by king Henry, from the devotion of Queen Mary, seeking to build again the walls of Hierico, what then should the meaner sort have done, let other men conjecture. Wherefore it is not unlike, but that God's heavenly providence did well foresee and dispose these things before by this man, 
The utter ruin of monasteries, was God's work.  in working the destruction of these Abbeys: whereupon, as often as he sent out any men to suppress any monastery, he used commonly to send them with this charge, that they should throw down those houses even to the foundation.  
Which words although may seem percase to some to be cruelly spoken of him: yet contrariwise do I suppose the doing thereof not to be without God's special providence and secret guiding: Or else we might peradventure have had such swarms of friars and monks possessed in their nests again, before this day in England, in so great a number, that ten Cromwel's afterward uneath should have suffered to have unhoused them.  
Wherefore, if the plantation which the Lord God never planted, be plucked up by the roots, 
Math. 15.  let God alone with his working, and let the monasteries go.  
Now that you have seen, what this Malleus Monachorum hath done in defacing the Synagogue of the pope: 
Malleus Monachorum Cromwelius.  let us see how the said Cromwell again did travail in setting up Christ's church and congregation.  
After that the bishop of Rome's power and authority was banished out of England, the bishops of his sect never ceased to seek all occasion, how either to restore his head again, being broken and wounded, 
Cromwell the Fort & defence of the Church. An assembly of learned men appointed by the king.  or at the least to keep upright those things which yet remained: wherein although their labours were not altogether frustrate, yet had they brought much more to pass, if Cromwell (as a mighty wall and defence of the church) had not resisted continually their enterprises.  
It happened, that after the abolishing of the Pope, certain tumults began to rise about religion. Whereupon it seemed good unto king Henry, to appoint an assembly of learned men and Bishops, 

Cromwell with Alex.  
Alesius resort to the assembly.   which should soberly & modestly entreat and determine those things which pertained unto Religion. Briefly, at the kings pleasure all the learned men, but specially the Bishops assembled, to whom this matter seemed chiefly to belong. Cromwell thought also to be present himself with the bishops, who by chance meeting with Alexander Alesius by the way, a Scottish man, brought him with him to the convocation house, where all the Bishops were assembled together. Which was in the year .1537. The Bishops and Prelates attending upon the coming of Cromwell, as he was come in, rose up, and did obeisance to him as to their vicar general, and he again saluted every one in their degree, and sat down in the highest place at the table, according to his degree and office, and after him every bishop in his order, and Doctors. First over against him sat the Archb. of Canterbury, than the Archbishop of York, the bishops of London, Lincoln, Salisbury, Bath, Ely, Herford, chichester, Norwich, Rochester and Worcester. etc. There Cromwell in the name of the king (whose most dear and secret Counsellor at that present he was, and Lord privy Seal, and vicar general of the realm) spoke these words in manner following.  
RIght reverend fathers in Christ: The kings majesty giveth you high thanks that ye have so diligently without any excuse, 
Cromwell's Oration to the bishops.  assembled hither according to his commandment. And ye be not ignorant that ye be called hither to determine certain controversies, which at this time be moved concerning the christian Religion and faith, not only in this Realm, but also in all nations through the world. For the king studieth day and night to set a quietness in the Church, and he can not rest, until all such controversies be fully debated and ended, through the determination of you & of his whole Parliament. For although his special desire is to set a stay for the unlearned people, whose consciences are in doubt what they may believe: and he himself by his excellent learning, knoweth these controversies well enough, yet he will suffer no common alteration, but by the consent of you and of his whole Parliament. By the which thing ye may perceive both his high wisdom, and also his great love toward you. And he desireth you for Christ's sake, that all malice obstinacy, and carnal respect set apart ye will friendly and lovingly dispute among yourselves, of the controversies moved in the Church, 
The kings request to the Bishops.  and that ye will conclude all things by the word of God, without all brawling or scolding: neither will his majesty suffer the Scripture to be wrested and defaced by any Gloss, any papistical Laws, or by any authority of Doctors or Counsels, and much less will he admit any articles or doctrine, not contained in the Scripture, but approved only by continuance of time and old custom, and by unwritten verities, as ye were wont to do. Ye know well enough that ye be bound to show this service to Christ and to his Church, and yet notwithstanding his majesty will give you high thanks, if ye will set and conclude a godly and a perfect unity: whereunto this is the only way and mean, if ye will determine all things by the Scripture, as God commandeth you in Deuteronomie, which thing his majesty exhorteth and desireth you to do.  
When Cromwell had ended this his Oration, the Bishops rose up altogether, giving thanks unto the king's majesty, not for his great zeal toward the church of christ and also for his most godly exhortation, worthy so Christian a prince.  
Immediately they rose up to disputation, where as Stokesly Bishop of London, first of all, being the most earnest champion & maintainer of the Romish Decrees, (whom Cromwell a little before had checked by name, for defending unwritten verities) endeavoured himself with all his labour and industry, out of the old School Gloss, to maintain the seven Sacraments of the Church. 
Stokesly defendeth the 7. Sacraments.  The Archb. of York, Lincoln, Bath, Chichester, & Norwiche also favoured his part and sect. On the contrary part, was the Archb. of Canterbury, the Bishops of Salisbury, Ely, Harford, and Worcester, with many other.  
After much communication had on either part, & that they had long contended about the testimonies of the Doctors, which as it seemed unto them, dissented & disagreed among themselves, the Archbishop of Caunterbury at the last spoke and said thus unto them.  
IT beseemeth not men of learning and gravity to make much babbling and brawling, 
The Archb. of of Canterbury's Oration to the Bishops.  about bare words, so that we agree in the very substance & effect of the matter. For to brawl about words is the property of Sophisters & such as mean deceit & subtlety, which delight in the debate and dissension of the world, & in the miserable state of the Church: and not of them which should seek the glory of Christ, 
Sophistication of words to be avoided in 〈◊〉 weight.  and should study for the unity & quietness of the Church. There be weighty controversies now ●●oued and put forth not of ceremonies and light things, but of the true understanding, and of the right difference of the law and of the Gospel: of the manner and way how sins be forgiven of comforting doubtful and wavering consciences, by what means they may be certified, that they please God, 
〈◊〉 and 〈…〉 religion necessary to 〈◊〉 discussed.  seeing they feel the strength of the law, accusing them of sin: of the true use of the Sacraments, whether the outward work of them doth justify man, or whether we receive our justification by faith. Item, which be the good works, and the true service and honour which pleaseth God: and whether the choice of meats, the difference of garments, the vows of Monks and priests, and other traditions which have no word of God to confirm the●: whether these (I say) be right good works, and such as make a perfect Christian man or no. Item, whether vain service, and false honouring of God, and man's traditions, do bind men's consciences, or no? Finally, whether the ceremony of confirmation, of orders, and of annealing, 
False worshipping Ceremoni●●  and such other (which cannot be proved to be institute of Christ, nor have any word in them to certify us of remission of sins) ought to be called Sacraments, and to be compared with Baptism and the supper of the Lord or no?  
These be no light matters, but even the principal points of our Christian religion. Wherefore we contend not about words and titles, but about high and earnest matters. Christ saith. Blessed be the peacemakers, 
Math. 5. 2. Tim. ●.  for they shallbe called the sons of God. And Paul writing unto Timothy, commanded Bishops to avoid brawling and contention about words, which be profitable to nothing but unto the subversion and destruction of the hearers: and monisheth him specially, that he should resist with the scriptures when any man disputeth with him of the faith: and he addeth a cause whereas he saith: Doing this thou shalt preserve both thyself, & also them which hear thee: Now if ye will follow these Counsellors, Christ and Paul, all contention and brawling about words must be set apart, and ye must 'stablish a godly and a perfect unity and concord out of the Scripture. Wherefore in this disputation, we must first agree of the number of the Sacraments, and what a Sacrament doth signify in the holy scripture, & when we call Baptism & the Supper of the lord, 
All be not Sacrament of the new Testament, which may have the name of Sacraments.  Sacraments of the Gospel, what we mean thereby. I know right well, that S. Ambrose and other Authors call the washing of the Disciples feet and other things, Sacraments: which I am sure you yourselves would not suffer to be numbered among the other Sacraments.  
When he had ended his Oration, Cromwell commanded Alesius which stood by (whom he perceived to give attentive ear to that which was spoken) to show his mind and opinion, declaring to the Bishops before, that he was the kings scholar, and therefore desired them to be contented to hear him indifferently.  
Alesius after he had first done his duty unto the Lord Cromwell, and to the other Prelates of the Church, said in this wise.  
Right honourable & noble Lord, and you most reverend Fathers and Prelates of the Church, 
Alexander Alesius re●soneth 〈◊〉 the Bishop▪  although I come unprepared unto this disputation yet trusting in the aid of Christ which promiseth to give both mouth and wisdom unto us when we be required of our faith, I will utter my sentence and judgement of this disputation. And I think that my Lord Archbishop hath given you a profitable exhortation, that ye should first agree of the signification of a Sacrament, whether ye will call a sacrament, a ceremony institute of Christ in the gospel, to signify a special or a singular virtue of the gospel, and of godliness (as Paul nameth remission of sins to be) or whether ye mean, 
The name of a Sacrament how far it intendeth.  every ceremony generally, which may be a token or a signification of an holy thing, to be a sacrament. For after this latter signification, I will not stick to grant you that there be seven Sacraments and more too, if ye will. But yet Paul seemeth to describe a sacrament after the just signification, where as he saith: That Circumcision is a token & a seal of the righteousness of faith. This definition of one particular sacrament, must be understand to pertain unto all sacraments generally, 
Rom. 4.  for the jews had but one Sacrament only, as all the sophistical writers do grant. And he described Baptism after the same manner, in the fift to the Ephesians, whereas he saith. That Christ doth sanctify the Church (that is to say, 
Ephes. 5. What is a Sacrament proper●y.  all that be baptized through the bath of water in the word of life. For here also he addeth the word & promise of God unto the ceremony. And Christ also requireth faith, where he saith: Who so ever believeth, and is baptized, shallbe saved.  
And S. Augustine describeth a Sacrament thus: The word of God coming unto the element, maketh the sacrament. And in an other place he saith: A sacrament is a thing wherein the power of God, 

God's word and promise 〈◊〉 with 〈◊〉 outward ●●remony, ●●keth a Sacrament. 〈◊〉 definition 〈◊〉 Sacra●●●t.  
〈◊〉 man 〈◊〉 power 〈◊〉 make any Sacrament.   under the form of visible things, doth work secretly salvation. And the Master of the Sentences doth describe a Sacrament no otherwise. A Sacrament (saith he) is an invisible grace, and hath a visible form: and by this invisible grace, I mean (saith he) remission of sins. Finally Saint Thomas denieth that any man hath authority to institute a Sacrament. Now if ye agree unto this definition of a Sacrament, it is an easy thing to judge of the number of those Sacraments which have the manifest word of God, and be institute by Christ to signify unto us the remission of our sins.  
S. Augustine saith, that there be but two such Sacraments, in the cxviij. Epistle to januarius. His words be these: 
August. ad 〈◊〉 Epist. 118.  First, I would have thee to understand the sum and effect of this disputation, which is this: that our Lord jesus Christ (as he he himself saith in the Gospel) hath laden us, but with a light and easy yoke or burden. Wherefore he hath knit together the fellowship of his new people with Sacraments, 
Christ's Church charged but with few & 〈◊〉 Sacraments.  very few in number, very easy to be kept: & very excellent in signification, which be Baptism, and the Supper of the Lord, and such other, if there be any more commanded in the holy Scripture, those except which were burdens for the servitude of the people in the old law, for the hardness of their hearts. etc. And again in the iij. book of the learning of a Christian man, 
August. de Doctrina Christiana. lib. 3.  he saith: The Scripture hath taught us but few signs, as be the Sacrament of Baptism, and the solemn celebration and remembrance of the body and blood of the Lord. etc.  
Then the Bishop of London which could scarcely refrain himself all this while, and now could forbear no longer, 
Stokesly replieth against Alesius.  broke out in this manner. First of all (saith he) where you allege, that all the Sacraments which are in the church instituted by Christ himself, have either some manifest ground in the Scriptures, or aught to show forth some signification of remission of sins, it is false and not to be allowed.  
Then said Alesius, that he would prove it, not only by manifest authority of scriptures, but also by evident testimonies of ancient Doctors and scholewriters.  

Fo●e Bishop of Herford speaketh.  But the Bishop of Herford which was then lately returned out of Germany (where he had been Ambassador for the king to the Protestants) being moved with the bishop of London's frowardness, turning himself first to Alexander Alesius, 

Doctors not to be sticked unto in matters of ●aith.  
for that they vary in themselves.   willed him not to contend with the Bishop in such manner, by the testimonies of Doctors & school men, forsomuch as they do not all agree in like matters, neither are they steadfast among themselves in all points, but do vary and in many points are utterly repugnant. Wherefore if this disputation shallbe decided by their minds and verdites, there shallbe nothing established neither shall appear any way of agreement to follow. Furthermore we be commanded by the king that these controversies should be determined only by the rule and judgement of the scripture. This he spoke unto Alesius. Then he turning himself unto the Bishops, likewise admonished them with a grave and sharp Oration, which we thought not good to omit in this place.  
Think ye not (said he) that we can by any Sophistical subtleties steal out of the world again, 
The Oration of Fox Bishop of Herford, unto the Bishops  the light which every man doth see. Christ hath so lightened the world at this time, that the light of the Gospel hath put to flight all misty darkness, and it will shortly have the higher hand of all clouds, though we resist in vain never so much. The lay people do now know the holy scripture better than many of us. 
The Gospel shining in all places.  And the Germans have made the text of the Bible so plain and easy by the Hebrew and Greek tongue that now many things may be better understand without any gloss at all, then by all the commentaries of the Doctors. 
The faithful diligence of the Germans in translating the Bible.  And moreover they have so opened these controversies by their writings, that women and children may wonder at the blindness and falsehood that hath been hitherto. Wherefore ye must consider earnestly, what ye will determine of these controversies, that ye make not yourselves to be mocked and laughed to scorn of all the world, and that ye bring them not to have this opinion of you, 
The world now able to judge upon errors.  to think ever more hereafter, that ye have neither one spark of learning, nor yet of godliness in you. And thus shall ye lose all your estimation and authority with them, which before took you for learned men, and profitable members unto the common wealth of Christendom. For that which you do hope upon, that there was never heresy in the Church so great, but that process of time with the power and authority of the Pope hath quenched it, 
It is a vain hope to trust upon the Pope's authority.  it is nothing to the purpose. But ye must turn your opinion, and think this surely, that there is nothing so feeble and weak, so that it be true, but it shall find place, and be able to stand against all falsehood.  
Truth is the daughter of time, & time is the mother of truth. And whatsoever is besieged of truth, 
Truth will come out o●●ast.  cannot long continue, and upon whose side truth doth stand, that ought not to be thought transitory, or that it will ever fall. 
Truth daughter of time.  All things consist not in painted eloquence and strength or authority. For the truth is of so great power, strength & efficacy, that it can neither be defended with words, not to be overcome with any strength, 
The nature of truth.  but after she hath hidden herself long, at length she putteth up her head and appeareth, as it is written in Esdras: A king is strong, wine is stronger, yet women be more strong, but truth excelleth all. 
3. Esd. 4.   
To this effect in a manner, & much more, did he speak and utter in that convocation, both copiously and discretely Through whose Oration, Alesius being encouraged, proceeded further, to urge the Bishop with this argument.  

* The Argument in form.  
Basilius- Sacraments been seals ascerteyning us of God's good will: 
Sacraments been seals certyf●ing us of God's good will.   
ro- Without the word there is no certainty of Gods good will:  
co. Ergo, without the word there be no Sacraments.   
The first part of this reason is S. Paul's own saying, the fourth to the Romans, where he saith: That circumcision is a token and a seal of the righteousness of faith. Ergo, it requireth faith to certify man's hart of the will of god. 
Rom. 4.  But the word of God is the foundation of faith as Saint Paul witnesseth. Rom. 10. Faith cometh by hearing, and hearing cometh by the word of God. 
The word is the ground of faith. Rom. 10.  For the mind must be taught & instructed to the will of God by the word, like as the eye is taught and instructed by the outward ceremony. And so Paul by that saying confuteth this opinion, 
Ex opere operato.  that the Sacraments should make men righteous & just before God, for the very outward work, without faith of them that receive them.  
And after this manner doth Paul speak unto the Ephesians: 
Eph. 5.  that Christ doth sanctify his church through the bath of water in the word of life. And for as much as he joineth the word unto the ceremony, and declareth the virtue and power of the word of God, 
Sacraments only to be gathered out of the word of God.  that it bringeth with it life, he doth manifestly teach that the word of God is the principal thing, and even as it were the very substance & body of the Sacrament: and the outward ceremony to be nothing else then a token of that lively inflammation which we receive through faith in the word and promise. Saint Paul also in ministering the sacrament of the lords supper, doth manifestly add the words of Christ: He took bread (saith he) and when he had given thanks, he broke it and said, take ye this, and eat ye this, for it is my body. Item, Do ye this in my remembrance. 
The institution of Christ ought not to be altered 1. Cor. 11.  Beside this he teacheth evidently the only Christ and none but he had power to institute a sacrament: & that neither the Apostles, nor the Church hath any authority to alter or to add any thing unto his ordinance, whereas he saith: For I have received of the Lord that which I delivered unto you. etc. To what purpose should he go about to move the people to believe him and to win their hearts with this protestation, if it had been lawful for him to have made any sacraments, or to have altered the form and manner of ministering this sacrament, as some men both wickedly and shamelessly do affirm, that the Apostles did alter the form of Baptism.  
When he had spoken thus much, 
The answer of the Bishop of London against Alesius.  the B. of London did interrupt him, and said: Let us grant that the sacraments may be gathered out of the word of God, yet are you far deceived, if ye think that there is none other word of God, but that which every souter and cobbler do read in their mother tongue. And if ye think that nothing pertaineth unto the Christian faith, but that only that is written in the Bible, then err ye plainly with the Lutherans. 
john. 21. 2. Thess. 2.  For S. john saith: that jesus did many things which be not written. And S. Paul commandeth the Thess. to observe and keep certain unwritten traditions & ceremonies. 
Acts. 16. Unwritten verities and traditions of fathers in equal force with Gods written word.  2. Thes. 2. Moreover he himself did preach not the scripture only but even also the traditions of the Elders. Act. xuj. Finally we have received many things of the Doctors & Counsels by times, which although they be not written in the Bible, yet for as much as the old Doctors of the Church do make mention of them, we ought to grant that we received them of the Apostles, and that they be of like authority with the Scripture, and finally that they may worthily be called the word of God unwritten.  
Now when the right noble Lord Cromwell, 
The unwritten word of God. Stokesly laughed to scorn.  the Archbishop, with the other Bishops, which did defend the pure doctrine of the gospel, heard this, they smiled a little one upon another, forasmuch as they saw him flee even in the very beginning of the disputation, unto his old rusty sophistry and unwritten verities. Then Alesius would have proceeded further with the Bishop to have confuted this blasphemous lie, but the Lord Cromwell bade him be content, for the time began to go away, and it was xii. of the clock, and thus he made an end with his protestation. Right reverend master Bishop, you deny that our christian faith and religion doth lean only upon the word of God which is written in the Bible, which thing if I can prove and declare, than you will grant me that there be no sacraments, but those that have the manifest word of God to confirm them. Unto this he did consent, and then immediately that assemble was dissolved for that day.  
The next day when the Bishops were set again, the Archbishop of Canterbury sending his Archdeacon, commanded Alesius to abstain from disputation, whereupon he wrote his mind, and delivered it unto Cromwell, who afterward showed the same unto the Bishops. Thus through the industry of Cromwell, the colloquies were brought to this end, that albeit religion could not wholly be reform, yet at that time there was some reformation had throughout all England.  
How desirous and studious this good Cromwell was in the cause of Christ's religion, 
The public care of Cromwell for the common wealth.  examples need not to be brought. His whole life was nothing else, but a continual care and travel how to advance and further the right knowledge of the Gospel, and reform the house of God: As by so many Proclamations above specified by his means set forth, may well appear, wherein first he caused the people to be instructed in the lords Prayer, and Creed in English, then procured the Scripture also to be read and set forth in the same language, for every English man to understand: after that to rescue the vulgar people from damnable Idolatry, caused certain of the most grossest pilgrimages to be destroyed. And further for the more commodity of the poor sort, which get their living with their daily labour & work of their hands, he provided that divers idle holidays were diminished. Item he procured for them liberty to eat eggs and whitmeat in Lent. Furthermore by him it was also provided for the better instruction of the people, that beneficed●mē should be resident in their Cures and parishes, there to teach and to keep Hospitality, with many other things else most fruitfully redressed for the reformation of Religion and behoof of Christ's Church: as by the Proclamations, 
Read afore pag. 1069.1070.1071.1072. etc.  Injunctions, and necessary articles of Christian doctrine above specified, set forth in the king's name, by his means, may more abundantly appear. pag. 1069.1070. etc.  
Now to adjoin withal his private benefits in helping divers good men and women at sundry times out of troubles and great distresses, it would require a long discourse. Briefly his whole life was full of such examples, being a man to that intent ordained of God (as his deeds well proved) to do many men good, and especially such as were in danger of persecution for religions sake. Amongst other infinite stories, one or two examples shall suffice for a testimony of his worthy doings.  

¶ How Cromwell holp a poor woman with child, out of great trouble, longing for a piece of meat in time of Lent.  
persecutors. Persecuted. The cause. 

Fisher's wife of Harnesey▪  
D. Cocks.  
Bishop Stokesley.  
Holland his Sumner.  
M. Garter, king of Arms.   Thomas Frebarne and his Wife. 
A story of one Frebarnes wife, longing for a piece of meat in Lent,  IN the year of our Lord. 1538. Sir William Forman being Mayor of the city of London, three weeks before Easter, the wife of one Tho. Frebarn dwelling in Pater noster row, being with child, longed after a morsel of a pig, and told her mind unto a Maid dwelling in Abchurch lane, desiring her, if it were possible, to help her unto a piece. The maid perceiving her earnest desire, showed unto her husband, what his wife had said unto her, telling him that it might chance to cost her her life and the childes too which she went withal, if she had it not. Upon this Thomas Frebarne her husband spoke to a butter wife which he knew, that dwelled at Harnsey, named goodwife Fisher, to help him unto a pig for his wife, for she was with child, & longed sore to eat of a pig. Unto whom the said goodwife Fisher promised that she would bring him one the Friday following, and so she did, being ready dressed and scalded before. But when she had delivered him the pig, 
A crafty part of a ●alse 〈◊〉.  she craftily conveyed one of the pigge● feet, & carried it unto Doctor Cocks, at that time being Deane of Caunterbury, dwelling in I●y lane, who at that time of his dinner, before certain gests which he had bidden, showed his pig's foot, declaring who had the body thereof: and after that they had talked their pleasure, & dinner was done, 
 one of his gests being landlord unto Frebarne aforesaid, called M. Garter, & by his office king of Arms, sent his man unto the said Frebarne, demanding if there were no body sick in his house. Unto whom he answered, that they were all in good health, he gave God thanks. Then said he again, it was told his Master that some body was sick, or else they would not eat flesh in Lent. Unto whom Frebarne made answer, that his wife was with child, and longed for a piece of a pig, and if he could get some for her, he would. Then departed his Landlords man home again.  
And shortly after his Landlord sent for him. But before that he sent for him, he had sent for the bishop of London's Sumner, whose name was Hollond, & when this Frebarne was come, he demanded of him, if he had not a pig in his house, which he denied not. Then commanded Master Garter the said Sumner called Hollond, to take him, and go home to his house, 
 and to take the pig, and carry both him and the Pig unto Doctor Stokesley his Master, being then Bishop of London, & so he did. Then the Bishop being in his chamber, with divers other of the Clergy, called this Frebarne before him, and had him in examination for his pig, laying also unto his charge, that he had eaten in his house that lent, powdered beef and calves heads. 
 Unto whom Frebarne answered. My Lord, if the heads were eaten in my house, in whose houses were the bodies eaten? Also if there be either man or woman that can prove, that either I, or any in my house hath done as your Lordship saith, let me suffer death therefore. You speak (said he) against pilgrimages, and will not take holy bread, holy water, nor yet go on Procession on Palm Sunday: Thou art no Christian man. My Lord, said Frebarne, I trust I am a true Christian man, & have done nothing neither against God's law nor my princes.  
In the time of this his examination, which was during the space of two hours, divers came unto the bishop, some to have their children confirmed, & some for other causes. Unto whom as they came, having the pig before him covered, he would lift up the cloth and show it them, 
 saying: How think you of such a fellow as this is? is not this good meat, I pray you, to be eaten in this blessed time of Lent, yea and also powdered Beef and calves heads too beside this?  
After this the Bishop called his Sumner unto him, and commanded him to go and carry this Thomas Frebarne and the pig openly thorough the stre●tes, into the old Bayly, unto Sir Roger Chomley, for the Bishop said, he had nothing to do to punish him, 
 for that belonged unto the civil magistrates, and so was Frebarne carried with the pig before him, to sir Roger Chomleis house in the old bailie, & he being not at home at that time, Frebarne was brought likewise back again unto the bishop's place with the pig, and there lay in the porters lodge till it was 9 a clock at night. Then the bishop sent him unto the Counter in the Poultry by the Sumner and other of his servants.  
The next day being Saturday, he was brought before the Mayor of London & his brethren, unto Guild hall, but before his coming, they had the pig delivered unto them by the Bishop's officer. Then the Mayor and the Bench laid unto his charge (as they were informed from the Bishop) that he had eaten powdered beef and calves heads in his house the same Lent, but no man was able to come in that would justify it, neither could any thing be found, save only the Pig, which (as is before said) was for the preservation of his wives life, and that she went withal. Notwithstanding the Mayor of London said, that the Monday next following, he should stand on the Pillory in Cheapside, with the one half of the pig on the one shoulder, and the other half on the other.  
Then spoke the Wife of the said Frebarne unto the Mayor and the Bench, desiring that she might stand there, and not he, for it was long of her and not of him. After this they took a satin list, & tied it fast about the pig's neck, and made Frebarne to carry it hanging on his shoulder until he came unto the Counter of the Poultry, from whence he came.  
After this was done, the Wife of this Prisoner took with her an honest woman, the Wife of one Michael Lobley, which was well acquainted with divers in the Lord Cromwell's house, unto whom the said woman resorted for some help for this prisoner, desiring them to speak unto their Lord and Master for his deliverance out of trouble.  
It happened that the same time came in Doctor Barnes and Master Barlowe, 
〈◊〉 & Barlow sue 〈…〉 Cromwell 〈◊〉 Thomas 〈◊〉. Lord 〈…〉 to the 〈…〉.  who understanding the matter by Lobleys' wife, went up to the Lord Cromwell, and certified him thereof: who upon their request, sent for the Mayor of the City of London: but what was said unto the Lord Maior, is unknown, saving that in the after noon of the same day, ●he wife of the person aforesaid resorted again unto the Lord Maior, suing to get her husband delivered out of prison, declaring how that she had 2. small children, and had nothing to help her and them, but only her husband, who laboured for their livings. Unto whom the Mayor answered, what come ye to me? You are taken up with the kings Counsel. I supposed that you had come to desire me that your husband should not stand upon the Pillory in Cheapside on Monday next, with the one half of the pig on his one shoulder and the other half on the other▪ Also the Mayor said unto her, that he could not deliver him without the consent of the rest of his brethren the Aldermen. Wherefore he bade her the next day following, which was Sunday, to re●ort unto Paul's to Saint Dunston's Chapel, and when he had spoken with his brethren, he would then tell her more. Other answer could she get none at that time. Wherefore she went unto M. Wilkenson, then being Sheriff of London, desiring him to be good unto her, and that she might have her poor husband out of prison. Unto whom M. Wilkenson answered: O woman▪ Christ hath laid a piece of his cross upon thy neck, 
The gentle 〈◊〉 of 〈…〉 of London to the poor woman.  to prove whether thou wilt help him to bear it or no, saying moreover to her, that if the Lord mayor had sent him to his Counter, as he sent him to his brothers, he should not have tarried there an hour, and so commanded her to come the next day unto him to dinner, and he would do the best for her he could. So the next day came, & this woman resorted again to M. Wilkensons, according as he bade her, who also had bidden divers gests: unto whom he spoke in her behalf But as they were set at dinner, and she also sitting at the table, when she saw the hot fish come in, she felt down in a swound, so that for the space of two hours the could keep no life in her. Wherefore they sent her home to her house in Pater noster row, and then they sent for the Midwife, supposing that she would have been delivered incontinent of her child that she went with, but after that she came somewhat again to herself, where she lay sick and kept her bed the space of xv. weeks after, being not able to help herself, but as she was helped of others, during the time of xv. weeks.  
Now to show further what became of this Pig, whereof we have spoken so much, it was carried into Finsburye field by the Bishop of London's Sumner, 
That God ordaineth to be eaten, superstition buryeth.  at his masters commandment, and there buried. The Monday following, being the fourth day after that this prisoner aforesaid was apprehended, the Mayor of London, with the residue of his brethren being at Guild hall, sent for the prisoner aforenamed, and demanded sureties of him for his forth coming, what so ever hereafter should or might be laid unto his charge, 
Thomas Frebarne delivered out of prison. Tho. Frebarne discharged out of his house by M. Garter his Landlord.  but for lack of such sureties as they required upon his own band, which was a recognisance of twenty pound, he was delivered out of their hands. But shortly after that he was delivered out of this his trouble, master Garter, of whom we have spoken before, being his landlord, warned him out of his house, so that in four years after, he could not get an other, but was constrained to be within other good folks, to his great hindrance and undoing.  
Hard it were and almost out of number to rehearse the names and stories of all them, which felt the gentle help of this good man in some case or other. Where might be remembered the notable deliverance of one Grace, a Smyth of Bishops Starford, 
Grace a Smith accused of 〈◊〉 & delivered by the Lord Cromwell.  who being accused for denying the sacrament of the altar to be our Saviour, was sent up for the same to London and there should have been condemned to be burnt, but that by the means of the L. Cromwell, he was sent home again and delivered. One other example, though it be somewhat long with the circumstances and all, I will declare, how be helped the Secretary that then was to Doctor Cranmer Archbishop of Caunterbury, which Secretary is yet alive, and can bear present record of the same.   

¶ How the Lord Cromwell helped Cranmers' Secretary.  
MEntion was made before how king Henry in the year of his reign 21. caused the 6. Articles to pass, much against the mind and contrary to the consent of the Archbishop of Canterbury Thomas Crammer, 
The Archb. Cranmer disputed 3. days in the Parliament against the 6. Articles.  who had disputed three days against the same in the Parliament house, with great reasons and authorities. Which Articles after they were granted and passed by the Parliament, the king for the singular favour which he ever bare to Cranmer, and reverence to his learning, being desirous to know what he had said and objected in the Parliament against these Articles, or what could be alleged by learning against the same, required a note of the Archbishop of his doings, what he had said and opposed in the Parliament touching that matter. And this word was sent to him from the king by Cromwell, and other Lords of the Parliament whom the king then sent to dine with him at Lambeth, somewhat to comfort again his grieved mind, and troubled spirits as hath been above recited. pag, 1136.  
Whereupon when his dinner was finished, the next day after the Archbishop collecting both his arguments, authorities of scriptures, and Doctors together, caused his Secretary to write a fair book thereof for the king, after this order. First the Scriptures were alleged, than the Doctors, thirdly followed the Arguments deducted from those authorities. This book was written in his Secretaryes Chamber. Where, in a by Chamber lay the Archbishops Almosiner. When this book was fair written, 
The name of this Secretary was M. Ralph Morice, being yet alive.  and whiles the Secretary was gone to deliver the same unto the Archbishop his master, who was (as it then chanced) rid to Croyden: returning back to his chamber, found his door shut, and the key carried away to London by the Almosiner.  
At this season also chanced the father of the said Secretary to come to the City, by whose occasion it so ●ell out, that he must needs go to London. The book he could not lay into his chamber, neither durst he commit it to any other person to keep, being straightly charged in any condition of the Archbishop his master, to be circumspect thereof, so that he determined to go to his father and to keep the book about him. And so thrusting the book under his girdle, he went over unto Westminster bridge with a sculler, where he entered into a whirry that went to London, wherein were 4. of the Guard, who meant to land at Paul's wharf and to pass by the kings highness, who then was in his Barge with a great number of Barges and boats about him, then baiting of Bears in the water over against the bank.  
These foresaid yeomen of the guard, when they came against the kings Barge, they durst not pass by towards Paul's wharf, lest they should be espied, & therefore entreated the Secretary to go with them to the Bearebayting, and they would find the means being of the guard to make room and to see all the pastime, the Secretary perceiving no other remedy, assented thereto. When the whirry came nigh the multitude of the boats, 
Tall y●men but ill keepers. A Bearebayting upon Thamis before the king. The book of D. Cranmer against the 6. articles lost in the Thames.  they with pollaxes got in the whirry so far, that being compassed with many other whirryes and boats there was no refuge if the Bear should break lose and come upon them, as in very deed within one pater noster while, the Bear broke lose and came in to the boat where the yeomen of the guard were and the said Secretary. The guard forsook the wherry and went into an other barge, one or two of them leaping short, and so fell into the water. The Bear and the dogs so shaked the whirry wherein the Secretary was, that the boat being full of water, sunk to the ground, & being also as it chanced an ebbing tide, he there sat in the end of the whirry up to the middle in water. To whom came the Bear and all the dogs. The Bear seeking as it were aid and succour of him, came back with his hinder parts upon him and so rushing upon him, the book was loosed from his girdle and fell into the Thames out of his reach.  
The flying of the people, after that the bear was lose, from one boat to an other, was so cumbrous, that divers persons were thrown into the Thames, the king commanding certain men that could swim, to strip themselves naked and to help to save them that were in danger. This pastime so displeased the king that he bade away away, with the Bear, and let us all go hence.  
The Secretary perceiving his book to fleet away in the Thames, called to the Bearward to take up the book, 
This Bearward was Princess Elizabethes' servant.  When the Bearward had the book in his custody, being an errant Papist, far from the Religion of his Mistress (for he was the Lady Elizabethes Bearward, now the Que●nes majesty) ere that the Secretary could come to land, 
D. Cranmers' book against the 6. Articles. delivered to a Popish priest.  he had delivered the book to a Priest of his own affinity in Religion standing on the bank, who reading in the book and perceiving that it was a manifest refutation of the 6. Articles, made much a do and told the Bearward that whosoever claimed the book, should surely be hanged. Anon the Secretary came to the Bearward for his book. What quoth the Bearward, dare you challenge this book? Whose servant be you? I am servant to one of the Counsel, said the Secretary, and my Lord of Caunterbury is my master. Yea marry, quoth the Bearward, I thought so much. You belike I trust, quoth the Bearward, to be both hanged for this book. Well (said he) it is not so evil as you take it, and I warrant you my L. will avouch the book to the kings Majesty. But I pray you let me have my book, and I will give you a Crown to drink. If you would give me v. C. crowns, you shall not have it, quoth the Bearward. With that the Secretary departed from him, & understanding the malicious frowardness of the Bearward, he learned that Blage the Grocer in Cheapside might do much with the Bearward, to whom the Secretary broke this matter, requiring him to send for the Bearward to supper, and he would pay for the whole charge thereof, and besides that rather than he would forego his book after this sort, the Bearward should have xx. shillings to drink. The supper was prepared. The Bearward was sent for, and came. After supper the matter was entreated of and xx. shillings offered for the book. But do what could be done, neither friendship, acquaintance, nor yet reward of money could obtain the book out of his hands, but that the same should be delivered unto some of the Counsel that would not so slightly look on so weighty a matter, as to have it redeemed for a supper or a piece of money. The honest man M. Blage with many good reasons would have persuaded him not to be stiff in his own conceit, declaring that in the end he should nothing at all prevail of his purpose, but be laughed to scorn, getting neither penny nor praise for his travel. He hearing that, rushed suddenly out of the doors from his friend M. Blage without any manner of thanks giving for his supper, more like a Bearward then like an honest man. When the Secretary saw the matter so extremely to be used against him, he then thought it expedient to fall from any farther practising of entreaty with the Bearward, as with him that seemed rather to be a Bear himself then the Master of the beast, determining the next morning to make the L. Cromwell privy of the chance that happened.  
So on the next day, as the Lord Cromwell went to the Court, the Secretary declared the whole matter unto him & how he had offered him xx. s for the finding thereof. Where is the fellow, quoth the Lord Cromwell? I suppose, said the Secretary, that he is now in the Court attending to deliver the book unto some of the Counsel. Well said the Lord Cromwell, it maketh no matter: go with me thither and I shall get you your book again. When the Lord Cromwell came into the hall of the Court, there stood the Bearward with the book in his hand, waiting to have delivered the same unto Sir Anthony Browne, or unto the Bishop of Winchester, 

The Bearward waiting to give Cranmers' book to the Council.  
The L. Crom●ell getteth the book from the Bearward.   as it was reported. To whom the Lord Cromwell said, come hither fellow. What book hast thou there in thy hand? and with that snatched the book out of his hand, and looking in the book, he said, I know this hand well enough. This is your hand, said he to the Secretary. But where hadst thou this book, quoth the Lord Cromwell to the Bearward? This Gentleman lost it two days ago in the Thames said the Bearward. Dost thou know whose servant he is, said the Lord Cromwell? He saith, quoth the Bearward, that he is my Lord of Canterbury's servant. Why then didst not thou deliver to him the book, when he required it, said the L. Cromwell. Who made thee so bold as to detain and withhold any book or writing from a Counsellors servant, specially being his Secretary? It is more metre for thee to meddle with thy Bears than with such writing, & it were not for thy masters sake, I would set thee fast by the feet, to teach such malapert knaves to meddle with Counsellors matters. Had not money been well bestowed upon such a good fellow as this is, that knoweth not a counsellors man from a cobblers man? And with those words the Lord Cromwell went up into the kings chamber of presence and the Archbishop's Secretary with him, where he found in the chamber the Lord of Caunterbury. To whom he said, my Lord I have found here good stuff for you (showing to him the paper book that he had in his hand) ready to bring both you & this good fellow your man to the halter, 
The words of the L. Cromwell to the Archb. Cranmer.  namely if the knave Bearward now in the Hall, might have well compassed it. At these words the Archbishop smiled and said, he that lost the book is like to have the worse bargain, for besides that he was well washed in the Thames, he must write the book fair again: & at those words the Lord Cromwell cast the book unto the Secretary saying, I pray thee Morris go in hand therewith by & by with all expedition, for it must serve a turn. Surely my Lord, it somewhat rejoiceth me, quoth the L. Cromwell, that the varlet might have had of your man xx. s. for the book, and now I have discharged the matter with never a penny. And shaking him well up for his overmuch malepar●nes, I know the fellow well enough (quoth he) there is not a ranker Papist within this realm, them he is, most unworthy to be servant unto so noble a Princess. And so after humble thanks given to the Lord Cromwell, the said Morris departed with his book, which when he again had fair written, was delivered to the kings Majesty by the said Lord Cromwell, within 4. days after.   

* The Lord Cromwell not forgetting his old friends and benefactors.  
IT is commonly seen, that men advanced once from base degree, to ample dignities do rise also with fortune into such insolency and exaltation of mind, 
The gentle behaviour of the L. Cromwell, in remembering his old friend▪  that not only they forget themselves what they were, & from whence they came but also cast out of remembrance all their old friends and former acquaintance, which have been to them before beneficial. From which sort of men, how far the courteous condition of this christian Earl did differ, by divers examples it may appear As by a certain poor woman keeping some time a vitailing house about Hownsloe, to whom the said Lord Cromwell remained in debt for certain old reckonings, to the sum of xl.s. It happened that the L. Cromwell with Cranmer Archbishop of Canterbury, riding thorough Cheapside toward the Court, in turning his eye over the way, and there espying this poor woman, brought now in need & misery, eftsoons caused her to be called unto him. Who being come, after certain questions asked of her if she were not such a woman, and dwelling in such a place. At last he demanded, if he were not behind for a certain payment of money between him and her. To whom she with reverent obeisance, confessed that he ought her money for a certain old reckoning which was yet unpaid, whereof she stood now in great necessity, but never durst call upon him nor could come at him for to require her right. Then the L. Cromwell sending the poor woman home to his hou●e▪ and one of his servants withal, 
Example of a grateful debtor.  that the Porter should see her in, after his return from the Court, not only discharged the debt which he ought, but also gave her a yearly pension of four pounds, and a livery every year while she lived.  
The like courtesy the said L. Cromwell showed also to a certain Italian, who in the city of Florence, had showed him much kindness in succouring and relieving his necessity as in this story following may appear. Which story set forth and compiled in the Italian tongue by Bandello, & imprinted at Luke by Busdrago, an. 1554. 
Ex historia Italica.  I thought here to insert, with the whole order and circumstance thereof, as it is reported.  
Not many years past, saith the author, there was in Florence a merchant whose name was Frances, descended from the noble & ancient family of the Frescobaldes: 
A notable story of the ●. Cromwell, and an Itallan.  this Gentleman was naturally endued with a noble & liberal mind, unto whom also through prosperous success and fortunate luck in his affairs and doings, much abundance of riches increased, so that he grew in great wealth, having his coffers replenished with many heaps of much treasure. He according to the custom Merchants, used his trade into many countries, but chiefly into England, where long time he lived sojourning in London, keeping house to his great commendation and praise.  
It happened, that Frances Frescobald being in Florence, there appeared before him a poor young man, 
Cronwell ask his alms of Frescobald.  ask his alms for God's sake. Frescobald as he earnestly beheld this ragged stripling, who was not so disguised in his tottered attire, but that his countenance gave signification of much towardness & virtue in him, with comformity of manners agreeing to the same, being moved with pity, demanded of what country he was, & where he was borne. I am Sir (quoth he) of England, 
Note that this cloth shearer was his father in law.  & my name is Thomas Cromwell. My father is a poor man, & by his occupation a cloth shearer. I am strayed from my country, and am now come into Italy with the camp of frenchmen, that were overthrown at Gatilyon, 
Cromwell page to a soldier.  where I was the page to a footman, carrying after him his pike and burganet. Frescobald partly considering the present state of this young man, and partly for the love he bore to the english nation, of whom he had received in times past sundry pleasures, received him into his house, & with such courtesy entertained his gest, as at his departure when he was in mind to return to his country, he provided such necessaries as he any way needed. 
The gentleness of Frescobald showed to Cromwell.  He gave him both horse & new apparel, & 16. ducats of gold in his purse, to bring him into his country. Cromwell rendering his hearty thanks, took leave of his host & returned into England. This Cromwell was a man of noble courage & heroical spirit, given to enterprise great matters, very liberal, a grave Counsellor, etc. But to our purpose.  
At what time Cromwell was so highly favoured of his prince, and advanced to such dignity as is aforesaid, Frances Frescobald (as it many times happeneth unto Merchants) was by many misfortunes and great losses, cast back and become very poor. For according to conscience and equity, he paid whatsoever was due to any other from himself, but such debts as were owing unto him, he could by no means obtain: 
An Italian Ducat cometh to as much as our English crown.  yet calling further to remembrance that in England by certain merchants there was due to him the sum of 15000. ducats, he so purposed with himself, that if he could recover that money, he would well content himself, and no longer deal in the trade of merchants but quietly pass over the rest of his days.  
All things prepared for his journey, he setting forward towards England, at last arrived at London, having utterly forgotten what courtesy long before he had showed to Cromwell, which is the property always of a good nature, for a man to forget what benefits he hath showed to other, but to keep in mind continually what he hath received of other. Frescobald thus being now arrived at London, and there traveling earnestly about his business, it chanced him by the way to meet with this noble man, as he was riding toward the court. Whom, as soon as the said lord Cromwell had espied, and had earnestly beheld, he bethought with himself that he should be the man of Florence, at whose hands in times past he had received so gentle entertainment, and thereupon suddenly alighting (to the great admiration of those that were with him) in his arms he gently embraced the stranger, and with a broken voice scarce able to refrain tears, he demanded if he were not Frances Frescobald the Florentine. Yea sir (he answered) and your humble servant. My servant (quoth Cromwell? 
The words of the Lord Cromwell to the Italiam Merchant. ) no, as you have not been my servant in times past, so will I not now account you otherways then my great and especial friend, assuring you that I have just reason to be sorry, that you knowing what I am (or at the least what I should be) will not let me understand of your arriving in this land, which known unto me, truly I should have paid part of that debt which I confess to owe you: but thanked be God I have yet tyme. Well sir, in conclusion, you are heartily welcome. 
Old friendship remembered.  But having now weighty affairs in my prince's cause, you must hold me excused, that I can no longer tarry with you. Therefore at this time I take my leave, desiring you with the faithful mind of a friend, that you forget not this day to come to my house to dinner, and then in remounting on his horse, he passed to the Court. Frescobald greatly marveling with himself who this Lord should be, at last after some pause, his remembrance better called home, he knew him to be the same, whom long before (as you have heard) he had relieved in Florence, and thereat not a little joyed, especially considering how that by his means he should the better recover his duty.  
The hour of dinner drawing near, he repaired to the house of this honourable Counsellor, where walking a while in his base Court, he attended his coming. The Lord shortly returned from the Court, and no sooner dismounted, but he again embraced this Gentleman with so friendly a countenance, that both the Lord Admiral and all the other noble men of the Court being then in his company, did not a little marvel thereat.  
Which thing when the Lord Cromwell perceived, he turning towards them, 
The courtesy of the Lord Cromwell in retaining his old host.  and holding Frescobald fast by the hand: do ye not marvel my Lords (quoth he) that I seem so glad of this man? This is he by whose means I have achieved the degree of this my present calling: and because ye shall not be ignorant of his courtesy when I greatly needed, I shall tell it you: and so there declared unto them every thing in order, according as before hath been recited unto you. His tale finished, holding him still by the hand, he entered his house, and coming into the Chamber where his dinner was prepared, he sat him down to the Table, placing his best welcomed guest next unto him.  
The dinner ended, and the Lords departed, he would know what occasion had brought Frescobald to London. France's in few words opened his cause, truly telling, that from great wealth he was fallen into poverty, and that his only portion to maintain the rest of his life, was xv. thousand Ducats which were owing him in england and two thousand in Spain. Whereunto the lord Cromwell answering again, said, touching the things Master Frescobald that be already past, although it can not now be undone by man's power, nor by policy called again, which hath happened unto you by the unstable condition and mutability of this world altering too and fro: yet is not your sorrow so peculiar to yourself alone, but that by the bond of mutual love, I must also bewail with you this your state and condition, which state and condition of yours, though it may work in you matter of just heaviness, yet notwithstanding, to the intent you may receive in this your heavy distress some consolation for your old courtesy showed to me in times past, the like courtesy now requireth of me again, that I likewise should repay some portion of that debt wherein I stand bound unto you according as the part of a thankful man bindeth me to do in requiting your benefits on my part heretofore received. And this further I avouch in the word of a true friend that during this life and state of mine. I will never fail to do for you, wherein my authority may prevail to supply your lack and necessity. And so let these few words suffice to give you knowledge of my friendly meaning. But let me delay the time no longer.  
Then taking him by the hand, he led him into his chamber, whence, 
Example of a faithful debtor.  after that every man by his commandment was departed, he locked fast the door. Then opening a coffer full heaped with treasure, he first took out sixteen Ducats, and delivering them to Frescobald, he said: lo here (my friend) is your money which you lent me at my departure from Florence, and here other ten which you bestowed in my apparel, with ten more that you disbursed for the horse I rid away on. But considering you are a merchant, it seemeth to me not honest to return your money without some consideration for the long detaining of it. Take you therefore these 4. bags, 
The Lord Cromwell's usury.  and in every of them is 400. ducats, these you shall receive and enjoy from the hands of your assured friend.  
Frescobald, although from great wealth he was brought to a low ebb, and (almost) an utter decay, yet expressing the virtue of a modest mind, after gentle thanks given to the Lord Cromwell for his exceeding kindness showed, courteously would have refused that which was offered, had not the other enforced him against his will to receive it.  
This done, he caused Frescobald to give him a note of the names of all his debtor, and the sum that from every of them was owing him. 
Kindness requited with kindness.  This schedule he delivered to one of his servants, unto whom he gave charge diligently to search out such men whose names therein was contained, if they were within any part of the realm, & then straightly to charge them to make payment of those sums within fifteen days, or else to abide the hazard of his displeasure. The servant so well performed his masters commandment, that in very short time they made payment of the whole sum: and if it had liked Frescobald so to have demanded, they should have answered to the uttermost such commodity, as the use of his money in so many years would have given him profit: but he contented with his principal, would demand no further. 
Modesty in an Italian.  By which means he gate both hearty love and great estimation, and the more, for that he was so dear to the Lord Cromwell, and so highly esteemed of him.  
And during all this time, Frescobald continually lodged in the house of the lord Cromwell, who ever gave him such entertainment as he had right well deserved, 
The Ducats after the Italian count, came much near to our English crowns.  and oftentimes moved him to abide in England, offering him the lone of 60000. Ducats, for the space of 4. year, if he would continue and make his bank in London. But Frescobald, who desired to return into his country, and there quietly to continue the rest of his life, with the great favour of the Lord Cromwell, after many thanks for his high and noble entertainment, departed towards his desired home, where richly arriving, he gave himself quietly to live. But this wealth he small time enjoyed, for in the first year of his return he died.  
So plentiful was the life of this man in such fruits full of singular gratitude and courtesy, that to rehearse all, 
another examample of the kind and lowly mind of the Lord Cromwell.  it would require too long a tractation. Yet one example amongst many other I may not overpass, whereby we may evidently consider or rather marvel at the lowly mind of such a person, in so high a state and place of honour. For as he coming with other of the Lords of the Counsel and Commissioners, to the house of Shene, about the examination of certain Monks which there denied the kings supremacy, after the examination done was there sitting at dinner, it chanced him to spy a far off, a certain poor man which there served to sweep their cells and cloister, and to ring the bells. Whom when the Lord Cromwell had well advised, he sent for the poor man to come unto him, and before all the table most lovingly and friendly, calling him by his name, took him by the hand, and asked how he did, with many other good words, and turning therewith to the Lords: My Lords (quoth he) see you this poor man. This man's father hath been a great friend to me in my necessity, and hath given me many a meals meat. Then said he unto the poor man, come unto me and I will provide for thee, and thou shalt not lack so long as I live. Such as were there present and saw and heard the same, report it to be true.  
In this worthy and noble person, besides divers other eminent virtues, 

Three things in the L. Cronwell.  

1. Zeal.  
2. Wisdom.  
3. Authority.    iij. things especially are to be considered to wit, flourishing authority, excelling wisdom and fervent zeal to Christ and to his Gospel. First, as touching his fervent zeal in setting forward the sincerity of Christian faith, sufficient is to be seen before by the injunctions proclamations, and articles above specified, that more can not almost be wished in a noble man, and scarce the like hath been seen in any.  
secondly, for his wisdom and policy no less singular, joined with his christian zeal, he brought great things to pass, 
The wisdom & policy of the L. Cromwell.  as well on this side the sea as in the other parts beyond. But especially his working was to nourish peace abroad with foreign realms, as may well by the king's letters and instructions sent by his means to his Ambassadors resident both with the Emperor the French king and the king of Scots, and also with the Pope appear. In all whose courts, such watch and espial he had, that nothing there was done, nor pretended, whereof he before had not intelligence. Neither was there any spark of mischief kindling never so little against the king and the realm, 
The L. Crom. a continual nourisher of peace.  which he by wit and policy did not quench and keep down. And where policy would not serve to obtain peace, yet by money he bought it out: so that during all the time of Cromwel's prosperity, the king never had war with any foreign nation: notwithstanding, that both the Pope, the Emperor, the kings of France and Scotland were mightily bend and incensed against him.  
Thus, as the prudent policy of this man was ever circumspect abroad, 
The authority of the L. Cromwell employed to the public commodity of the realm.  to stay the Realm from foreign wars: so his authority was no less occupied in keeping good order and rule at home: First, in hampering the popish prelate's and disappointing their subtle devices: secondly, in bridling and keeping other unruly subjects under subjection and discipline of the laws. Whereby, as he was a succour and refuge to all godly persons, so was he a terror to the evil doers: so that not the presence of him only, but also the hearing of the coming of Cromwell broke many frays, and much evil rule: as well appeared by a certain notorious fray or riot, appointed to be fought by a company of ruffians in the street of London called Pater noster row. Where carts were set on both sides of purpose, prepared to enclose them, that none might break in to part them. It happened, that as this desperate skirmish should begin, 
A skirmish or fray in Pater noster row, stopped by the coming of the L. Cromwell.  the Lord Cromwell coming the same time from the Court through Paul's churchyard, and entering into Cheap, had intelligence of the great fray toward, and because of the carts he could not come at them, but was forced to go about the little conduit, and so come upon them through Pannier Alley.  
Thus as the conflict began to wax hot, and the people were standing by in great expectation to see them fight, suddenly at the noise of the Lord Cromwel's coming, the camp broke up and the Ruffians to go, neither could the carts keep in those so courageous campers, but well was he that first could be gone. And so ceased this tumultuous outrage, without any other parting, only through the authority of the Lord Cromwel's name.  

A story between the L. Cromwell and a Ruffian.  One example more of the like affinity cometh here in mind, which ought not to be omitted, concerning a certain serving man of the like ruffenly order, who thinking to discover himself from the common usage of all other men in strange newfangledness of fashions by himself (as many there be whom nothing doth please, which is daily seen and received) used to go with his hair hanging about his ears down unto his shoulders, after a strange monstrous manner, counterfeiting belike the wild Irish men, or else Crinitus joppas, which Virgil speaketh of, as one weary of his own English fashion: or else as one ashamed to be seen like a man, would rather go like a woman, or like to one of the Gorgon sisters, but most of all like to himself, that is, like to a Ruffian, that could not tell how to go.  
As this Ruffian ruffling thus with his locks was walking in the streets, as chance was, who should meet him but the Lord Cromwell, 
The Ruffian with the long hear.  who beholding the deform and unseemly manner of his disguised going, full of much vanity and hurtful example, called the man to question with him whose servant he was, which being declared, then was demanded, whether his master or any of his fellows used so to go with such hair about their shoulders as he did, or no? Which when he denied, and was not able to yield any reason for refuge of that his monstruous disguising, at length he fell to this excuse that he had made a vow. To this the Lord Cromwell answered again, that for so much as he had made himself a votary, he would not force him to break his vow, but until his vow should be expired, he should lie the mean time in prison, and so se●te him immediately to the marshalsea: where he endured, till at length this intonsus Cato being persuaded by his master to cut his hair, by suit and petition of friends, he was brought again to the Lord Cromwell with his head polled according to the accustomed sort of his other fellows, and so was dismissed.  
Hereunto also pertaineth the example of friar Bartley, 
Friar Bartley caste●● away 〈…〉.  who wearing still his friars cowl after the suppression of religious houses, Cromwell coming through Paul's churchyard, and espying him in Rheines his shop, yea said he, will not that cowl of yours be left of yet? And if I hear by one a clock that this apparel be not changed, thou shalt be hanged immediately for example to all other. And so putting his cowl away, he never durst wear it after.  
If the same Lord Cromwell which could not abide this serving man so disfigured in his hair, were now in these our days alive with the same authority, which then he had, and saw these new fangled fashions of attire, used here amongst us both of men and women, I suppose verily, that neither these monstruous ruffs, nor these prodigious hose, and prodigal or rather hyperbolical barbarous breeches (which seem rather like barels than breeches) would have any place in England. In which unmeasurable excess of vesture, this I have to marvel: first how these serving men, which commonly have nothing else but their wages, and that so slender and bare, can maintain such slops, so huge and so sumptuous, 
〈…〉 of England 〈◊〉 a Cromwell  which commonly stand them in more, than their three years wages do come unto. Secondly I marvel, that their masters and Lords (who shall yield to God account of their servants doings) do not search and try out their servants walks, how they come by these expenses, wherewith to uphold this bravery, seeing their stipendiary wages, and all revenues else they have, will not extend thereunto. thirdly, this most of all is to be marveled, that magistrates which have in their hands the ordering and guiding of good laws do not provide more severely for the needful reformation of these enormities. But here we may well see, & truly this may say that England once had a Cromwell.  
Long it were to recite what innumerable benefits this worthy Counsellor by his prudent policy, his grave authority and perfect zeal wrought and brought to pass in the public Realm, and especially in the Church of England, what good orders he established, what wickedness and vices he suppressed, what corruptions he reform, what abuses he brought to light, what crafty jugglings what idolatrous deceptions, and superstitious illusions he detected and abolished out of the Church. What posterity will ever think the Church of the Pope pretending such religion, to have been so wicked, 
〈…〉 in the Church 〈◊〉 and reform by Cromwell. The Roo●e of Grace 〈…〉 his eyes.  so long to abuse the people's eyes, with an old rotten stock (called the Rood of grace) wherein a man should stand enclosed with an hundredth wires within the rood, to make the Image goggle with the eyes, to nod with his head, to hang the lip, to move and shake his jaws according as the value was of the gift which was offered? If it were a small piece of silver, he would hang a frowning lip, if it were a piece of gold, then should his jaws go merrily. Thus miserably was the people of Christ abused, their souls seduced, their senses beguiled, and their purses spoiled, till this Idolatrous forgery at last, by Cromwel's means was disclosed, 
The blood of Hales.  and the image with all his engines showed openly at Paul's cross, and there torn in pieces by the people. The like was done by the blood of Hales, which in like manner by Cromwell was brought to Paul's cross, & there proved to be the blood of a duck.  
Who would have judged, but that the maid of Kent had been an holy woman and a prophetess inspired, had not Cromwell and Cranmer tried her at Paul's cross to be a strong whore.  
What should I speak of Daruel Gartherens, of the rood of Chester, of Thom. Becket, our Lady of Walsingham, 
The ●oly 〈◊〉 of 〈…〉.  with an infinite multitude more of the like affinity? All which stocks and blocks of cursed idolatry, Cromwell stirred up by the providence of God, removed out of the people's way, that they might walk more safely in the sincere service of almighty God.  
While the Lord Cromwell was thus blessedly occupied in profiting the common wealth, 
〈…〉 out of the way.  and purging the church of Christ, it happened to him, as commonly it doth to all good men, that where any excellency of virtue appeareth, there envy creepeth in, and where true piety seeketh most after Christ, there some persecution followeth withal.  
Thus (I say) as he was labouring in the common wealth and doing good to the poor afflicted saints, helping them out of trouble, the malice of his enemies so wrought, continually hunting for matter against him, that they never ceased, till in the end th●y by false trains and crafty surmises, brought him out of the king's favour.  
The chief and principal enemy against him, was Steven Gardiner bishop of Winchester, who ever disdaining and envying the state and felicity of the Lord Cromwell, 
Steph. Gardiner chief enemy to the L. Cronwell.  and now taking his occasion by the marriage of lady Anne of Cleve, being a stranger and foreigner, put in the King's ears what a perfect thing it were for the quiet of the realm, and establishment of the king's succession, to have an English Queen and Prince that were mere English: so that in conclusion the king's affection, the more it was diminished from the late married Anne of Cleve, the less favour he bore unto Cromwell. Besides this Gardener, there lacked not other back friends also and ilwillers in the court about the king, which little made for Cromwell both for his religion which they maligned, and for other private grudges also incident by the way.  
Over and beside all which, it is moreover supposed, that some part of displeasure might rise against him, by reason of a certain talk, which happened a little before at Lambeth, at what time the king after the making of the vi. Articles, sent the said Lord Cromwell his Vicegerent, with the two Dukes of Norfolk & Suffolk, with all the Lords of the Parliament to Lambeth, to dine with the Archbishop (who mightily had disputed and alleged in the Parliament against the said Articles) to cheer and comfort his daunted spirits again.  
There the said Cromwell with the other noble Lords sitting with the Archbishop at his table in talk, 
The talk between the L. Cromwell & certain of the Lords at Lambeth.  as every lord brought forth his sentence in commendation of Cranmer, to signify what good will both the king & they bore unto him: among the rest one of the company entering into a comparison between the said Thomas Cranmer, and Thomas Wolsey late Cardinal of York, declared in his judgement, that Cranmer was much to be preferred for his mild and gentle nature, where as the Cardinal was a stubborn and a churlish prelate, and one that could never abide any noble man, and that (said he) know you well enough, my Lord Cromwell, for he was your Master, etc. At these words the Lord Cromwell being somewhat touched to hear the Cardinal's service cast in his teeth, inferred again, saying: that he could not deny but he was servant sometime to Cardinal Wolsey, neither did repent the same, for he received of him both fee, meat, and drink, and other commodities: but yet he was never so far in love with him, as to have waited upon him to Rome, if he had been chosen Pope, as he understood that he would have done if the case had so fallen out. Which when the other had denied to be true, Cromwell still persisted, affirming the same, and showing moreover what number of florence he should have received, to be his Admiral, and to have safe conducted him to Rome, in case he had been elected Bishop of Rome. The party not a little moved with these words, told him, he lied. The other again affirmed it to be true. Upon this, great and high words rose between them. Which contention although it was through entreaty of the Archbishop and other nobles somewhat pacified for the time, yet it might be, that some bitter root of grudge remained behind, which afterward grew unto him to some displeasure. And this was, an. 1540 in the month of july. Ex testimonio, Secretarij. Cantuar.  
After this, the next year following, which was 1541. in the month of April was holden a Parliament, 
Anno 1541.  which after divers prorogations was continued till the month of july the said year. 
A Parliament.  In the which month of july, the Lord Cromwell being in the counsel chamber, was suddenly apprehended, and committed to the tower of London. Whereat, as many good men which knew nothing but truth by him did lament, 
The Lord Cromwell apprehended.  and prayed heartily for him, so more there were on the contrary side that rejoiced, especially of the religious sort, and of the clergy, such as had been in some dignity before in the Church, and now by his means were put from it. For in deed, such was his nature, that in all his doings he could not abide any kind of Popery, nor of false religion creeping under hypocrisy, and less could abide the ambitious pride of Popish Prelacy, which professing all humility, was so elated in pride, that kings could not rule in their own Realms for them. These snuffing Prelates as he could never abide so they again hated him as much, which was the cause of shortening his days, and to bring him to his end: So that the nineteen. day of the month aforesaid, he was attainted by Parliament.  
In the which Atteinder divers and sundry crimes surmises, objections and accusations were brought against him but chief and above all other, 
Crimes and accusations brought against the L. Cromwell.  he was charged and accused of heresy, for that he was a supporter of them (whom they recounted for heretics) as Barnes, Clarke, and many other, whom he by his authority and letters written to sheriffs and justices in divers Shires rescued and discharged out of prison. Also that he did ewlgate & disperse abroad amongst the King's subjects, great numbers of books, conteming (as they said) manifest matter of much heresy, diffidence, and misbelief. Item, that he caused to be translated into our English tongue, books comprising matter expressly against the Sacrament of the altar, & that after the translation thereof, he commended and maintained the same for good and christian doctrine·  
Over and beside all this, they brought in certain witnesses (what they were, the atteinder expresseth not) which most especially pressed (or rather oppressed) him with heinous words spoken against the king in the Church of s. Peter the poor, in the month of March, in the thirty. year of the king's reign. Which words if they be true, as the Atteinder doth purport three things I have here much to marvel at. First, if his adversaries had so sure hold and matter against him, 
Witnesses against Cromwell suspected.  then what would move them to make such hasty speed in all post haste, to have him dispatched and rid out of the way, and in no case could abide him to come to his purgation? Which if he might have done, it is not otherwise to be thought, but he would easily have cleared himself thereof.  
Secondly, this I marvel, 
What mischief malicious make-bates make in a common wealth.  that if the words had been so heinous against the king, as his enemies did pretend, why then did those witnesses which heard those words in S. Peter's Church, in the thirty. year of the kings reign, conceal the said words of such treason so long, the space almost of ij. years, 
Examples of men falsely accused, & wrongfully judged.  and now uttered the same in the xxxij. year of the king's reign, in the month of july.  
Thirdly, here is again to be marveled, if the king had known or believed these words to be true, and that Cromwell had been in deed such a traitor to his person, why then did the king so shortly after lament his death, wishing to have his Cromwell alive again? What Prince will wish the life of him whom he suspecteth undoubtedly to be a traitor to his life and person? whereby it may appear what judgement the King had of Cromwell in himself, howsoever the parliament by sinister information was otherwise incensed to judge upon him.  
Such malicious makebates about Princes and parliaments, never lacked in common weals. By such king Ethelstane was incensed to kill his brother Edwine, pag. 159. So was king Edward 2. deposed. So likewise when king Richard 2. was once brought into the Tower, what crimes and accusations were laid against him in the Parliament? So was Humphrey the good Duke of Gloucester, the king's uncle, by Henry Beauford bishop of Winchester and other in the Parliament holden at Bery, arrested as a traitor, and falsely made away, pag. 160. What great treason was in the words of him, who dwelling in Cheap side at the sign of the Crown, said merrily to his son, that if he lived, he would make him heir of the crown: & yet was he therefore atteinted and judged for a Traitor? pag. 701. In the time of king Henry the 8. how was that Parliament incensed, wherein both Queen Anne was falsely condemned, and Queen Elizabeth her daughter, as falsely disherited? To omit here the Attainder of the Duke of Buckingham wrought by the Cardinal of York: Of the lord Cobham likewise, and sir Roger Acton, pag. 150 If the cause of the lord Henry late Earl of Surrey were well tried out, peradventure no such heinous purpose of any treason should be found therein as than was made. Who incensed the late Duke of Somerset to behead his own brother, but such makebates as these? And afterward when the said Duke himself was attainted for a traitor and condemned for a fellow, a briber and extortioner: how was the parliament then incensed? Adam Damlip received of Cardinal Poole at Rome, but a silly crown in way of alms, and therefore by means of Steven Gardiner was atteinted for a traitor. George Eagles did but read some time in woods and by the said Gardener was also condemned and suffered as a traitor.  
Not that I here speak or mean against the high courts of parliaments of this our Realm, 
Authority of parliaments.  necessarily assembled for the common wealth, to whom I always attribute their due reverence and authority. But as it happeneth sometimes in general Counsels, which though they be never so general, yet notwithstanding sometimes they may and do err in weighty matters of religion: so likewise they that say, that Princes and Parliaments may be misinformed sometimes, by some sinister heads, in matters civil and politic, do not therein derogate or impair the high estate of parliaments, but rather give wholesome admonition to princes and parliament men, to be more circumspect and vigilant what counsel they shall admit, and what witnesses they do credit. For private affection which commonly beareth a great stroke in all societies & doings of men, creepeth sometimes into such general Counsels, and into Prince's Courts also, either to much amplifying things that be but small, making mountains of molehills, or else to much extenuating things that be of themselves great and weighty, according as it is truly said of the Poet Juvenal: Dat veniam cornis, vexat censura columbas, or as our English Proverb showeth: As a man is friended, so is his matter ended: And where the hedge, is low, 
A French proverb.  a man may lightly make large leaps: or rather to speak after the French phrase: Qui son chien veult tuer, la rage luy met sus. That is: He that is disposed to have his dog killed, first maketh men believe that he is mad. And thus much having declared touching the matter of his accusation, the rest I refer to the high Parliament of that mighty king, who shall one day bring all things to perfect light.  
In the mean season, howsoever the cause of the Lord Cromwell standeth, true or false, this is certain, that Steven Gardiner lacked not an head, nor yet privy assisters, which cunningly could fetch this matter about, and watch their time, when as the king being disposed to marry an other wife, 
Lady Anne of Cleve divorced from the king.  which was the Lady Katherine hayward, immediately after the beheading of the Lord Cromwell, did repudiate Lady Anne of Cleve, which otherwise is to be thought during the life of Cromwell, could not so well be brought to pass.  
But these things being now done and passed, let us pass them over and return again from whence we digressed, that is to the lord Cromwell being now atteinted & committed to the Tower. Who so long as he went with full sail of fortune, how moderately, and how temperately he did ever bear himself in his estate, before hath been declared. 
The Christian patience of the L. Cromwell in his adversity.  So now the said lord Cromwell, always one man, by the contrary wind of adversity being overblown, received the same with no less constancy, and patience of a christian hart. Neither yet was he so unprovided of counsel and forecast, but that he did foresee this tempest long before it fell, 
Cromwell foreseeing & preparing of his trouble before it fell.  and also prepared for the same for two years before smelling the conspiracy of his adversaries, & fearing what might happen, he called unto him his servants, and there showing unto them in what a slippery state he stood, and also perceiving some stormy weather already to gather, required them to look diligently to their order and doings, lest through their default any occasion might rise against him. 
Cromwell good to his servants.  And furthermore, before the time of his apprehension, such order he took for his servants, that many of them, especially the younger brethren which had little else to take unto, had honestly left for them in their friends hands to relieve them, whatsoever should him befall.  
Briefly, such a loving and kind master he was to his servants, that he provided aforehand almost for them all: In so much, that he gave to twelve children which were his musicans, twenty pound a piece, and so committed them to their friends. Of whom some yet remain alive, who both enjoyed the same, and also give record of this to be true.  
Furthermore, being in the tower a prisoner, how quietly he bore it, how valiantly he behaved himself, how gravely and discreetly he answered and entertained the commissioners sent unto him, it is worthy noting. Whatsoever articles and interrogatories they propounded, they could put nothing unto him, either concerning matters ecclesiastical or temporal, wherein he was not more ripened, and more furnished in every condition than they themselves.  
Amongst the rest of those Commissioners which came unto him: one there was, whom the Lord Cromwell desired to carry for him a letter to the king, which when he refused, saying that he would carry no letter to the king from a traitor: then the Lord Cromwell desired him at least to do from him a message to the king. To that the other was contented, and granted, so that it were not against his allegiance. Then the Lord Cromwell taking witness of the other Lords, what he had promised: You shall commend me (said he) to the King, and tell him: By that he hath so well tried, and thoroughly proved you as I have done, he shall find you as false a man as ever came about him.  

Sir▪ Ralph Sadler, the L. Cronwels' trusty friend.  Besides this, he wrote also a letter from the Tower to the king, whereof when none durst take the carriage upon him, sir Ralph Sadler (whom he also had preferred to the king before, being ever trusty & faithful unto him) went to the king to understand his pleasure, whether he would permit him to bring the letter or not. Which, when the king had granted, the said M. Sadler as he was required, presented the letter unto the king, which he commanded thrice to be red unto him, in so much the king seemed to be moved therewith.  
Notwithstanding, by reason of the Act of parliament afore passed, the worthy and noble Lord Cromwell oppressed by his enemies, and condemned in the Tower, and not coming to his answer, the 28. day of july, an. 1541. was brought to the scaffold on Tower hill, where he said these words following.  
I am come hither to die, and not to purge myself, 
The L. Cromwell brought 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉  as some think peradventure that I will. For if I should so do, I were a very wretch and a miser. I am by the law condemned to die, and thank my lord God that hath appointed me this death for mine offence. For sithence the time that I have had years of discretion. I have lived a sinner, and offended my Lord God, for the which I ask him heartily forgiveness. And it is not unknown to many of you, that I have been a great traveler in this world, & being but of a base degree, was called to high estate, and sithence the time I came thereunto, I have offended my Prince, for the which I ask him heartily forgiveness, and beseech you all to pray to God with me, that he will forgive me. And now I pray you that be here, to bear me record. I die in the catholic faith, not doubting in any Article of my faith no, nor doubting in any sacrament of the church. Many have slandered me, and reported that I have been a bearer of such as have maintained evil opinions, which is untrue. But I confess, that like as God by his holy spirit doth instruct us in the truth, so the devil is ready to seduce us, & I have been seduced, 
A true Christian confession 〈◊〉 the L. Crom●wel at his death.  but bear me witness that I die in the catholic faith of the holy church. And I heartily desire you to pray for the king's grace, that he may long live with you in health and prosperity: and that after him his son prince Edward that goodly imp, may long reign over you. And once again I desire you to pray for me, that so long as life remaineth in this flesh, I waver nothing in my faith. And so making his prayer, kneeling on his knees he spoke these words, the effect whereof here followeth.   

A prayer that the Lord Cromwell said at the hour of his death.  
O Lord jesus, which art the only health of all men living, 
The prayer of the L. Cromwell at his death.  and the everlasting life of them which die in thee: I wretched sinner do submit myself wholly unto thy most blessed will, and being sure that the thing cannot perish which is committed unto thy mercy, willingly now I leave this frail and wicked flesh in sure hope that thou wilt in better wise restore it to me again at the last day in the resurrection of the just. I beseech thee, most merciful lord jesus Christ, that thou wilt by thy grace make strong my soul against all temptations, and defend me with the buckler of thy mercy against all the assaults of the devil. I see and knowledge that there is in myself no hope of salvation, but all my confidence, hope and trust, is in thy most merciful goodness. I have no merits nor good works, which I may allege before thee. Of sins and evil works (alas) I see a great heap: but yet through thy mercy I trust to be in the number of them to whom thou wilt not impute their sins: but wilt take and accept me for righteous and just, and to be the inheritor of everlasting life. Thou merciful lord wast borne for my sake, thou didst suffer both hunger and thirst for my sake: thou didst teach, pray, and fast for my sake all thy holy actions and works thou wroughtest for my sake: thou suffered'st most grievous pains and torments for my sake: finally, thou gavest thy most precious body and thy blood to be shed on the cross for my sake. Now most merciful Saviour, let all these things profit me, that thou freely hast done for me, which hast given thyself all so for me. Let thy blood cleanse and wash away the spots and foulness of my sins Let thy righteousness hide and cover my unrighteousness. Let the merits of thy passion and bloudsheding be satisfaction for my sins. give me Lord thy grace that the faith of my salvation in thy blood waver not in me, but may ever be firm and constant. That the hope of thy mercy and life everlasting never decay in me, that love wax not cold in me. Finally, that the weakness of my flesh be not overcome with the fear of death. Grant me merciful Saviour, that when death hath shut up the eyes of my body, yet the eyes of my soul may still behold and look upon thee, and when death hath taken away the use of my tongue, yet my heart may cry and say unto thee: Lord into thy hands I commend my soul, Lord jesus receive my spirit. Amen.  
And thus his prayer made, after he had godly & lovingly exhorted them that were about him on the scaffold, 
The death of the ●. Cromwell.  he quietly committed his soul into the hands of God, and so patiently suffered the stroke of the axe, by a ragged and butcherly miser, which very ungodly performed the office.   

¶ Of the Bible in English printed in the large volume, and of Edmund Boner preferred to the Bishopric of London, by the means of the Lord Cromwell.  
ABout the time and year, when Edmund Boner bishop of Hereford, & ambassador resident in France, begun first to be nominate & preferred by the means of the lord Cromwell to the bishopric of London: 
The Bibles of the 〈…〉 Paris.  which was, anno. 1540 it happened that the said Thomas Lord Cromwell and earl of Essex, procured of the king of england his gracious letters to the French king to permit and licence a subject of his to imprint the Bible in English within the university of Paris because paper was there more meet and apt to be had for the doing thereof, then in the realm of England, & also that there were more store of good workmen for the ready dispatch of the same. 
The 〈◊〉 hereof were Rich. Grafton and Whyt-church.  And in like manner at the same time the said king wrote unto his ambassador, who then was Edmund Boner Bishop of Herford lying in Paris, that he should aid and assist the doers thereof in all their reasonable suits. The which Bishop outwardly showed great friendship to the merchants that were the imprinters of the same, and moreover did divers and sundry times call and command the said persons, to be in manner daily at his table both dinner and supper, 
Edmund Boner a great furtherer in printing the Bibles in Engli●he.  and so much rejoiced in the workmanship of the said Bible, that he himself would visit the imprinters house, where the same bibles were printed, & also would take part of such dinners as the Englishmen there had, and that to his cost, which, as it seemed he little weighed. And further the said Boner was so fervent that he caused the said Englishmen to put in print a new testament in english & latin, 
The new testament in English & Latin put in print by Boner. Edmund Boner made Bishop of London.  and himself took, a great many of them and paid for them & gave them to his friends. And it chanced the mean time, while the said Bible was in printing, the king Henry the 8. preferred the said Boner from the said bishopric of Herford, to be bishop of London, at which time the said Boner according to the statute law of England, took his oath to the king, knowledging his supremacy, and called one of the aforesaid Englishmen that printed the bible, whom he then loved, although afterward upon the change of the world he did hate him as much, whose name was Richard Grafton: to whom the said Boner said when he took his oath, master Grafton, so it is, that the kings most excellent majesty hath by his gracious gift presented me to the Bishopric of London, 
Boners' words to Grafton, when he take his oath to the king.  for the which I am sorry, for if it would have pleased his grace, I could have been well content to have kept mine old bishopric of Herford. Then said Grafton I am right glad to hear of it, and so I am sure will be a great number of the City of London: for though they yet know you not, yet they have heard so much goodness of you from hence, 
Boner reproveth Stokesley for his persecuting.  as no doubt they will heartily rejoice of your placing. Then said Boner, I pray God I may do that may content them, and to tell you M. Grafton. Before god (for that was commonly his oath) the greatest fault that. I ever found in Stokesley, was for vexing and troubling of poor men, as Lobley the bookebinder and other, for having the scripture in english, and God willing he did not so much hinder it, but I will as much further it, and I will have of your Bibles set up in the Church of Paul's, at the least in sundry places six of them, 
Boners promise to set forth the Scriptu●e in English.  and I will pay you honestly for them and give you hearty thanks. Which words he then spoke in the hearing of divers credible persons, as Edmund Style Grocer, and other. But now M Grafton at this time I have specially called you to be a witness with me that upon this translation of Bishops Sees, I must according to the statute take an oath unto the king's majesty knowledging his Supremacy, which before God I take with my heart and so think him to be, 
Boner sweareth heartily to the kings supremacy miles Coverdale corrector in printing the Bible of the large volume.  and beseech almighty God to save him, and long to prosper his grace: hold the book sirrah, and read you the oath (said he) to one of his chapleins, & he laid his hand on the book and so he took his oath. And after this he showed great friendship to the said Grafton, and to his partner Edward Whitchurch, but specially to miles Coverdail, who was the corrector of the great Bible.  
Now after that the foresaid letters were delivered, the French king gave very good words, and was well content to permit the doing thereof. And so the printer went forward and printed forth the book even to the last part, and then was the quarrel picked to the printer, and he was sent for to the inquisitors of the faith, 
The printing of the Bible stayed at Paris through the 〈◊〉 of English Bishop●.  and there charged with certain articles of heresy. Then were sent for the Englishmen that were at the cost and charge thereof, and also such as had the correction of the same, which was miles Coverdale, but having some warning what would follow the said Englishmen posted away as fast they could to save themselves, leaving behind them all their Bibles, which were to the number of 2500. called the Bibles of the great volume, and never recovered any of them, saving that the lieutenant criminal having them delivered unto him to burn in a place of Paris (like Smithfield) called Mavibert place, was somewhat moved with covetousness, 
English Bibles burnt at Paris.  and sold 4. great dry fats of them to a Haberdasher to lap in caps, and those were bought again, but the rest were burned, to the great and importunate loss of those that bore the charge of them. But notwithstanding the said loss after they had recovered some part of the foresaid books, and were comforted and encouraged by the Lord Cromwell, the said Englishmen went again to Paris, & there got the presses, letters, and servants of the aforesaid Printer, and brought them to London, and there they became printers themselves (which before they never intended) and printed out the said Bible in London, 
How Grafton & Whitchurch became printers  and after that printed sundry impressions of them: but yet not without great trouble and loss, for the hatred of the bishops namely, Steven Gardiner, and his fellows, who mightily did stomach and malign the printing thereof.  
Here by the way, for the more direction to the story, thou hast loving Reader, to note and understand that in those days there were ij. sundry Bibles in English, printed and set forth, bearing divers titles, and printed in divers places. The first was called Thomas Mathews Bible, printed at Hambrough, about the year of our Lord, 1532. the corrector of which print was then john Rogers, of whom ye shall hear more Christ willing hereafter. The Printers were Richard Grafton, and Whitchurch. In the translation of this Bible, the greatest doer was in deed William Tyndall, who with the help of Miles Coue●●ale had translated all the books thereof, except only the Apocrypha, and certain notes in the margin which were added after. But because the said William Tyndall in the mean time was apprehended before this Bible was fully perfected, 
Tho. Mathewes Bible, by whom and how.  it was thought good to them which had the doing thereof, to change the name of William Tyndall, because that name than was odious, and to farther it by a strange name of Thomas Matthew, john Rogers the same time being corrector to the print, who had then translated the residue of the apocrypha, and added also certain notes thereto in the margin, 
The Bible presented to the king by the Lord Cromwell. The Bible put forth with the kings privilege.  and thereof came it to be called Thomas Mathewes Bible. Which Bible of Thomas Matthew, after it was imprinted and presented to the Lord Cromwell, & the Lord Cranmer Archbishop of Canterbury, who liked very well of it, the said Cromwell presented it to the king, and obtained that the same might freely pass to be read of his subjects with his grace's licence: So that there was Printed upon the same book, one live in red letters with these words: Set forth with the Kings most gracious licence.  
The setting forth of this book did not a little offend the Clergy, namely, the Bishop aforesaid, both for the Prologues, & specially because in the same book was one special table collected of the common places in the Bible, and the scriptures for the approbation of the same, & chief about the supper of the lord and marriage of priests, and the mass, which there was said not to be found in Scripture.  
Furthermore, after the restraint of this foresaid Bible of Matthew, 
another Bible of the great volume printed at Paris.  another Bible began to be printed at Paris, an. 1540 Which was called the Bible of the large Volume. The Printers whereof were the foresaid Richard Grafton, and whitchurch which bore the charges. A great helper thereto was the lord Cromwell. The chiefest overseer was miles Coverdale, who taking the translation of Tyndall, conferred the same with the Hebrew, and amended many things.  
In this Bible, although the former notes of Thomas Matthew was omitted, 
The Bishops offended at the Bible translated into English.  yet sundry marks & hands were annexed in the sides, which meant that in those places should be made certain notes, wherewith also the clergy was offended, though the notes were not made.  
After this, the bishops bringing their purpose to pass, brought the Lord Cromwell out of favour, and shortly to his death: and not long after, great complaint was made to the king of the translation of the Bible, and of the preface of the same, 
The sale of the Bible stayed by the king through the bishops meanes·s  and then was the sale of the Bible commanded to be stayed, the B. promising to amend & correct it, but never performing the same: Then Grafton was called, & first charged with the printing of Mathewes Bible, but he being fearful of trouble, made excuses for himself in all things. Then was he examined of the great Bible, and what notes he was purposed to make. To the which he answered, that he knew none. For his purpose was to have retained learned men to have made the notes, 
Rich. Grafton imprisoned for printing the Bible.  but when he perceived the kings majesty, and his clergy not willing to have any, he proceeded no further. But for all these excuses, Grafton was sent to the Fleet, and there remained vi. weeks, and before he came out, was bound in CCC.li that he should neither sell, nor imprint, or cause to be imprinted any more Bibles, until the king & the clergy should agree upon a translation. And thus was the Bible from that time stayed, during the reign of King Henry the viii.  
But yet one thing more is to be noted, that after the imprinters had lost their Bibles, they continued suitors to Boner, as is aforesaid, to be a mean for to obtain of the French king their books again: but so long they continued suitors, and Boner ever fed them with fair words, promising them much, but did nothing for them, till at the last Boner was discharged of his ambassade, and returned home, where he was right joyfully welcomed home by the lord Cromwell, who loved him dearly, and had a marvelous good opinion of him. 
Edm. Boner a great friend to L. Cromwell, all the time of his prosperity.  And so long as Cromwell remained in authority, so long was Boner at his beck and friend to his friends, and enemy to his enemies: as namely, at that time to Gardmer B. of Winchester, who never favoured Cromwell, & therefore Boner could not favour him, but that he and Winchester were the greatest enemies that might be. 
Steph. Gardiner and Boner of enemies made friends.  But so soon as Cromwell fell, immediately Boner and Winchester pretended to be the greatest men that lived, and no good word could Boner speak of Cromwell, but the lewdest, vilest, and bitterest that he could speak, calling him the rankest heretic that ever lived: and then such as the said Boner knew to be in good favour with Cromwell, 
Doct. Boner altereth his friendship & religion.  he could never abide their sight. Insomuch, as the next day after that Cromwell was apprehended, the abovenamed Grafton, who before had been very fam●liar● with Boner, met with the said Boner suddenly, and said unto him, that he was sorry to hear of the news that then was abroad. What are they, said he? Of the apprehension of the L. Cromwell, said Grafton. Are ye sorry for that (said he?) It had been good that he had been dispatched long ago. With that Grafton looked upon him and knew not what to say, but came no more to Boner. Howbeit afterward the said Grafton being charged for the imprinting of a ballet made in the favour of Cromwell was called before the Council, 
Doctor Boner against the L. Cromwell.  where Boner was present and there Boner charged him with the words that he spoke to him of Cromwell, and told out a great long tale. But the lord Awdeley, who then was Lord Chancellor, right discretely and honourably, cut of the matter, and entered into other talk.    

The history of Robert Barnes, Thomas Garret, and William Jerome, divines.  
LIke as in foreign battles the chief point of victory consisteth in the safety of the General or captain: 
Rob. Barnes, T. Garret, W. Jerome Martyrs.  even so when the valiant standard bearer and stay of the church of England, Tho. Cromwell I mean, was made away, pity it is to behold, what miserable slaghter of good men and good women ensued thereupon, whereof we have now (Christ willing) to entreat. For Winchester having now gotten his full purpose & free swinge to exercise his cruelty, wonder it was to see that Aper Calydonius, or (as the scripture speaketh) that Ferus singularis, 
Psal.. 40.  what troubles he raised in the lords vineyard. And least by delays he might lose the occasion presently offered, he strait ways made his first assaults upon Robert Barnes, Thomas Garret and William Jerome, whom in the very same month within ij. days after Cromwel's death, he caused to be put to execution. Whose histories severally to comprehend, first of all we will somewhat speak of Barnes D. of divinity, whose particular story here followeth.  
This Barns, after he came from the University of Louvain, 
Robert Barnes Prior of the house of Augu●tines in Cambridge.  went to Cambridge, where he was made Prior and master of the house of the Augustine's. At that time the knowledge of good letters was scarcely entered into the University, all things being full of rudeness and barbarity, saving in very few, which were privy and secret. Whereupon Barnes having some feeling of better learning and authors, began in his house to read Terence, Plautus, & Cicero, 
Thomas Parnel a Londoner borne, scholar to Barnes, M. Camb●idge, M. Field, M. Colman, M. Coverdall. Bachelors of divinity.  so that what with his industry, pains & labours, and with the help of Tho. parnel his scholar, whom he brought from Louane with him, reading Copia verborum & rerum, he caused the house shortly to flourish with good letters, and made a great part of the house learned (which before were drowned in barbarous rudeness) as M. Cambridge, master Field, M. Colman, M. Burley, M. Coverdall, with divers other of the University, that sojourned there for learning's sake. After these foundations laid, then did he read openly in the house, Paul's Epistles, and put by Duns and Dorbel, and ye● he was a questionarye himself: and only because he would have Christ there taught and his holy word, he turned their unsavoury Problems and fruitless disputations to other better matter of the holy scripture, & thereby in short space he made divers good divines. The same order of disputation which he kept in his house, he observed likewise in the university abroad when he should dispute with any man in the common schools. And the first man that answered Doctor Barnes in the Scriptures, was Master Stafford for his form to be Bachelor of divinity, which disputation was marvelous in the sight of the great blind Doctors, and joyful to the godly spirited.  
Thus Barnes what with his reading, disputation and preaching, became famous and mighty in the Scriptures, preaching ever against bishops and hypocrites, and yet did not see his inward & outward idolatry, which he both taught and maintained, till that good M. Bilney, with other (as is aforesaid in the life of M. Bilney) converted him wholly unto Christ.  
The first sermon that ever he preached of this truth, was the Sunday before Christmas day, at S. Edward's church longing to Trinity hall in Cambridge, 
The first Sermon 〈◊〉 Doct. Banner preache●● 〈…〉.  by the Pease marker: whose theme was the epistle of the same sunday, Gaudete in domino, etc. and so postilled the whole epistle, following the scripture and Luther's postil, and for that sermon he was immediately accused of heresy by ij. fellows of the king's hall. Then the godly learned in Christ both of Penbroke hall, S. john's, Peter house, Queen's college the King's college, Gunwell hall, & Benet college, showed themselves & flocked together in open sight, both in the schools, and at open Sermons at S. Mary's, and at the Austin's, and at other disputations, and then they conferred continually together.  
The house that they resorted most commonly unto, was the white horse, which for despite of them to bring God's word into contempt was called Germany. This house especially was chosen because of them of S. john's. The king's college, and the Queen's college, came in on the back side. At this time much trouble began to ensue. The adversaries of D. Barnes accused him in the Regent house before the Uicechancelor, where as his articles were presented with him & received, he promising to make answer at the next convocation, and so it was done. Then Doctor Nottoris a rank enemy to Christ, moved Doct. Barnes to recant, but he refused so to do: which appeareth in his book that he made to king Henry the 8. in English, confuting the judgement of cardinal Wolsey, and the residue of the Bishop's papistical, 
Trouble amongst the Cambridge men for the Gospel.  and so for the time stood steadfast. And this tragedy continued in Cambridge, one preaching against another, in trying out of God's truth, until within vj. days of Shrovetyde. Then suddenly was sent down to Cambridge a sergeant of arms called master Gibson, dwelling in s. Thomas Apostles in London, 
D. Barnes 〈◊〉 by M. Gibson.  who suddenly arrested D. Barnes openly in the convocation house, to make all other afraid: and privily they had determined to make search for Luther's books, and all the Germans works suddenly.  
But good D. Farman of the Queen's College, sent word incontinently thereof, 
Search in Cambridge for books,  to the chambers of those that were suspected, which were in number thirty. persons. But God be praised they were conveyed, by that time that the sergeant at arms, the Uicechauncelor and the Proctors were at every man's chamber, 
False Breth●●●.  going directly to the place where the books lay (whereby it was perceived that there were some privy spies amongst that small company) and that night they studied together and gave him his answer, which answer he carried with him to London the next morning, which was Tuesday before Shrovesonday, 
D Barnes brought to London.  & came on the Wednesday to London, & lay at M. Parnels house by the stocks. In the morning he was carried by the Sergeant at arms to cardinal Wolsey to Westminster, waiting there all day, and could not speak with him till night. 
D. Gardinet Secretary to the Cardinal.  Then by the reason of D. Gardiner Secretary to the cardinal (of whose familiar acquaintance he had been, before) and M. Fox M. of the Wards, he spoke the same night with the cardinal in his chamber of estate, kneeling on his knees. Then said the cardinal to them, is this D. Barnes your man that is accused of heresy? Yea, and please your grace, and we trust you shall find him reformable, for he is both well learned and wise.  
What M. doctor (said the cardinal) had you not a sufficient scope in the scriptures to teach the people, 
The talk between Cardinal Welsey and D. Barnes.  but that my golden shows, my pollaxes, my pillars, my golden cusshions, my crosses did so sore offend you, that you must make us Ridiculum caput amongst the people. We were jollily that day laughed to scorn. verily it was a sermon more fit to be preached on a stage, them in a pulpit: for at the last you said, I wear a pair of red gloves, I should say bloody gloves (quoth you) that I should not be cold in the midst of my ceremonies, And he answered. I spoke nothing but the truth out of the scriptures, according to my conscience and according to the old Doctors: and then did he deliver him vi. sheets of paper written to confirm and corroborate his sayings.  
He received them smiling on him, and saying, we perceive then that you intent to stand to your Articles and to show your learning.  
Yea said Barns that I do intend by God's grace, with your Lordship's favour.  
He answered, such as you are do bear us little favour & the catholic church. I will ask you a question. Whether do you think it more necessary that I should have all this royalty, because I represent the king's majesties person in all the high courts of this realm, to the terror & keeping down of all rebellions, treasons, traitors, all the wicked and corrupt members of this common wealth, or to be as simple as you would have us, 
The preten●●d reasons 〈◊〉 the Car●●nal wher●● he main●●yned his 〈◊〉.  to sell all these foresaid things, and to give it to the poor, which shortly will piss it against the walls, and to pull away this majesty of a princely dignity, which is a terror to all the wicked, and to follow your counsel in this behalf.  
He answered I think it necessary to be sold and given to the poor. For this is not comely for your calling, nor the kings majesty is not maintained by your pomp & pollaxes, but by God, who saith: Per me reges regnant. Kings and their majesties reign and stand by me.  
Then answered he: Lo M. Doctors, here is the learned the wise man that you told me of. Then they kneeled down and said: we desire your grace to be good unto him, for he will be reformable.  

D. Gardiner a suitor for Barnes.  Then said he, stand you up, for your sakes & the University we will be good unto him. How say you M. doctor do you not know that I am Legatus de latere, and that I am able to dispense in all matters concerning religion within this realm, as much as the pope may? He said, I know it to be so.  
Will you then be ruled by us, & we will do all things for your honesty, and for the honesty of the University?  
He answered, I thank your grace for your good will, I will stick to the holy scripture and to God's book, according to the simple talon that God hath lent me.  
Answer well said he, thou shalt have thy learning tried to the uttermost, and thou shalt have the law.  
Then he required him that he might have justice with equity, and forthwith he should have gone to the tower, but that Gardiner & Fox became his sureties that night, and so he came home to M. Parnels house again, and that night fell to writing again and slept not, M. Coverdale, M. Goodwin & M. field being his writers: and in the morning he came to York place to Gardiner and Fox, and by & by he was committed to the Sergeant of arms to bring him into the chapter house at Westminster before the Bishops, and the Abbot of Westminster called Islip.  
The same time when D. Barnes should appear before the cardinal, 
Stillyard men examined for Lollardy  there were 5. Stillyard men to be examined for Luther's books and Lollardy, but after they spied Barns they set the other aside, and asked the Sergeant of arms what was his errand. He said he had brought one Doctor Barns to be examined of heresy, and presented both his Articles and his accusers. Then immediately after a little talk, they swore him & laid his articles to him. Who like as he answered the cardinal before, so said he unto them, & then he offered the book of his probations unto them. Who asked him whether he had another for himself, and he said, yea, showing it unto them. Who then took it from him, & said they should have no laisure to dispute with him at that present for other affairs of the king's majesty, which they had to do, and therefore had him stand aside. Then they called the Stilliarde men again one by one, and when they were examined, 
The Stillyard men committed to the Fleet.  they called forth the M. of the Fleet, and they were committed all to the Fleet. Then they called D. Barnes again, and asked him whether he would subscribe to his Articles or no, and he subscribed willingly: and then they committed him and young M. Parnel to the Flete also with the other. 
D. Barnes with young parnel committed to the Fleet.  There they remained till saturday in the morning, and the Warden of the Fleet was commanded that no man should speak with him.  
On the saturday he came again afore them into the chapter house, 
D. Barnes & ●he Stillyard 〈◊〉 brought agaynt before the Cardinal.  and there with the stillyard men remained till 5. a clock at night. And after long disputations, threatenings, & scornings, about 5. a clock at night, they called him, to know whether he would abjure or burn. He was then in a great agony, & thought rather to burn than to abjure. But then was he sent again to have the counsel of Gard. and Fox, & they persuaded him rather to abjure than to burn, because (they said) he should do more in time to come, & with divers other persuasions that were mighty in the sight of reason & foolish flesh. Upon that, kneeling upon his knees, he consented to abjure, and the abjuration put in his hand, he abjured as it was there written, and then he subscribed with his own hand: 
D. 〈◊〉 persuaded 〈◊〉 Gardiner and 〈◊〉, to abjure.  and yet they would scarcely receive him into the bosom of the Church, as they termed it. Then they put him to an oath, and charged him to execute, do, and fulfil all that they commanded him, and he promised so to do.  
Then they commanded the Warden of the Fleet to carry him with his fellows to the place from whence he came, and to be kept in close prison, and in the morning to provide 5. faggots for D. Barnes, and the 4. Stillyard men. The 5. Stillyard man was commanded to have a taper of 5. pound weight to be provided for him, to offer to the rood of Northern in Paul's, and all these things to be ready by 8. of the clock in the morning, and that he with all that he could make, with bills and glaives, and the knight marshal withal his tipstaffs that he could make, should bring them to Paul's and conduct them home again. In the morning they were all ready by their hour appointed in Paul's church, the church being so full that no man could get in. The Cardinal had a scaffold made on the top of the stairs for himself, with 36. Abbots, mitred Priors and bishops, and he in his whole pomp mitred (which Barnes spoke against) sat there enthronized, his Chapleins and spiritual doctors in gowns of damask and satine, and he himself in purple, even like a bloody antichrist. And there was a new pulpit erected on the top of the stairs also, for the B. of Rochester to preach against Luther and Doctor Barnes: 
D. Barnes & the Stillyard men bear faggots▪  and great baskets full of books standing before them within the rails, which was commanded after the great fire was made afore the rood of Northern there to be burned, and these heretics after the sermon to go thrice about the fire, and to cast in their faggots.  
Now while the sermon was a doing, D. Barnes and the stillyard men were commanded to kneel down & ask God forgiveness, the catholic church and cardinals grace and after that he was commanded at the end of the sermon to declare that he was more charitablier handled, than he deserved or was worthy (his heresies were so horrible and so detestable) and once again kneeled down on his knees, and desiring the people of forgiveness and to pray for him, and so the cardinal departed under a canopy with all his mitred men with him, till he came to the second gate of Paul's, and then he took his mule, and the mitred men came back again. Then these poor men being commanded to come down from the stage (whereon the sweeper's use to stand when they sweep the Church) the Bishops sat them down again and commanded the knight marshal and the Warden of the Fleet with their company to carry them about the fire, and so were they brought to the bishops, and there for absolution kneeled down. Where Rochester stood up and declared unto the people how many days of pardon and forgiveness of sins they had for being at that Sermone, 
Days of pardon given for hearing a Popish Sermon.  and there did assoil D. Barnes with the other, and showed the people that they were received into the church again.  
This done, the Warden of the Fleet and the Knight Martial were commanded to have them to the Fleet again, and charged that they should have the liberty of the Flete as other prisoners had, and that their friends might resort unto them, and there to remain till the Lord Cardinal's pleasure was known.  
After that Barns there in the Fleet had continued the space of half a year, at length being delivered, was committed to be free prisoner at the Austen friars in London. When those Caterpillars and bloody beasts had there undermined him, they complained again to their Lord cardinal. Whereupon he was removed to the Austen Friars of Northampton, there to be burned. Yet he himself under standing nothing thereof, but supposing still that he should there remain and continue in free prison, at last one M. Horn, who had brought him up, and was his special friend, having intelligence of the writ which should shortly be sent down to burn him, gave him counsel to feign himself to be desperate, and that he should write a letter to the Cardinal and leave it on his table where he lay, and a paper by, to declare whether he was gone to drown himself, & to leave his clothes in the same place: 
Doct. Barnes feigned himself to be drowned.  and there an other letter to be left to the Mayor of the town to search for him in the water, because he had a letter written in parchment about his neck, closed in wax, for the Cardinal, which would teach all men to beware by him. Upon this, they were 7. days in searching for him, but he was conveyed to London in a poor man's apparel, and so tarried not there but took shipping and went by long Seas to Antwerp, and so to Luther, and there fell to study till he had made answer to all the Bishops of the Realm, and had made a Book entitled, Acta Romanorum pontificum. And an other book with a supplication to king Henry. Immediately it was told the Cardinal, that he was drowned, and he said, Perit memoria eius cum sonitu. But this did light upon himself shortly after, which wretchedly died at Leicester.  
In the mean season D. Barnes was made strong in Christ, 
Doct. Barnes sent Ambassador from the king of Denmark to king Henry, into England.  and got favour both of the learned in Christ, & foreign Princes in germany, and was great with Luther, Melancthon, Pomeran, justus jonas, Hegendorphinus and Aepinus, and with the Duke of Saxon, and the king of Denmark, which king of Denmark in the time of More and Stokesley sent him with the Lubeckes, as an Ambassador, to king Henry the viii. He lay with the Lubeckes Chancellor at the Stillyard.  
Sir Tho. More than Chancellor, would fain have entrapped him, 
Sir Thomas More sought the death of Doct. Barnes.  but the king would not let him, for Cromwell was his great friend. And ere he went, the Lubeckes & he disputed with the Bishops of this realm in defence of the truth, and so he departed again without restraint with the Lubeckes. After his going again to Wittemb. to the Duke of Saxon, and to Luther, he remained there to set forwards his works in Print that he had begun, from whence he returned again in the beginning of the reign of Queen Anne, 
Doct. Barnes returned again into England in the time of Queen Anne.  as other did, & continued a faithful preacher in this City, being all her time well entertained and promoted. After that, he was sent Ambassador by K. henry the 8. to the Duke of Cleve, for the marriage of the Lady Anne of Cleve, between the king and her, and was well accepted in that Ambassade and in all his doings, 
Doct. Barnes sent Ambassador by king Henry, to the Duke of Cleve.  until the time that Ste. Gardiner came out of France: but after he came, neither religion prospered, nor the Queen's majesty, nor Cromwell, nor the preachers, who after the marriage of the Lady Anne of Cleve, never ceased until he had grafted the marriage in an other stock, by the occasion whereof he began his bloody broil.  
For not long after, Doctor Barnes with his brethren were apprehended and carried before the kings majesty to Hampton court, and there he was examined. Where the kings majesty seeking the means of his safety, to bring Wintc. and him agreed, at Wynchesters' request, granted him leave to go home with the bishop to confer with him and so he did. But as it happened they not agreeing, Gardiner and his compartners sought by all subtle means, how to entangle and to entrap them in further danger, which not long after was brought to pass. For by certain complaints made to the king of them, they were enjoined to preach 3. sermons the next Easter following at the Spittle. At the which sermons, besides other reporters which were thither sent, Ste. Gardiner also was there present sitting with the Mayor, either to bear record of their recantation, or else as the Phariseis came to Christ, to trip them in their talk, if they had spoken any thing awry. When these 3. had thus preached their Sermons, among whom Barnes preaching the first sermon, and seeing Ste. Gardiner there present, humbly desired him in the face of all the audience, if he forgave him, to hold up his hand, and the said Gardener thereupon held up his finger: yet notwithstanding shortly after by the means of the said reporters, they were sent for to Hampton Court: who from thence were carried to the tower by Sir john Gostwike. From whence they never came out till they came to their death, as hereafter Christ willing shall more appear.  
And thus hitherto concerning the history of Barnes. Now let us likewise consider the story and doings of Thomas Garet.  

The story of Tho. Garret or Garrerd, and of his trouble in Oxford, testified and recorded by Antony Dalaber, who was there present the same tyme.  
ABout the year of our Lord 1526. Master Garret Curate of Hony Lane in London, came unto Oxford, and brought with him sundry books in Latin, 
Tho. Garret brought books to Oxford.  treating of the Scripture, with the first part of unio dissidentium, & tindal's first translation of the new Testament in English, the which books he sold to divers scholars in Oxford.  
After he had been there a while, and had dispatched those books, 
Garret sought for at London.  news came from London that he was searched for through all London to be apprehended and taken as an heretic, and to be imprisoned for selling of those heretical books (as they termed them) because they spoke against the usurped authority, and erroneous doctrine of the B. of Rome, and his no less impure and filthy synagogue. For it was not unknown to Cardinal Wolsey, and to the B. of London, and to other of that ungodly generation, that M. Garret had a great number of those books, and that he was gone to Oxford to make sale of them there, to such as he knew to be the lovers of the Gospel. 
A prior searc● 〈◊〉 Oxfo●● 〈◊〉 Garret.  Wherefore they determined forthwith to make a privy search through all Oxford to apprehend and imprison him, and to burn all and every his foresaid books and him to, if they could: so burning hot was their charity. But yet at that time one of the foresaid Proctors, 
M. Cole 〈◊〉 Magdalene College 〈◊〉 Oxford●.  called M. Cole of Magdalene college, who after was cross bearer unto Cardinal Wolsey, was well acquainted with M. Garret, and therefore he gave secret warning unto a friend or two of M. Garret of this privy search, and willed therefore that he should forthwith as secretly as he could, depart out of Oxford, for if he were taken in the same search, no remedy but he should be forthwith sent up unto the Cardinal, and so should be committed unto the Tower.  
The Christmas before that time, I antony Dalaber then Scholar of Alborne Hall, 
Anthony Dalaber scholar of Alborne Hall, 〈…〉▪  who had books of master Garrets, had been in my country in Dorsetshire at Stalbridge, where I had a brother Person of that Parish, who was very desirous to have a Curate out of Oxford, and willed me in any wise to get him one there if I could. This just occasion offered, it was thought good among the brethren (for so did we not only call one an other, but were in deed one to an other) that master Garret changing his name, should be sent forth with my letters into Dorcetshire unto my brother, to serve him there for a time, until he might secreately from thence convey himself some whether over the Sea. According hereunto I wrote my letters in all haste possible unto my brother, for master Garret to be his Curate, but not declaring what he was in deed, for my brother was a rank papist, 
Brother against Brother.  and after was the most mortal enemy that ever I had for the Gospel's sake.  
So the wedensday in the morning before Shroftyde, M. Garret departed out of Oxford, toward dorsetshire, with his letters for his new service. How far he went, & by what occasion he so soon returned, I know not. But the Friday next, 
Garret 〈◊〉 in the privy search.  in the night time he came again to Rodleyes house, where he lay before, and so after midnight in the privy search, which was then made for him, he was apprehended and taken there in his bed by the 2. Proctors and on the saturday in the morning was delivered unto one D. Cotisford, M, of Lincoln College, then being Commissary of the university, who kept him as prisoner in his own chamber. There was great joy and rejoicing among all the papists for his apprehension, and specially with Doctor London: Warden of the new College, and Doctor Higdon Deane of Frideswides, two Archpapistes. Who immediately sent their letters in post hast unto the Cardinal to inform him of the apprehension of this notable Heretic: for the which their doing, they were well assured to have great thanks. But of all this sudden hurly burley, was I utterly ignorant, so that I knew neither of master Garrets so sudden return, neither that he was so taken, until that afterward he came unto my chamber, being then in Gloucester College, as a man amazed, & as soon as he saw me, he said he was undone, for he was taken. Thus he spoke unadvisedly in the presence of a young man that came with him. When the young man was departed, I asked him what he was, and what acquaintance he had with him. He said he knew him not, but he had been to seek a Monk of his acquaintance in that College, who was not in his chamber, and thereupon desired that his servant (not knowing my chamber, for that I was newly removed thither) to bring him to me: and so forth declared how he was returned and taken that night in the privy search, as ye have heard and that now when the Commissary & all his company were gone to Evensong, and had locked him alone in his chamber, 
The miraculous deliverance of Garret out of the Commentaries chamber.  he hearing no body stirring in the College, put back the bar of the lock with his finger, and so came strait unto Gloucester College, to speak with that monk, if he had been within, who had also bought books of him.  
Then said I unto him: Alas M. Garret, by this your uncircumspect coming unto me, and speaking so before this young man, you have disclosed yourself, and utterly undone me. I asked him why he went not unto my brother with my letters accordingly. He said, after that he was gone a days journey and a half, he was so fearful, that his heart would no other, but that he must needs return again unto Oxford, and so came again on Friday● at night, and then was taken, as ye heard before. But now with deep sighs, and plenty of tears, he prayed me to help to convey him away, and so he cast of his hood & his gown, wherein he came unto me, and desired me to give him a coat with sleeves, if I had any, 
 and told me that he would go into Wales, and thence convey himself into Germany, if he might. Then I put on him a sleved coat of mine. He would also have had an other manner of cap of me, but I had none but priestlike, such as his own was.  
Then kneeled we both down together on our knees, and lifting up our hearts and hands to God our heavenly father, desiring him with plenty of tears, so to conduct and prosper him in his journey, that he might well escape the danger of all his enemies, to the glory of his holy name. if his good pleasure and will so were, and then we embraced and kissed the one the other, the tears so abundantly flowing out from both our eyes, 
The parting between M. Garret & Dalaber.  that we all bewet both our faces, and scarcely for sorrow could we speak one to the other, and so he departed from me, appareled in my coat, being committed unto the tuition of our almighty and merciful father.  
When he was gone down the stairs from my chamber, I straightways did shut my chamber door, and went into my study, and took the new Testament in my hands, kneeled down on my knees, and with many a deep sigh and salt tear, I did with much deliberation read over the 10. chapter of S. Matthew his Gospel: and when I had so done, 
Dalabers prayer for M. Garret.  with fervent prayer I did commit unto God, that our dearly beloved brother Garret, earnestly beseeching him, in and for jesus Christ's sake, his only begotten son our Lord, that he would vouchsafe, not only safely to conduct and keep our said dear brother, from the hands of all his enemies, but also that he would endue his tender and lately borne little flock in Oxford, with heavenly strength by his holy spirit, that they might be well able thereby valiantly to withstand to his glory, all their fierce enemies, and also might quietly, to their own salvation, with all godly patience, bear Christ's heavy cross, which I now ●awe was presently to be laid on their young and weak backs, unable to bear so huge a burden, without the great help of his holy spirit.  
This done, I laid a side my books safe, folded up M. Garrets gown and hood, and laid them into my press among mine apparel, & so having put on my short gown, shut up my study and chamber doors, and went towards Friswides, to speak with that worthy martyr of God M. Clarke, and others, and to declare unto them what had happened that after noon. But of purpose I went by S. Mary church, 
M. Clerk a famous or worthy learned man. M. Di●t. M. Udall. M. Eeden.  to go first unto Corpus Christi College, to speak with Diet and Udall, my faithful brethren and fellows in the Lord there. But by chance I met by the way with a brother of ours, one master Eeden, fellow of Magdalene College, who, assoon as he saw me, came with a pitiful countenance unto me, saying that we were all undone, for M. Garret was returned again to Oxford, taken the last night in the privy search, and was in prison with the Commissary. I said it was not so. He said it was so. I told him it could not be so, for I was sure he was gone. He answered me and said, I know he was gone with your letters, but he came again yesterday in the even, & was taken in his bed at Radleis this night in the privy search: for (quoth he) I heard our Proctor M. Cole say and declare the same this day in our college, to divers of the house. But I told him again, that I was well assured he was now gone, for I spoke with him later than either the Proctor or commissary did, and then I declared the whole matter unto him, how and when he came unto me, and how he went his way, willing him to declare the same unto other our brethren whom he should meet with all, and to give God hearty thanks for his wonderful deliverance, and to pray him also that he would grant him safely to pass away from all his enemies, and told him that I was going unto master Clerk of Friswides, to declare unto him this matter, for I knew, & thought verily that he and divers others there, were then in great sorrow for this matter. Then went I strait to Friswides, and Evensong was begun, and the Dean and the other Canons were there in their grey Amices: they were almost at Magnificat before I came thither, 
M. Taverner.  I stood at the quire door and heard master Taverner play, and others of the Chapel there sing, with and among whom I myself was wont to sing also, but now my singing and music was turned into sighing and musing.  
As I thus and there stood, in cometh D. Cotisforde the Commissary, 
The Phari●● is troubled a● M. Garrets escape out of prison  as fast as ever he could go, bore headed, as pale as ashes (I knew his grief well enough) and to the Dean he goeth into the Quire, where he was sitting in his stall, and talked with him very sorrowfully: what I know not, but whereof I might and did well and truly guess. I went aside from the Quire door: to see & hear more. The Commissary and Deane came out of the Quire wonderfully troubled, as it seemed. About the middle of the Church met them D. London, puffing, blustering and blowing like a hungry and greedy Lion seeking his prey. They talked together a while, but the Commissary was much blamed of them for keeping of his prisoner so negligently, in so much that he wept for sorrow: and it was known abroad, that master Garret was escaped, & gone out of the Commissaries chamber at evensong tune, but whether no man could tell. These doctors departed, and sent abroad their servants and spies every where. Master Clerk about the middle of Compline, 
M. Clerk.  came forth of the Quire: I followed him to his chamber, and declared what was happened that after noon, of master Garrets escape. He was glad, for he knew of his foretaking. Then he sent for one M. Sumner an M. Bets, 
M. Sumner. M. Bets.  fellows and Canons there. In the mean● while he gave me a very godly exhortation, praying God to give me and all the rest of our brethren, prudentiam serpentinam, & simplicitatem columbinam, for we should have shortly much need thereof, as he vesely thought. When M. Sumner and M. Bets were come unto him, he caused me to declare again the whole matter unto them two, and they were very glad, that M. Garret was so delivered, trusting that he should escape all his enemies. Then desiring them to tell unto our other brethren, what was happened (for there were divers other in that College) I went to Corpus Christi college to comfort our brethren, there being in like heaviness. There I tarried and supped with them. At which supper we were not very merry, considering our state and peril at hand.  
When we had ended our supper, and committed our whole cause with fervent sighs and hearty prayers unto God our heavenly father, I went to Alborne hall, & there lay that night. In the morning I was up very early, and as soon as I could get out at the door, I went strait toward Gloucester College to my chamber. It had rained that morning, and with my going I had all to be sprinkled my hose and shoes with mire. And when I was come unto Gloucester college, which was about 6. of the clock, I found the gates fast shut. Whereat I did much marvel for they were wont to be opened daily long before the time. Then did I walk up and down by the wall there, a whole hour before the gates were opened. In the mean while my musing head being full of forecasting cares, & my sorrowful hart flowing with doleful sighs, I fully determined in my conscience before God, that if I should chance to be taken & be examined, I would accuse no man nor declare any thing further than I did already perceive was manifestly known before. And so when the gate was opened, thinking to shift myself & to put on a longer gown, went in towards my chamber, & going up the stairs would have opened my door, but I could not in a long season do it. Whereby I perceived that my lock had been meddled withal, and therewith was somewhat altered. Yea at last with much ado I opened the lock and went in. 
Dalabers chamber searched for M. Garret.  When I came in, I saw my bed all to tossed and tumbled, my clothes in my press thrown down, & my study door open. Whereof I was much amazed, and thought verily that some search was made there that night for M. Garret, and that it was known of his being with me, by the Monks man that brought him to my chamber.  
Now was there lying in the next chamber unto me a Monk, who as soon as he had heard me in the chamber, came to me, and told how M. Garret was sought in my chamber that night, and what ado there was made by the Commissary & the two proctor's, with bills & swords thrusted thorough my bedstraw, and how every corner of my chamber was searched for M. Garret. And albeit his gown and his hood lay there in my press with my clothes▪ yet they perceived them not. Then he told me he was commanded to bring me as soon as I came in, unto the Prior of the students named Antony Dunstane a Monk of Westminster. This so troubled me that I forgot to make clean my hose and shoes, & to shift me into an other gown: and therefore, so all to be dirted as I was, & in my short gown I went with him to the said Prior's chamber, where I found the said Prior standing & looking for my coming. 
Dalaber brought to the Prior of Gloucester College.  He asked me where I had been that night. I told him I lay at Alborne Hall with my old bedfellow Fitziames', but he would not believe me. He asked me if M. Garret were with me yesterday, I told him yea. Then he would know where he was, and wherefore he came unto me, I told him I knew not where he was except he were at Woodstock. For so (said I) he had showed me that he would go thither, because one of the keepers there his friend, had promised him a piece of venison to make merry withal the shrovetide, and that he would have borrowed a hat and a payer of high shoes of me, but I had none in deed to lend him. This tale I thought meetest, though it were nothing so. Then had he spied on my forefinger a big ring of silver very well double gilted with 2. letters A. D. engraved in it for my name: I suppose he thought it to be gold. He required to see it. I took it unto him. When he had it in his hand, he said it was his ring, for therein was his name. an A. for Antony, 
Anthony Dalabers ring taken from him.  and a D. for Dunstane. When I heard him so say, I wished in my heart to be as well delivered from and out or his company, as I was assured to be delivered from my ring for ever.  
Then he called for pen, ink, and paper, and commanded me to write when & how Garret came unto me, & where he was become. I had not written scarcely three words, but the chief beadle with ij. or iij. of the Commissaries men, were come, unto Master Prior, requiring him straightways to bring us away unto Lyncolne College to the commissary, and to D. London. Whether when I was brought into the chapel, there I found D. Cotislorde commissary, D. Higdon then Deane of the Cardinal's College, and D. London Warden of the new College standing together at the altar in the chapel. When I was brought unto them, after salutations given and taken between them, they called for chairs and sat down, & called for me to come to them. and first they asked what my name was. 
Anthony Dalaber apprehended and troubled for M. Garret.  I told them that my name was antony Dalaber. Then they also asked me how long I had been student in the University, and I told them almost 3. years. And they asked me what I studied. I told them that I had read sophistry and logic in Alborne Hal, and now was removed unto Gloucester College to study the Civil law, the which the foresaid Prior of the students affirmed to be true. Then they asked me whether I knew M. Garret, and how long I had known him. I told them I knew him well, & had known him almost a twelvemonth. They asked me when he was with me. I told them yesterday at after noon.  
Now by this time whiles they had me in this talk, one came unto them which was sent for, with pen, ink and paper. I trow it was the Clerk of the University. Assoon as he was come, there was a board & tresses with a form for him to sit on, set between the Doctors and me, and a great Mass book laid before me, and I was commanded to lay my right hand on it, and to swear that I should truly answer unto such articles and interrogatories as I should be by them examined upon. 
The examination of Anthony Dalaber.  I made danger of it a while at first, but afterward being persuaded by them, partly by fair words, and partly by great threats. I promised to do as they would have me, but in my hart nothing so meant to do. So I laid my hand on the book, and one of them gave me my oath, and that done commanded me to kiss the book. 
Doct. London Warden of the new College, an Archpharisey.  Then made they great courtesy between them who should examine me, & minister interrogatoryes unto me. At the last, the rankest Papistical Pharisey of them all D. London took upon him to do it.  
Then he asked me again by my oath. where M. Garret was, and whether I had conveyed him. I told him I had not conveyed him, nor yet witted not where he was, nor whether he was gone, except he were gone to Wodstocke, (as I had before said) as he showed me he would. Then he asked me again when he came to me, how he came to me, what and how long he talked with me, and whether he went from me, I told him he came to me about evensong time, and that one brought him unto my Chamber door, whom I know not, and that he told me he would go to Woodstock for some venison to make merry withal this shrovetide, and that he would have borrowed a hat, and a pair of high shoes of me, but I had none such to lend him, and then he strait went his way from me, but whether I know not. All these my sayings the scribe wrote in a paper book.  
Then they earnestly required me to tell them whether I had conveyed him, for surely they said I brought him going some whether this morning, for that they might well perceive by my foul shoes and dirty hosen, that I had travailed with him the most part of this night. I answered plainly that I lay at Alborne Hall with sir Fitziames', and that I had good witness thereof there. They asked me where I was at Evensong. I told them at Friswides, and that I saw first M. commissary, and then master D. London come thither at that time unto M. Deane of Frisewides, and that I saw them talking together in the Church there. D. London and the Deane threatened me, that if I would not tell the truth where I had done him, or whether he was gone, I should surely be sent unto the tour of London, and there be racked, and put into little ease. But M. Commissary prayed me with gentle words to tell him where he was, that he might have him again, & he would be my very great friend, & deliver me out of trouble straightway. I told him I could not tell where he was, nor whether he was become. Thus did they occupy and toss me almost two hours in the chapel, sometimes with threatenings and foul words, and then with fair words and fair promises flattering me. Then was he that brought M. Garret unto my chamber, brought before me, and caused to declare what M. Garret said unto me at his coming to my chamber, but I said plainly I heard him say no such thing, for I thought my nay to be as good as his yea, seeing it was to rid and deliver my Godly brother out of trouble and peril of his life.  
At the last, when they could get nothing of me whereby to hurt or accuse any man, or to know any thing of that which they sought, they all 3. together brought me up a long stairs into a great chamber over M. commissaries chamber, 
 wherein stood a great pair of very high stocks. Then M. Commissary asked me for my purse & girdie, took away my money and my knives, and then they put both my legs into the stocks, and so locked me fast in them: in which I sat, my feet being almost as high as my head, and so departed they (I think to their abominable mass) locking fast the chamber door, and leaving me alone. When all they were gone, then came unto my remembrance the worthy forewarning and godly declaration of that most constant martyr of God, M. john Clarke my father in Christ, who well nigh two years before that, when I did earnestly desire him to grant me to be his scholar, & that I might go with him continually when and wheresoever he should teach or preach (the which he did daily) said unto me much after this sort: 
 Dalaber, you desire you wots not what, & that you are, I fear me, unable to take upon you. For though now my preaching be sweet and pleasant unto you, because there is yet no persecution laid on you for it, yet the time will come, & that peradventure shortly, if ye continue to live godly therein, that God will lay on you the cross of persecution to try you withal, whether you can as pure gold abide the fire, or as stubble and dross be consumed therewith. For the holy Ghost plainly affirmeth by S. Paul, quod omnes qui pie volunt vivere in Christo jesu, persecutionem patientur. Yea, 
2. Tim. 3.  you shall be called and judged an heretic, you shallbe abhorred of the world, your own friends and kinsfolk will forsake you, and also hate you, and you shallbe cast into prison, and no man shall dare to help or comfort you, and you shall be accused & brought before the bishops, to your reproach and shame, to the great sorrow of all your faithful friends and kinsfolk. Then will ye wish ye had never known this doctrine. Then will ye curse Clerk, 
〈◊〉 Cross commonly followeth the Gospel.  and wish that ye had never known him, because he hath brought you to all these troubles. Therefore rather than that ye should do this, leave of from meddling of this doctrine, and desire not to be and continue in my company.  
At which words I was so grieved, that I fell down on my knees at his feet, & with abundance of tears and sighs even from the bottom of my heart, I earnestly besought him, that for the tender mercy of God showed unto us in our Lord jesus Christ, he would not refuse me, but receive me into his company, as I had desired, saying that I trusted verily, that he which had begun this in me, would not forsake me, but give me grace to continue therein unto the end. When he heard me say so, he came to me, and took me up in his arms, kissed me, the tears trickling down from his eyes, & said unto me: The Lord almighty grant you so to do, and from henceforth for ever take me for your father, and I will take you for my son in Christ. Now were there at that time in Oxford, divers Graduates and Scholars of sundry Colleges & halls, whom God had called to the knowledge of his holy word, which all resorted unto M. Clerks disputations & lectures in divinity at all times as they might: and when they might not come conveniently, I was by M. Clarke appointed to resort to every one of them weakly, and to know what doubts they had in any place of the scriptures, that by me from him they might have the true understanding of the same: which exercise did me most good and profit, to the understanding of the holy scriptures, which I most desired.  
This foresaid forewarning and godly declaration (I say) of this most godly Martyr of God M. Clarke, coming to my remembrance, caused me with deep sighs to cry unto God from my hart to assist me with his holy spirit, that I might be able patiently & quietly to bear & suffer whatsoever it should please him of his fatherly love to lay on me, 
 to his glory & the comfort of my dearly beloved brethren, whom I thought now to be in great fear & anguish, lest I would be an accuser of them all, for unto me they all were well known, & all their doings in that matter. But God be blessed, I was fully bend never to accuse any of them, whatsoever should happen of me. 
 Before dinner M. Cotisforde came up to me and requested me earnestly to tell him where master Garret was, and if I would so do, he promised me straightways to deliver me out of prison. But I told him I could not tell where he was: no more in deed I could. Then he departed to dinner, ask me if I would eat any meat, and I told him, yea right gladly. He said he would send me some. When he was gone, his servants asked me divers questions, which I do not now remember, and some of them spoke me fair, and some threatened me, calling me heretic, and so departed, locking the door last upon me.  
Thus far antony Dalaber hath prosecuted this story, who before the finishing, departed the year 1562. in the Diocese of Salisbury: the residue thereof as we could gather it of ancient and credible persons, so have we added here unto the same.  
After this, Garret was apprehended or taken by master Cole the Proctor or his men, going Westward, at a place called Hinksey a little beyond Oxford, 
Tho. Garret apprehended and brought to Oxford.  and so being brought back again, was committed to ward, that done, he was convented before the Commissary, Doctor London and Doctor Higdon Deane of Friswides (now called Christ's College) into S. Mary's Church, where they sitting in judgement, 
D. London, & D. Higdon prosecuters of Garret. Garret and Dalaber 〈◊〉 faggots is Oxford.  convicted him according to their law as an heretic (as they said) and afterward compelled him to carry a faggot in open procession from Saint Mary's Church to Friswides, and Dalaber likewise with him, Garret having his red hood on his shoulders like a master of Arte. After that, they were sent to Osney, there to be kept in prison till farther order was taken.  
There were suspected beside, a great number to be infected with heresy, as they called it, for having such books of God's truth, as Garret sold unto them, as M. Clarke, which died in his chamber, and could not be suffered to receive the Communion, being in prison, and saying these words: Crede, & manducasti. Master Somner, Master Bets, Taverner the Musician, Radley, with other of Friswides College, 
The names of Godly brethren at Oxford  of Corpus Christi College, as Udall and Diet, with other of Magdalene College one Eeden, with other of Gloucester College, and two black Monks, one of S. Austin's of Canterbury named Langporte, the other of S. Edmondes' Bury monk, named joh. Salisbury, two white monks of Barnard College, two Canons of S. Mary's College, one of them named Robert Ferrar afterward Bishop of S. Davies, 
Rob. Ferrar Bishop of S. David's.  and burned in Queen Mary's time. These two Canons, because they had no place in the University with the other, they went on the contrary side of the procession bore headed, and a Beadle before them, to be known from the other. divers other there were, whose names I cannot remember, which were forced and constrained to forsake their Colleges, and sought their friends. Against the Procession time, there was a great fire made upon the top of Carfaxe, whereinto all such as were in the said Procession, either convict or suspect of heresy, were commanded in token of repentance and renouncing of their errors, every man to cast a book into the fire as they passed by.  
After this, M. Garret flying from place to place, escaped their tyranny until this present time, that he was again apprehended and burned with D. Barnes. With whom also W. Jerome sometime vicar of Stepney, 
W. Jerome burned in Smithfielde.  was likewise drawn into Smithfielde, and there together with them, constantly endured martyrdom in the fire.  
Now let us add also to these, the story of Jerome.   

The life and story of W. Jerome Vicar of Stepney and Martyr of Christ.  
THe third companion which suffered with Barnes and Garret, was W. Jerome Vicar of Stepney. This Jerome being a diligent preacher of God's word, 
The story of William Jerome.  for the comfort and edification of the people, had preached divers and sundry sermons, wherein to the intent to plant in the consciences of men, the sincere truth of christian religion, he laboured as much as time then served, to extirp & weed out the roots of men's traditions, doctrines, dreams, and fantasies. In so doing it could not otherwise be, but he must needs provoke much hatred against him amongst the adversaries of Christ's gospel.  
It so happened, that the said Jerome preaching at Paul's in the 4. Sunday of Lent last passed, made there a sermon, 
The sermon 〈◊〉 W. Jerome preached at 〈…〉 the 4. 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉.  wherein he recited and mentioned of Agar, and Sara, declaring what these ij. signified. In process, whereof he showed further, how that Sara & her child Isaac, and all they that were isaac's, and borne of the free woman. Sara, were freely justified: Contrary they that were borne of Agar the bondwoman, were bound and under the law, and cannot be freely justified. In these words, what was here spoken, but that S. Paul himself uttereth and expoundeth in his Epistle to the Galat. 4. Or what could here be gathered of any reasonable or indifferent hearer, 
Gal. 4.  but consonant to sound doctrine, and vein of the Gospel? Now see what rancour and malice armed with crafty and subtle sophistry can do. This sermon finished, it was not long but he was charged and convented before the king at Westminster, & there accused for erroneous doctrine.  
Percase thou wilt muse (gentle reader) what erroneous doctrine here could be picked out. Note therefore for thy learning, & he that listeth to study how to play the Sycophant, let him here take example. 
Quarrel picked against Hieromes Sermons.  The knot found in this rush was this, for that he preached erroneously at Paul's cross, teaching the people, that all that were borne of Sara, were freely justified, speaking there absolutely without any condition either of Baptism or of penance etc. Who doubteth here but if s. Paul himself had been at Paul's cross, and had preached the same words to the English men, which he wrote to the Gal. in this behalf, Ipso facto he had been apprehended for an heretic for preaching against the sacrament of Baptism and repentance?  
Furthermore it was objected against him, touching matter against magistrates, and laws by them made. Whereunto he answered again and affirmed (as he had before preached) that no Magistrate of himself could make any law or laws, private or otherwise, 
W. Jerome accused for preaching against Magistrates.  to bind the inferior people, unless it were by the power, authority and commandment of his or their Princes to him or them given, but only the Prince. And moreover, to confirm the same he added, saying: that if the Prince make laws consenting to God's laws, we are bound to obey them. And if he make laws repugnant to the laws of God, and be an evil and wicked prince: yet are we bound humbly to suffer him, and not violently to resist or grudge against him.  
Also concerning his sermons, one Doct. Wilson entered into disputation with him, 
Works no part of our salvations  and defended that good works justified before God, and were necessary and available to salvation. To whom Jerome answered again, that all works whatsoever they were, were nothing worth, nor no part of salvation of themselves, but only referred to the mercy and love of God, 
Good works avail not but only by imputation.  which mercy and love of God directeth the workers thereof, & yet it is at his mercy & goodness to accept them. Which to be true doctor Wilson neither could, nor did deny.  
And thus much concerning the several stories of these iij. good men. Now let us see the order of their martyrdom, joining them all together: what was the cause of their condemnation, and what were their protestations and words at their suffering.  
Ye heard before how Barnes, Jerome, and Garret, were caused to preach at Easter at the spittie. 
Out of the preface of Steven Gardiner against George joy.  The occasion whereof as I find it reported by Steven Gardiner writing against George joy, I thought here to discourse more at large.  
Steven Gardiner hearing that the said Barns, Jerome & Garret should preach the Lent following, an. 1541. at Paul's cross, to stop the course of their doctrine, sent his chaplain to the B. of London, the Saturday before the first Sunday in Lent, to have a place for him to preach at Paul's. Which to him was granted, and time appointed that he should preach the sunday following, which should be on the morrow: which Sunday was appointed before for Barns to occupy that room. Gardiner therefore determining to declare the gospel of that sunday, containing the devils 3. temptations, began amongst other things to note the abuse of scripture amongst some, as the devil abused it to Christ, and so alluding to the temptation of the devil, wherein he alleged the scripture against Christ, to cast himself downward, and that he should take no hurt, he inferred thereupon, saying:  
Now a days (quoth he) the devil tempteth the world, and biddeth them to cast themselves backward. 
The effect of Steph. Gar●yners Sermon at Paul's cross the first sunday in Lent. An, 15●1.  There is no forward in the new teaching, but all backward. Now the Devil teacheth, come back from fasting, come back from praying, come back from confession, come back from weeping for thy sins, and all is backward: In so much that men must now learn to say their Pater noster backward. For where we said, forgive us our debts, as we forgive our debtor; now it is, as thou forgivest our debts, so I will forgive my debtor, and so God must forgive first, and all I say, is turned backward. etc.  
And amongst other things, moreover he noted the devils craft and shift in deceiving man: who envying his felicity, and therefore coveting to have man idle, and void of good works, and to be led in that idleness, with a wan hope to live merely at his pleasure here, and yet to have heaven at the last, 
Pardon● procured by the devil, quod Steven Gardiner.  hath for that purpose procured out pardons from Rome, wherein heaven was sold for a little money, and for to retail that merchandise, the devil used Friars for his ministers. Now they be gone withal their trumpery, but the devil is not yet gone. etc. And now that the Devil perceiveth that it can no longer be borne, to buy and sell heaven by the Friars, he hath excogitate to offer heaven without works for it, 

Gardiner against Friars & pardons.  
Steven Gardiner cannot abide only, only.   so freely, that men shall not need for heaven to work at all, what so ever opportunity they have to work: marry if they will have any higher place in heaven, God will leave no work unrewarded, but as to be in heaven, needs no works at all, but only belief, only, only, and nothing else. etc.  
This sermone of Steven Winchester finished, Doctor Barnes who was put of from that sunday, 
The sermon of D. Barnes replying to Winchester.  had his day appointed, which was the third Sunday next ensuing, to make his sermon: who taking the same text of the Gospel which Gardiner had done before, was on the contrary side no less vehement in setting forward the true doctrine of Christian religion, them Winchester had done before in plucking men backward from truth to lies, from sincerity to hypocrisy, from religion to superstition from Christ to antichrist. In the process of which sermon he proceeding, and calling out Steven Gardiner by name to answer him, alluded in a pleasant allegory, to a Cockfight, terming the said Gardener to be a fight Cock, and himself to an other, but the Garden Cock (he said) lacked good spurs, objecting moreover to the said Gardener, & opposing him in his Grammar rules, thus saying: that if he had answered him in the Schools, so as he had there preached at the cross, he would have given him 6. stripes: declaring furthermore what evil herbs this Gardener had set in the Garden of God's scripture. etc.  
Finally, with this sermon Gardiner was so tickled in the spleen, 
Steph. Gardiner complaineth to the king of D. Barnes.  that he immediately went to the king to complain, showing how he being a bishop and a prelate of the realm, was handled and reviled at Paul's cross.  
Whereupon the king giving to much ear to Gardiner's grief, was earnestly incensed against Barnes, and with many high words rebuked his doings in his privy closet, having with him the Earl of Southampton which was the Lord Wrisley, 
The king displeased against Barnes.  and the master of the horse which was Anthony Browne, D. Cocks, and D. Robinson. Unto whom when Barnes had submitted himself: Nay said the king, yield thee not to me, I am a mortal man, and therewith rising up, and turning to the Sacrament, and putting of his bonnet, said: yonder is the master of us all, author of truth, yield in truth to him, and that truth will I defend, & otherwise yield thee not unto me. Much ado there was, & great matter laid against Barnes. In conclusion this order was taken, 
D. Cocks and D. Robinson Arbyters between D. Barnes and Steph Gardiner.  that Barnes should go apart with Winchester, to confer & common together of their doctrine, certain witnesses being thereunto appointed, to be as indifferent hearers, of whom the one was D. Cocks, the other was D. Robinson, with 2. other also to them assigned, which should be reporters to the king of the disputation. At the first entry of which talk, Gardener forgiving him (as he saith) all that was past, offered him the choice, whether he would answer, or oppose, which was the Friday after that Barns had preached.  

The question between D. Barnes and Steph. Gardiner.  The question between them propounded, by Gardiner's narration was this: Whether a man could do any thing good or acceptable, before the grace of justification or not? Which question rose upon a certain contention which had been between them before. For Barnes had affirmed, that albeit God requireth of us to forgive our neighbour, 
God forgiveth us first, before we forgive our neighbour. Rom. 15.  to obtain forgiveness of him: yet he said that God must forgive us first, before we forgive our neighbour: For else to forgive our neighbour were sin by the text that sayeth: All that is not of faith, is sin, etc. Thus the matter being propounded, Gardiner to prove the contrary, came forth with his arguments two or three, to the which arguments (sayeth Gardiner) Barnes could not answer, but desired to be spared that night, 

Gardiner's report.  
Disputation between Barnes & Gardiner.   and the next morning he would answer his arguments. In the morning Gardiner with the hearers being again assembled, D. Barnes, according to the appointment, was present, who then went about to assoil his arguments. To his solutions Gardiner again replied. And thus continued they in this altercation by the space of two hours. 
Steven Gardiner in his preface to George joy.  In the end of this Cockfight Winchester thus concludeth this glorious tale, and croweth up the triumph, declaring how Barnes besought him to have pity of him, to forgive him, and to take him to be his scholar, whom then the said Winchester (as he confesseth himself) receiving, not as his scholar, but as his companion, offered, to him a portion out of his living, to the sum of xl. li. a year. 
Steven Gardiner offereth to Doct. Barnes 40. pound a year.  Which if it be true, as Steven Gardiner himself reporteth, why then doth this glorious Cackatrice crow so much against Barnes afterward, and cast him in the teeth bearing all the world in hand, that Barnes was his scholar, whereas he himself here refuseth Barnes to be his scholar, but receiveth him as his companion fellowlyke? But to the story.  
This done, the king being advertised of the conclusion of this matter between Barnes and Winchester, was content that Barnes should repair to the bishops house at London, the monday following. Which he did, with a certain other companion joined unto him. Who he was, Winchester there doth not express, only he saith, that it was neither Jerome nor Garret. In this next meeting between Barnes and the bishop upon the foresaid monday the said bishop studying to instruct Barns, uttered to him certain articles or conclusions, to the number of x. the effect whereof here followeth.   

Winchester's Articles against Barnes.  
THe effect of Christ's passion hath a condition. 
 The fulfilling of the condition diminisheth nothing the effect of Christ's passion.  
They that will enjoy the effect of Christ's passion, must fulfil the condition.  
The fulfilling of the condition requireth first knowledge of the condition, which knowledge we have by faith.  
Faith cometh of God, and this faith is a good gift. It is good and profitable to me: it is profitable to me to do well, and to exercise this faith: Ergo, by the gift of God I may do well before I am justified.  
Therefore I may do well by the gift of God before I am justified, towards the attainment of justification.  
There is ever as much Charity towards God, as faith, And as faith increaseth, so doth charity increase.  
To the attainment of justification is required faith and charity.  
Every thing is to be called freely done, whereof the beginning is free and at liberty without any cause of provocation.  
Faith must be to me the assurance of the promises of God made in Christ (if I fulfil the condition) & love must accomplish the condition: whereupon followeth the attainment of the promise according to God's truth.  
A man being in deadly sin, may have grace to do the works of penance, whereby he may attain to his justification.  
These Articles for somuch as they be sufficiently answered and replied unto by George joy in his joynder, 
 & Rejoinder against Winchester, I shall not need to cumber this work with any new ado therewith, but only refer the reader to the books aforesaid: where he may see matter enough to answer to these popish articles.  
I told you before how the king was contented the Barnes should resort to the house of the bishop of Winchester, to be traded and directed by the bishop, which Barns then hearing the talk of the people, & having also conference with certain learned men, within two days after his coming to the bishops house, waxed weary thereof, & so coming to the bish. signified unto him, 
 that if he would take him as one that came to confer, he would come still, but else he would come no more, & so clean gave over the bishop.  
This being known unto the king, through sinister complaints of popish Sycophants, Barns again was sent for, and convented before the king, who grievously being incensed against him, enjoined both him, Hierom and Garret, at the solemn Easter sermons at S. Marry spittle, openly in writing to revoke the doctrine which they before had taught. At which sermons Ste. Gardiner also himself was present to hear their recantation.  
First Doctor Barnes, according to his promise made to the king, solemnly and formally began to make his recantation, which done, he with much circumstance and obtestation called upon the Bishop (as is above touched) and ask of him forgiveness, 
 required him in token of a grant to hold up his hand, to the intent that he there openly declaring his charity before the world, the Bishop also would declare his charity in like manner. Which when the bishop refused to do at the first, as he was required, Barnes again called for it, desiring him to show his charity, and to hold up his hand. Which when he had done with much a do, wagging his finger a little: then Barnes entering to his Sermon after his prayer made, 
 beginneth the process of a matter, preaching contrary to that, which before he had recanted. In so much, that the Mayor, when the Sermon was finished, sitting with the Bishop of Winchester, asked him whether he should from the pulpit send him to ward, to be forth coming for that his bold preaching contrary to his recantation. The like also did Jerome, and Garret after him.  
The king had appointed before certain to make report of the sermons. Besides them there was one who writing to a friend of his in the Court, in the favour of these preachers, declared how gaily they had all handled the matter, both to satisfy the recantation, and also in the same Sermons to utter out the truth, that it might spread without let of the world. Wherefore partly by these reporters, & partly by the negligent looking to this letter, 
Barnes Garret and Jerome commanded to the 〈◊〉.  which came to the Lord Cromwel's hands (sayeth Gardiner) Barnes with his other fellows were apprehended, and committed to the Tower. Steven Gardiner in his foresaid book against George joy, would needs clear himself, that he was in no part nor cause of their casting into the tower, and giveth this reason for him, 
Steph Gardiner had no access to the kings council a year and more before the L. Cromwel's fall.  for that he had then no access, ne had not after, so long as Cromwel's time lasted, to the King's secret Counsel: yet notwithstanding the said Gardener can not persuade us to the contrary, but that his privy complaing to the King, and his secret whisperings in his friends ears, and his other workings by his factors about the King, was a great sparkle to set their faggots a fire.  
Thus than Barnes, Jerome, and Garret being committed to the Tower, after Easter, there remained till the thirty. day of july, which was two days after the death of the Lord Cromwell. Then ensued process against them by the King's Counsel in the Parliament, 
Process against Barnes, Jerome & Garret.  to the which process Gardiner confesseth himself that he was privy amongst the rest. Whereupon all these three good saints of God, the thirty. day of july, not coming to any answer, nor yet knowing any cause of their condemnation, without any public hearing, were brought together from the Tower to Smithfield, where they preparing themselves to the fire, had there at the stake divers and sundry exhortations, amongst whom D. Barnes first began with this protestation following.  
I am come hither to be burned as an heretic, and you shall hear my belief, 
The protestation of Doct. Barnes at the stake.  whereby you shall perceive what erroneous opinions I hold. God I take to record, I never (to my knowledge) taught any erroneous doctrine, but only those things which scripture lead me unto, and that in my Sermons I never maintained any error, neither moved nor gave occasion of any insurrection. Although I have been slandered to preach that our Lady was but a saffron bag, which I utterly protest before God that I never meant it nor preached it: but all my study and diligence hath been utterly to confound and confute all men of that doctrine, 
D. Barnes falsely slandered.  as are the Anabaptists, which deny that our Saviour Christ did take any flesh of the blessed virgin Mary, which sects I detest and abhor. And in this place there hath been burned some of them, whom I never favoured nor maintained, but with all diligence evermore did I study to set forth the glory of God, the obedience to our sovereign Lord the King, and the true and sincere religion of Christ. And now hearken to my faith.  
I believe in the holy and blessed Trinity, three persons and one God, 
D. Barnes confession.  that created and made all the world, and that this blessed Trinity sent down the second person jesus Christ into the womb of the most blessed & purest virgin Mary. And here bear me record, that I do utterly condemn that abominable and detestable opinion of the Anabaptistes, which say that Christ took no flesh of the virgin. For I believe that without man's will or power, he was conceived by the holy Ghost, and took flesh of her, & that he suffered hunger, thirst, cold, & other passions of our body (sin except) according to the saying of S. Peter: He was made in all things like to his brethren, except sin. And I believe that this his death and passion was the sufficient ransom for the sin of all the world. And I believe that through his death, he overcame sin, death, and hell, and that there is none other satisfaction unto the Father, but this his death and passion only: and that no work of man did deserve any thing of God, but only his passion, as touching our justification. For I know the best work that ever I did, is unpure and unperfit. And with this he cast abroad his hands, and desired God to forgive him his trespasses. 
All men's works unperfit.  For although perchance (said he) you know nothing by me, yet do I confess that my thoughts and cogitations be innumerable: Wherefore I beseech thee, O Lord, not to enter into judgement with me, according to the saying of the Prophet David: Non intres in judicium cum servo tuo domine i Enter not into judgement with thy servant O Lord. 
Psal. 143.  And in an other place: Si iniquitates obseruaveris domine quis sustinebit? Lord, if thou straightly mark our iniquities, 
Psal. 130.  who is able to abide thy judgement? Wherefore I trust in no good work that ever I did, but only in the death of Christ. I do not doubt, but through him to inherit the kingdom of heaven. Take me not here that I speak against good works, 
Good worke● are to be done.  for they are to be done, and verily they that do them not, shall never come in the kingdom of God. We must do them, because they are commanded us of God to show and set forth our profession, not to deserve or merit, for that is only the death of Christ.  
I believe that there is a holy Church, & a company of all them that profess Christ: and that all that have suffered & confessed his name, be saints, & that all they do praise & laud God in heaven, more than I, or any man's tongue can express, & that always I have spoken reverently, and praised them as much as Scripture willed me to do. And that our Lady (I say) was a Virgin immaculate and undefiled & that she is the most purest virgin that ever God created & a vessel elect of God of whom Christ should be borne. Then said M. Sheriff, 
D. Barnes obedient to Magistrates.  you have said well of her before. And being afraid that Master Sheriff had been or should be aggrieved with any thing that he should say, he said: Master Sheriff, if I speak any thing that you will me not, do no more but beckon me with your hand, & I will strait way hold my peace, for I will not be disobedient in any thing, but will obey.  
Then there was one that asked him his opinion of praying to Saints. Then said he: 
Pray non to saints.  Now of Saints you shall here my opinion. I have said before somewhat I think of them, how that I believe they are in heaven with God, and that they are worthy of all the honour that Scripture willeth them to have. But I say throughout all Scripture we are not commanded to pray to any Saints. Therefore I can not nor will not preach to you that Saints ought to be prayed unto: for than should I preach unto you a doctrine of mine own head. notwithstanding whether they pray for us or no, that I refer to GOD. And if saints do pray for us, than I trust to pray for you within this half hour Master Sheriff, and for every Christian man living in the faith of Christ & dying in the same as a Saint. Wherefore if the dead may pray for the quick, I will surely pray for you.  
Well, have you any thing more to say? Then spoke he to Master Sheriff & said, have ye any Articles against me for the which I am condemned? 
No cause showed why Doct. Barnes died.  And the sheriff answered, no. Then said he, is there here any man else that knoweth wherefore I die, or that by my preaching hath taken any error? Let them now speak & I will make them answer. And no man answered. Then said he, well I am condemned by the law to die, & as I understand, by an Act of Parliament, but wherefore, I cannot tell, 
D. Barnes praying for his enemies.  but belike for heresy, for we are like to burn. But they that have been the occasion of it. I pray God forgive them, as I would be forgiven myself. And Doct. Stephen Bishop of Winchester that now is, if he have sought or wrought this my death either by word or deed, I pray God forgive him as heartily, as freely, as charitably, and without feigning, as ever Christ forgave them that put him to death.  
And if any of the Counsel, or any other have sought or wrought it through malice or ignorance, I pray God forgive their ignorance and illuminate their eyes that they may see and ask mercy for it. I beseech you all to pray for the kings grace, as I have done ever since I was in prison, and do now, that God may give him prosperity, and that he may long reign among you, 
D. Barnes prayeth for the king.  & after him that godly Prince Edward may so reign, that he may finish those things that his father hath begun. I have been reported a preacher of sedition & disobedience unto the kings Majesty, but hear I say to you, that you all are bound by the commandment of God to obey your Prince with all humility, & with all your hart, yea not so much as in a look to show yourselves disobedient unto him, & that not only for fear of the sword, but also for conscience sake before God. Yea and I say further, if the king should command you any thing against God's law, if it be in your power to resist him, yet may you not do it.  
Then spoke he to the Sheriff and said, M. Sheriff I require you on God's behalf, 
5. requests of Doct. Barnes to the king.  to have me commended unto the kings grace, & to show him that I require of his grace these five requests: First that where his grace hath received into his hands, all the goods and substance of the Abbeys. Then the Sheriff desired him to stop there. 
The 1. request.  He answered, Master Sheriff I warrant you I will speak no harm, for I know it is well done that all such superstition be clean taken away, and the kings grace hath well done in taking it away. But his grace is made a whole king, 
The king of England made a whole king by poor preachers▪  and obeyed in his Realm as a king (which neither his father nor grandfather, neither his ancestors that reigned before him ever had) & that through the preaching of us and such other wretches as we are, which always have applied our whole studies, and given our selves for the setting forth of the same, and this is now our reward. Well it maketh no matter. Now he reigneth among you: I pray God long may he live and reign among you. Would to God it might please his grace to bestow the said goods or some of them, to the comfort of his poor subjects, which surely have great need of them.  
The second that I desire his grace, is, that he will see that matrimony be had in more reverence than it is, and that men for every light cause invented, 
The second request of Doctor Barnes to the king.  cast not off their wives, and live in adultery and fornication, and that those that be not married, should not abominably live in whoredom, following the filthy lusts of the flesh.  
The third, that the abominable swearers may be punished and straightly looked upon: 
The 3. request.  for the vengeance of God will come on them for their mischievous oaths. Then desired he master Pope to have him commended to Master Edgar, 
Doct. Barnes request to M. Edgar to leave swearing.  and to desire him for the dear blood of jesus Christ, that he would leave that abominable swearing which he used, for surely except he did forsake it, he would come to some mischievous end.  
The fourth, that his grace would set forth Christ's true Religion, 
The 4. request.  and seeing he hath begun, that he would go forward and make an end, for many things have been done, but much more is to do: and that it would please his grace to look on God's word himself, for that it hath been obscured with many traditions invented of our own brains. Now said he, how many petitions have I spoken of? And the people said four. Well said he: even these four be sufficient, which I desire you: that the kings grace may be certified of, and say that I most humbly desire him to look earnestly upon them: and that his grace take heed that he be not deceived with false preachers and teachers and evil council, for Christ saith, that such false Prophets shall come in lambs skins.  
Then desired he all men to forgive him, and if he had said any evil at any time unadvisedly, whereby he had offended any man, or given any occasion of evil, that they would forgive it him, and amend that evil they took of him, 
Doct. Barnes cleareth himself of all heresy.  and to bear him witness, that he detested and abhorred all evil opinions and doctrines against the word of God, and that he died in the faith of jesus Christ, by whom he doubted not, but to be saved. And with those words he desired them all to pray for him, and then he turned him about, and put off his clothes, making him ready to the fire, patiently there to take his death.  
The like confession made also Jerome and Garret, professing in like manner their belief, reciting all the articles of the Christian faith, briefly declaring their minds upon every article, 
The protestation and confession of Jerome and Garret.  as the time would suffer: whereby the people might understand that there was no cause nor error in their faith, wherefore justly they ought to be condemned: Protesting moreover that they denied nothing that was either in the old or new Testament, set forth by their sovereign Lord the King: whom they prayed the Lord long to continue amongst them, with his most dear son Prince Edward. Which done. Jerome addeth this exhortation in few words following.  
I say unto you good brethren, that God hath bought us all with no small price, neither with gold nor silver, 
The exhortation of Jerome 〈◊〉 the people.  or other such things of small value, but with his most precious blood. Be not unthankful therefore to him again, but do as much as to Christian men belongeth, to fulfil his commandments, that is, love your brethren. Love hurteth no man, love fulfilleth all things. If God have sent thee plenty, help thy neighbour that hath need. Give him good council. If ye lack, consider if thou were in necessity, thou wouldst gladly be refreshed. And again, bear your cross with Christ. Consider what reproof, slander, and reproach he suffered of his enemies, and how patiently he suffered all things. Consider that all that Christ did, was of his mere goodness, and not of our deserving. For if we could merit our own salvation, Christ would not have died for us. But for Adam's breaking of God's precept, we had been all lost, if Christ had not redeemed us again. And like as Adam broke the precepts, and was driven out of Paradise: so we, if we break Gods commandments, shall have damnation, if we do not repent and ask mercy. Now therefore let all Christians put no trust nor confidence in their works, but in the blood of Christ, to whom I commit my soul to guide, beseeching you all to pray to God for me, and for my brethren here present with me, that our souls leaving these wretched carcases, may constantly departed in the true faith of Christ.  
In much like sort Garret also protesting and exhorting the people after his confession made, ended his protestation in manner as followeth.  
¶ The death and burning of the most constant Martyrs in Christ, D. Robert Barnes, Tho. Garret, and W. Jerome in Smithfield, an. 1541.  
And so after their prayer made, wherein most effectually they desired the Lord jesus to be their comfort and consolation in this their affliction, and to stablish them with perfect faith, 
The patient suffering of these three Martyrs.  constancy and patience through the holy Ghost, they taking themselves by the hands, and kissing one another, quietly and humbly offered themselves to the hands of the tormentors, and so took their death both Christianly and constantly with such patience as might well testify the goodness of their cause, and quiet of their conscience.  
Wherein is to be noted how mightily the Lord worketh with his grace and fortitude in the hearts of his servants, especially in such, which causeless suffer with a guiltless conscience for his religions sake, above other which suffer otherwise for their deserts. 
Difference between them that suffer for God's truth, and other that die for their own deserts.  For whereas they which suffer as malefactors, commonly are wont to go heavy and pensive to their death, so the other with heavenly alacrity and cheerfulness do abide whatsoever it pleaseth the Lord to lay upon them? Example whereof we have right well to note, not only in these three godly Martyrs, above mentioned, but also in the Lord Cromwell, who suffered but two days before, the same no less may appear. Who although he was brought to his death, atteinted and condemned by the parliament, 
The cheerful patience in the L. Cromwell at his death.  yet what a guiltless conscience he bore to his death, his Christian patience well declared. Who first calling for his breakfast: and cheerfully eating the same, and after that passing out of his prison down the hill within the Tower, and meeting there by the way the Lord Hungerford going likewise to his execution (who for other matter here not to be spoken of, was there also imprisoned) and perceiving him to be all heavy and doleful, 
The comfortable words of the L. Cronwell to the L. Hungerforde, they both going to their death.  with cheerful countenance, and comfortable words, ask why he was so heavy, he willed him to pluck up his heart, and to be of good comfort: For, said he, there is no cause for you to fear. For if you repent, and be heartily sorry for that you have done, there is for you mercy enough with the Lord, who for Christ's sake will forgive you, and therefore be not dismayed. And though the breakfast which we are going to, be sharp, yet trusting to the mercy of the Lord, we shall have a joyful dinner. And so went they together to the place of execution, and took their death patiently.    

¶ A note of three Papists executed the same time with Barnes, Jerome, and Garret.  
THe same time and day and in the same place, where & when these three above mentioned did suffer, 

Three Papists executed.  
powel, Fetherstone, and Abel.   three other also were executed, though not for the same cause, but rather the contrary: for denying the kings supremacy, whose names were powel, Fetherstone and Abel. The which spectacle so happening upon one day, in two so contrary parts or factions, brought the people into a marvelous admiration & doubt of their Religion, 
Anno 1541.  which part to follow and take: as might so well happen amongst ignorant and simple people, seeing two contrary parts so to suffer, the one for Popery▪ the other against Popery, both at one time. In so much that a certain stranger being there present the same time, and seeing three on the one side, and three on the other side to suffer, said in these words: Deus bone quomodo his viwnt gentes, hic suspenduntur Papistae, illic comburuntur Antipapistae? But to remove and take away all doubt hereafter from the posterity, 
The words of a stranger seeing both Papists & protestāns to suffer.  whereby they shall the less marvel how this so happened, here is to be understand, how the cause thereof did rise and proceed. Which happened, by reason of a certain division and discord amongst the King's Council, which were so divided amongst themselves in equal parts, that the one half seemed to hold with the one Religion, the other half with the contrary.  
The names of whom, although it were not necessary to express, yet being compelled for the setting forth of the truth of the story, we have thought good here to annex, as the certainty thereof came to our hands.  
Protestants. 
Papists.  Canterbury. 
Wynchester. 
The counsel d●uided in religion.   Suffolk. 
Duresme.  Viscount Beawcham. 
Norfolk. Southampton.  Viscount Lisle. 
Anthony Browne.  russel Treasurer. 
William Paulet.  Pagyt. 
john Baker.  Sadler. 
Rich. Chaunc. of the augmentation.  Audeley. 
Wingfield Vic. Chaunc.   
This division and separation of the Counsel amongst themselves, caused both these parts above mentioned, the one for one religion, the other for an other, to suffer together. 
Two together laid upon the hirdle: the one a Papist the other a Protestant.  For as the one part of the Counsel called upon the execution of Barnes, Garret, & Jerome, so the other part likewise called upon the execution of the law upon powel, Fetherstone, and Abel. Which six being condemned and drawn to the place of execution, two upon an hyrdle, one being a Papist, the other a Protestant, thus after a strange manner were brought into Smithfield, where all the said six together for contrary doctrine suffered death, three by the fire for the Gospel, the other three by hanging, drawing, and quartering for Popery.  
Allen Cope in his worshipful Dialogues, making mention of these three aforesaid, powel, Fetherstone, 
Alane Cope.  and Abel, amongst other which died in king Henry's days in the like Popish quarrel, that is, for the like treason against their Prince (being in all to the number of 24.) extolleth them not only in words, but with miracles also, up to the height of heaven, among the crowned Martyrs, 
Traitors made Martyrs.  & Saints of God. To the which Cope, because in this haste of story, I have no leisure at this present to give attendance, I shall wait attendance (the Lord willing) an other time, to join in this issue with him more at leisure. In the mean time, it shall suffice at this present, to recite the names only of those 24. rebels, whom he of his Popish devotion so dignifieth with the pretenced title of Martyrs. The names of which Monkish rebels be these here following.  

john Houghton.  
Robert Laurence.  
Aug. Webster.  
Reynald of Zion.  
john Hail.  
john Rochester.  
jac. Wannere.  
john Stone. 
24. neither good martyrs to god▪ nor good subjects to the king.   
john Traverse.  
William Horn.  
powel.  
Fetherstone.  
Abel.   
Beside these were other ix. Cartusian Monks which died in the prison of Newgate. To the which number if ye add M. More, and the Bishop of Rochester, the summa totalis cometh to 24. whom the said Cope unjustly crowned for Martyrs. But of these more shall be said (the Lord willing) hereafter.  
Thus having discoursed the order of the vi. Articles, with other matter likewise following in the next Parliament, concerning the condemnation of the Lord Cromwell, of Doct. Barnes, and his fellows. etc. Let us now (proceeding further in this history) consider what great disturbance and vexation ensued after the setting forth of the said Articles, through the whole Realm of England, especially amongst the godly sort. Wherein first were to be mentioned the strait and severe commissions sent forth by the kings authority, to the Bishops, Chauncelors, Officials, to justices, Majors, & Bailiffs in every shire, 
Great disturbance in England after the 6. articl●●.  and other Commissioners by name in the same commissions expressed, and amongst other, especially to Edmund Boner Bishop of London, to the Mayor, sheriffs, and Aldermen of the same, to inquire diligently upon all heretical books, and to burn them, also to inquire upon such persons whatsoever culpable or suspected of such felonies, heresies, contempts, or transgressions, or speaking any words contrary the foresaid Act set forth of the six Articles. 
Read before, pag. 1101.  The tenor of which Commissions being sufficiently expressed in ancient Records, and in the bishops Registers, and also partly touched before, pag. 1101. therefore for tediousness I here omit, only showing forth the Commission directed to Edmund Boner Bishop of London, to take the oath of the Mayor of London, and of others, for the execution of the Commission aforesaid. The tenor whereof here followeth.   

¶ The Commission for taking the oath of the Mayor of London, and others, for the execution of the Act aforesaid.  
HEnry the eight by the grace of God, king of England and of France, defender of the faith, Lord of Ireland, and in earth supreme head of the Church of England, unto the Reverend father in Christ Edmund Boner Bishop of London, 
Commission directed to Edm. Boner bishop of London from the king.  and to his well-beloved the bishops Chancellor, health. Know ye that we have given you jointly and severally power and authority to receive the oaths of William Roche Mayor of London, john Allen Knight, Raffe Warren Knight, Rich. Gresham Knight, Roger Chomley Knight, Sergeant at Law, john Gresham, Michael Dormer Archdeacon of London, the bishops Commissary and Official, Robert Chidley, Gwy Crayford, Edward Hall, Robert Broke, and john Morgan, and every of them our Commissioners for heresies and other offences done within our City of London, and Diocese of the same, according to the tenor of a certain schedule hereunto annexed. And therefore we command that you receive the oaths aforesaid, and when you have received them, to certify us into our Chancery under your Seals, returning this our writ. T. meipso▪ at Westminster the 29 of january in the 32. year of our reign.  
What the oath was of these Commissioners, whereunto they were bound, read before, pag. 1101.   

* A note how Boner sat in the Guildhall in Commission for the vi. Articles. And of the condemning of Mekins.  
Upon this commission given unto Edmund Boner, he coming to the Guildhall with other Commissioners, 
The story of Rich. Mekins condemned by Boner.  to sit upon the Statute of the vi. Articles, begun eftsoons to put in execution his authority after a rigorous sort, as ye shall hear. And first he charged certain juries, to take their oath upon the Statute aforesaid: who being sworn had a day appointed to give their Uerdicte. At the which day they indicted sundry persons, which shortly after were apprehended & brought to Ward, who after a while remaining there, were by the king & his Counsel discharged at the Star chamber, without any further punishment.  
Not long after this, Sir Wil Roche being Maior, Boner with other Commissioners, sat at the Guildhall aforesaid, before whom there were a certain number of Citizens warned to appear, and after the Commission read, the said parties were called to the book, and when v. or vi. were sworn, one of the said people being called to the book, Boner seemed to mislike, and said: Stay a while, my Masters (quoth he) I would ye should consider this matter well that we have in hand, which concerneth the glory of God, the honour of the king, and the wealth of the Realm, and if there be any here among you, that doth not consider the same, it were better that he were hence then here. Then commoned the Commissioners with Boner about that man, so that at length he was called to the book and sworn, not all together with his good will.  
When the ij. juries were sworn, Boner taketh upon him to give the charge unto the juries, and began with a tale of Anacarsis, by which example, he admonished the juries to spare no persons, 
Rich. Mekins presented by Boner.  of what degree soever they were. And at the end of his charge he brought forth to the bar a boy, whose name was Mekins, declaring how grievously he had offended by speaking of certain words against the state, and of the death of Doct. Barnes: & produced into the said Court ij. witnesses, which were there sworn in the face of the Court. So a day was assigned, upon which the juries aforesaid should give up their Uerdict: at which day both the Commissioners, & the said juries met at Guildhall aforesaid. Then the Clerk of the peace called on the juries by their names, & when their appearance was taken, 
W. Robin's Iurer.  Boner bade them put in their presentmentes. Then said the foreman, whose name was W. Robins of that Iury. My Lord (with a low courtesy) we have found nothing. At which words he fared as one in an agony, & said: Nothing? have ye found nothing? What nothing? By the faith I own to God (quoth he) to the foreman, I would trust you upon your obligation: but by your oath I will trust you nothing. Then said some of the Commissioners: My Lord, give them a longer day. No (quoth he) in London they ever find nothing. I pray you, what say you to Mekins? My Lord, quoth the foreman, we can say nothing to him, for we find the witnesses to disagree. One affirmeth that he should say the Sacrament was nothing but a ceremony, & the other nothing but a signification. Why, quoth Boner, did he not say, that Barnes died holy? Then pausing a while, he bade call the other Iury. Put in your Uerdict, quoth he. My Lord said one, we have found nothing. 
Ralph Foxley 〈◊〉.  jesus quoth he, is not this a strange case.  
Then spoke one of the same jury, whose name was Ralph Foxley, & said: My Lord when you gave us charge, we desired to have the Persons & Curates of every Parish to give us instructions, 
Thi● Recorder 〈…〉 Rog. 〈◊〉.  and it was denied us. Then stood up the Recorder and said, it was true in deed that he had spoken, and therewithal said, this last year were charged two juries, which did many things naughtily and foolishly, and did as much as in them lay, 
 to make an uproar among the Kings people, & therefore it was thought not meet, that they should give information to you. Nay, nay, quoth Boner, this was the cause: I● the Person or Curate should give information according to his knowledge, then what will they say? I must tell my confession to a knave priest, and he shall go by and by and open it. What, said my Lord Mayor, there is no man (I trow) that will say so. Yes by my troth, quoth Boner, knave Priest, knave Priest. Then said the Lord Maior, 
 somewhat smiling, there be some of them slipper fellows, and as men find them, so will they oft times report. Boner not well contented with those words, said to the jury: My masters, what say you to Mekins? They answered, the witnesses do not agree, therefore we do not allow them. Why, quod Boner, this court hath allowed them. Then said one of the jury to the Recorder: Is it sufficient for our discharge, if this court do allow them? Yea, said the Recorder, it is sufficient, & said: Go you aside together a while, & bring in your verdict. After the jury had talked together a little while, they returned to the bar again with their indictment, which at Boners' hand was friendly received: so both they and the other jury were discharged, & bidden take their ease. Thus ended the court for that day. 
 Shortly after they sat for life and death. Mekins being brought to the bar, and the indictment read. Boner said to him: Mekins confess the truth, and submit thyself unto the King's law that thy death may be an example to all other.  
This Rich. Mekins being a child, which passed not the age of fifteen years (as Halle reporteth) as he had heard some other folks talk, 
 so chanced he to speak against the sacrament of the altar. Which coming to Boners ears, he never left him (as afore doth plainly appear) before he had brought him to the fire. During the time of his imprisonment, neither his poor father nor mother for fear durst aid him with any relief: whereby he there endured in great misery. At what time he was brought unto the stake, he was taught to speak much good of the Bishop of London, and of the great charity he showed to him, and to defy and detest all heretics and heresies, but specially Doctor Barnes, unto whom he imputed the learning of that heresy, which was the cause of his death. The poor lad would for safeguard of his life, 
 have gladly said that the xii. Apostles had taught it him: such was his childish innocency and fear. But for this deed many spoke and said, it was great shame for the Bishop, whose part and duty it had been rather to have laboured to save his life, then to procure that terrible execution, seeing that he was such an ignorant soul, that he knew not what the affirming of heresy was.   

¶ Richard Spenser, Ramsey, and one Hewet, suffered at Salisbury.  
ABout the same time also a certain Priest was burned at Salisbury, who leaving his Papistry, had married a wife, and became a player in interludes, 
 with one Ramsey and Hewet, which three were all condemned and burned: Against whom, and specially against Spenser, was laid matter concerning the Sacrament of the altar. He suffered at Salisbury.  
Although this Inquisition above mentioned was meant properly and especially concerning the vj. Articles, 
 yet so it fell out, that in short space doubts began to rise and to be moved by the Quest, whether they might inquire as well of all other opinions, articles, and cases of Lollardy, or for speaking against holy bread, holy water, or for favouring the cause of Barnes, of Friar Warde, 
 Sir Thomas Rose, etc. Whereupon great perturbation followed in all Parishes almost through London in the year aforesaid, which was 1541. as here ensueth in a brief summary Table to be seen.   

¶ A brief Table of the troubles at London, in the vj. Articles time.  
Persons presented. Their causes. john Dixe. THis Dixe was noted never to be confessed in Lente, nor to receive at Easter, 
 and to be a sacramentary. Rich. Chepeman. Chepeman, for eating flesh in Lente, and for working on holidays, and not coming to the Church. Mistress Cicely Martial. Cicely, for not bearing her Palm, and despising holy bread and holy water. Michael Hawks. Hawks, for not coming to the Church, & receiving young men of the new learning. M. john Browne. Browne, for bearing with Barnes. Anne's, Bedikes wife. Bedikes wife, for despising our Lady, and not praying to Saints. 

Andrew Kempe.  
William Pahen.  
Richard Manerd.   Kempe, Pahen, Manerd, for disturbing the service of the Church with brabbling of the new Testament. William Wyders. Wyders denied two years before, 
The parish of trinity the little.  the Sacrament to be Christ's body, and said that it was but only a sign. Willi. Stokesley. Stokesley, for rebuking his wife at the Church, for taking holy water. Roger Davy. Davy, for speaking against worshipping of Saints. M. Blage. M. Blage, for not coming to his parish Church, not confessing, nor receiving. Wil Clinch. For saying, when he seethe a Priest preparing to the Mass, ye shall see a Priest now go to masking. 
S. john Baptist in Walbroke.  Item, for calling the bishop of Winchester, false flattering knave. Item, for burying his wife without Dirige, and causing the Scotte of S. Katherine's to preach the next day after the burial. Wil Plain. Plain, seeing a Priest go to Mass, said, now you shall see one in masking. Item, when he came to the Church with loud reading the english bible, he disturbed the divine service. 

Herman johnson.  

S. Buttolph's at Billingsgate.  Jerome Akon.  
Giles Hosteman.  
Rich. Bonfeld.  
Tho. Couper.  
Humphrey Skinner.  
joh. Sneudnam.  
Rich. Philip's.  
john Celos.   These ix. persons were presented, for that they were not confessed in Lente, nor had received at Easter. 

john. jones.  
Wil Wright.  
Peter Butcher.  
Roger Butcher.   
S. Nicholas in ●he flesh shambles.  These four were presented for not keeping the divine service in the holidays. Brisleys wife. Brisleys wife, for busy reasoning on the new learning, and not keeping the Church. Mistress Castle. 
S. An●●ewes in Holborn.  M. Castle for being a meddler and a reader of the Scripture in the Church. M. Galias of Bernardes' Inn. M. Galias, for withstanding the Curate sensing the altars on Corpus Christi even, and saying openly that he did nought. M. Pates of David's Inn. M. Pates and M. Galias, for vexing the Curate in the body of the Church, in declaring the King's Injunctions, & reading the bishops book, so that he had much ado to make an end. Wil Becks and his wife. 
S. Mildred in Bredstret  Becks and his wife suspected to be Sacramentaries, and for not creeping to the cross on good Friday. 

Thomas Langhan.  
Wil Thomas.  
Rich. Becks.  
Wil Becks.   These four were presented for interrupting the divine service. Ralph Symonds. Symondes for not keeping our Lady's Mass, which he was bound to keep. joh. Smith prentice. Smith, for saying, that he had rather hear the crying of dogs, than Priests singing Matins or Evensong. 

Tho. Bele.  
joh. Sturgeon.  
joh. Wiltshire.  
Tho. Simon.  
Ralph Cleruis, and his wife.  
james Banaster.  
Nicolas Barker.  
john Sterky.  
Christofer Smith.  
Thom. Net.   These xj. persons of Saint Magnus' parish, 
S. Magnus' parish.  were presented and accused, for maintaining of certain preachers, as than it was called, of the new learning, as Wisdom, Rose, friar Ward, sir Wil Smith, aliâs Wright. Nich. Philip's. Philip's for mainteing heretics and scripture books, and for using neither fasting, nor prayer. Rich. Bygges. Bigges, for despising holy bread, putting it in the throat of a bitch, and for not looking up to the elevation. Mistress Elizabeth Statham. For maintaining in her house Latimer, Barnes, Garret, 
S. Marry Magdalene in Milkestre●e.  Jerome, and divers other. john Duffet. Duffet for marrying a woman, which was thought to be a Nun. Wil Hilliard. Hilliard & Duffet for maintaining Barns, Jerome, 
S. Owen's parish in Newgate market.  and Garret, with other more. 

Grafton.  
Whitchurch.   Grafton and Whitchurch suspected not to have been confessed. 
S. Martin's at the well with two buckets.  

joh. Grene.  
Mother Palmer.  
Christop. Cootes.  
Wil Selly.  
Alexander Frere.  
Wil Bredy.  
john Bush.  
W. Somerton.  
George Durant.  
M. David's prentice.   All these being of the parish of S. Martin's, at the well with ij. buckets, were presented for contemning the ceremonies of the Church. Also some for walking in the sacring time, with their caps on. Some for turning their heads away. Some for sitting at their doors when sermons were in the Church, etc. Rob. Andrew. Andrew, for receiving heretics into his house, 
S. michael's in Woodstrete.  and keeping disputation of heresy there. 

joh. Williamson.  
Tho. Buge.  
Tho. Gilbert.  
W. Hickson.  
Rob. Daniel.  
Rob. Smitton.   These other six were suspected to be Sacramentaries, and rank heretics, and procurers of heretics to preach, and to be followers of their doctrine. joh. Mayler. To be a Sacramentary, and a railer against the Mass. 
S. Buttolphes 〈◊〉 Billingesgate.  Rich. Bilby Draper. Bilby presented for saying these words, that Christ is not present in the blessed sacrament. 

Henry Patinson.  
Anthony Barber.  
Rob. Norman.   These two were detected for maintaining their boys to sing a song against the sacrament of the alter. 
S Gyles without Cripplegate.  Also Patinson came not to confession. Norman also refused to come to confession, saying, that none of his servants should be shriven of a kna. priest. joh. Humphrey. For speaking against the sacraments and ceremonies of the Church. 
Ex Reg. Lond.  

Wil Smith, and his wife  
john Cook and his wife.   These ij. couples were presented for not coming to service in their Parish Church, and for saying, it was lawful for Priests to have wives. 

W. Gate or Cote.  
Wil Aston.  
john Humphrey.  
john Cook.   To these four it was laid, for saying that the Mass was made of pieces and patches. Also for depraving of matins, Mass, and Evensong. 

joh. Miles and his wife.  
joh. Millen.  
joh. Robinson.  
Rich. Millar.  
joh. green and his wife.  
Arnold Chost.   All these were put up for railing against the Sacraments and Ceremonies. 

joh. Crosdall.  
joh. Clerk.  
joh. Owell.   These three labouring men, for not coming to divine service on holidays: and for labouring in the same. 
S. Gyles without Cryplegate.  

Tho. Granger.  
joh. Dictier.   Noted for common syngars against the sacraments and ceremonies. 

joh. Sutton and his wife.  
joh. Segar.   These three were noted to be despisers of auricular confession. 

joh. Raulins.  
joh. Shiler.  
W. Chalinger.  
joh. Edmunds.  
joh. Richmond & his wife.   For despising holy bread and holy water, and letting divine service. Margaret Smith. For dressing fleshemeate in Lent. 

Tho. Trentham.  
Rob. Granger.   For reasoning against the sacrament of the altar, and saying that the sacrament was a good thing, but it was not as men took it, very God. 

W. Petyngale.  
Wil May and his wife.  
john Henrison, & his wife.  
Rob. Welsh.  

S. Thomas the Apostle.  joh. Benglosse.  
joh. Pitly.  
Henry Foster.  
Rob. Causy.  
W. Pinchbecke & his wife.   All these thirteen were put up by the Inquisition, for giving small reverence at the sacring of the Mass. Martin bishops wife. She was presented by her Curate for being not shriven in Lente, 
S. Benet Fynch.  nor receiving at Easter. Also she did set light by the curate, when he told her thereof. Rob. plat and his wife. These were great reasoners in Scripture, saying that they had it of the spirit: and that confession availeth nothing: and that he not able to read, would use no beads. 

Tho. Aduet.  
joh. Palmer.  
Rob. Cook.   

S. Michael at Queen hyth.  The cause laid to these three persons, was for reasoning of the scripture, & of the sacraments.  
The Register saith, that they denied all the Sacraments, But this Popish hyperbole will find little credit, where experience acquainted with popish practices, sitteth to be the judge.  joh. Cocks. This man was noted for a great searcher out of new preachers, & maintainer of Barnes opinions. 

joh. Bolts.  
* Tho. Kelde.   Forbidding his wife to use beads. * He refused to take penance & absolution, & did eat flesh upon a Friday before Lent. 
S. Marry Wolchurch.  Nich▪ newel. Newel a frenchman presented to be a man far gone in the new sect: & that he was a great jester at the saints & at our Lady. 

joh. Hawkins and his servant.  

Ex Regist. Lond.  Tho. Chamberlain and his wife.  
john Curteys.  
M. Dissel, his wife and his servant.   These eight were great reasoners and despisers of ceremonies. The Curate of S. Katherine Colman. 
He was noted for calling of suspect persons to his Sermons by a beadle, without ringing of any bell: 
S. Katherine. Colman.  and when he preached, he left his matters doubtful.  
Item, for preaching without the commandment of his Parson.  
Item, for that he was a Scotishe Friar, driven out of his country for heresy.  Tulle Bustre, his wife, and his son in law. These were noted for coming seldom to the Church, and many times were seen to labour upon the holidays. Wil Ettis and his wife. Ettis and his wife were noted for maintaining certain preachers: 
 and for causing one taverner being no Priest, to preach against the King's Injunctions. 

Merifield and his son in law.  
Nicholas russel.  
The goodman of the Saracens head in Fridaystreete.  
W. Callaway.  
Io. Gardiner, with three prentices.   Against this company, presentation was made for gathering together in the evening, and for bringing ill preachers, (that is to say, good preachers) amongst the people. Tho. Plummer. This Tho. was presented for saying, that the blessed Sacrament was to him that doth take it, so: & to him that doth not, was not so. Shermons. Shermons, keeper of the Carpenter's Hall in Christ's parish, 
 was presented for procuring an interlude to be openly played, wherein Priests were railed on, and called knaves. 

jews Moral, a servant.  
james Ogule, and his wife.   Noted not to have been confessed certain years before. Tho. Babam. Accused not to have been confessed nor houseled in his parish Church. 
 The person & Curate of S. Antlin. For not using the ceremonies in making holy-water, 
 nor keeping their processions on saturdays. Lewis Bromfield. For not taking his housel, 
 and for absenting himself from the Church on holidays. 

john Sempe.  
john Goffe..   For despraising a certain Antyme of our Lady, 
 beginning Te matrem, etc. saying that there is heresy in the same. Gilbert Godfre. For absenting himself from the Church on holidays. Th. caps priest. For saying these words, that the Sacrament of the altar was but a memory & a remembrance of the Lords death. 
 Io. Mailer, Grocer For calling the sacrament of the altar, the baken God: and for saying that the Mass was called beyond the Sea, Miss, 
 for that all is amiss in it. joh. Hardyman, Priest. Hardyman, parson of S. Martin's in Yremunger lane, presented for preaching openly, that confession is confusion & deformation: 
 & that the butcherly ceremonies of the church were to be abhorred. Also for saying, what a mischief is this to esteem the sacraments to be of such virtue, for in so doing, they take the glory of God from him: & for saying that faith in Christ is sufficient without any other sacraments to justify. 
Ex 〈…〉  Christopher Dray Plummer. For saying of the sacrament of the altar, 
 that it was not offered up for remission of sins: and that the body of Christ was not there, but only by representation and signification of the thing. Rob Ward, Shoemaker. Presented by three witnesses for holding against the Sacrament of the altar, 
 he died in prison in Breadstreet. Nicolas Oats. For not coming to the housel at easter, he was sent to Newgate. 
 

Herman Peterson.  
james Gosson.  
Rich. White, Haberdasher.   
For not coming to shrift & housel at the time of Easter. These were committed to prison in Bredestrete.  
For saying, that he did not think that Christ was in the sacrament of the altar within the sepulchre, 
S. Ola●es in the old Jury.  but in heaven above.  

Giles Harison.  
Rich. Bostocke, Priest.   
Harison being in a place without Algate merrily jesting in a certain company of neighbours, where some of them said: let us go to Mass: I say, tarry, said he: 
〈◊〉 without Alga●e.  and so taking a piece of bread in his hands, lift it up over his head: And likewise taking a cup of wine, & bowing down his head made therewith a cross over the cup, and so taking the said cup in both his hands, lift it over his head: saying these words: have ye not heard mass now? For that which he was presented to Boner then B. of London. Against whom came these witnesses.  

Thomas castle. Witnesses against Giles.  
Andrew Morice. Witnesses against Giles.  
W. Grene. Witnesses against Giles.  
john Margetson. Witnesses against Giles.   
For saying that auricular confession hath killed more souls, them all the bills, clubs, & halters have done, sithence K. Henry was king of England. etc. Also for saying, that the water in Thames hath as much virtue as the water which the priests do hallow.  

Margaret Ambsworth.  
john Leicester.   For having no reverence to the sacrament at sacring time. Item, for instruction of maids, & being a great Doctress. 

W. Raynold.  
Christ. Tounesend.  
Tho. David, Skinner▪  
Tho. Mab's.  
Tho. Starchey.  
Christ. Holybread.  
Martin Donam.  
W. Derby.   All these noted & presented for maintaining of Barnes & such other preachers, & many of their wives for not taking holy bread, nor going in procession on Sundays. 
Aldermanburic.  Laurence Maxwell, Bricklayer. For speaking and reasoning against auricular confession. joh. Coygnes, or Lyvelond. 
S. Martin's the great.  For holding against the sacrament of the altar, and not receiving at Easter. Gerard Frise. Presented by two witnesses, for affirming that a Sermon preached is better than the sacrament of the altar, 
S. Clements without 〈…〉.  and that he had rather go to hear a sermon, 
S· Katherine's.  then to hear a Mass. Dominicke Williams Frenchman. For not receiving the Sacrament of the altar at Easter. 

Tho. Lancaster priest  
Gough.   
Lay in the Counter in the Pultrye, for compiling & bringing over books prohibited.  
Item, Gough the Stacioner troubled for resorting unto him.  Friar Warde. Laid in the Counter in bred street, for marrying one Elizabeth to his wife, after his vow made of chastity. Friar Wilcocke. Wilcock a scottish friar prisoned in the Fleet, for preaching against confession, holy-water, against praying to saints, & for souls departed, against purgatory, and holding that priests might have wives. etc. joh tailor D. in Divinity. D. Taylor presented for preaching at S. Brides in Fleetestreet, that it is as profitable to a man to hear mass, & see the Sacrament, as to kiss judas mouth, which kissed Christ our saviour. etc. W. Tolwine, Person of S. Anthony's. 
Presented and examined before Edm. Boner, for permitting Alexand. Seton to preach in his church having no licence of his ordinary, & also for allowing the Sermons of the said Alexander Seton, which he preached against D. Smith.  
To the said Tolwine moreover it was objected, that he used the space of ij. years, to make holy water, leaving out the general exorcism, beginning Exorciso te. etc. using these words for the same: Benedicite: Dominus. Ab eo fit benedicta, a cuius latere fluxit sanguis & aqua: Adjoining thereto, 
Tolwins making of holy water.  commixio salis & aquae fiat in nomine patris, & filii, & spiritus Sancti.  
The like usage of making holy water was also used in Aldermary Church where Doct. Crome was, & in Honey lane.  
Against this objection thus Tolwine defended himself saying: that he took occasion so to do by the kings Injunctions, which say, that ceremonies should be used, all ignorance & superstition set apart.  
In the end this Tolwyne was forced to stand at paul's cross to recant his doctrine & doings.  

Rob. Wisdom.  
Tho. Becon, Preacher.   The same time also Robert Wisdom, 
The recantation of W. Tolwin.  parish Priest of S. Katherine's in Lothbery, and Tho. Becon, were brought to Paul's cross, to recant and to revoke their doctrine, and to burn their books. Sir George Parker, Person of S. Pancras. This priest and parson of S. Pancras, 
Little Allhalowes.  and Curate of little All-hallows, was noted, suspected and convented before the Ordinary for certain books, especially, for having unio dissidentium. etc. Sir john Birch Priest. I. Byrch priest of S. Botolphes lane was complained of by one M. Wilson, for being a busy reasoner in certain opinions, which agreed not with the pope's church. Alexander Seton a Scottishman and a worthy Preacher. Alexander Seton was denounced, detected, & presented by 3. priests, 
Alex. Seton chaplain to the Duke of Suffolk.  of whom one was fellow of Whittington college called Rich. Taylor. An other was joh. Smith. The third was joh. Huntingdon, who after was converted to the same doctrine himself.  
This Seton was chaplain to the duke of Suffolk and by him was made free Denison. In his sermon preached at S. Anthony's, his adversaries picked against him matter containing 15. objections, or rather cavillations which for example I thought here to exhibit to the reader, to the intent that men may see, not only what true doctrine Seton then preached, consonant to the Scriptures: but also what wrangling cavillers can do, in depraving that is right, or in wresting that is well meant, or in carping that they understand not, or in seeking out faults where none is, as by these their sinister cavillations may appear.   

* Certain places or Articles, gathered out of Seton's Sermons by his adversaries.  
THe sayings and words of Alexander Seton spoken & preached by him in his sermon, 
Articles gathered out of Alex Seton's sermons by his adversaries.  made the xiii. day of November, at afternoon in the Parish Church of S. A. in London, Paul saith, of ourselves we can do nothing I pray thee then where is thy will? Art thou any better than Paul, james, Peter, and all the Apostles? Hast thou any more grace than they? Tell me now if thy will be any thing or nothing. If it be any thing, tell me whether it be to do good, or ill? If thou say to do ill, I will grant thou hast a greater deal. If thou say to do good, I ask whether is more somewhat, or nothing? For Paul said he could do nothing and I am sure thou hast no more grace, than Paul and his companions.  
Scripture speaketh of three things in man: the first is will: the other two are consent and deed. The first (that is will) God worketh without us, 
1. Will. 2. Consent. 3. Deed. No will in man of himself to do good.  and besides us. The other two he worketh in us, and with us. And here he alleged S. Augustine, to prove that we can will nothing that is good. Moreover he said, thou hast not one jot, no not one title to do any good.  
There is nothing in heaven, nor earth, creature nor other, that can be any mean towards our justification nor can or may satisfy God the father for our sin, save only Christ, and the shedding of his blood.  
He that preacheth that works do merit, or be any mean to our salvation, or any part of our justification preacheth a doctrine of the devil. 
Ou● works merit nothing to salvation.   
If any thing else save only Christ, be any mean towards our justification, than did not Christ only justify us.  
I say that thy good works, nor any thing that thou canst do, can be one jot or title towards thy justification. For if they be, then is not Christ a full justifier, and that I will prove by a familiar example. Be it in case that I have .2. servants, the one is called john, and the other Robert, & I promise to send you such a day xx.l. by john my servant and at my day I send you by john my servant nineteen. l.xix. s. xi. d. ob. q. and there lacketh but one farthing, which Robert doth bring thee, and so thou hast thy xx.l. every penny and farthing. Yet will I ask if I be true of my promise, or no, and thou mayst say nay. And why? because I promised to send thee that whole, xx. pound by john and did not, for there lacked a farthing, which Robert brought. Wherefore I say, if thy works do merit or bring one little jot or title toward thy justification, then is Christ false of his promise, which said that he would do altogether.  
One Scripture I will bring you (which they can not writhe) to prove that Christ was only promised to be our only justifier, our only mean, and that is in the xxij. of Genesis, where it is written: In thy seed shall all people be blessed, meaning thereby only Christ: and he said not in thy seeds, nor in the works of thy seeds. Wherefore all they that preach, that works be any part or mean toward our justification, do make God false of his promise.  
They that preach that works do merit, do make works the tree, which are but the fruits of justice, wrought by him that is already a just man, which can not choose but bring forth good fruit.  
I would ask a question, whether he that worketh be a good man, 

Good fruits make not a good man, but a good man cannot c●use but to make good fruits.  
Man's works made checkmate with christ   or bad, for he must be one of them. If he be a good man, he can not choose but bring forth good fruits: if he be an ill man, he can bring forth no fruit, but ill fruit, for a good tree cannot bring forth ill fruit.  
He that saith that works do merit any thing towards our salvation, doth make works check mate with Christ & plucketh from Christ that is his, & giveth it to works. Some will ask, wherefore then should I do good works? I answer, good works are to be done for no cause else, but only for the glory of God, and not that they do merit any thing at all. And he that saith that works are to be done for any other cause, than for the glory of God only and will have them to merit, or be any mean towards our justification, I say he lieth, and believe him not.  
He that can show me in any scripture, that works do merit, or by any mean to our justification: for the first scripture I will (without any further judgement) lose both mine ears, for the second, my tongue, and for the third my neck. For I dare say he cannot prove in all the whole scripture one title: wherefore believe them not.  
Men say that we deny good works, and fasting, and prayer. 
The Papists belie the protestants, as though they denied good works.  They lie on us, we deny nothing but popish works, and popish fasting, and popish prayer, & he that preacheth that works do merit, or fasting doth merit, or prayer doth merit, doth preach a popish doctrine.  
If you ask when we will leave preaching of works, even when they do leave to preach that works do merit, & suffer Christ to be a whole satisfier, & only mean to our justification, & till then, we will not cease in God's cause to set forth only Christ to be a full & perfect, & only satisfaction.  
If you ask, if good works shallbe rewarded, I say yea, and with no less than eternal glory, 
Good works how they be rewarded.  but for no merit that they deserve, for they deserve nothing: but only because god hath promised, not for the merit of the work, but for his promise sake, and he will not break his promise.  

Other articles gathered out of Seton's Sermons.  
TOuching reconciliation spoken of by D. Smith, preaching in the forenoon at Paul's cross, 
Other articles out of Seton's s●rmons. 2. Cor. 5.  Alexander Seton preaching at afternoon, at S. Anthony's, & reciting his sayings & scriptures, reproved him for alleging this saying, Reconciliamini deo, & englishing the same thus, reconcile yourselves to God: because it is there spoken passively, & not actively, so that there should be nothing in man pertaining to reconciliation, but all in God.  
Also reproving the said D. Smith, for that the said D. said, that man by his good works might merit. Which saying of D. Smith, the said Alexander Seton reproved in the pulpit at S. Anthony's, the 13. day of November, the year of our Lord 1541. as naughtily spoken.  
Moreover the said Alexander Seton said in the same place, that it was shame that any such preacher should be suffered so openly to preach such erroneous doctrine, as to say that works should merit, adducing: non sunt condignae passiones, etc. Et postquam feceritis omnia. etc.  
Finally Seton said, peradventure ye will say the church hath determined this matter touching works. And I say (quoth he) that it is Ecclesia malignantium, so determining any thing against scripture.  
To these pretenced objections of his adversaries, he made his answer again by writing, first denying many things there presented, taking upon his conscience, that he never spoke divers of those words: and again many things, that he never meant to such end nor purpose, as in the said register may appear. But all this notwithstanding, for all that he could say for himself, the ordinary proceeded in his consistory judgement, ministering to him certain Interogatories (after the popish course) to the number of x. articles The greatest matter laid against him was for preaching free justification by faith in Christ jesus, 
Seton b●●ring a 〈◊〉 at Paul's cross.  against false confidence in good works, & man's fire wil Also it was laid unto him, for affirming the private masses & diriges, & other prayers profited not the souls departed: so that in the end, he with Tolwing aforesaid was caused to recant at paul's cross. an. 1541.  

Add to these aforesaid, D. Taylor Parson of S. Peter's in Cornhill.  
South, Parish priest of all-hallows in Lombardstreet.  
Some, Priest.  
Giles, the kings Beerebrewer at the red Lion, in S Katherine's.  
Tho. Lancaster, Priest. All which were imprisoned likewise for the 6. Articles.   
To be short, such a number out of all parishes in London & out of Calais: and divers other quarters, 

All prison's in London to little to hold them that were taken for the vi. articles.  
The Lord Audly Lo●● Chancellor of England.   were than apprehended through the said Inquisition, that all prisons in London were to little to hold them, in so much that they were fain to lay them in the halls. At the last by the means of good L. Audley, such pardon was obtained of the king, that the said L. Audley, then L. Chancellor, being content that one should be bound for another, they were all discharged, being bound only to appear in the star chamber the next day after All souls, there to answer if they were called: but neither was there any person called, neither did there any appear.    

¶ The story of john Porter, cruelly Martyred for reading the Bible in Paul's.  
IN the number of these afore named, cometh the remembrance of john Porter, 
A story of john Porter Martyr.  who in the same year 1541. for reading the Bible in Paul's Church, was cruelly handled and that unto death, as you shall hear. It was declared in this history above, pag. 1162. how Edm. Boner Bishop of London (in the days of the L. Cromwell) being then Ambassador at Paris, 
The bible commanded by the king to be set up in Churches. Read befor● pag. 1069.  was a great Doer in setting forward the Printing of the Bible in the great volume: promising moreover, that he would for his part have 6. of those Bible's set up in the Church of S. Paul in London. Which also at his coming home, he no less performed, according to the kings proclamation set forth for the same, whereof read before, pag. 1069.  
The bibles thus standing in Paul's by the commandment of the king, and the appointment of Boner the bishop, many well disposed people used much to resort to the hearing thereof, especially when they could get any that had an audible voice to read unto them, misdoubting therein no danger toward them: and no more there was, so long as the days of Cromwell lasted. After he was gone, it happened amongst divers and sundry godly disposed people, which frequented there the reading of the foresaid Bible. that one john Porter used sometimes to be occupied in that godly exercise, to the edifying as well of himself, as of other. This Porter was a fresh young man, and of a big stature. Who by diligent reading of the Scripture, and by hearing of such Sermons as then were preached by them that were the setters forth of God's truth, 
Ann. 1541.  became very expert. The Bible then being set up by Boners' commandment upon divers pillars in Paul's Church fixed unto the same with chains for all men to read in them that would, 
I. Porter a great rea●der in the Bible at Paul's.  great multitudes would resort thither to hear this Porter, because he could read well and had an audible voice. Boner & his chappeleines being grieved withal (& the world beginning then to frown upon the Gospelers) sent for the said Porter, and rebuked him very sharply, 
Boner and his chaplains gree●ed with the By●le● which he before caused to 〈◊〉 up him●●lfe.  for his reading. But Porter answered him that he trusted he had done nothing contrary to the law, neither contrary to his advertisements which he had fixed in print over every Bible.  
Boner thē●ayd unto his charge, that he had made expositions upon the text, and gathered great multitudes about him to make tumults. He answered: he trusted that should not be proved by him. But in fine Boner sent him to Newgate, where he was miserably fettered in irons both legs and arms, 
I. Po●ter sent to Newgate by Boner.  with a colour of iron about his neck fastened to the wall in the dungeon, being there so cruelly handled, that he was compelled to send for a kinsman of his whose name is also Porter, and yet alive and can testify that is true, 
This Porter was alive at the writing hereof.  & dwelleth yet without Newgate. Who seeing his kinsman in this miserable case entreated jewet, than keeper of Newgate, that he might be released out of those cruel irons, and so through friendship and money, had him up among other prisoners, which lay there for felony and murder: where Porter being amongst them, hearing and seeing their wickedness and blasphemy exhorted them to amendment of life, 
The cruel handling of I. Porter in Newgate.  and gave unto them such instructions as he had learned of the Scriptures: for which his so doing he was complained on and so carried down, and laid in the lower dungeon of all, oppressed with bolts and irons, where within 6. or 8. days after, he was found dead.  
It is signified unto us by credible information, that the same night before he was found dead, they that dwelled near to the same place of the prison where Porter lay, 
The death & mart●rd●me of I. Porter.  did hear him piteously to groan and make a lamentable noise, where some suppose that he was put in certain straight irons which be there in the house, called The devil on the neck, being after an horrible sort devised, straining & wrinching the neck of a man with his legs together, in such sort as the more he stirreth in it, the straiter it presseth him, so that within 3. or 4. hours, it breaketh & crusheth a man's back and body in pieces. In which Devilish torment, whether john Porter was slain or no, it is not certain. But how so ever it was, this is known, that he was found dead (as is aforesaid) in the dungeon, with such groaning and piteous noise heard the night before in the said dungeon, as is declared.   

A note of one Thomas summers imprisoned for the Gospel.  
AMongst these Londoners thus troubled by the clergy we will add also (although a little out of place) an other note of a Merchant called Tho. summers, 
The penance of Th. summers, Merchant.  who died in the Tower of London for confessing of the Gospel. Which Tho. being a very honest Merchant and wealthy, was sent for by the Lord Cardinal and committed to the Tower, for that he had Luther's books (as they termed them) and after a great suit made for him to the said Cardinal, his judgement was that he should ride from the tower into Cheapside carrying a new book in his hand and be hanged with books round about him, with three or iiij, other Merchants after the same order: which was done. And when M. summers should be set on a collier's nag as the rest of his fellow prisoners were, a friend of his called M. Copland brought him a very good gelding, fair dressed with bridle and saddle, and when the Bishop's Officers came to dress him with books, as they had trimmed the other, and would have made holes in his garment to have thrust the strings of the books therein, nay said summers, I have always loved to go handsomely in my apparel, and taking the books and opening them, he bond them together by the strings and cast them about his neck (the leaves being all open) like a collar, 
M. Luther's books burnt in Cheepside.  and being on horse back, road foremost thorough the streets, till they came about the standard in Cheapside, where a great fire was made to burn their books in, and a Pillory set up there for 4. persons in token that they had deserved it.  
In the mean time, by the way as they should come it was appointed, that one should go before them with a basin. At the noise whereof, M. summers horse being a lofty gelding and fierce, was in such a rage, that he which rung the basin being afeard of himself, was fain to go alone a great space before that any horseman did follow after. At length when they came to the fire, every of them having a book in his hand, they were commanded to cast their books into the fire. But when M. summers saw that his new Testament should be burned, 
The papists burned the new testament.  he threw it over the fire: which was seen by some of God's enemies, and brought to him again, commanding him to cast it into the fire: which he would not do, but cast it thorough the fire. Which thing was done iij. times. But at last a slander by took it up, and saved it from burning. But not long after, 
Tho. summers died in the Tower.  the said M. summers was cast again into the Tower by the Cardinal, through the cruelty of the Bishops and their adherentes, who soon after died in the said prison for the testimony of his faith.  
What trouble & vexation happened amongst the godly brethren in London, for the 6. Articles, hitherto we have discoursed. Albeit neither have I comprehended all, which were molested through all the Parishes of London: neither again did this rigorous Inquisition so cease within the precincts of this City only, but also extended further to Salisbury, Norfolk, Lincoln, and through all other Shires and quarters of the realm: so that whereas any popish Prelate most bare stroke, there most persecution increased. The Bishop of Lincoln the same time was john Longland, and Doct. Dracotte his Chancellor. Of whose rigorous doings ye have heard enough and to much before. His ready diligence in all popish quarrels as it never lacked before: so now in the execution of these 6 Articles, it was not far behind in whose diocese divers good men and women, 
Ex Regist Lincoln.  namely about Buckingham and Amersham, and quarters there abouts, were grievously disquieted, appearing yet in the same Register: as one 
Elinore Godfrey. 
For laughing & speaking certain words against one Tho. Collerd, who like a pope-holy hypocrite in the Church of Merlow, 
Of great Marlowe.  used at Mass time to crouch behind the children, and when the priest crossed his head with the saucer (as she termed it) he would cross his head likewise. And for these words she was convented before the bishop, and miserably vexed.  W. Hart. 
For saying these words: 
Of great Brickhill.  Thinkest thou that God almighty will abide over a knave priests head.  Christoph: Etle. 
Because he did no reverence unto the sacrament coming to the church, and for looking upon his book at time of elevation, and that he would not come to see the elevation. 
Of Risborough.  etc. Item, as he was working upon a piece of Fustian on an holy day, and being asked why he kept not the holy day, he answered, that was no work, and that it was better to do that, then to sit at the Alehouse drinking drunk.  W. Fastendiche. 
For speaking certain words against the sacrament of the altar, and believed not, 
Of Woodborne.  that it was the very body of Christ.  W. Galand. 
W. Garland, talking of extreme unction, said that those things were Godly signs, but there were but two sacraments. etc.  W. Webbe. 
Because he set the Image of a headless Bear in the Tabernacle of S. Roke. 
Of Westwycombe.      

¶ Thomas Bernard, and james Morton Martyrs.  
ABout the same time john Longland Bishop of Lincoln, burned two upon one day, 
Tho. Bernard, james Morton, Martyrs.  the one named Tho. Bernard, and the other james Morton: The one for teaching the lords prayer in English, and the other for keeping the Epistle of S. james translated into English.  
In Oxford also the same time or much thereabout, recanted one M. Barber master of Art of that University, 
The recantation of M. Barber in Oxford.  a man excellently learned. Who being called up to Lambeth before the Archbishop Thomas Cranmer, was in his examination so stout in the cause of the sacrament, & so learnedly defended himself therein, that (as it is credible affirmed of them, which yet be alive, and were present thereat) neither Cranmer himself, nor all they could well answer to his allegations brought out of Austen. Wherein he was so prompe and ripe of himself, that the Archbishop with the residue of his company, were brought in great admiration of him. Notwithstanding by compulsion of the time and danger of the vi. articles, at last he relented, and returning again to Oxford, was there caused to recant. After which the good man long prospered not, but ware away. Ex testimonio Rad. Moris.   

A merry, and pleasant narration, touching a false fearful imagination of fire, raised among the Doctors and Masters of Oxford in S. Mary's church at the recantation of M. Mallary M. of Art of Cambridge.  
THis recantation of M. Barbar aforesaid in the University of Oxford, bringeth me in remembrance of an other recantation likewise happening not long before, 
The recantation of M. Malary Graduate of Cambridge, who recanted at Oxford.  in the said University, which I thought here not to overpass, and namely for that the same carrieth withal, a merry ridiculous spectacle, not unworthy to be remembered, & here to be inserted, somewhat to recreate & refresh by the way the weary mind of the reader, after so many bloody and lamentable stories, executions, recantations, and tragedies above passed. The story is this.  
There was one M. Malary, master of Art of Cambridge, scholar of Christ's College, who for the like opinions to those above rehearsed, holden contrary to the catholic determination of holy mother church of Rome, that is, for the right truth of Christ's Gospel, was convented before the Bishops, and in the end, sent to Oxford, there openly to recant, 
Malary brought into S. mary's Church with his faggot.  and to bear his faggot, to the terror of the Students of that University. The time and place was appointed, that he should be brought solemnly into S. mary's church upon a Sunday: where a great number of the head Doctors and Divines, and other of the University, were together assembled: beside a great multitude of Citizens and town dwellers which came to behold the sight. Furthermore, 
D. Smith preached at the recantation of Malary.  because that solemnity should not pass with out some effectual Sermon, for the holding up of the mother Church of Rome, D. Smith reader then of the Divinity lecture, was appointed, to make the Sermon at this recantation. Briefly at the preaching of this Sermon there was assembled a mighty audience of all sorts and degrees as well of Students as other. Few almost were absent, which loved to hear or see any news. In so much that there was no place almost in the whole Church which was not fully replenished with concourse and throng of people.  
All things thus being prepared and set in a readiness, cometh forth poor Mallary with his faggot upon his shoulder. 
The Sacrament of the altar brought into the Pulpit.  Not long after also proceedeth the doctor into the pulpit to make his Sermon: the purpose and argument whereof was wholly upon the Sacrament. The which Doctor for the more confirmation and credit to his words, had provided the holy catholic cake, and the Sacrament of the altar, there to hang by a string before him in the pulpit. Thus the Doctor with his God almighty entering his godly Sermon, had scarce proceeded into the midst thereof (the people giving great silence with all reverence unto his doctrine) but suddenly was heard into the Church the voice of one crying in the street, fire, fire. The party which first cried thus in the street, was called Heuster. The occasion was this, for that he coming from all-hallows Parish, saw a Chimney on fire, and so passing in the street by S. mary's Church, cried fire, fire, as the fashion is, meaning no hurt.  
This sound of fire being heard into the Church, first of them which stood outtermost next to the Church door so increased and went from one to an other, 
Amaze among D. Smiths audience in Oxford  that at length it came unto the ears of the Doctors, & at last to the preacher himself. Who as soon as they heard the matter, being amazed with soddeine fear, and marveling what the matter should mean, began to look up into the top of the Church, and to behold the walls. The residue seeing them look up, looked up also. Then began they in the midst of the audience to cry out with a loud voice, fire, fire. Where saith one? where saith on other? In the Church, saith one. The mention of the Church was scarcely pronounced, when as in one moment there was a common cry amongst them, the Church is on fire, the Church is set on fire by heretics. 
S. mary's Church in Oxford falsely supposed to be set on ●●re by heretics.  etc. And albeit no man did see any fire at all, yet forsomuch as all men cried out so, every man thought it true that they heard. Then was there such fear, concourse and tumult of people, through the whole church, that it can not be declared in words, as it was in deed.  
And as in a great fire (where fire is indeed) we see many times how one little spark giveth matter of a mighty flame, setting whole stacks and piles on burning, so here upon a small occasion of one man's word, kindled first a general cry, than a strong opinion running in every man's head within the Church, 
Deluders deluded.  thinking the Church to be on fire, where no fire was at all. Thus it pleased almighty God to delude these deluders, that is, that these great Doctors and wise men of the Schools, 
We see great Clerks how they are deceived oft times in small trifles.  which think themselves so wise in God's matters as though they could not err, should see by their own senses and judgements, how blind and infatuated they were in these so small matters & sensible trifles.  
Thus this strong imagination of fire being fixed in their heads, as nothing could remove them to think contrary but that the Church was on fire: so every thing that they saw or heard, 
What strong imagination can do in deluding man's senses.  increased this suspicion in them, to make it seem most true, which was in deed most false. The first & chiefest occasion that augmented this suspicion, was the heretic there bearing his faggot, which gave them to imagine, that all other heretics, had conspired with him, to set the Church on fire.  
After this, through the rage of the people & running too and fro, the dust was so raised, that it showed as it had been the smoke of fire. Which thing together with the outcry of the people, made all men so afraid, that leaving the Sermon, they began altogether to run away. But such was the press of the multitude running in heaps together, that the more they laboured, the less they could give out. For whilst they ran all headlong unto the doors every man striving to get out first, the thrust one another in such sort, and stuck so fast, that they which were without, neither could get into the Church, again, neither they that were within could get out by any means. So the one door being stopped, the ran to an other little wicket on the North side, towards the College called Brazen nose, 
Much 〈◊〉 done in the throng, whereof some dy●● some yet 〈◊〉 alive 〈◊〉 mother's arms were there 〈◊〉  thinking so to pass out. But there again was the like or greater throng. So the people clustering & thronging together, it put many in danger and brought many unto their end, by bruising of their bones or sides. There was yet an other door towards the West, which albeit it was shut and seldom opened: yet now ran they to it with such sway, that the great bar of iron (which is incredible to be spoken) being pulled out and broken by force of men's hands, the door notwithstanding could not be opened, for the press or multitude of people.  
At the last, when they were there also past all hope to get out then they were all exceedingly amazed and ran up and down, crying out upon the heretics which had conspired their death. The more they ran about & cried out the more smoke & dust rose in the Church, even as though all things now had been on a flaming fire. I think there was never such a tumultuous hurly burly rising so of nothing heard of before, nor so great a fear where was no cause to fear, nor peril at all: so that if Democritus the merry philosopher sitting in the top of the church, 
Democritus was a Philosopher ●hich 〈…〉 laugh 〈…〉 thinger 〈…〉 used to weep at 〈◊〉 toenges.  & seeing all things in such safety as they were, had looked down upon the multitude, and beholden so great a number some howling and weeping, running up and down, and playing the mad men, now hither, now thither, as being tossed too and fro with waves or tempests, trembling and quaking raging and faring, without any manifest cause, specially i● he had seen those great Rabbins the Doctors laden with so many badges or cognisances of wisdom, so foolishly and ridiculously seeking holes and corners to hide themselves in, gasping, breathing, and sweeting, and for very horror, being almost beside themselves, I think he would have satisfied himself with this one laughter, for all his life time, or else rather would have laughed his hart out of his belly, whilst one said that he plainly heard he noise of the fire, an other affirmed that he saw it with his eyes, and an other swore that he felt the molten lead dropping down upon his head and shoulders. Such is the force of imagination, when it is once graffed in men's hearts through fear. 
 In all the whole company there was none that behaved himself more modestly than the Heretic that was there to do penance, who casting his Faggot of from his shoulders upon a Monks head that stood by kept himself quiet, minding to take such part as the other did.  
All the other being careful for themselves, never made an end of running up and down & crying out. None cried not more earnestly than the Doctor that preached (who was as I said, D. Smith) who in a manner first of all cried out in the pulpit, saying: These are the trains and subtleties of the heretics against me. Lord have mercy upon me: Lord have mercy upon me. But might not God, as it had been (to speak with job) out of a whirl wind have answered again unto this Preacher thus: 
 Thou dost now implore my mercy but thou thyself showest no mercy unto thy fellows and brethren. 
 How doth thy flesh trembell now at the mention of fire, but you think it a sport to burn other simple innocents, neither do you any thing at all regard it? If burning seem so grievous a matter unto you, and to suffer the torment of fire: than you should also have the like consideration in other men's perils and dangers, when as you do burn your fellows and brethren.  
Or if you think it but a light or trifling matter in them go to now, do you also with like courage, contemn, 
 & with like patience suffer now the same torments yourselves. And if so be it I should now suffer you with the whole Church to be burned to ashes, what other thing should I do unto you, than you do daily unto your fellows and brethren? Wherefore since you so little esteem the death of others, be now content that other men should also little regard the death of you. With this (I say) or with some other like answer, if that either God, or human charity, either the common sense of nature would expostulate with them, yea if there had been a fire indeed (as they were more feared then hurt) who would have doubted but that it had happened unto them according to their deserts? But now worthy it is the noting, how the vain fear and folly of those catholics either was deluded, either how their cruelty was reproved, whereby they being better taught by their own example, might hereafter learn what is to put other poor men to the fire which they themselves here so much abhorred. 
A good warning for the Papists to know what burning meaneth.   
But to return again to the description of this pageants wherein (as I said before) there was no danger at all, yet were they all in such fear, as if present death had been over their heads.  
In all this great maze and garboil there was nothing mor● feared then the melting of the lead, which many affirmed that they felt dropping upon their bodies: Now in this sudden terror and fear, which took from them all reason & counsel out of their minds: to behold what practices & sundry shifts every man made for himself, it would make not only Democritus, and Heraclitus also to laugh but rather an horse weluere to break his halter. But none used themselves more ridiculously, than such as seemed greatest wise men, saving that in one or ij. peradventure some what more quietness of mind appeared. Amongst whom was one Claymund Precedent of Corpus Christi College (whom for reverence and learning's sake I do here name) and a few other aged persons with him, 
Claymundus Precedent of Corpus Christi College.  which for their age and weakness, durst not thrust themselves into the throng amongst the rest, but kneeled down quietly before the high altar, committing themselves & their lives unto the sacrament. The other which were younger and stronger, ran up and down through the press marveling at the uncivility of men, and waxed angry with the unmannerly multitude that would give no room unto the Doctors, Bachelors, Masters, and other graduates & regent masters. But as the terror and fear was common unto all men, so was there no difference made, of people or degrees every man scamling for himself. The violet cap or purple gown, did there nothing avail the Doctor, neither the master's hood nor the monks cowl was there respected.  
Yea if the king or queen had been there at that present and in that perplexity, they had been no better than a common man. After they had long striven and assayed all manner of ways and saw no remedy, neither by force neither authority to prevail: the fell to entreating and offering of rewards, one offering xx. pound, an other his scarlet gown so that any man would pull him out though it were by the ears.  
Some stood close unto the pillars, thinking themselves safe under the vaults of stone for the dropping of the lead. Othersome being without money & unprovided of all shift, knew not which way to turn them. One being a precedent of a certain College (whose name I need not here to utter) pulling a board out from the pues, covered his head & shoulders therewith against the scalding lead, which they feared much more than the fall of the Church. Now what a laughter would this have ministered unto Democritus amongst other things, to behold there a certain grand paunch, who seeing the doors stopped and every way closed up, thought by an other compendious means to get out through a glass window if it might be by any shift. But here the icon grates letted him: notwithstanding his greedy mind would needs attempt if he could happily bring his purpose to pass. When he had broken the glass, & was come to the space between the grates where he should creep out, first he thrust in his head with the one shoulder, & it went thorough well enough. Then he laboured to get the other shoulder after, but there was great labour about that, & long he stuck by the shoulders with much ado. For what doth not importune labour overcome? Thus farforth he was now gotten. But by what part of his body he did stick fast, I am not certain, neither may I fayne, forsomuch as there be yet witnesses which did see these things, which would correct me if I should so do. Notwithstanding this is most certain that he did stick fast between the grates, and could neither get out nor in.  
Thus this good man being in deed a Monk, and having but short hose, by the which way he supposed soon to escape, by the same he fell into further inconvenience making of one danger two. For if the fire or lead had fallen on the outside, those parts which did hang out of the window had been in danger: & contrariwise if the slain had raged within the Church, all his other parts had lain open to the fire. And as this man did stick fast in the window, so did the rest stick as fast in the doors, that sooner they might have been burned, than they could once stir or move one foot. Through the which press at the last there was a way found, that some going over their heads got out.  
Here also happened an other pageant in a certain Monk (if I be not misadvised) of Gloucester College, whereat Calphurnius might well laugh with an open mouth. 
Pleno ridet Calphurnius ore. Horat.  So it happened that there was a young lad in this tumult, who seeing the doors fast stopped with the press or multitude, & that he had no way to get out, climbed up upon the door, and there staying upon the top of the door, was forced to tarry still▪ For to come down into the Church again, he durst not for fear of the fire, and to leap down toward the street he could not without danger of falling. When he had tarried there a while, he advised himself what to do: neither did occasion want to serve his purpose. For by chance, amongst them that got out over men's heads, he saw a Monk coming towards him, which had a great wide Cowl hanging at his back. This the Boy thought to be a good occasion for him to escape by. When the Monk came near unto him, the Boy which was in the top of the door, came down, and prettily conveyed himself into the Monks Cowl, 
A boy got into a Monks cowl.  thinking (as it came to pass in deed) that if the Monk did escape, he should also get out with him. To be brief, at the last the Monk got out over men's heads, with the boy in his Cowl, and for a great while felt no weight or burden.  
At the last, when he was somewhat more come to himself, and did shake his shoulders, ●eling his Cowl heavier than it was accustomed to be, & also hearing the voice of one speaking behind his Cowl, he was more afraid than he was before, when he was in the throng, thinking in very deed, that the evil spirit which had set the Church on fire, had flyen into his Cowl. By and by he began to play the Exorcist: In the name of God (said he) and all saints, I command thee to declare what thou art that art behind at my back. To whom the boy answered: I am Bertrames boy, said he (for that was his name.) But I, said the monk, adjure thee in the name of the unseparable trinity, that thou wicked spirit do tell me who thou art, from whence thou comest, and that thou get thee hence. I am Bertrames boy, said he, good master let me go: and with that his Cowl began with the wait to crack upon his shoulders. The monk when he perceived the matter, took the boy out and discharged his Cowl. The boy took his legs and ran away as fast as he could.  
Among other, one wiser than the rest, ran with the Church door key, beating upon the stone walls, thinking therewith to break an hole through to escape out.  
In the mean time those that were in the street looking diligently about them, and perceiving all things to be without fear, marveled at this sudden outrage, & made signs and tokens to them that were in the church, to keep themselves quiet, crying to them that there was no danger.  
But for so much as no word could be heard by reason of the noise that was within the Church, those signs made them much more afraid than they were before, interpreting the matter, as though all had been on fire without the Church, and for the dropping of the lead and falling of other things, they should rather tarry still within the church, and not to venture out. This trouble continued in this manner by the space of certain hours.  
The next day, and also all the week following there was an incredible number of bills set up upon the Church doors, to inquire for things that were lost, in such variety and number, as Domocritus might here again have had just cause to laugh. If any man have found a pair of shoes yesterday in S. Marry Church, or knoweth any man that hath found them. etc. An other bill was set up for a gown that was lost. An other entreateth to have his cap restored. One lost his purse and girdle with certain money: an other his sword. One inquireth for a ring, and one for one thing, an other for an other. To be short, there was few in this garboil, but that either through negligence lost, or through oblivion left something behind him.  
Thus have you hitherto heard a tragical story of a terrible fire which did no hurt. The description whereof although it be not so perfectly expressed according to the worthiness of the matter, yet because it was not to be passed with silence, we have superficially set forth some shadow thereof, whereby the wise & discreet may sufficiently consider the rest, if any thing else be lacking in setting forth the full narration thereof. As touching the heretic, because he had not done his sufficient penance there by occasion of this hurly burly, therefore the next day following he was reclaimed into the Church of S. Frideswide, where he supplied the rest that lacked of his plenary penance.   

The 4. and 5. Marriage of K. Henry the 8.  
THe same year and month next following, after the apprehension of the Lord Cromwell, which was an. 1541. the king immediately was divorced from the Lady Anne of Cleve. The cause of which separation being wholly committed to the Clergy of the Convocation, 
Anno 1541.  it was by them defined, concluded, and granted, that the king being freed from that pretenced matrimony (as they called it) might marry where he would, 

August. The Lady Anne of Cleve divorced from the king.  
The king permitted to marry after his divorce The king married to the Lady Katherine Haward his 5. wife.   & so might she likewise: whom also consenting to the same divorcement herself, by her own letters, was after that taken no more for Queen, but only called Lady Anne of Cleve. Which things thus discussed by the Parliament and Convocation house▪ the king the same month was married to his fift Wife▪ which was the Lady Katherine Haward, Niece to the Duke of Norfolk, and daughter to the Lord Edmund Haward the Duke's brother. But this marriage likewise continued not long.  
In the same month of August, and the same year, I find moreover in some records, beside the xxiv. Chapterhouse monks above recited, whom Cope doth sanctify for holy martyrs, for suffering in the Pope's devotion, against the kings supremacy, other six which were also brought to Tyburn and there executed in the like case of rebellion. Of whom, the first was the Prior of Dancaster, the second a monk of the Charterhouse of London, called Giles Horn, some call him William Horn: 
6. Popish Monks for denying the kings supremacy, executed.  the third one Tho. Epsam a Monk of Westminster, who had his Monks garment plucked from his back, being the last monk in K. Henry's days that did wear that monkish weed: the fourth one Philpot: the fift one Carewe: the sixth was a Friar. See what a difficulty it is to pluck up blind superstition once rooted in man's hart by a little custom.  
Now as touching the late marriage between the king and the Lady Haward ye heard how this matrimony endured not long: for in the year next following 1542. the said Lady Katherine was accused to the king of incontinent living, 
Anno 1542.  not only before her marriage with Frances Direham, but also of spousebreach sith her marriage, with Tho. Culpeper. For the which both the men aforesaid, by act of Parliament were atteinted and executed for high treason, and also the said Lady Katherine late queen, with the Lady jane Rochfort widow, late Wife to George Boleyne Lord Rochfort, 
It is reported of some, that this Lady Rochforde forged a false letter against her husband, & Queen Anne his sister, by the which they were both cast away, Which if it be so, the judgement of God than is here to be marked. The kings mind inclining to reformation of religion.  brother to Queen Anne Boleyne, were beheaded for their deserts within the Tower. Ex Hallo & alijs.  
After the death and punishment of this Lady his fifth wife, the king calling to remembrance the words of the Lord Cromwell, and missing now more and more his old Counsellor, and partly also smelling somewhat the ways of Winchester, began a little to set his foot again in the cause of Religion. And although he ever bare a special favour to Thomas Cranmer Archbishop of Canterbury (as you shall hear more hereafter, God willing, in the life of Cranmer) yet now the more he miss the Lord Cromwell the more he inclined to the Archbishop, & also to the right cause of Religion. And therefore in the same year and in the month of October, after the execution of this Queen, the king understanding some abuses yet to remain unreformed, namely about pilgrimages and Idolatry, and other things more beside to be corrected within his dominions, directed his letters unto the foresaid Archbishop of Canterbury, for the speedy redress and reformation of the same. The tenor of which letters hereafter fully ensueth, in these words.  

¶ The kings letters to the Archbishop, for the abolishing of Idolatry.  

The king's letters to the Archbishop for reforming of Idolatry.  RIght reverend father in God, right trusty and well-beloved, we greet you well letting you to wit, that whereas heretofore upon the zeal and remembrance which we had to our bounden duty towards almighty God, perceiving sundry superstitions and abuses to be used and embraced by our people, whereby they grievously offended him and his word: we did not only cause the Images and bones of such as they resorted and offered unto, with the ornaments of the same, and all such writings and monuments of feigned miracles, wherewith they were illuded, to be taken away, in all places of our Realm, but also by our Injunctions commanded, that no offering or setting up of lights or candles should be suffered in any Church, but only to the blessed Sacraments of the altar: it is lately come to our knowledge, that this our good intent and purpose, notwithstanding the shrines, coverings of shrines, and monuments of those things do yet remain in sundry places of this Realm, much to the slander of our doings, and to the great displeasure of almighty God, the same being means to allure our subjects to their former hypocrisy and superstition: 
Shrines and monuments of Idolatry abolished by the king  and also that our Injunctions be not kept as appertaineth. For the due and speedy reformation whereof, we have thought meet, by these our letters, expressly to will and command you, that incontinent upon the receit hereof▪ you shall not only cause due search to be made in the Cathedral Church for those things, and if any shrine covering of shrine, table, monument of miracles, or other pilgrimages, do th●●e continue, to cause it to be so taken away, as there remain no memory of it, but also that you shall take order with all the Curates, and other having charge within your Diocese, to do the semblable, and to see that our Injunctions be duly kept, as appertaineth without failing, as we trust you▪ and as you will answer for the contrary.  
Given under our Signet at our town of Hull▪ the fourth day of October in the 33: year of our reign.   
Furthermore, the next year after this ensuing, which was 1543. in the month of February, followed an other Proclamation given out by the kings authority, wherein the Pope's Law forbidding white meats to be eaten in Lent, was repealed, and the eating of such meats set at liberty, for the behoof of the kings subjects. The copy of which Proclamation I thought here good also to be remembered.   

¶ A Proclamation concerning eating of white meats made the 9 of February, the 34. year of the reign of the kings most Royal majesty.  
FOr as much as by divers and sundry occasions, as well herrings, Linges, Saltfish, Samond, Stockfish, 
 as other kinds of fish been this year scant, and also enhanced in prices above the old rate and common estimation of their valour, so that if the kings loving subjects should be enforced only to buy and provide Hearing and other salt store of fish, 
 for the necessary and sufficient sustentation and maintenance of their households and families all this holy time of Lent, according as they have been wont in times past to do, and should not be by some other convenient means relieved therein, the same might and should undoubtedly redound to their importable charge and detriment: and for so much as his highness considereth how this kind and manner of fasting, (that is to say) to abstain from milk, butter eggs, cheese, and other white meats, is but a mere positive Law of the Church, and used by a custom within this Realm, and of none other force or necessity, but the same may be upon considerations and grounds altered and dispensed with from time to time, by the public authority of kings and princes, when so ever they shall perceive the same to tend to the hurt and damage of their people: The kings highness therefore most graciously considering and tendering the wealth and commodity of his people, hath thought good for the considerations above rehearsed, to release and dispense with the said law and custom of abstaining from white meats this holy time of Lent, and of his especial grace and mere motion giveth and granteth unto all and singular his subjects within this his Realm of England, Wales, Calais, Cuisnes, & Hams, and in all other his grace's dominions, free liberty faculty and licence to eat all manner of white meats, as milk, Eggs, butter, Cheese and such like, during the time of this Lent, without any scruple or grudge of conscience, any Law, Constitution, use, or custom to the contrary notwithstanding.  
Wherein nevertheless his highness exhorteth, and in the name of God requireth all such his faithful subjects, as may, will, or shall enjoy this his said grant or faculty, that they be in no wise scrupulous or doubtful thereof, ●or abuse or turn the same into a fleshly or carnal liberty, bu● rather endeavour themselves to their possible powers, with this liberty of eating of white meats, to observe also that fast which God most specially requireth of them, that is to say, to renounce the world and the devil, with all their pomps and works, and also to subdue and repress their carnal affections & the corrupt works of the flesh, according to their vow and profession made at the Font stone, for in these points specially consisteth the very true and perfect abstinence or fasting of a Christian man: thus to endure and continued from year to year, till the kings highness pleasure shall by his majesties proclamation be published to the contrary.   

The trouble and persecution of four windsor men, Robert Testwood, Henry, Filmer, Anthony Person, apd john Marbecke, persecuted for righteousness sake, and for the Gospel.  
Coming now to the Story and time of the four Windsor men troubled and persecuted for the true testimony of God's word, 
 whereof three were martyred and sacrificed in fire, the fourth (which was Marbecke) had his pardon: first I have to sh●w the original of their troubles in several parts: secondly the manner and order of their death, as they suffered together, which was, an. 1544. thirdly to answer partly in purgation of myself, against certain clatterers, which have hitherto taken their pleasure in railing against my former edition of Acts and monuments, for mistaking the name of Marbecke, whom in one place I reported to have been burned, albeit in the end of the story, correcting myself again, I declare him not to have been burned. Wherefore to stop the brawling mouths of such quarrelers, I thought here to set forth the full narration, both of the said Marbecke, and of his fellows, in truth as I trust none of them shall have just cause to quarrel thereat.  

The original of Testwoods' trouble.  persecutors. Persecuted. The Causes. 

M. Ely. Symons, a Lawyer.  
D. London St. Gardiner B. of Winchester.  
Wrisley. Southarne Treasurer of Exeter.  
D. Bruerwood, Chancellor of Exeter.  
M. Knight, Winchester's Gentleman.  
D. Oking.  
D. Capon B. of Sarum.  
Sir Wil Essex knight.  
Sir Tho. Bridges knight.  
Sir Humphrey Foster knight.  
M. Franklen Deane of Windsor.  
M. Fachel of Reding.  
Bucler the king's Attorney. 
Testwoode received into windsore.   
filmer's brother.  
Hyde, a jurate dwelling beside Abington.  
Rob. Ockam, a Lawyer.   


Rob. Testwood.  
Henry Filmer.  
Anthony Person.  
john Marbecke.  
Rob. Benet.  
Sir Philip Hobby, his wife.  
Sir Tho. Cardine his wife.  
M. Edmund Harman.  
M. Thom. Weldone.  
Snobal his wife of the king's chamber.  
D. Heynes Deane of Exeter.    
At Windsor.  
Ann. 1544.  
The first beginning of Testwoodes troubles.  IN the year of our Lord, 1544. there was one Robert Testwood dwelling in the city of London, who for his knowledge in Music had so great a name, that the Musicians in Windsor college, thought him a worthy man to have a room among them. Whereupon they informed D. Samson (being then their Dean) of him. But for so much as some of the Canons at that time had heard of Testwood, how that he smelled of the new learning (as they called it) it would not be consented unto at the first. Notwithstanding, with often suit of the foresaid Musicians made to one Doctor Tare (who being half a Musician himself, bore a great stroke in such matters) a room being void, Testwoode was sent for to be heard. And being there four or five days among the quire men, he was so well liked both for his voice and cunning, that he was admitted, and after settled in Windsor, with his household, and had in good estimation with the Dean and canons a great while. But when they had perceived him by his often talk at their tables (for he could not well dissemble his religion) that he leaned to Luther's sect, they began to mislike him. And so passing forth among them it was his chance one day to be at dinner with one of the Canons, named D. Rawson. At the which dinner amongst all other, was one of King Edward's 4. chantry priests, named M. Ely, an old Bachelor of Divinity. Which Ely in his talk at the board, began to rail against lay men, which took upon them to mell with the Scriptures, and to be better learned (knowing no more but the English tongue) than they which had been students in the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge all the days of their lives. 
M. Ely persecuter.  Then Testwood perceiving he meant that by him, could forbear his railing no longer, but said: M. Ely, by your patience I think it be no hurt for lay men, as I am, to read and to know the scriptures.  
Which of you (quoth Ely) that be unlearned, knoweth them, or understandeth them? S. Paul saith: If thine enemy hunger, feed him: if he thirst, give him drink, and in so doing, thou shalt heap coals of fire upon his head. Now sir (quoth Elye) what meaneth saint Paul by these coals of fire? Marry sir (quoth Testwoode) he meaneth nothing else by them (as I have learned) but burning charity, that with doing good to our enemies, we should thereby win them. A sirrah, quoth he, you are an old scholar in deed.  
After this, they fell into further communication of the Pope, whose supremacy was much spoken of at that time, but not known to be so far in question in the parliament house as it was. And in their talk Ely demanded of Testwood, whether the Pope ought to be head of the church or no. Against the which, 
Every king in his own realm and Church, is head under Christ.  Testwoode durst not say his full mind, but reasoned within his bounds a great while. But when they were both well stricken in an heat, Testwoode forgetting himself, chanced to say, that every king in his own realm & dominion, aught to be the head of the church under Christ▪ At the which words Ely was so chafed, that he rose up from the table in a great fume, calling him heretic, and all that nought was, and so went brawling & chiding away, to the great disquieting of all the company that wee there. Then was Testwood very sorry to see the old man take it so grievously. Whereupon after dinner he went and sought M. Ely, and found him walking in the body of the church, thinking to have talked with him charitably, & so to have been at one again: but ever as Testwood pressed towards him, the other shunned him, and would not come ni● him, but spit at him, saying to other that walked by: beware of this fellow, for he is the greatest heretic and schismatic, that ever came in Windsor.  
Now began the matter to brew. For after that Elye had made his complaint to the Deans deputy, and other of the canons, they were all against Testwood, purposing surely at the Deans coming home (if all things had chanced even) to have put him to his trump. But see the fortune. It was not twelve days after, ●re that the king's supremacy passed in the Parliament house Whereupon the Dean (D. Samson) came home suddenly in the night late, 
The first news of the kings supremacy brought to Windsor.  and forthwithall sent his Uerger about to all the Canons and ministers of the college, from the highest to the lowest, commanding them to be in the Chapter house by eight of the clock in the morning. Then Ely consulted with the Canons over night (as late as it was) and thought on the next day to have put Testwood to a great plunge. But he that layeth a snare for another man (saith Solomon) shall be taken in it himself. And so was Elye. For when the Dean and every man were come and placed in the Chapter house, and that the Deane had commended the ministers of the Church for their diligence in tending the Choir, exhorting them also to continue in the same: he began (contrary to every man's expectation) to inveigh against the Bishop of Rome's supremacy and usurped authority, confounding the same by manifest Scriptures and probable reasons, so earnestly, that it was a wonder to hear: and at length declared openly, that by the whole consent of the Parliament house, the Pope's supremacy was utterly abolished out of this Realm of England for ever, and so commanded every man there, upon his allegiance, to call him Pope no more, but bishop of Rome, & whatsoever he were that would not so do, or did from that day forth maintain or favour his cause by any manner of means, he should not only lose the benefit of that house, but be reputed as an utter enemy to God and to the king. The Canons hearing this, were all stricken in a dump. Yet notwithstanding Elies' hart was so great, that he would feign have uttered his cankered stomach against Testwood: 
M. Ely thinking to complain of other, was called fool for his labour.  but the Dean (breaking his tale) called him old fool, and took him up so sharply, that he was fain to hold his peace. Then the Deane commanded all the pope's pardons which hanged about the Church to be brought into the Chapterhouse, and cast into the chimney, and burnt before all their faces, and so departed.  

Another cause of Testwoods' trouble.  
AS it chanced Testwood one day to walk in the church at after noon, 
another trouble of Testwood  & beheld the pilgrims (specially of Devonshire & Cornwall) how they came in by plumpes with candles & images of wax in their hands, to offer to good king Henry of Windsor (as they called him) it pitied his hart to see so great idolatry committed, 
Idolatry to king Henry of Windsor.  & how vainly the people had spent their goods in coming so far to kiss a spur, & to have an old hat set upon their heads. In so much, that he could not refrain, but (seeing a certain company which had done their offering stand gazing about the church) went unto them, & with all gentleness began to exhort them to leave such falls worshipping of dumb creatures, and to learn to worship the true living God aright, putting them in remembrance what those things were which they worshipped, & how God many times had plagued his people for running a whoring to such stocks & stones, & so would plague them and their posterity if they would not leave it.  
After this sort he admonished them so long, till at the last, his words (as God would) took such place in some of them, 
Testwood exhorteth the people from Idolatry  that they said, they would never go a pilgrimage more. Then he went further, & found another sort licking & kissing a white Lady made of Alabaster, which Image was mortrest in a wall behind the high altar, and bordered about with a pretty border, which was made like branches with hanging apples & flowers. And when he saw them so superstitiously use the Image (as to wipe their hands upon it, & then to struck them over their hands & faces, as though there had been great virtue in touching the picture) he up with his hand in the which he had a key, and smote a piece of the border about the image, down, and with the glance of the stroke chanced to break of the images nose. 
Idolatry to an image of a white Lady made of Alabaster in windsore.  Lo, good people, quoth he, ye see what it is, nothing but earth & dust, and cannot help itself, & how will you then have it to help you? For God's sake brethren, be no more deceived: and so he gate him home to his house, for the rumour was so great, that many came to see the Image, how it was defaced. And among all other came one William Symons (a Lawyer) who seeing the image so bewrayed, and to lack her nose, 

Testwood defaceth the Image. W. Simons a persecuter.  
O blind Pope●y to seek the neath of a living man for the nose of a dead stock.  
Magna Di●na Ephesiorum. Act. 28.   took the matter grievously, & looking down upon the pavement, he spied the images nose where it lay, which he took up and put in his purse, saying, it should be a dear nose to Testwood one day.  
Now were many offended with Testwood, the canons for speaking against their profit, the wax sellers for hyndring their market, & Symons for the Images nose. And more than that, there were of the canons men that threatened to kill him. Whereupon Testwood kept his house, and durst not come forth, minding to have sent the whole matter in writing by his wife, to M. Cromwell the king's secretary who was his special friend. The Canon's hearing that Testwood would send to Cromwell, they send the Uerger unto him, to will him to come to the church: who sent them word again, that he was in fear of his life, & therefore would not come. Then sent they two of the eldest Peticanons to entreat him, & to assure him that no man should do him harm. He made them a plain answer, that he had no such trust to their promises, but would complain to his friends. 
The papists of Windsor afraid of Cromwell.  Then witted they not what shift to make (for of all men they feared Cromwell) but sent in post hast for old M. Ward, a justice of peace dwelling 3. or 4. miles of, who being come & hearing the matter, was very loath to meddle in it. 
The Canons of Windsor glad to fall in again with Testwood  But notwithstanding, through their entreaty he went to Testwood & had much ado to persuade him, but at the last, he did so faithfully promise him by the oath he had made to God & the king, to defend him from all dangers and harms, that Testwood was content to go with him.  
And when M. Ward and Testwood were come into the Church, and were going toward the Chapter house, where the Canons abode their coming, 
Testwood in danger of his life.  one of the Canon's men drew his dagger at Testwood, and would have been upon him, but M. Ward with his men resisted, and got Testwood into the Chapter house, causing the serving men to be called in, and sharply rebuked of their masters, who straightly commanded them upon pain of losing their service, & further displeasure, not to touch him nor to give him an evil word. Now Testwood being alone, in the Chapter house with the Canons and M. Ward was gently entreated, & the matter so pacified, that Testwood might quietly come and go to the Church, and do his duty as he had done before.   

another cause of Testwoods' trouble.  


another cause of Testwoods' trouble.  
though Beckets Rachet made a Relic.  
S. George's dagger made a relic.   Upon a Relic sunday (as they named it) when every Minister after their old custom should have borne a relic in his hand about a procession, one was brought to Testwood. Which relic (as they said) was a Ratchet of bishop Beckets. And as the Sexton would have put the Ratchet in Testwoods' hands, he pushed it from him, saying, if he did give it to him, he would wipe his tail withal, & so the Ratchet was given to another. Then came the Uerger down from the high altar with S. George's dagger in his hand, demanding who lacked a relic. Marry (quoth Testwood give it to M. Hake (who stood next him) for he is a pretty man of his hands, & so the dagger was given unto him. Now Testwood perceiving the dagger in master Hakes hand, and being merrily disposed (as he was a merry conceited man) stepped forth out of his place to D. Clifton standing directly before him in the midst of the choir, with a glorious golden Cope upon his back, having the Pixe in his hand, and said: Sir, M. Hake hath Saint George's dagger. Now if he had his horse, and S. Martin's cloak, and master john Shorns boots, with king Henry's spurs, and his hat, he might ride when he would, and so stepped into his place again. Whereat the other changed colour, and witted not what to say.   

Another cause of Testwoods' trouble.  
IN the days of M. Franklen, who succeeded D. Samson in the Deanery of Windsor, 
M. Frank●len 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉▪  there was on a time set up at the Choir door, a certain foolish printed paper in Meter, all to the praise and commendation of our Lady, ascribing unto her our justification, our salvation, 
Blasphemy and Idolatry to 〈◊〉 Lady.  our redemption, the forgiveness of sins, etc. to the great derogation of Christ. Which paper, one of the Canons called M. Magnus (as it was reported) caused to be set up in despite of Testwood and his sect. When Testwood saw this paper, he plucked it down secretly. The next day after was another set up in the same place. Then Testwood coming into the Church, and seeing another paper set up, and also the Deane coming a little way of, made haste to be in at the Choir door, while the Deane stayd to take holy water, and reaching up his hand as he went, plucked away that paper with him. The Dean being come to his stall, 
Testwood● taketh down the blasphemous 〈◊〉▪  called Testwood unto him, and said, that he marveled greatly how he durst be so bold to take down the paper in his presence? Testwood answered again, that he marveled much more, that his mastership would suffer such a blasphemous paper to be set up, beseeching him not to be offended with that he had done, for he would stand unto it. So M. Deane being a timorous man, made no more ado with him. After this were no more papers set up, but poor Testwood was eaten and drunken among them at every meal, and an heretic he was, and would roast a faggot for this gear one day.  
Now master Magnus being sore offended with Testwood for plucking down his papers, 
M. 〈◊〉 magnus Idolatra.  to be revenged on him, devised with the Dean and the rest of the Canons, to send their letters to D. Chamber, one of their brethren, and the King's Physician, who lay (for the most part) at the Court, to see what he would do against Testwood. Which letters being made, were sent with speed. But whatsoever the cause was, 
Conspiracy of the Priests of Windsor against Testwood.  whether he durst not meddle for fear of Cromwell, or what else I cannot tell, their suit came to none effect. Then wist they not what to do, but determined to let the matter sleep, till S. George's feast, which was not far of.  
Now in the mean time there chanced a pretty story, between one Robert philip's Gentleman of the King's Chapel, and Testwood. Which story, though it was but a merry prank of a singing man, yet it grieved his adversary wonderfully. The matter was this. Robert Phillips was so notable a singing man (wherein he gloried) that wheresoever he came, the best and longest song, with most counteruerses in it, should be set up at his coming. 
A blasphemous Anthem, calling the virgin Mary our Saviour and redeemer.  And so his chance being now to be at Windsor, against his coming to the Anthem, a long song was set up, called Lauda vivi. In which song there was one counteruerse toward the end, that began on this wise, O redemptrix & saluatrix. Which verse of all other, Robert Phillips would sing, because he knew that Testwood could not abide that ditty. Now Testwood knowing his mind well enough, joined with him at the other part: 
A merry co●●tention between Rob. Philip's of the king's chapel, and Testwood about O Redem●●● and Non Redemtri●  and when he heard Robert Phillips begin to fetch his flourish with O redemptrix & saluatrix: repeating the same one in another's neck. Testwood was as quick on the other side to answer him again with Non redemptrix, nec saluatrix, and so striving there with O and Non, who should have the mastery, they made an end of the verse. Whereat was good laughing in sleeves of some, but Robert Phillips with other of Testwoods' enemies were sore offended.  
Within 14. days after this, the Lords of the Garter (as their custom is yearly to do) came to Wyndsore to keep S. George's feast: at which feast the Duke of Norfolk was Precedent: 
Testwood complay●● of, to the old 〈◊〉 of Norfolk.  unto whom the Dean and canons made a grievous complaint on Testwood. Who being called before the Duke, he shook him up and all to reviled him, as though he would have sent him to hanging by & by. Yet nevertheless Testwood so behaved himself to the Duke, that in the end he let him go without any further molesting of him, to the great discomfort of the Dean and Canons.  
Here have ye heard the causes which moved Testwoods' enemies to seek his destruction, and could not attain their purpose, till that wicked Aman D. London came, as shall be showed in the process following.   

The original of Henry filmer's trouble.  
ABout the year of our Lord, 1541. after all the orders of superstitious and begging Friars were suppressed and put down, there chanced one Sir Thomas Melster, which had been a Friar before, 
 and changed his friars coat (but not his friars hart) to be Vicar of Wyndsore. This priest on a time made a Sermon to his Parishioners, in the which he declared so many fond and Frierish tales, 
Friar Melster Vicar of Windsor.  as that our Lady should hold out her breasts to S. Bernard, and spout her milk into his eyes, with such like festival tales, that many honest men were offended therewith, and specially this Henry Filmer then one of the Church wardens: 
〈◊〉 Lady 〈◊〉 in S. Bernardes' eyes.  who was so zealous to god's word, that he could not abide to hear the glory of Christ so defaced with superstitious fables. Whereupon he took an honest man or two with him, and went to the priest, with whom he talked so honestly and so charitably, that in the end the Priest gave him hearty thanks, and was content at his gentle admonition, to reform himself without any more ado, and so departed friendly the one from the other.  
Now was there one in the town, called W. Symons a Lawyer (as is aforesaid) who hearing that Filmer had been with the Priest, and reproved him for his Sermon, took pepper in the nose, and got him to the vicar, and did so animate him in his doings, that he slipped quite away from the promise he had made to Filmer, and followed the mind of Symons: who meeting with Filmer afterward all to reviled him, 
Simons the Lawyer against Filmer.  saying he would bring him before the bishop, to teach him to be so malapert. Then Filmer hearing the matter renewed, which he had thought had been suppressed, stood against Symons, and said, that the vicar had preached false and unsound doctrine, and so would he say to the Bishop whensoever he came before him. Then Symons slipped not the matter, but went to the Mayor, and procured of him and his brethren a letter, signed with their own hands in the priest's favour, 
Simons complaineth of Filmer to D. Capon Bishop of Sarum.  as much as could be devised, and so prepared himself with other his friends to go to the bishop (whose name was D. Capon) and to take the priest with them: which was a painful journey for the silly poor man, by reason he had a sore leg.  
Now Filmer hearing how Simons went about to put him to a foil, consulted with his friends what was best to do: who concluded to draw out certain notes of the vicar's Sermon, and to prepare themselves to be at Salisbury as soon as Symons or before him, if it might be possible. Thus both the parties being in a readiness, it chanced them to set forth of Windsor all in one day. But by reason the Priest (being an impotent man) could not endure to ride very fast, Filmer and his company gate to the town an hour and more before Symons, and went to the Bishop and delivered up their Bill unto him. Which Bill when the bishop had seen and perused well, 
Filmer forced to complain to the bishop of Sarum.  he gave them great thanks for their pains, saying it did behove him to look upon it, for the Priest had preached heresy, and should be punished.  
Then Filmer declared unto the Bishop, the form of his talk he had with the Priest, and the end thereof: and how the matter being renewed again by Symons, forced him and his company to trouble his Lordship therewith. Well, said the bishop, ye have done like honest men. Come to me soon again, and ye shall know more, and so they departed from the Bishop to their Inn. And while they were there reposing themselves, 
Symons and the Vicar 〈◊〉 to Salis●●●y.  Symons with his company came to the town, and (not knowing the other to be come) gate them up to the bishop in all post haste, taking the priest with them.  
The bishop hearing of more Windsor men, demanded what they were, & being informed how it was the vicar of the town with other more, 
The Vicar of Windsor 〈…〉 of 〈◊〉 Bishop.  he caused the vicar to be brought in. To whom he said: Are you the vicar of Windsor? Yea forsooth my Lord, quoth he. How chanceth it quoth the B. that you are complained on? for here hath been with me certain honest men of your town, which have delivered up a bill of erroneous doctrine against you. If it be so, I must needs punish you, & opening the bill he read it unto him. How say you quoth the B. is this true or no? The vicar could not deny it, but humbly submitted himself to the bishop's correction. Then was his company called in, and when the B. saw Symons, he knew him well, and said: Wherefore come you M. Symons? 
The words of Symons 〈◊〉 the Bishop.  Pleaseth it your Lordship (quoth he) we are come to speak in our vicar's cause, which is a man of good conversation & honesty, and doth his duty so well in every point, that no man can find fault with him, except a lewd fellow we have in our town called Filmer, which is so corrupt with heresy, that he is able to poison a whole country: and truly my Lord (quoth Symons) there is no man that can preach or teach any thing that is good and godly, but he is ready to control it, and to say it is stark nought. Wherefore we shall beseech your lordship he may be punished, to the ensample of other, that our vicar may do his duty quietly, as he hath done before this busy fellow troubled him. And that your Lordship shall the better credit my saiengs, I have brought with me these honest men of the town, and beside all that, a testimonial from the Mayor and his brethren to confirm the same, & so he held out the writing in his hand.  
Then said the B. So God help me M. Symons ye are greatly to blame, 
B Capons answer to Symons.  and most worthy to be punished of all men, that will so impudently go about to maintain your priest in his error, which hath preached heresy, & hath confessed it: wherefore I may not nor will not see it unpunished. And as for that honest man Filmer on whom ye have complained, I tell you plainly he hath in this point showed himself a great deal more honester man than you. But in hope you will no more bear out your vicar in his evil doings, I will remit all things at this time: saving that he shall the next Sunday recant his sermon openly before all his parishioners in Windsor Church: 
Friar Melster caused to recant his Sermon.  & so the B. called in Filmer and his company which waited without, & delivered the priest's recantation unto them, with a great charge to see it truly observed in all points. Then Symons took his leave of the B. and departed with a flea in his ear, disappointed of his purpose, 
The grudge of Simons against Filmer.  & sore ashamed of the foil. For this cause Symons could never brook Filmer, but when he met him at any time after, would hold up his finger (as his manner was where he ought displeasure) and say: I will be even with you one day, trust me.   

The original of Anthony Persons trouble.  
THere was a certain priest named Anth. Person, which frequented much to Windsor, about the year of our Lord, 
The trouble of Antho. Person Priest.  1540 and using the talon that God had given him in preaching, was greatly esteemed among the people, who flocked so much to his sermons which he made both in the town and country, that the great priests of the castle, with other papists in the town (specially Symons) were sore offended: 
W. Simons persecuter of Anth. Person and of many other. D. London Warden of new College in Oxford, a minister of Sathaan.  In so much that Symons at the last begun to gather of his sermons, & to mark his auditors: whereof ensued the death of divers, and trouble of many honest men. For about a year & more after, a minister of Satan called D. London, Warden of the new College in Oxford, was admitted one of the Prebendaries of Windsor, who at his first coming to Windsor, began to utter his stomach, & to show his affection. For at his first Residence dinner which he made to the clerks (which company for the most part at that time favoured the Gospel) all his whole talk to two Gentlemen strangers at his board (till the table was a taking up) was nothing else but of heretics, and what a desolation they would bring the realm unto, 
D. London's words to the Clerks of Windsor.  if they might be so suffered. And by S. Mary masters (quoth he to the clerks at the last) I cannot tell, but there goeth a shrewd report abroad of this house. Some made answer, it was undeserved. I pray God it be, quoth he. I am but a stranger & have small experience among you: but I have heard it said before I came hither, that there be some in this house, that will neither have prayer nor fasting.  
Then spoke Testwood: 
Testwood answereth for the Clerks.  By my troth sir (quoth he) I think that was spoken but of malice, for prayer (as your mastership knoweth better than I) is one of the first lessons that Christ taught us. Yea marry sir, quoth he, but the heretics will have no invocation to saints, which all the old fathers do allow. What the old fathers do allow, 
Gospelers falsely slandered of the papists.  quoth Testwood, I cannot tell, but Christ doth appoint us to go to his father, and to ask our petitions of him in Christ's name. Then you will have no mean between you & god, quoth D. London. Yes sir, quoth Testwood, our mean is Christ, as S. Paul saith: There is one Mediator between god and man, even jesus Christ. give us water quoth D. London. Which being set on the board, he said grace and washed, & so falling into other communication with the strangers, the clerks took their leave and departed.  
When D. London had been in Windsor a while among his catholic brethren, & learned what Testwood was, 
D. London a malicious persecuter.  & also of Symons, who showed him our Lady's nose (as he called it) what a sort of heretics were in the town and about the same, and how they increased daily by reason of a naughty priest, called Anth. Person, he was so maliciously bend against them, that he gave himself wholly to the devil to do mischief. And to bring his wicked purpose about, he conspired with the foresaid Symons (a meet clerk to serve such a curate) and other of like sore, how they might compass the matter, first to have all the Archheretikes (as they termed them) in Windsor & thereabout, indicted of heresy, 
D. London and W. Symons inflamed with malice against the good men of Windsor.  and so to proceed further. They had a good ground to work upon, (as they thought) which was the six articles, whereupon they began to build and practise thus. First they drew out certain notes of Antho. Persons sermons, which he had preached against the sacrament of the altar, & their popish Mass. 
Sir Philip Hobby and his wife. Sir Thomas Cardine, and his wife. M. Edmund Harman. M. Thomas Weldone. Snowball and his wife. Doct. Haynes Deane of Exeter.  That done, they put in sir Philip Hobby with the good Lady his wife, sir Thomas Cardine, M. Edmund Harman, M. Tho. Weldon, with Snowbal and his wife, as chief aiders, helpers, & maintainers of Anth. Person. Also they noted D. Haines Deane of Exeter and a Prebendary of Windsor, to be a common receiver of all suspected persons. They wrote also the names of all such as commonly haunted Anthony Persons sermons, & of all such as had the Testament, and favoured the Gospel, or did but smell thereof.  
Then had they privy spies to walk up and down the Church, to hearken and hear what men said, and to mark who did not reverence the sacrament at the levation time, and to bring his name to D. London. And of these spies some were chantry priests: among the which there was one notable spy, whose name was called sir Will. Bows such a fleering priest as would be in every corner of the Church pattering to himself, with his Portuous in his hand, to hear and to note the gesture of men towards the sacrament. Thus when they had gathered as much as they could, 
W. Bowes priest▪ Doct. London's spy.  and made a perfect book thereof, D. London with two of his catholic brethren more, gave them up to the B. of Winchester Steven Gardiner, with a great complaint against the heretics that were in Windsor, declaring unto him how the town was sore disquieted through their doctrine and evil example. 
Steven Gardiner a persecuter.  Wherefore they besought his lordship's help, in purging the town and castle of such wicked persons. The B. hearing their complaint, and seeing their book, praised their doings, and bade them make friends and go forward, 
D. London's complaint to Steph. Gardiner.  and they should not lack his help. Then they applied the matter with tooth and nail, sparing for no money nor pains taking: as Marbecke saith that he himself heard one of them say, who was a great doer therein, and afterward sorry for that he had done, that the suit thereof cost him that year for his part only an hundred marks, 
What cost the Papists can be at, to trouble their even Christian.  beside the death of iij. good geldings.  
Now B. Gardiner, which had conceived a further fetch in his brain then D. London had, made Wrisley & other of the Counsel on his side, and spying a time convenient, went to the king, complaining what a sort of heretics his grace had in his Realm, and how they were not only crept into every corner of his court, 
Winchester and Wrisley complain to the king of the Gospelers.  but even into his privy chamber, beseeching therefore his majesty, that his laws might be prosecuted: the king giving credit to the counsels words, was content his laws should be executed on such as were offenders. Then had the B. that he desired, & forthwith procured a commission for a privy search to be had in Windsor for books and letters that Anth. Person should send abroad, 
Winchester procureth a privy search in Windsor.  which commission the king granted to take place in the town of Windsor, but not in the castle.  
At this time the canons of Excester (specially Sutharn, Treasurer of the church, and D. Brurewood the Chancellor) had accused D. Haynes their Dean, to the counsel, for preaching against holy bread and holy water, and that he should say in one of his Sermons (having occasion to speak of Matrimony) that marriage and hanging were destiny: 
D. Haynes Deane of Exeter accused to the Counsel.  upon the which they gathered treason against him, because of the king's marriage. The B. of Winchester (at the same time) had also informed the counsel of M. Hobby, how he was a bearer of Anthony Person, and a great maintainer of heretics. Whereupon both he and D. Heynes were apprehended and sent to the fleet. But it was not very long after, ere that by mediation of friends, they were both delivered. 
M. Hobby and Haynes sent to the Fleet. The secret search beginneth Bennet, Filmer, Testwood and Marbecke, apprehended for books against the vi. Articles.   
Now, as touching the Commission for searching of books, M. Warde and Fachel of Reading, were appointed commissioners, who came to Windsor the Thursday before Palm sunday, in the year of our Lord, 1543. and began their search about xi. of the clock at night. In the which search were apprehended Robert Bennet, Henry Filmer, john Marbecke, and Robert Testwood, for certain books and writings found in their houses against the vj. articles, and kept in ward till monday after, and then fet up to the Counsel all save Testwood, with whom the Bailiffs of the town were charged, because he lay sore diseased on the Gout. The other three being examined before the Counsel, were committed to prison, Filmer and Bennet to the bishop of London's jail, and Marbecke to the marshalsea: whose examination is here set out, to declare the great goodness of the Counsel, and the cruelty of the bishop.   

The first examination of john Marbecke, before the Counsel, on the Monday after Palm Sunday. 1544.  
THis Marbecke had begun a great work in English, called The concordance of the Bible. Which book being not half finished, was among his other books taken in the search, and had up to the Counsel. 
 And when he came before them to be examined, the whole work lay before the bishop of Winchester Steven Gardiner, at the upper end of the board. Who beholding the poor man a while▪ said: Marbecke, dost thou know wherefore thou art sent for? No, my Lord quoth he. No, quoth the Bishop, 
 That is a marvelous thing. Forsooth my Lord quoth he, unless it be for a certain search made of late in Windsor. I cannot tell wherefore it should be. Then thou knowest the matter well enough quoth the Bishop, and taking up a choir of the Concordance in his hand, said: Understandest thou the Latin tongue? No, my Lord, quoth he, but simply. No, quoth the Bishop? And with that spoke M. Wrisley (than secretary to the king) he saith but simply, I cannot tell quoth the B. but the book is translated word for word out of the Latin concordance, and so began to declare to the rest of the Counsel, 
 the nature of a Concordance, and how it was first compiled in Latin by the great diligence of the learned men for the ease of preachers, concluding with this reason, that if such a book should go forth in English, it would destroy the Latin tongue. And so casting down the choir again, he reached another book, which was the book of Esay the prophet, 
 and turning to the last chap. gave the book to Marbecke, and asked him who had written the note in the margin. The other looking upon it, said: forsooth my Lord, I wrote it. Read it quoth the B. Then he read it thus, Heaven is my seat, and the earth is my footstool. Nay, quoth the B. read it as thou hadst written it. Then shall I read it wrong quoth he, for I had written it false. How hadst thou written it, quoth the bishop? I had written it quoth he, thus: Heaven is my seat and the earth is not my footstool. Yea marry quoth the Bishop, that was thy meaning. No, my Lord quoth he, it was but an oversight in writing, for as your Lordship seethe, this word (Not) is blotted out. At this time came other matters into the Counsel, so that Marbecke was had out to the next chamber. And when he had stood there a while, one of the Counsel (named sir Anthony Wingfield Captain of the Guard) came forth, and calling for Marbecke, committed him to one Belson of the guard, saying unto him on this wise: Take this man and have him to the marshalsea, 
 and tell the keeper that it is the Counsels pleasure that he shall entreat him gently. And if he have any money in his purse (as I think he hath not much) take you it from him, left the prisoners do take it, and minister it unto him as he shall have need. And so the messenger departed with Marbecke to the marshalsea, and did his commission most faithfully and truly, both to the keeper and to the prisoner, as he was commanded.   

The second examination of Marbecke, before the Bishop's Gentleman in the marshalsea.  
ON the next day (which was Tuesday) by 8. of the clock in the morning, 
 there came one of the B. of Winchester's Gentlemen into the marshalsea, whose man brought after him two great books under his arm, & finding Marbecke walking up and down in the Chapel, demanded of the keeper why he was not in irons. I had no such commandment quoth he: for the messenger, which brought him yesternight from the Counsel, said: It was their pleasure he should he gently used. My Lord quoth the gentleman will not be content with you, and so taking the books of his man, called for a chamber, 
 up to the which he carried the prisoner, and casting the books from him upon a bed, sat him down and said: Marbecke, my Lord doth favour thee well for certain good qualities thou hast, and hath sent me hither to admonish thee to beware and take heed lest thou cast away thyself wilfully. If thou wilt be plain, thou shalt do thyself much good: if not, thou shalt do thyself much harm. I assure thee, my Lord lamenteth thy case, for as much as he hath always heard good report of thee: wherefore now see to thyself, and play the wise man. 
 Thou art acquainted with a great sort of heretics (as Hobby and Heynes, with other more) & knowest much of their secrets: if thou wilt now open them at my Lord's request, he will procure thy deliverance out of hand, and prefer thee to better living.  
Alas sir, quoth he, what secrets do I know? I am but a poor man, and was never worthy to be so conversant either with M. Hobby, or M. Heynes, to know any part of their minds. Well, quoth the Gentleman, make it not so strange, for my lord doth know well enough in what estimation they had both thee and Anth. Person, for your religion. Of Anth. Person, quoth he, I can say nothing, for I never saw him with them in all my life. And as for myself, I can not deny, but that they have always (I thank them) taken me for an honest poor man, and showed me much kindness: but as for their secrets, they were to wise to commit them to any such as I am.  
Peradventure quoth the Gentleman, thou fearest to utter any thing of them, 
Marbecke cannot be persuaded to 〈…〉.  because they were thy friends, lest they hearing thereof, might hereafter withdraw their friendship from thee, which thou needest not to fear, I warrant thee, for they are sure enough, and never like to pleasure thee more, ner no man else.  
With that the water stood in Marbeckes eyes. Why weepest thou quoth the Gentleman? Oh sir, quoth he, I pray you pardon me, these men have done me good, wherefore I beseech the living God to comfort them as I would be comforted myself.  
Well quoth the Gentleman, I perceive thou wilt play the fool: and then he opened one of the books, and asked him if he understood any Latin. But a little sir, quoth he. How is it then, quoth the gentleman, that thou hast translated thy book out of the latin Concordance, & yet understandest not the tongue? I will tell you quoth he. In my youth I learned the principles of my Grammar, whereby I have some understanding therein, though it be very small. Then the gentleman began to try him in the latin Concordance & English Bible which he had brought: and when he had so done, & was satisfied, he called up his man to fet away the books, & so departed, leaving Marbecke alone in the chamber, the door fast shut unto him.  
About two hours after, the Gentleman came again, with a sheet of paper folded in his hand, 
Another talk between Winchester's gentleman and Marbecke.  & sat him down upon the bed's side (as before) & said: by my troth Marbecke, my lord seethe so much wilfulness in thee, that he saith it is pity to do thee good. When wast thou last with Haynes? Forsooth, quoth he, about a three weeks ago, I was at dinner with him. And what talk, quoth the Gentleman, had he at his board? I can not tell now, quoth he. No, quoth the gentleman, thou art not so dull witted, to forget a thing in so short space. Yes sir, quoth he, such familiar talk as men do use at their boards, is most commonly by the next day forgotten, 
How Winchester hunteth for D. Haynes.  and so it was with me. Didst thou never, quoth the Gentleman talk with him, nor with none of thy fellows, of the Mass, or of the blessed Sacrament? No, forsooth, quoth he. Now forsooth, quoth the Gentleman, thou liest, for thou hast been seen to talk with Testwood, and other of thy fellows, an hour together in the church, when honest men have walked up and down beside you, & as ever they have drawn near you, ye have stayed your talk till they have been past you, because they should not hear whereof you talked. I deny not, quoth he, but I have talked with Testwood and other of my fellows, I cannot tell how oft, which maketh not that we talked either of the Mass, or of the sacrament: for men may common & talk of many matters, that they would not that every man should hear, and yet far from any such thing: therefore it is good to judge the best. Well quoth the Gentleman, thou must be plainer with my Lord then this, or else it will be wrong with thee, and that sooner than thou weenest. How plain will his Lordship have me to be Sir, quoth he? There is nothing that I can do and say with a safe conscience, but I am ready to do it at his Lordship's pleasure. What tellest thou me quoth the gentleman of thy conscience? Thou mayst with a sat conscience utter those that be heretics, and so doing thou canst do God and the king no greater service. If I knew sir, quoth he, who were an heretic in deed, it were a thing: 
Conscience ●ittle passed 〈◊〉 among 〈…〉.  but if I should accuse him to be an heretic that is none, what a worm would that be in my conscience so long as I lived: yea it were a great deal better for me to be out of this life, then to live in such torment. In faith quoth the Gentleman, thou know'st as well who be heretics of thy fellows at home, and who be none, as I do know this paper to be in my hand: but it maketh no matter, for they shall all be sent for and examined: and thinkest thou that they will not utter and tell of thee all that they can? yes I warrant thee. And what a foolish dolt art thou, that wilt not utter aforehand what they be, seeing it standeth upon thy deliverance to tell the truth? Whatsoever quoth he, they shall say of me, let them do it in the name of God, 
〈◊〉 here 〈◊〉 of ●●●chester.  for I will say no more of them, nor of no man else, than I know. Marry quoth the Gentleman if thou wilt do so, my L. requireth no more. And for as much as now peradventure, thy wits are troubled, so that thou canst not call things even by & by to remembrance, I have brought thee ink & paper, that thou mayest excogitate with thyself, & write such things as shall come to thy mind. 
●a●beck 〈◊〉 to ac●●se his brothers.  O lord, quoth Marbecke, what will my L. do? Will his lordship compel me to accuse men, and wots not whereof? No, quoth the Gentleman, my L. compelleth thee not, but gently entreated thee to say the truth. Therefore make no more ado, but writ, for my Lord will have it so, and so laid down the ink and paper and went his way.  
Now was Marbecke so full of heaviness and woe, that he wist not what to do, nor how to set the pen to the book to satisfy the bishops mind, 
Marbecke brought to great distress.  unless he did accuse men to the wounding of his own soul. And thus being compassed about with nothing but sorrow and care, he cried out to God in his hart, falling down with weeping tears and said:  
O most merciful father of heaven, thou that knowest the secret doings of all men, 
Marbeckes prayer unto God.  have mercy upon thy poor prisoner which is destitute of all help and comfort. Assist me (O Lord) with thy special grace, that to save this frail and vile body, which shall turn to corruption at his time, I have no power to say or to write any thing, that may be to the casting away of my christian brother: but rather (O Lord) let this vile flesh suffer at thy will and pleasure. Grant this, O most merciful father, for thy dear son jesus Christ's sake.  
Then he rose up and began to search his conscience what he might write, and at last framed out these words: Where as your Lordship will have me write such things as I know of my fellows at home: 
Marbeckes words written in Winchester's paper.  pleaseth it your lordship to understand, that I cannot call to remembrance any manner of thing whereby I might justly accuse any one of them, unless it be that the reading of the new testament (which is common to all men) be an offence: more than this I know not.  
Now the Gentleman about his hour appointed, came again, and found Marbecke walking up and down the chamber. How now, quoth he, hast thou written nothing? 
Winchester's gentleman returneth the third time to Marbecke.  yes Sir, quoth he, as much as I know. Well said, quoth the Gentleman, and took up the paper. Which when he had read, he cast it from him in a great fume, swearing by our lords body, that he would not for xx. pound, carry it to his L. and master. Therefore quoth he, go to it again, and advise thyself better, or else thou wilt set my Lord against thee, and then art thou utterly undone. By my troth Sir, 
Well sworn and like a right Papist.  quoth Marbecke, if his lordship shall keep me here these seven years, I can say no more than I have said. Then wilt thou repent it, quoth the Gentleman, and so putting up his penner and inkhorn, departed with the paper in his hand.   

The third examination of Marbecke, before the Bishop of Winchester himself in his own house.  
THe next day, which was Wednesday, by viii. of the clock in the morning, 
The third examination of Marbeck.  the bishop sent for Marbecke to his house at S. Mary Oueries, and as he was entering into the bishop's hall, he saw the bishop himself coming out at a door in the upper end thereof, with a roll in his hand, and going toward the great window, he called the poor man unto him and said: Marbecke, wilt thou cast away thyself? No my Lord quoth he, I trust. Yes, quoth the B. thou goest about it, for thou wilt utter nothing. What a devil made thee to meddle with the scriptures? Thy vocation was an other way, wherein thou hast a goodly gift, 
Christ saith, Scrutamini Scripturas: And Winchester saith the Devil maketh men to meddle with the Scriptures.  if thou didst esteem it? Yes my Lord, quoth he, I do esteem it and have done my part therein, according to that little knowledge that God hath given me. And why the devil quoth the Bishop, didst thou not hold thee there? and with that he flung away from the window out of the Hall, the poor man following him from place to place, till he had brought him into a long gallery, and being there, the bishop began on this wise: A sirrah, quoth he, the nest of you is broken I trow. And unfolding his roll (which was about an elne long) he said: Behold, here be your captains both Hobby and Haynes, with all the whole pacte of thy sect about Windsor, & yet wilt thou utter none of them. Alas my lord quoth he, how should I accuse them, by whom I know nothing? Well, quoth the bish. if thou wilt needs cast away thyself, who can let thee? 
Marbeck charged for setting forth the concordance.  What helpers hadst thou in setting forth thy book: Forsooth my lord, quoth he none. Now quoth the bishop? how can that be? It is not possible that thou shouldest do it without help. Truly my L. quoth he, I can not tell in what part your lordship doth take it, but how soever it be, I will not deny but I did it without the help of any man save God alone. Nay quoth the B. I do not discommend thy diligence, but what shouldest thou meddle with that thing which pertained not to thee?  
And in speaking these words, one of his chaplains, (called M. Meadow) came up and stayed himself at a window, to whom the bishop said, here is a marvelous thing. This fellow hath taken upon him to set out the Concordance in english, which book when it was set out in latin was not done without the help and diligence of a dozen learned men at the least, and yet will he bear me in hand that he hath done it alone. But say what thou wilt, quoth the B. except God himself would come down from heaven and tell me so, I will not believe it: and so going forth to a window, where two great Bibles lay upon a cushion, the one in Latin, and the other in English, he called Marbecke unto him, and pointing his finger to a place in the Latin Bible, said: Canst thou English this sentence? Nay my L. quoth he, I trow I be not so cunning to give it a perfect English, but I can set out the English thereof in the English Bible. Let see, quoth the B. Then Marbecke turning the English Bible, found out the place by and by, and read it to the Bishop. So he tried him a three or four times, till one of his men came up and told him the Priest was ready to go to Mass.  
And as the B. was going, said the Gentleman which had examined Marbecke in the marshalsea the day before: 
M. Clawback cometh again to Marbecke.  Shall this fellow writ nothing while your Lordship is at mass, for he passeth not on it. It maketh no matter quoth the Bishop, for he will tell nothing, and so went down to hear Mass, leaving Marbecke alone in the gallery. The B. was no sooner downe, but the Gentleman came up again with ink and paper. 
Marbecke pressed again to utter his fellows.  Come sirrah quoth he, my Lord will have you occupied till Mass be done, persuading him with fair words, that he should be soon dispatched out of trouble, if he would use truth and plainness. Alas sir, quoth he, what will my Lord have me to do? for more than I wrote to his Lordship yesterday, I can not? Well, well, go to quoth the Gentleman, & make speed, and so went his way. There was no remedy but Marbecke must now write some thing: wherefore he calling to God again in his mind, wrote a few words as nigh as he could frame them, to those he had written the day before. When the B. was come from Mass, and had looked on the writing, he pushed it from him, saying: what shall this do? It hath neither head nor foot. There is a marvelous sect of them (quoth the B. to his men) for the devil cannot make one of them to bewray another. Then was there nothing among the Bishop's Gentlemen, as they were making him ready to go to the court, but Crucisige upon the poor man. And when the bishops white ratchet was on him and all: well Marbecke, quoth he, I am now going to the Court, and was purposed, if I had found thee tractable, to have spoken to the king's majesty for thee and to have given thee thy meat, drink, & lodging here in mine house: but seeing thou art so wilful and so stubborn, thou shalt go to the devil for me.  
Then was he carried down by the B. men, with many railing words. 
Marbecke brought again from Winchester's house to the marshalsea.  And coming through the great chamber, there stood D. London, with two more of his fellows, waiting the bishops coming: and passing by them into the Hall, he was there received of his keeper, and carried to prison again. It was not half an hour after, ere that the B. sent one of his Gentlemen to the under keeper called Stokes, commanding him to put irons upon Marbecke, and to keep him fast shut in a chamber alone, and when he should bring him down to dinner or supper, to see that he spoke to no man, nor no man to him: & furthermore, that he should suffer no manner of person (not his own wife) to come & see him or minister any thing unto him. When the porter (who was the cruelest man that might be, to all such as were laid in for any matter of religion, and yet as God would, 
A cruel porter of the Marshelsey, but yet good to Marbecke.  favourable to this poor man) had received this commandment from the B. he clapped irons upon him & shut him up, giving warning to all the house, that no man should speak or talk to Marbecke, whensoever he was brought down, and so he continued the space of iij. weeks & more, till his wife was suffered to come unto him.   

The suit of Marbeckes wife to the Bishop of Winchester.  
MArbeckes wife, at the time of her husband's apprehension, 
Marbeckes wife sueth to Winchester for her husband.  had a young child of a quarter old, sucking upon her breast: & when her husband was taken from her, & had away to the Counsel, not knowing what should be come of him, she left the child and all, and gate her up to London, and hearing her husband to be in the marshalsea, goeth thither. But when she came there, she could in no wise be suffered to see him, which greatly augmented her sorrow. Then by counsel of friends, she gate her to the B. of Winchester (for other help was there none to be had at that time) making great suit to have his licence to go & see her husband, and to help him with such things as he lacked. Nay quoth the B. thy husband is acquainted with all the heretics that be in the Realm, 
Marbeckes wife denied a great while to go to her husband.  both on this side the Sea and beyond, and yet will he utter none of them. Alas my Lord quoth she, my husband was never beyond the seas, nor no great travailer in the Realm to be so acquainted, therefore good my Lord let me go see him. But all her earnest suit from day to day would not help, but still he put her of, harping always upon this string: thy husband will utter nothing. At the last, she finding him in the court at s. james going toward his chamber, was so bold to take him by the ratchet and say: O my Lord, these 18. days I have troubled your Lordship: now for the love of God, and as ever ye came of a woman, put me of no longer, but let me go to my husband. 
Winches●●● argument▪ He hath read much Scripture Ergo▪ he 〈◊〉 an 〈◊〉 Henry C●●●ricke playeth the 〈◊〉 of a good neighb●●●.  And as she was standing with the Bishop & his men, in a blind corner going to his chamber, one of the king's servants called Henry Carrike, and her next neighbour, chanced to be by: & hearing the talk between the B. and her, desired his Lordship to be good Lord unto the poor woman, which had her own mother lying bedrid upon her hands, beside 5. or 6. children. I promise you quoth the B. her husband is a great heretic, & hath read more scripture than any man in the Realm hath done. I cannot tell my Lord, quoth Carrike, what he is inwardly, but outwardly he is as honest a quiet neighbour as ever I dwelled by. He will tell nothing quoth the B. He knoweth a great sort of false harlots, and will not utter them. Yes my Lord quoth Carrike, he will tell, I dare say, for he is an honest man. Well, quoth the B. (speaking to the wife) thou seemest to be an honest woman, and if thou love thy husband well, go to him, and give him good counsel, to utter such naughty fellows as he knoweth, and I promise thee he shall have what I can do for him: for I do fancy him well for his Art, wherein he had pleased me as well as any man: and so stepping into his chamber, said she should have his letter to the keeper. 
Marbec●●● wife permitted at last to go 〈◊〉 her husband  But his mind being changed he sent out his ring by a Gentleman, which Gentleman delivered the ring to his man, charging him with the Bishop's message. And so his man went with the woman to the water side, & took boat, who never rested railing on her husband all the way, till they came to the prison: which was no small cross unto the poor woman.  
And when they were come to the marshalsea: the messenger showed the B. ring to the Porter, saying: Master Stokes, my Lord willeth you by this token, that ye suffer this woman to have recourse to her husband: but he straightly chargeth you, that ye search her both coming & going lest she bring or carry any letters to or fro, & that she bring no body unto him, nor no word from no man. God's blood quoth the Porter (who was a foul swearer) what will my Lord have me to do? 
Like 〈◊〉 man.  Can I let her to bring word from any man? Either let her go to her husband, or let her not go for I see nothing by him but an honest man. The poor woman fearing to be repulsed, spoke the Porter fair, saying: Good master be content, for I have found my Lord very good Lord unto me. This young man is but the Gentleman's servant which brought the ring from my Lord, & I think doth his message a great deal more straighter than my Lord commanded the Gentleman, or that the Gentleman his master commanded him. But nevertheless good M. quoth she, I shall be content to strip myself before you both coming and going, 
The part 〈◊〉 good 〈…〉.  so far as any honest woman may do with honesty. For I intend no such thing, but only to comfort and help my husband. Then the Messenger said no more, but went his way, leaving the woman there, who from that time forth, was suffered to come and go at her pleasure.   

The fourth examination of Marbecke, before the Commissioners in the Bishop of London's house.  
ABout a three weeks before Whitsonday, was Marbecke sent for to the B. of London's house, 
 where sat in Commission Doctor Capon, Bishop of Salisbury, Doctor Skyp Bishop of Harford, Doct. Goodricke Bishop of Ely, Doct. Okyng, Doct. May, and the Bishop of London's Scribe, having before them all Marbeckes books. Then said the Bishop of Salisbury: Marbecke, we are here in commission sent from the king's majesty, to examine thee of certain things whereof thou must be sworn to answer us faithfully & truly. I am content my lord quoth he, to tell you the truth so far as I can, and so took his oath. Then the Bishop of Salisbury laid forth before him, his 3. books of notes, demanding whose hand they were. He answered they were his own hand, & notes which he had gathered out of other men's works, 6. years ago. For what cause quoth the Bishop of Salisbury didst thou gather them? For none other cause my Lord, quoth he, but to come by knowledge. For I being unlearned & desirous to understand some part of scripture, thought by reading of learned men's works to come the sooner thereby, & where as I found any place of Scripture opened and expounded by them, that I noted as ye see, with a letter of his name in the margin, that had set out the work. So me think quoth the Bishop of Ely (who had one of the books of notes in his hand all the time of their sitting) thou hast read of all sorts of books both good and bad, as seemeth by the notes. So I have my Lord, quoth he. And to what purpose, quoth the Bishop of Salis. by my troth, quoth he, for no other purpose but to see every man's mind. Then the B. of Salis. drew out a choir of the Concordance, and laid it before the B. of Harford, who looking upon it a while, lifted up his eyes to D. Oking (standing next him) and said: This man hath been better occupied, than a great sort of our priests. To the which he made no answer.  
Then said the Bishop of Salisbury, whose help hadst thou in setting forth this book? Truly my Lord, quoth he, no help at al. How couldst thou, quoth the bishop, invent such a book, or know what a Concordance meant, without an instructor. I will tell your Lordship, quoth he, what instructor I had to begin it. 
The occasion why Marbecke began the Concordance in English.  When Thomas Mathewes bible came first out in print, I was much desirous to have one of them: and being a poor man not able to buy one of them, determined with myself to borrow one among my friends, & to write it forth. And when I had written out the 5. books of Moses in fair great paper, & was entered into the book of josua, 
M. Richard Turner of Magdalen College in Oxford and after of Windsor, a godly learned 〈◊〉 and a ●●od preacher: who in Queen mary's time fled into germany, and there▪ died.  my friend M. Turner chanced to steal upon me unwares, & seeing me writing out the Bible, asked me what I meant thereby. And when I had told him the cause: Tush, quoth he, thou goest about a vain and tedious labour. But this were a profitable work for thee, to set out a Concordance in English. A Concordance said I? what is that? Then he told me it was a book to find out any word in the whole Bible by the letter, & that there was such a one in Latin already. Then I told him I had no learning to go about such a thing. Enough, quoth he, for that matter, for it requireth not so much learning, as diligence. And seeing thou art so painful a man, and one that cannot be unoccupied, it were a goodly exercise for thee. And this (my Lord) is all the instruction that ever I had before or after, of any man. What is that Turner, quoth the B. of Salis.? Marry, quoth D, May, an honest learned man, and a Bachelor of Divinity, and sometime a fellow in Magdalene college in Oxford. How couldst thou, quoth the B. of Salisb. with this instruction, bring it to this order and form, as it is? I borrowed a Latin Concordance, quoth he, and began to practise my wit, and at last with great labour and diligence, brought it into this order, as your lordship doth see. A good wit with diligence, quoth the bysh. of Harford, may bring hard things to pass. It is great pity quoth the bishop of Ely, he had not the Latin tongue. So it is, quoth D. May. Yet can not I believe, quoth the Bishop of Salisb. that he hath done any more in this work, then written it out after some other that is learned.  
My Lords, quoth Marbecke, I shall beseech you all to pardon me what I shall say, 
Marbeckes words to the Bishops.  and grant to my request if it shall seem good unto you. Say what thou wilt, quoth the Bishops. I do marvel greatly wherefore I should be so much examined for this book, & whether I have committed any offence in doing of it or no? If I have, than were I loath any other to be molested or punished for my fault. Therefore to clear all men in this matter, this is my request, that ye will try me in the rest of the book that is undone. Ye see that I am yet but in the letter L. Beginning now at M. & take out what word ye will of that letter, & so in every letter following, and give me the words in a piece of paper and set me in a place alone where it shall please you, with ink and paper, the English Bible, and the Latin concordance: and if I bring you not these words written in the same order & form that the rest before is, than was it not I that did it, but some other.  
By my troth Marbecke, quoth the Bishop of Elye, that is honestly spoken, and then shalt thou bring many out of suspicion. That he shall, quoth they all. Then they bad Doct. Oking draw out such words as he thought best in a piece of paper, and so rose up: and in the mean time, fell into other familiar talk with Marbecke (for the Bishop of Ely and Harford both, were acquainted with him afore, and his friends, so far as they durst) who perceiving the Bishops so pleasantly disposed, besought them to tell him in what danger he stood. 
The bishop's 〈◊〉 Salisbury 〈◊〉 Harford 〈◊〉 well the 〈◊〉 of ●●●becke.  Shall I tell thee Marbecke, quoth the Bishop of Sarum? Thou art in better case than any of thy fellows, of whom there be some would give 40. li. to be in no worse case than thou art, whose sayings the other affirmed. Then came D. Oking with the words he had written, & while the Bishops were perusing them over, Doctor Oking said to Marbecke (very friendly) on this wise: 
D. Skips comfortable words to Marbecke.  Good M. Marbecke make haste, for the sooner ye have done, the sooner ye shall be delivered. And as the Bishops were going away, the bishop of Harforde took Marbecke a little aside, and informed him of a word which D. Oking had written false, and also to comfort him, said: Fear not, there can no law condemn you, for any thing that ye have done, for if ye had written a 1000 heresies, so long as they be not your sayings nor your opinions, the law cannot hurt you. And so went they all with the Bishop of Sarum to dinner, who taking the poor man with them, who dined in the hall at the stewards board: and beside that, had wine and meat sent down from the bishop's table.  
When dinner was done, the Bishop of Sarum came down into the Hall, commanding ink and paper to be given to Marbecke, and the 2. books to one of his men to go with him, at whose going he demanded of the Bishop, what time his Lordship would appoint him to do it in. Against to morrow this time, quoth the Bishop, which was about 2. of the clock, and so departed.  
Marbecke now being in his prison chamber, fell to his business, & so applied the thing, that by the next day when the Bishop sent for him again, he had written so much, in the same order & form he had done the rest before, 
A false dissembling Bishop▪  as contained iij. sheets of paper and more. The which, when he had delivered to the Bishop of Sarum (Doc. Oking standing by) he marveled and said: Well Marbecke, thou hast now put me out of all doubt. I assure thee, quoth he (putting up the paper into his bosom) the king shall see this or I be 24. hours elder: but he dissembled every word, and thought nothing less than so. For afterward, the matter being come to light, and known to his grace what a book the poor man had begun, which the Bishops would not suffer him to finish: the king said he was better occupied than they that took it from him. So Marbecke departed from the bishop of Sarum to prison again, and heard no more of his book.   

The 5. examination of Marbecke, before D. Oking and M. Knight Secretary to the Bishop of Winchester, in S. Mary Ouers Church.  
Upon Whitsonday following, at after noon, 
The 5. examination of Marbecke.  was Marbecke sent for once again to S. Mary Ouers, where he found D. Oking with an other gentleman in a gown of Damask, with a chain of gold about his neck (no more in all the church but they two) sitting together in one of the stalls, their backs toward the church door, looking upon an Epistle of M. john calvin's, which Marbecke had written out. And when they saw the prisoner come, they rose and had him up to a side alter, leaving his keeper in the body of the church alone. Now as soon as Marbecke saw the face of a gentleman (which before he knew not by reason of his apparel) he saw it was the same person that first examined him in the marshalsea, and did also cause him to write in the bishops gallery, but never knew his name, till now he heard Doct. Oking call him M. Knight. This M. Knight held forth the paper to Marbecke and said, look upon this, and tell me whose hand it is. When Marbecke had taken the paper, 
This gentleman of winchester's was M. Knight▪  & seen what it was, he confessed it to be all his hand saving the first leaf, and the notes in the margin Then I perceive, quoth Knight, thou wilt not go from thine own hand. No Sir quoth he, I will deny nothing that I have done. Thou dost well in that, quoth Knight, for if thou shouldest, we have testimonies enough beside, to try out thy hand by: but I pray thee tell me, whose hand is the last leaf? That I cannot tell you, quoth Marbecke. Then how camest thou by it, quoth Knight? Forsooth I will tell you quoth he. There was a priest dwelling with us upon a v. or vi years ago, called Martial: who sent it unto me with the first leaf written, desiring me to write it out with speed, because the copy could not be spared past an hour or twain and so I wrote it out, and sent him both the copy and it again.  
And how came this hand in the margin, quoth he, which is a contrary hand to both the other? That I will tell you, quoth Marbecke▪ When I wrote it out at the first, I made so much haste of it, that I understood not the matter: wherefore I was desirous to see it again, and to read it with more deliberation, and being sent to me the second time, it was thus coted in the margin as ye see. And shortly after this, it was his chance to go beyond the seas (where he lived not long) by reason whereof the Epistle remaineth with me: but whether the first leaf, or the notes in the margin were▪ his hand, or whose hand else, 
Surmise against D. Haynes.  that I cannot tell. Tush, quoth D. Oking to M. Knight, he knoweth well enough, that the notes be Heynes own hand, If you know so much, quoth Marb. ye know more than I do, for I tell you truly I know it not. By my faith Marbecke, quoth knight, if thou wilt not tell by fair means: those fingers of thine shall be made to tell. 
Inconstancy and little truth in Papists.  By my troth Sir, quoth Marbecke, if ye do tear the whole body in pieces (I trust in God) ye shall never make me accuse man wrongfully. If thou be so stubborn, quoth D. O king, thou wilt die for it. die M. Okyng, quoth he? Wherefore should I die. You told me the last day before the Bishops, that assoon as I had made an end of the piece of Concordance they took me, I should be delivered, and shall I now die? This is a sudden mutation. You seemed then to be my friend: but I know the cause, ye have red the ballet I made of Moses chair, and that hath set you against me, but when soever ye shall put me to death, I doubt not to die Gods true man and the kings. How so, quoth Knight? how canst thou die a true man unto the king, when thou hast offended his laws? Is not this Epistle, and most of thy notes thou hast written, directly against the 6. articles? No sir quoth Marbecke: I have not offended the kings laws therein: for since the first time I began with the Concordance (which is almost 6. years ago) I have been occupied in nothing else: 
The kings general pardon claimed.  So that both this Epistle, and all the notes I have gathered, were written a great while before the 6. Articles came forth, and are clearly remitted by the king's general pardon. Trust not to that, quoth Knight, for it will not help thee. No I warrant him, quoth Doct. Okyng, and so going down to the body of the church, they committed him to his keeper, who had him away to prison again.   

The suit of filmer's wife, to the Bishops which sat in commission, for her husband.  
IN like manner, the wife of Filmer knowing her husband's trouble to be only procured of malice by Simons his old enemy, made great suit and labour unto the Bishops which were commissioners, desiring no more of them, but that it would please their goodness to examine her husband before them, 
filmer's wife laboureth for her husband.  and to hear him make his purgation. This was her only request to every of the Bishops from day to day, wheresoever she could find them. In so much that two of the Bishops (Ely and Harforde) were very sorry (considering the importune and reasonable suit of the woman) that it lay not in them to help her. Thus travailing long up and down from one to an other, to have her husband examined, 
The words of filmer's wife to the bishops.  it was her chance at the last to find the Bishops all three together in the bishop of Elye his place, unto whom she said: O good my Lords for the love of God, let now my poor husband be brought forth before you, while ye be here all togethers. For truly my Lords, there can nothing be justly laid against him, but that of malicious envy and spite, Simons hath wrought him this trouble. And you my Lord of salisbury, quoth the poor woman, can testify (if it would please your lordship to say the truth) what malice simon's bore to my husband when they were both before you at Salisbury (little more than a year ago) for the vicar of Wyndsors' matter. For as your Lordship knoweth, when my husband had certified you of the Priest's sermone, which you said was plain heresy: then came Symons (after the Priest himself had confessed it) and would have defended the priests error before your Lordship, and have had my husband punished. At what time it pleased your Lordship to commend and praise my husband for his honesty, and to rebuke Symons for maintaining the Priest in his error, & thereupon commanded the priest to rekant his heresy at his coming home to Windsor. This (my Lord) you know to be true. And now my Lords, quoth the woman, it is most certain, that for this cause only did Symons evermore afterward threaten my husband to be even with him. Therefore good my Lords, call my husband before you, and hear him speak: and if ye find any other matter against him then this that I have told you, let me suffer death. Is this so my Lord, quoth the B. of Ely and Harforde? and the other could not deny it. Then they spoke Latin to the B. of Salisbury, and he to them, & so departed. For the matter was so wrought between Doctor London and Symons, that Filmer could never be suffered to come before the Commissioners to be examined. 
Filmer could not come to his answer.    

The manner of their condemnations, and how they died.  

Ann. 1544.  WHen the time drew nigh that the king's majesty (who was newly married to that good and virtuous Lady Katherine Parr) should make his progress abroad, 
The king married to the Lady Katherine Parr. Stephen Gardiner great about the king. Stephen Gardiner's bow bend to shoot at the head Dear.  the foresaid Steven Gardiner B. of Winchester had so compassed his matters, that no man bare so great a swinge about the king, as he did. Wherewith the Gospelers were so quailed, that the best of them all looked every hour to be clapped in the neck. For the saying went abroad, that the B. had bend his bow to shoot at some of the head Dear: but in the mean time 3. or 4. of the poor rascals were caught, that is to say, Anthony Person, Henry Filmer, and john Marbecke, and sent to Wyndsore by the sheriffs men, 
Parson Filmer and M●●becke, 〈◊〉 to 〈…〉  the Saturday before S. james day, and laid fast in the towns gail: and Testwood (who had kept his bed) brought out of his house upon crouches, and laid with them. But as for Bennet, (which should have been the fift man) his chance was to be sick of the Pestilence, and having a great sore upon him, was left behind in the bish. of London's gail, whereby he escaped the fire.  
Now these men being brought to Wyndsore, there was a sessions special procured to be held the Thursday after, which was S. Anne's day. Against the which Sessions (by the counsel of D. London and Symons) were all the farmers belonging to the College of windsor, warned to appear: because they could not pike out Papists enough in the town, to go upon the jury. The judges that day were these.  

Doctor Capon Bishop of Salisbury.  
Sir William Essex Knight,  
Sir Thomas Bridges Knight. 
  
Sir Humphrey Foster Knight.  
Master Franklen Deane of Wyndsore.  
And Fachel of Reading.   
When these had taken their places, and the prisoners brought forth before them, than Robert Ockam occupying for that day the Clerk of peace his ●oume, called Anthony Person, according to the manner of the Court, 
 and red his Indictment, which was this.  
First, that he should preach two years before, in a place called Wyngfield, and there should say: 
 that like as Christ was hanged between two thieves, even so when the priest is at mass, and hath consecrated and lifted him up over his head, than he hangeth between 2. thieves, except he preach the word of God truly, as he hath taken upon him to do.  
Also that he said to the people in the Pulpit: ye shall not eat the body of Christ, as it did hang upon the Cross, gnawing it with your teeth, that the blood run about your lips, but you shall eat him this day, as ye eat him to morrow, the next day, and every day: for it refresheth not the body, but the soul.  
Also, after he had preached and commended the Scripture, calling it the word of God, he said as followeth: This is the word, this is the bread, this is the body of Christ.  
Also he said, that Christ sitting with his Disciples, took bread, and blessed, and broke it, and gave it to his disciples, saying: Take and eat it. This is my body. What is this to us, but to take the Scripture of God, and to break it to the people.  
To this, Anthony answered & said: I will be tried by God and his holy word, and by the true Church of Christ, whether this be heresy or no, whereof ye have Indicted me this day. So long as I preached the Bishop of Rome and his filthy traditions, I was never troubled: 
 but since I have taken upon me to preach Christ and his Gospel, ye have always sought my life. But it maketh no matter, for when you have taken your pleasure of my body, I trust it shall not lie in your powers to hurt my soul. Thou callest us thieves, quoth the Bishop. I say, quoth Anthony, ye are not only thieves but murderers, except ye preach and teach the word of God purely and sincerely to the people, which ye do not nor never did, but have alured them to all Idolatry, superstition and hypocrisy, for your own lucre & glory sake, 
 through the which ye are become rather bitesheepes then true bishops, biting and devouring the poor sheep of Christ like ravening wolves never satisfied with blood: which God will require at your hands one day, doubt it not. Then spoke Symons his accuser, standing within the bar, saying: 
 It is pity this fellow had not been burnt long ago as he deserved. In faith (quoth Anthony) if you had as you have deserved, you were more worthy to stand in this place than I: but I trust in the last day when we shall both appear before the tribunal seat of Christ, that then it willbe known which of us 2. hath best deserved this place. Shall I have so long a day, quoth Symons, 
 holding up his finger? Nay, than I care not: and so the matter was jested out.   

Robert Testwoode.  
THen was Testwoode called, and his Indictment read, which was that he should say in the time that the priest was lifting up the Sacrament: 
 what wilt thou lift him so high? What yet hire? Take heed, let him not fall.  
To this Testwoode answered, 
 saying it was but a thing maliciously forged of his enemies to bring him to his death. Yes (quoth the B.) thou hast been seen, that when the Priest should lift up the Sacrament over his head, then wouldst thou look down upon thy book, or some other way, because thou wouldst not abide to look upon the blessed Sacrament. I beseech you my Lord▪ quoth Testwood, whereon did he look that marked me so well? Marry quoth Bucklayer the Kings Attorney, he could not be better occupied, than to mark such heretics that so despised the blessed Sacrament.   

Henry Filmer.  
THen was Filmer called and his Indictment read: that he should say that the Sacrament of the saultare is nothing else but a similitude and a ceremony: 
 and also if God be in the Sacrament of the aultare, I have eaten twenty Gods in my days.  
Here ye must understand, that these words were gathered of certain communication which should be between Filmer and his brother. The tale went thus.  
This Henry Filmer coming upon a Sunday from Clewer his Parish church, in the company of one or two of his neighbours, chanced in the way to meet his brother (which was a very poor labouring man) and asked him whether he went. To the Church said he. And what to do, quoth Filmer? To do quoth he, as other men do. Nay, quoth Filmer, you go to hear mass and to see your God. What if I do so, quoth he? If that be God (should Filmer say) I have eaten 20. Gods in my days. Turn again fool and go home with me, and I will read thee a Chapter out of the Bible, that shallbe better than all that thou shalt hear or see there.  
This tale was no sooner brought to Doct. London by William Symons (filmer's utter enemy) but he sent for the poor man home to his house, 
〈◊〉 London 〈◊〉 bro●●● against ●●●ther.  where he cherished him with meat and money, telling him he should never lack, so long as he lived: that the silly poor man (thinking to have had a daily friend of D. London) was content to do and say whatsoever he and Symons would have him say or do against his own brother. And when D. London had thus won the poor man, he retained him as one of his household men, 
 until the court day was come, and then sent him up to witness this foresaid tale against his brother. Which ●ale Filmer denied utterly, saying that D. London (for a little meat and drink sake) had set him on, and made him to say what his pleasure was: 
●●●mers own ●●●ther 〈◊〉 against 〈◊〉.  wherefore my Lord (quoth Filmer to the bishop) I beseech your Lordship weigh the matter indifferently, 
〈◊〉 witness stand is against the 〈◊〉.  for as much as there is no man in all this town, that can or will testify with him, that ever he heard any such talk between him and me: and if he can bring forth any that will witness the same with him, I refuse not to die. But say what he could, it would not prevail.  
Then Filmer seeing no remedy, but that his brother's accusement should take place, he said: Ah brother, what cause hast thou to show me this unkindness? I have always been a natural brother unto thee and thine, and helped you all, to my power, from time to time, as thou thyself knowest: and is this a brotherly part, 
〈◊〉 cast 〈◊〉 by his 〈…〉.  thus to reward me now for my kindness? God forgive it thee my brother, & give thee grace to repent. Then Filmer looking over his shoulder, desired some good body to let him see the book of statutes. His wife being at the end of the hall, and hearing her husband call for the book of statutes, ran down to the keeper, and brought up the book, & got it conveyed to her husband.  
The Bishop seeing the book in his hand, start him up from the bench in a great sum, 

〈◊〉 Bishops ●●●demne 〈◊〉 not one without 〈◊〉, but 〈…〉 that ●●ould not 〈…〉 by 〈…〉 the 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 do the 〈…〉 say that 〈◊〉 did 〈◊〉 but by 〈◊〉?  
〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 just 〈…〉 a 〈◊〉 accuser 〈◊〉 his 〈◊〉.   demanding who had given the prisoner that book, commanding it to be taken from him, and to make search who had brought it, swearing by the faith of his body, he should go to prison. Some said it was his wife, some said the keeper. Like enough (my lord) quoth Symons, for he is one of the same sort, & as worthy to be here as the best, if he were rightly served. But howsoever it was, the truth would not be known, and so the Bishop sat him down again.  
Then said Filmer: O my Lord, I am this day judged by a law, & why should not I see the law that I am judged by? The law is, I should have two lawful witnesses and here is but one, which would not do as he doth, but that he is forced thereunto by the suggestion of mine enemies. Nay, quoth Bucklayer the kings attorney, thine heresy is so heinous, and abhorteth thine own brother so much, that it forceth him to witness against thee, which is more than two other witnesses.  
Thus (as ye see) was Filmer brought unjustly to his death, by the malice of Symons and D. London, who had enticed that wretched caitiff his brother, to be their minister to work his confusion. But God which is a just revenger of all falsehood & wrongs, would not suffer that wretch long to live upon earth, but the next year following, he being taken up for a labourer to go to Bulloyne, had not been there three days, ere that (in exonerating of nature) a Gun took him and tore him all to pieces: And so was these words of Solomon fulfilled: A false witness shall not remain unpunished.   

john Marbecke.  
THen was Marbecke called, and his Indictment read, 
The indictment of Marbecke.  which was that he should say: That the holy Mass, when the Priest doth consecrate the body of our Lord, is polluted, deformed, sinful, and open robbery of the glory of God, from the which a Christian hart ought both to abhor and flee. And the elevation of the Sacrament is the similitude of the setting up of Images of the calves in the Temple builded by jeroboam: and that it is more abomination than the sacrifices done by the jews in jeroboams temple to those calves. And that certain and sure it is that Christ himself is made in the mass, man's laughing stock.  
To this he answered and said, 
Marbecke answereth to his indictment.  that these words whereof they had indicted him, were not his, but the words of a learned man called john calvin, and drawn out of a certain Epistle which the said calvin had made, which Epistle he had but only written out, and that long before the 6. Articles came forth: so that now he was discharged of that offence by the king's general pardon, desiring that he might enjoy the benefit thereof.  
Then was the jury called, which were all Farmer's belonging to the College of Wyndsore, 
Partial dealing in calling the jury.  whereof few or none had ever seen those men before, upon whose life and death they went. Wherefore the prisoners (counting the farmers as partial) desired to have the towns men, or such as did know them, and had seen their daily conversations, in the place of the Farmers, or else to be equally joined with them: but that would not be, for the matter was otherwise foreseen and determined.  
Now when the jury had taken their oath and all, Bucklayer the kings attorney began to speak: 
Buclayer the kings attorney▪ a persecuter.  and first he alleged many reasons against Anth. Person, to prove him an heretic. Which when Anth. would have disproved, the Bishop said: let him alone, Sir, he speaketh for the K. & so went Bucklayer forth with his matter, making every man's cause as heinous to the hearers, as he could devise. And when he had done and said what he would, than Sir Humphrey Foster spoke to the Quest in the favour of Marbecke on this wise: Masters quoth he, 
Sir Humphrey Foster speaketh for Marbecke.  ye see there is no man here that accuseth or layeth any thing to the charge of this poor man Marbecke, saving he hath written certain things of other men's sayings with his own hand, whereof he is discharged by the king's general pardon: therefore ye ought to have a conscience therein. Then start up Fachel at the lower end of the bench, and said: 
Fachell a persecuter.  What can we tell whether they were written before the pardon, or after? They may as well be written since as afore, for any thing that we know. These words of Fachel (as every man said) were the cause of Marbeckes casting that day.  
Then went the jury up to the chamber over the place where the judges sat, and in the mean time, went all the Knights and gentlemen abroad, 
Manbecke cast by the jury.  saving the Bishop Sir William Essex, and Fachell, which three sat still upon the Bench till all was done. 
The knights & gentlemen refuse to be at their condemnation.  And when the jury had been togethers above in the chamber, about the space of a quarter of an hour, up goeth Symons (of his own brain) unto them▪ and tarried there a pretty while, and came down again. After that, came one of the jury down to the bishop, and talked with him and the other twain a good while, whereby many conjectured, that the jury could not agree of Marbecke. But whether it were so or no, it was not long after his going up again, ere that they came down to give their verdict. 
Hyde a Farmer of Windsor College, a persecuter.  And being required according to the form of the law to say their minds: one called Hyde dwelling beside Abyngton, in a lordship belonging to the College of Wyndsore, speaking in the mouth of the rest, said they were all guilty.  
Then the judges beholding the prisoners a good while (some with watery eyes) made courtesy who should give judgement. Fachel requiring the bishop to do it, he said he might not: the other also being required, said they would not. Then said Fachel, it must be done: one must do it, 
Fachell giveth judgement against them.  and if no man will, then will I. And so Fachell being lowest of all the bench, gave judgement. Then Marbeck being the last upon whom sentence was given, cried to the bish. saying: Ah my Lord, you told me otherwise when I was before you and the other two bishops. You said then, that I was in better case than any of my fellows, and is your saying come to this? Ah my L. you have deceived me. Then the B. casting up his hand, said he could not do withal.  

Person, Testwood, Filmer, and Marbecke, condemned for heretics.  Now the prisoners being condemned and had away, prepared themselves to die on the morrow, comforting one an other in the death and passion of their master Christ, who had led the way before them, trusting that the same lord which had made them worthy to suffer so far for his sake, would not now withdraw his strength from them, but give them steadfast faith & power to overcome those fiery torments, and of his free mercy and goodness (without their deserts) for his promise sake, receive their souls. Thus lay they all the night long (till very dead sleep took them) calling to God for his aid and strength, and praying for their persecutors, which of blind zeal and ignorance had done they witted not what, that God of his merciful goodness would forgive them, 
The godly prayers of the condemned Martyrs almost all the night.  and turn their hearts to the love and knowledge of his blessed and holy word: Yea such heavenly talk was among them that night, that the hearers watching the prison without, whereof the Sheriff himself was one, with divers gentlemen more, were constrained to shed out plenty of tears, as they themselves confessed.  
On the next morrow, which was Friday, as the prisoners were all preparing themselves to go to suffer, word was brought them that they should not die that day. The cause was this. The Bishop of Sarum, and they among them had sent a letter by one of the sheriffs Gentlemen, 
A letter sent by certain of the Commissioners to Gardyner for Marbecke.  called M. Frost, to the bishop of Winchester (the Court being then at Oking) in the favour of Marbecke. At the sight of which letter, the bishop strait way went to the king, and obtained his pardon.  
Which being granted, he caused a warrant to be made out of hand for the sheriffs discharge, delivering the same to the messenger, who with speed returned with great joy (for the love he bore to the party) bringing good news to the town, 
Marbeckes pardon obtained.  of Marbeckes pardon: whereat many rejoiced. Of this pardon were divers conjectures made. Some said it was by the suit of the good sheriff sir William Barington, and sir Humffray Foster (with other Gentlemen more that favoured Marbeck) to the B. of Sarum and the other Commissioners, that the letter was sent.  
Some said again, that it came of the Bishop of Sarum and Fachels' first motion, 
divers judgements why Marbecke was pardoned.  being pricked in conscience, for that they had so slenderly cast him away. Other thought again, that it was a policy purposed afore, by the Bishop of Winchester, of Sarum, and of D. London, because they would seem to be merciful. Which conjecture rose upon this occasion. There was one Sadocke dwelling in the town which was great with D. London and Symons: and he should say 4. days before the sessions began, that the prisoners should be all cast and condemned, but Marbecke should have his pardon.  
Other there were that thought the foresaid Bishops with D. London, had done it for this purpose: that he now having his life, would rather utter such men as they would have him to do, then to come in like danger again. Which conjecture rose upon this: Symons meeting with Marbeckes wife, said thus unto her: your husband may thank God & good friends: my Lord of Winchester is good Lord unto him, which hath got his pardon. But shall I tell you, quoth he? 
Marbecke reserved to utter others.  his pardon willbe to none effect, except he tell the truth of things to my Lord & other of the counsel, when he shallbe demanded, for unto that purpose only is he reserved. Alas sir, quoth she, what can he tell? Well woman quoth Symons, I tell thee plain, if he do not so, never look to have thy husband out of prison, and so departed from her.  
The like meaning did M. arch make to Marbecke himself, on the saturday in the morning, that the men should be brent, when he came to confess them. I have nothing, quoth he, to say unto you Marbecke at this time, but hereafter you must be content to do as shallbe enjoined you: meaning he should be forced to do some unlawful thing, or else to lie in perpetual prison. 
The pestilent intent of the Bishops.  And this was most likely to have been attempted, if they had proceeded in their purpose: whose intent was to have gone thorough the whole realm, in the like sort as they had begun at Wyndsore, as the Bishop of Sarum confessed openly and said, that he trusted ere Christmas day following, to visit and cleanse a good part thereof. But most commonly, God sendeth a shrewd Cow short horns, or else many a thousand in England had smarted.  
On saturday in the morning, that the prisoners should go to execution, came into the prison two of the Canons of the College, the one called Doctor Blithe, and the other master Arch, which two were sent to be their confessors, master arch asked them, if they would be confessed, and they said yea. Then he demanded if they would receive the Sacrament. Yea said they with all our hearts. I am glad quoth Arch, to hear you say so, but the law is (quoth he) that it may not be ministered to none that are condemned of heresy. But it is enough for you that ye do desire it. 
 And so had them up to the Hall to hear their confessions, because the prison was full of people. Doctor Blyth took Anthony Person to him to confess, and master Arch the other two. But how soever the matter went between the Doctor & Anthony, he tarried not long with him but came down again, saying he would no more of his doctrine. Do you call him Doct. Blithe, quoth Anthony? He may be called Doct. Blind for his learning, as far as I see. And soon after, the other two came down also. Then Anthony seeing much people in the prison, began to say the Lords prayer, whereof he made a marvelous godly declaration, 
 wherein he continued till the Officers came to set them away, and so made an end. And taking their leave of Marbecke (their prison fellow) they praised God for his deliverance, wishing to him the increase of godliness & virtue, and last of all besought him heartily to help them with his prayer unto God, to make them strong in their afflictions, and so kissing him one after an other, departed.  
Now as the prisoners passed through the people in the streets, 
 they desired all the faithful people to pray for them, & to stand fast in the truth of the gospel, & not to be moved at their afflictions, for it was the happiest thing that ever came to them. And ever as Doctor Blithe and Arch (who rod on each side the prisoners) would persuade them to turn to their mother holy Church: away would Anthony cry, away with your romish doctrine and all your trumpery, for we will no more of it. When Filmer was come to his brother's door, he stayed and called for his brother, but he could not be seen, for Doctor London had kept him out of sight that day, for the nonce.  
And when he had called for him three or four times, and saw he came not, he said: and will he not come? 
 Then God forgive him and make him a good man. And so going forth they came to the place of execution, where Anthony Person with a cheerful countenance, embraced the post in his arms, and kissing it, said: Now welcome mine own sweet wife: for this day shalt thou and I be married together in the love and peace of God.  
And being all three bound to the post, 
 a certain young man of filmer's acquaintance, brought him a pot of drink, ask if he would drink. Yea quoth Filmer, I thank you. And now my brother quoth he, I shall desire you in the name of the living Lord, to stand fast in the truth of the gospel of jesus Christ, which you have received, and so taking the pot at his hand, asked his brother Anthony, if he would drink. Yea brother Filmer quoth he, I pledge you in the Lord.  
And when he had drunk, he gave the pot to antony & Anthony likewise gave it to Testwoode. Of which drinking their adversaries made a jesting stock, reporting abroad that they were all drunk & witted not what they said, 
 when as they were none otherwise drunk then as the Apostles were, when the people said they were full of new wine, as their deeds declared. For when Anthonye and Testwoode had both drunken, & given the pot from them, Filmer rejoicing in the Lord, said: Be merry my brethren, & lift up your hearts unto God, 
 for after this sharp breakfast, I trust we shall have a good dinner in the kingdom of Christ our Lord and redeemer. At the which words Testwood lifting up his hands and eyes to heaven, desired the Lord above to receive his spirit. And Anthony Person, pulling the straw unto him, laid a good deal thereof upon the top of his head, saying: This is God's hat: 
 now am I dressed like a true soldier of Christ, by whose merits only, I trust this day to enter into his joy. 
 And so yielded they up their souls to the father of heaven, in the faith of his dear son jesus Christ, with such humility and steadfastness, that many which saw their patiented suffering, confessed that they could have found in their hearts (at that present to have died with them.   

How all their conspiracies were known.  
YE have heard before of one Robert Bennet, how he was at the first apprehended with the other four persons aforesaid, and committed to the B. of London's prison, and about the time he should have gone to Wyndsore, fell sick of the pestilence, by mean whereof he remained still in prison.  
This Bennet, & Symons (ye shall understand) were the greatest familiars and company keepers that were in all Windsor, & never (lightly) swerved the one from the other, 
 saving in matters of religion, wherein they could never agree. For Bennet the one Lawyer, was an earnest gospeler, & Simons the other Lawyer, a cankered papist: but in all other worldly matters, they cleaved together like burrs.  
This Bennet had spoken certain words against their little round God, for the which he was as far in as the best, and had suffered death with the other, if he had gone to Windsor when they went. 
R. Oc●am 〈◊〉 up by the bishop of Salisbury and by other● to Gardener with letters.  And now that the matter was all done and finished, it was determined by the bishop of salisbury, that Robert Ockam on the monday after the men were burnt should go to the Bishop of Winchester with the whole process done at the Sessions the Thursday before.  
Then Symons, at Bennets wives request, procured of the bishop of Salisbury his favourable letter to the bishop of Winchester for Bennets deliverance. Which letter Bennets wife (for asmuch as her own man was not at home, which should have gone with the letter) desired Robert Ockam to deliver it to the Bishop, & to bring her word again: who said he would. So forth went Ockam toward the bishop of Winchester with his budget full of writings, to declare and open all things unto him that were done at Wyndsore Sessions: 
The conspiracy of the 〈…〉 disclosed. Many good men▪ and certain of the 〈◊〉 chamber, indicted by the Bishops.  but all their wicked intentes (as God would have it) were soon cut off, and their doings disclosed. For one of the Queen's men (named Fulke) which had lain at Windsor all the time of the business, and had got knowledge what a number were privily indicted, and of Ockams going to the bishop of Winchester, gate to the Court before Ockam, and told sir Thomas Cardine & other of the privy chamber, how all the matter stood. Whereupon Ockam was laid for and had by the back, as soon as he came to Oking, and kept from the bishop.  
On the next morrow very early, Bennets wife sent her man to the Court after Ockam, to see how he sped with her husbands letter. And when he came there, he found sir Thomas Cardine walking with Ockam up and down the green before the Court gate: whereat he marveled, to see Ockam with him so early, mistrusting the matter: whereupon he kept himself out of sight, till they had broken off their communication.  
And assoon as he saw M. Cardine gone (leaving Ockam behind) he went to Ockam and asked him, if he had delivered his masters letter to the Bishop. No, said Ockam, the king removeth this day to Gilforde, and I must go thither, and will deliver it there. Marry, quoth he, and I will go with you, to see what answer you shall have, and to carry word to my mistress, and so they road to Gilford together. Where Bennets man (being better acquainted in the town than Ockam was) got a lodging for them both, in a kinsman's house of his.  
That done, he asked Ockam, if he would go and deliver his mistress letter to the Bishop. 
Bennets man goeth with his mistress letter to the Bishop of Winchester.  Nay (said Ockam) you shall go and deliver it yourself, and took him the letter. And as they were going in the street togethers, and coming by the Earl of Bedford'S lodging (than Lord privy seal) Ockam was pulled in by the sleeve, & no more seen of Bennets man, till he saw him in the marshalsea. Then went Bennets man to the bishop's lodging and delivered his letter. And when the Bishop had read the contents thereof, he called for the man that brought it. Come Syrha, quoth he, you can tell me more by mouth, than the letter specifieth, & had him into a little garden. Now, quoth the Bishop, what say you to me? Forsooth my Lord, quoth he, I have nothing to say unto your Lordship, for I did not bring the letter to the Town. No quoth the Bishop, where is he that brought it? Forsooth my Lord quoth he, I left him busy at his lodging. Then he will come, quoth the Bishop. Bid him be with me betimes in the morning. I will quoth he, 

Bennets man 〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉 Oking. Bennet discharged out of prison by good men of the privy-chamber. Certain of the privy chamber indicted.  
Sir Tho. Cardine, and his wife.  
Sir Philip Hobby, and his wife. M. Edmund H●●●an.   do your lordship's commandment, and so he departed home to his lodging. And when his kinsfolks saw him come in, alas cousin, quoth they, we are all undone. Why so, quoth he, what is the matter? Oh said they, here hath been since you went, M. Padget the king's secretary, with sir Tho. Cardine of the privy chamber, and searched all our house for one that should come to the town with Ockam: therefore make shift for yourself assoon as you can. Is that all the matter, quoth he? then content yourself, for I will never flee one foot, hap what hap will. And as they were thus reasoning together, in came the foresaid searchers again, & when M. Cardine saw Bennets man, he knew him very well, & said: was it thou that came to the town with Ockam? Yea sir, quoth he. Now who the devil (quoth M. Cardine) brought thee in company with that false knave? Then he told them his business, and the cause of his coming, which being known, they were satisfied, and so departed. The next day had Bennets man a discharge, for his master (procured by certain of the privy chamber) and so went home.  
Now was Ockam all this while at my Lord privy Seals, where he was kept secret, till certain of the Counsel had perused all his writings, among the which they found certain of the privy Chamber indicted, with other the king's Officers, with their wives, that is to say, Sir Tho. Cardine, sir Philip Hobby, with both their Ladies. M. Edmund Harman, M. Thomas Weldone, with Snowball and his wife. 

M. Thomas Weldone. Snowbale and his wife.  
All th●se were indicted for the 6. articles▪ with a great number more.  
The king gave his pardon to his gentlemen of his privy chamber. The king certified of the pitiful death of these Godly Martyr● at windsore. The kings testimony of the Martyrs of Windsor.   All these they had indicted by the force of the 6. Articles, as aiders, helpers, and maintainers of Anthony Person. And beside them, they had indicted of heresy (some for one thing, and some for an other) a great number more of the King's true and faithful subjects. Whereof the king's Majesty being certified, his grace of his special goodness (without the suit of any man) gave to the foresaid Gentlemen of his privy Chamber, and other his servants with their wives, his gracious pardon. And as God would have the matter further known unto his majesty, as he road one day a hunting in Gilforde Park, and saw the Sheriff with sir Humphrey Foster sitting on their horse backs together, he called them unto him, & asked of them, how his laws was executed at Windsor: Then they beseeching his grace of pardon, told him plainly that in all their lives they never sat on matter under his grace's authority, that went somuch against their consciences, as the death of these men did, and up and told his grace so pitiful a tale of the casting away of these poor men, that the King turning his horsehead to depart from them, said: Alas poor Innocents.  
After this, 

The Bishop of wynchester out of the kings favour.  
D. London, W. Simons and R. Ockam, apprehended & condemned of perjury.   the king withdrew his favour from the B. of Winchester, & being more and more informed of the conspiracy of doctor London and Symons, he commanded certain of his counsel, to search out the ground thereof.  
Whereupon Doctor London and Symons were apprehended and brought before the Counsel, and examined upon their oath of allegiance. And for denying their mischievous and traitorous purpose, which was manifestly proved to their faces, they were both perjured, and in fine, adjudged as perjured persons, to wear papers in Wyndsore, and Ockam to stand upon them pillory in the town of Newberry where he was borne▪  
The judgement of all these 3. was to ride about Windsor, Reading and Newberry, with papers on their heads, 
The punishment of D. London, W. Symons, and of R. Ockam, for false accusation and perjury. Ex testimonio joan. Marbeck●▪  and their faces turned to the horse tales, & so to stand upon the Pillerye in every of these Towns, for false accusation of the forenamed Martyrs, and for perjury.  
And thus much touching the persecution of these good Saints of Windsor, according to the copy of their own acts, received and written by john Marbecke, who is yet alive, both a present witness, and also was then a party of the said doings, and can testify the truth thereof.   

Answer to the cavilling adversaries touching john Marbecke.  
WHerefore against these crooked cavillers, which make so much ado against my former book, because in a certain place I chanced to say that Bennette and Filmer had their pardon (when in deed it was Bennet and Marbecke) be it therefore known, protested, denounced, 
The story doth purge itself if it had pleased these men to take one place with an other.  and notified, to all & singular such carpers, wranglers, exclamers, depravers, with the whole brood of all such whisperers, railers, quarelpickers, corner creepers, fault finders & spidercatchers, or by what name else so ever they are to be titled that here I openly say, affirm, profess, hold, maintain & write the same as I said & wrote before in the latter castigations of my book: that is, that john Marbecke was with the other condemned, but not burned, cast by the law but by pardon saved, appointed with the rest to die, 
Hark you wranglers and be satisfied▪  & yet not dead, but liveth (God be praised) & yet to this present day singeth merely, and playeth on the Organs, not as a dead man, amongst Fox's martyrs (as it hath pleased some in the court to encounter against me) but as one witnessed & testified truly in the book of Fox's Martyrs to be a live. And therefore such manner of persons, if the disposition of their nature be such; that they must needs find faults, then let them find them where they are, and where those faults by their finding may be corrected. But whereas they be corrected already, & found to their hands, & also amended before, let then these legend liars look on their own legends, and there cry out of lies, where they may find enough, and cease their biting there, where they have no just cause to bark.  
And admit that I had not foreseen and corrected this escape before, touching the matter of john Marbecke, but that the place still had remained in the book, as it was, that is, that the said john Marbecke, which as yet alive, had then died & suffered with the other 3. the same time at windsor: yet what gentle or courteous reader, could have therein any just matter to triumph & insult against me, seeing the judicial acts, the records, & registers, yea & the bishop's certificate, & also the writ of execution remaining yet in Record, sent to the king, did lead me so to say and think? For what man writing histories, who can not be in all places to see all things, but following his records & registers, where in he seethe the said Marbecke to be judged and condemned with the rest, would otherwise write or think, but that also he was executed and burned in the same company?  
But now I correct and reform the same again, and first of all other, I find the fault, and yet am I found fault withal. I correct myself, and yet am I corrected of other. I warn the Reader of the truth, 
The death of john Marbecke in the former book amended.  and yet am I a liar. The book itself showeth the escape, and biddeth in stead of 4. to read 3. burned, and yet is the book made a legend of lies.  
Briefly, where I prevent all occasion of cavilling to the uttermost of my diligence, yet can not I have that law, which all other books have, that is, to recognise & reform mine own errata.  
Wherefore to conclude, these men, whosoever they are if they will be satisfied, I have said enough: if they will not, whatsoever I can say, it will not serve, and so I leave them: I would I could better satisfy them. God himself amend them.    

The persecution in Calyce, with the martyrdom of George Bucker, otherwise called Adam Damlyp, and others.  
AT what time john Marbecke was in the marshalsea, which was about the year of our Lord. 1544. there was in the said prison with him one George Bucker, 
Anno 1544.  named otherwise Adam Damlyp, who having continued in the said prison 3. or 4. years, at last by the commandment of Winchester, was had to Calais by John massy, the keeper of the marshalsea, 
George Bucker alias Adam Damlip Martyr.  and there hanged, drawn, & quartered for treason pretenced, which was a little before the condemnation of the Windsor men aforesaid, as is by the letters of the said john Marbecke to me signified.  
Touching which story of Adam Damlyp, for somuch it includeth matter of much trouble and persecution that happened in Calais, 
Ex litteris joan. Marbecki.  to digest therefore and comprise the whole narration therefore in order, first I will enter (the Lord willing) the story of Damlip, and so proceed in order to such as by the said occasion were afflicted and persecuted in the town of Calais.   

Persecution in the town of Calais.  
Persecutors. Persecuted. The Causes. 

john Dove, Prior of the grey Friars in Calais.  
Sir Gregory Buttol, Priest.  
Steven Gardiner, Bysh. of Winchester.  
D. Samson Bishop of Chichester.  
D. Clerk Bishop of bath.  
D. Repse B. Norwich.  
Harvey, commissary in Calais.  
Lady Honour, wife to the I. Lisle deputy of Calais.  
Sir Thomas Palmer, Knight.  
john Roochwoode Esquire. 
Adam Damlip requested by Cardinal Poole to tarry at Rome.   
Rich. Long, soldier of Calais.  
France's Hastings soldier.  
Hugh Counsel seruant·  
Sir Ralph Ellerker Knight.  
Sir john Gage.   

George Bucker, or else called Adam Damlyp.  
A poor labouring man.  
W. Stevens.  
Thom. Lancaster.  
john Butler commissary.  
W. Smith Priest.  
Raffe Hair.  
jacob a Surgeon.  
A Fleming.  
Clement Philpot servant.  
jeffrey Loveday.  
Dodde.  
Sir Edmond Priest.  
W. Touched, Postmaster.  
Pet. Bequet.  
Anthony Pickering gentleman.  
Henry Tourney gentleman.  
George Derby, Priest.  
john Shepard.  
W. Pellam.  
W. Keverdall.  
john Whitwood.  
joh. Boot, Ro. Cloddet.  
Copen de Hane, alias james Cock.  
Math. Hound.  
W. Crosbowmaker.   IN the year of our Lord 1539. the Lord Cromwell being yet alive, there came to Calais one Georg Bucker, alias, Adam Damlyppe, who had been in time past a great Papist and Chaplain to Fisher bishop of Rochester, and after the death of the bishop his master had travailed through France Dutchland, and Italy, and as he went, conferred with learned men concerning matters of controversy in Religion: and so proceeding in his journey to Rome, whereas he thought to have found all godliness and sincere Religigion, in the end, he found there (as he confessed) such blasphemy of God, contempt of Christ'S true religion, looseness of life, and abundance of all abominations and filthiness, that it abhorred his heart and conscience any longer there to remain: although he was greatly requested by Cardinal Pole, there to continue, and to read 3. Lectures in the week in his house, for that which he offered him great entertainment. Which he refused, & so returning homeward, having a piece of money given him of the Cardinal at his departure, to the value of a French crown toward his charges, came to Calyce, as is aforesaid. Who as he was there waiting without the gate for passage into England, and being there perceived by certain Calyce men, namely, 
 William Stevens, and Thomas Lancaster through conference of talk to be a learned man, and also well affected: and moreover how that he being of late a zealous Papist, was now returned to a more perfect knowledge of true Religion, was by them heartily entreated to stay at Calais a certain space, and to read there a day or two to the intent he might do some good there after his painful travel, unto the people. To this request Adam gladly consented, so as he might be licensed by such as were in authority, so to do.  
Whereupon the said Stevens at the opening of the gates, brought him unto the Lord Lisle the kings Deputy of the town and marches of Calais, 
Ad●m brought to the ●ord D●●●ty of 〈◊〉.  unto whom he declared thoroughly what conference and talk had been between Adam Damlip and him. Which known, the▪ said Lord deputy instantly desired the said Damlip to stay there and to preach three or four days or more at his pleasure, saying that he should have both his licence & the Commissaries also (which then was sir john Butler) so to do. Where after he had preached three or fourt times, he was so well liked both for his learning, his utterance and the truth of his doctrine, that not only the soldiers & commoners, but also the Lord Deputy and a great part of the Counsel, gave him marvelous great praise and thanks for it, 
 and the said Lord Deputy offered unto him a chamber in his own house, and to dine and sup every meal at his own mess, to have a man or two of his to wait upon him & to have what soever it were that he lacked, if it were to be had for money, yea & what he would in his purse to buy books or otherwise, so as he would tarry there among them, & preach only so long as it should seem good to himself. Who refusing his Lordship's great offer, most heartily thanked him for the same, and besought him to be only so good unto him, as to appoint him some quiet & honest place in the town where he might not be disturbed nor molested, but have opportunity to give himself to his book, and would daily once in the forenoon, and again by one a clock at after noon, by the grace of God, preach among them according unto the talon that God had lent him. 
 At which answer the Lord Deputy greatly rejoiced and thereupon sent for the foresaid W. Stevens, whom he earnestly required to receive and lodge the said Damlip in his house, promising what soever he should command, to see it paid with the most: and moreover would send every meal from his own mess a dish of the best unto them, and in deed so did: albeit the said Damlip refused that offer, showing his Lordship that thin diet was most convenient for Students. Yet could not that restrain him but that every meal he sent it.  
This godly man by the space of xx. days or more, once every day at seven. of the clock preached very godly, learnedly & plainly, 
 the truth of the blessed sacrament of Christ's body and blood, mightily enueying against all papistry and confuting the same, but especially those two most pernicious errors or heresies, trifling Transubstantiation, and the pestilent propitiatory Sacrifice of the romish Mass, by true conference of the Scriptures, and applying of the ancient Doctors, earnestly therewith oftentimes exhorting the people to return from their Popery, declaring how Popish he himself had been, and how by the detestable wickedness that he did see universally in Rome, he was returned so far homeward, and now became an enemy through God's grace, to all papistry: showing therewith, that if gain or ambition could have moved him to the contrary, he might have been entertained of Cardinal Poole (as you have heard before) but for very conscience sake joined with true knowledge, grounded on Gods most holy word, he now utterly abhorred all Papistry, and willed them most earnestly to do the same.  
And thus he continued a while reading in the Chapter house of the White Friars, but the place being not big enough, he was desired to read in the Pulpit, and so proceeding in his Lectures (wherein he declared how the world was deceived by the Roman Bishops, which had set forth the damnable doctrine of Transubstantiation, and the real presence in the Sacrament, 
The Idolatrous pageant of the resurrection most sumptuously 〈◊〉 out 〈◊〉 Calais.  as is aforesaid) he came at length to speak against the pageant or Picture set forth of the Resurrection which was in Saint Nicholas Church, declaring the same to be but mere Idolatry, and illusion of the Frenchmen before Calais was English.  
Upon which Sermon or Lecture, there came a Commission from the King to the Lord deputy, M. Grendfield, 
commission 〈◊〉 from the king to s●●●ch our the false ●●gling of this Idolatry at Calais.  sir john Butler Commissary, the kings Mason, and Smith, with others, that they should search whether there were (as was put in writing, and under Bull and Pardon) three hosts lying upon a Marble stone, besprinkled with blood, and if they found it not so, that immediately it should be plucked down, and so it was. For in searching thereof, as they broke up a stone in a corner of the tomb, they in stead of the three hosts, found soldered in the Cross of Marble lying under the Sepulchre, 
The false jugglings of the Papists espied.  three plain white counters which they had painted like unto hosts, and a bone that is in the typ of a sheeps tail. All which trumpery Damlip showed unto the people the next day following, which was Sunday, out of the Pulpit, and after that they were sent by the Lord Deputy to the King. 
3. painted counters instead of 3. hosts.   
Notwithstanding the Devil stirred up a Dove (he might well be called a Cormorant) the Prior of the white Friars. Who with Sir Gregory Buttoll, chaplain to the Lord Lisle, began to bark against him. Yet after the said Adam had in three or four Sermons confuted the said Friars erroneous doctrine of transubstantiation, and of the propitiatory Sacrifice of the Mass: 
john Dove Friar, peacher of Damlip.  the said Friar outwardly seemed to give place, ceasing openly to inveigh, and secretly practised to peach him by letters sent unto the Clergy here in England: so that within viii. or x. days after, the said Damlip was sent for to appear before the Bishop of Canterbury, 
Damlip sent for to appear before the Council in England.  with whom was assistant Steven Gardiner, Bishop of Winchester, D. Samson, Bishop of Chichester, and divers other, before whom he most constantly affirmed and defended the doctrine which he had taught, in such sort answering, confuting, & soluting the objections, as his adversaries, yea even among other, the learned godly and blessed Martyr Cranmer then yet but a Lutheran, marveled at it, & said plainly, that the Scripture knew no such term of transubstantiation. 
Damlip threatened, by the Bishops.  Then begun the other Bishops to threaten him, shortly to confute him with their accustomed argument, I mean fire and faggot, if he should still stand to the defence of that he had spoken. Whereunto he constantly answered, that he would the next day deliver unto them fully so much in writing as he had said: whereto also he would stand, and so was dismissed.  
The next day at the hour appointed to appear, when they looked surely to have apprehended him, in the mean season he had secret intimation from the Bishop of Canterbury, 
Damlip secretly warned to void.  that if he did any more personally appear, he should be committed unto Warde, not like to escape cruel death. Whereupon he (playing in deed then somewhat old Adam's part, for such is man, left in his own hands) had him commended unto them, and sent them four sheets of paper learnedly written in the Latin tongue, containing his faith with his arguments conferences, of the Scriptures, and allegations of the Doctors, by a messenger or friend of his. Which done, he having a little money given him in his purse by his friends, stepped aside, and went to the West country, and there kept all the time, while great trouble kindled against God's people in Calais, upon the same, as ye shall hear, the Lord permitting.  
After his departure, the King's Majesty was advertised, that there was great dissension & diversity of pernicious opinions in his said town of Calais, greatly tending to the danger of the same. Whereupon, during yet the days of the Lord Cromwell, 
D. Champion and M. Garret, sent to preach at Calyce.  were sent over Doct. Champion Doctor of Divinity, & M. Garret, who after was burned, two godly and learned men, to preach and instruct the people, and to confute all pernicious errors, who in effect preached and maintained the same true doctrine which Adam Damlip had before set forth, and by reason thereof, they left the Town at their departure very quiet, and greatly purged of the slander that had run on it.  
After the departure of the said Champion and Garret, one Sir William Smith Curate of our Lady Parish in Calais, a man very zealous, though but meanly learned, did begin to preach, and earnestly to inveigh against Papistry and wilful ignorance: exhorting men obediently to receive the word, and no longer to contemn the same, 
Sir W. Smith Curate, and a zealous preacher at Calyce.  least Gods heavy plagues and wrath should fall upon them, which always followeth the contempt of his holy word. Which sir William Smith, for that sometime he would be very fervent & zealous, sharply inveighing against the despisers of the word, was moved by some of the Counsel there, who would seem to favour God's word, that he should not be so earnest against them that yet could not away with the same, willing him to bear with such, for by bearing with them they might hap to be won.  
Well, well, said the same Smith (openly in the Pulpit one day as he preached) some men say I am too earnest, and will me to bear with such as continue open enemies against Christ's holy Gospel, and refuse, nay forbidden that any should read the Bible or holy scripture within their house: but let all such take heed, for before God, I fear that God for their contemning of his word, will not long bear with them, but make them in such case as some of them shall not have a head left them upon their shoulders to bear up their cap withal: which also after came to pass.  
This Smyth continued in the diligent bestowing of his talon there, till shortly after the devil got such hold in the hearts of a number of God's enemies, that he with divers other godly men were called over into England, and charged with erroneous opinions worthy of great punishment, as hereafter more at large shall appear.  
First the Lord Lislie the King's deputy there, whom we showed to be the maintainer of Damlip (albeit he were himself of a most gentle nature, & of a right noble blood, 
The Lord Lisli● base son to K. Edward the 4.  the base son of that noble Prince King Edward the fourth) being fiercely set on, and incessantly enticed by the wicked Lady Honour his wife, who was an utter enemy to God's honour, and in Idolatry, hypocrisy, & pride incomparably evil, she being daily and hourly thereunto incited and provoked by Sir Thomas Palmer Knight, & john Rookewood Esquire, two enemies to God's word, 
Sir Thomas Palmer. M. Rookewood. The Council of Calais letters against the Protestants.  beginning now to flourish at Calais: these I say, with certain other of the Counsel of the said Town of Calais, to the number of seven. more besides themselves, seeking occasion or rather a quarrel, where no just cause was given, begun to write very heinous letters and grievous complaints unto the Lords of the privy Counsel, against divers of the Town of Calais, affirming that they were horribly infected with heresies and pernicious opinions: As first the foresaid Adam Damlip, who though he were for a time escaped their hands, yet stack still in their remembrance from time to time, until at last the innocent man was cruelly put to death as a traitor, as hereafter shall appear.  
Also besides this Damlip, they complained of Thomas Broke, Ralph Hare, likewise of Sir john Butler then commissary, and Sir W. Smith, james Cock, alias Coppen de Hane, james Barber & other, and the names of them all sent over. Of the which persons, first the said Thomas Broke, and Ralph Hare, Coppen de Hane, and james Barber were apprehended and sent over, and committed to prison in Westminster gate, and then commanded to appear before the Archbishop of Canterbury, the bishop of Winchester, the Bishop of Chichester, and ten other appointed by the King's majesties commission, for the examination of them. And their accusers also were sent over with letters from the Counsel there, unto his privy Council here, in the furtherance of their malicious suits against those honest men, with certain special letters directed unto the Lord Fitzwilliams then Earl of southhampton, & great Admiral of England, to the L. Sands, Lord chamberlain of the Household, likewise also to sir William Kingston Knight, controller of the household, and to D. Samson, then B. of Chichester, and other tending all to one effect, that is to say, to the utter destruction of these godly men, if God after his wont manner, had not mightily preserved them, and, as it were overshadowed them with the wings of his mercy.  
That the same may the better appear, you shall understand that first Ralph Hare, a man rude and so unlearned, that scarce he could read, yet through God's grace, 
The trouble o● Ralph hare, soldier of Calais  was very zealous, and therewith lead so godly & temperate a life, as not one of his enemies could accuse or blame the same his sober life and conversation. This Ralph Hare was charged to be one, that had spoken against auricular confession, against holy bread and holy water, 
Ralph Hare charged.  yea and beside that, he was one which would not lightly swear an oath, nor use almost any manner of pastime, nor good fellowship, as they term it, but was always in a corner by himself, looking on his book. The poor simple man being charged by the Commissioners, that he was a naughty man & erroneous, and that he could not be otherwise, coming out of a town so infected with pernicious errors & sects as that was, was willed by them to take good heed to himself, least through obstinacy he turned his erroneous opinions to plain heresy: for an error defended, is heresy.  
My good Lords said the poor man, I take God to record, 
The answer of Ralph Hare.  I would not willingly maintain an error or heresy, wherefore I beseech you, let my accusers come face to face before me. For if they charge me with that which I have spoken, I will never deny it. Moreover, if it be truth, I will stand unto it, and otherwise if it be an error, I will with all my hart utterly forsake it, I mean if it be against God's holy word. For the Lord is my witness, I seek, and daily pray to God, that I may know the truth, and flee from all errors, and I trust the Lord will save me, and preserve me from them.  
Aha, quoth the Bishop of Winchester, do you not hear what he saith my Lord? I perceive now thou art a naughty fellow. Alas my Lord, said Ralph Hare, what evil said I? Marry Sir, you said, the Lord, the Lord, and that is, Symbolum haereticorum, said Winchester. What is that my Lord, 
winchester's. cavillation abouthe Lord and, our Lord.  for God's sake tell me, said Hare? Thou art nought, thou art nought, said he. At which words the simple man began to tremble, and seemed much dismayed and driven into a great agony and fear. Which thing Winchester well perceiving, said unto him: Ralph Hare, Ralph Hare, by my troth I pity thee much. For in good faith, I think thee to be a good simple man, & of thyself wouldst mean well enough, but that thou hast had shrewd and subtle schoolmasters, that have seduced thee good poor simple soul, and therefore I pity thee: and it were in deed pity that thou shouldest be burnt, for thou art a good fellow, a tall man, and hast served the King right well in his wars. I have heard thee well commended, and thou art yet able to do the King as good service as ever thou wast, and we all will be a mean to his grace to be good and gracious Lord unto thee, if thou wilt take pity of thyself, and leave thy errors. For I dare say for us all, that be Commissioners, that we would be loath that thou should be cast away. For alas poor simple man, we perceive thou hast been seduced (I say) by others.  
How sayest thou therefore? thou knowest my Lord of Canterbury's grace here is a good gentle Lord, and would be loath thou shouldst be cast away. Tell me, canst thou be content to submit thyself unto him, and to stand unto such order, as he and we shall take in this matter? How sayest thou man? speak. The poor man therewith falling upon his knees, and sheeding tears, answered, speaking to the Archbishop of Canterbury in this wise: My good lord, for Christ's sake be good unto me, and I refer myself unto your grace's order, do with me what you please.  
The Bishop of Canterbury, considering what danger he was ready to fall in, & pitying the same (though the simplicity of the man was so great, 
The words of the Archb. of Cant. ●o Hare.  that he perceived it not) said, nay Ralph Hare, stand up, & advise thyself, and commit not thyself to me, for I am but one man, and in Commission but as the other are, so that it lieth in me to do nothing. But if thou do commit thyself unto all, than thou committest thyself unto the law, and the law is ordained to do every man right. Go to Ralph Hare, said Winchester, submit thyself to my Lord and us: it is best for thee to do so. Whereupon he fell upon his knees again, and said: My Lords and masters all, I submit myself wholly unto you. 
●●●nnance inioy●●● to Ralph 〈◊〉.  And therewithal a book was holden him, and an oath given him to be obedient unto them, and to all Ecclesiastical laws: and straightway he was enjoined to abjure, and to bear a faggot three several days, & moreover, the poor man lost the living that he had at Calais.  
This simple man hearing his penance, piteously lamented, and earnestly at the first denied to stand thereunto, with piteous exclamation, saying: O my Lord of Winchester, my Lord of Winchester, have you made me a log ready to be laid upon the fire, whensoever any wicked man falsely of malice, by provocation of the devil, shall lay any small trifle to my charge? Or shall I be thus handled, nothing proved to my face against me? Alas, I have always hated errors and heresies. Content thyself Hare: there is now no remedy, thou must either do thy penance, or be burnt, said the Commissioners. Thus have you heard how Ralph Hare did speed.  
Then was Thomas Broke called for, against whom it was objected by some of the Counsels letters of Calais, 
The examination 〈◊〉 trouble of 〈◊〉 Broke. 〈…〉 of 〈◊〉 Broke. 〈…〉 accusation.  that he was a seditious fellow. Among these accusers besides the rest, was one Richard Long, an other Frances Hastings, men of arms, who charged the forenamed Tho. mas Broke, and one Geffray Loveday Esquire, for staying and maintaining the foresaid Adam Damlyp at Calais: as who had promised unto him a stipend to preach such heresies and pernicious opinions, as afterward he taught there: and that these two daily gathered many several sums of money, for the entertainment of the said Adam. Howbeit, the foresaid Hastings failed in the proof thereof. For Loveday proved that he was viii. days be●ore Damlips coming to Calais, and during xiv. days continually after he began to preach, abiding at Paris, there occupied about necessary affairs of Charles Duke of Southfolke. And Broke during the said time, was at London daily attendant in the Parliament house, whereof he had enough to bear witness, against the untrue surmise.  
After that, came three at once against the said Broke, well armed as they thought, who had not only consulted together before of the matter, 
●●ree other 〈◊〉 against Tho. ●●oke, and 〈◊〉 ●●ueday,  and put it in writing at Calais, beside their conference and talk by the way keeping company from thence hither, but also had obtained from the Lord deputy and others of the Counsel, special letters as is aforesaid: and among other, one letter unto the Bishop of Chichester, for the earnest and speedy furtherance of the advancement of their accusations against Brook.  
The first of these three was a young Gentleman lately brought up under the said Brook in the office of custom, 
●●yron the 〈◊〉 accuser.  whose name was Edmund Payton.  
The other was one Robert Poole, a man (as it was commonly reported) both base borne, and also such a one, 
Poole 〈◊〉 seco●d 〈◊〉.  as in his youth for murdering a man with a club in Bow lane in London, was feign by obtaining the King's pardon, to save his neck.  
The third was one Tho. Boyse, who showing more honesty than the rest, affirmed not that he himself heard the said Broke speak any thing of that which was objected against him, 
 but justified that either of the other two had steadfastly affirmed to him, that Broke had spoken unto them those things here under objected against him.  
The young man first objected against the said Broke, 
 that he should say that the thing which the Priest useth to hold up over his head at Mass, is not the natural body of jesus Christ: for if that were so, who so would, might have their belly full of Gods, their guts full of Gods, and he that had lately received the Sacrament before he went to the Sea, might happily vomit God up again on shypboord.  
And thus much he brought over in writing with him from Calais, and added thereto, as it should seem, to exasperate the Commissioners and the rest of the Clergy against him, certain other heinous words spoken against Bishops and Priests. Which words the said Broke there denied, confessing nevertheless that certain private talk he had with him touching the Sacrament, wherein he showed to the young man the right use of the same, concluding, that albeit with our mouths we received very material bread and wine, yet by faith, 
 all Christian men do receive, eat, and drink, to their great comfort and benefit, the very natural body and blood of Christ, which was both borne of the virgin Mary, and suffered death on the Cross for the remission of their sins: which most holy Sacrament, who so came unworthily unto, the same was so far from the eating of Christ's body and blood, that all such (without hearty repentance) do eat their own damnation. And to conclude with him in that private talk he told him, that if the gross & unlearned error of transubstantiation, were in deed matter of truth and sincere doctrine, than not only this should follow of it, that every man who would, might have everlasting life (for they might when they would receive the outward Sacrament, seen with our eyes, which the Priests call Christ's natural body, and who so eateth Christ's body, and drinketh his blood, hath everlasting life, sayeth Christ) but also there should great absurdities follow thereby, as when a man happeneth to go to the sea, having lately received the sacrament, he should put it over board, or do it on the hatches, & therefore exhorted the said Payton to leave that gross error.  
The second accuser was Poole, who objected against him, that about two years past, he himself dining with the said Brook, with xv. or xuj. other honest men, 
 heard him thus say at the table, that the thing which the Priests use to hold up over their heads, was not the very body and blood of Christ, but a sacrament to put us in remembrance thereof. Unto whose objections the said Broke answered, that a man in mirth might well enough with charity beshrew such a guest, as when he had dined with a man, could so long after remember to say him such a grace: and required of Poole, of whence the rest of the guests were. He answered they were of the town all. Then inferred he, that he was sure Pool could as well remember some of their names which then were present, as freshly to keep in mind (for so by oath upon a book he had affirmed) every word of the whole matter which he objected: but for that the matter was utterly untrue. Whereupon▪ the said Brook desired their honours to consider the slenderness of his tale.  
To be short, he with the rest of his fellows, to wit, Ralph Hare, Coppen, and james the Barber, were for that time dismissed.  
During the time while these four were thus in examination at London, 
The trouble & examination of Sir W. Smith and john Butler Commissarye.  the other two, to wit, Sir William Smith preacher, and john Butler, by commandment were apprehended in Calyce, and bound by surety not to pass the gates of the town of Calyce. In the which town, the said john Butler Commissary was accused by Rich. Thorpe and joh. Ford, soldiers of Calais, saying that he should say, 
The accusers of Butler. 〈◊〉 vitae 〈…〉 & 〈◊〉 of the Sacrament.  that if the Sacrament of the altar be flesh, blood, and bone, than there is good aqua vitae at john Spisers. Upon which accusation the said Thorpe and Ford brought for records before the Counsel of Calyce, Marraunt Haynes, john Lucks, Harry Husson, and Harry Troste, all of the parish of Oye beside Calyce. Whereupon shortly after, the said john Butler and Sir William Smith were sent for, and by one Swallow a pursuivant, which set up the other aforesaid, brought into England, unto the house of the said Swallow, dwelling by S. james, where the King's majesty lay at that time, and the next day being Thursday, after dinner, Butler & Smith were brought to the star chamber before the privy Counsel, where both sedition and heresy was objected against them: and after much talk, was said unto them by the Lord Cromwell, that they should make their purgation by the law: And from thence by the foresaid Swallow they were sent to the Fleet.  
The next day being Friday, after dinner, Butler and Smyth were sent for to come to bath place, where they were brought into the Chapel, there sitting D. Clarke, Bishop of bath, Doctor Samson, than Bishop of Chichester, Doctor Repse, the Bishop of Norwich, who was a Monk, being fast a sleep. Then was objected unto Butler with great reverence, the opprobrious words spoken against the blessed Sacrament, rehearsing (as is aforesaid) the articles. 
The examination of joh. Butler.  Butler required to have them in writing, and so would make answer in writing. The which they would not grant him: and upon that answer he stood. Then choler gathered in the Bishop of Chichester. The story were too long to write: yet part ye shall understand.  
Chichester found great fault that Butler made not low curtsy, being stubborn and arrogant, as he said, and in fine, found fault with his shirt. Then turning him about, he called to his brother Bannester being present (that time dwelling in Pater noster Row) to make answer for the shirt. He said, I can make answer for the shirt. No good answer said Chichester. Forsooth, said he, the shirt is mine▪ I lent it him, because he brought none with him, for he was not permitted to have any servant. A good answer said the Bishop of bath. Then Butler made low courtesy, and said, the shirt is answered. Then Chichester said, thou mockest us. But he said no. And thus much concerning that time.  

¶ The story of William Smyth.  
THen after Butler, was Sir William Smith, Curate of our Lady Parish in Calais, 
The trouble & examination of Sir W. Smith. Curat●●  called before them, and charged in a manner with the same heinous errors and pernicious opinions, that were objected against the said Ralph Hare, and thereto was added, that he had spoken and preached against our blessed Lady, against praying to Saints, against doing of good works, and many other like things: and therewithal, one Richard Long, a man of arms of Calais, proved against the said Sir Smyth, and the foresaid Brook by an oath taken upon a book, that the said Smith and Brooke did eat flesh together in Lent in the said Brooks house. For a Miller's boy, said he, came into Brookes kitchen, and saw half a Lamb lie a roasting at the fire. Where as the truth is, that the said Sir William Smith during all the Lent, came never once within the said Brooks house. And it is as true also, that the said Richard Long, upon a displeasure taken with his wife, went shortly after out of his own house, to the Iu●rie end of the haven at Calais, where desperately he drowned himself, 
False accusation & perjury punished of God  not one boy, but many men, women, girls, and boys seeing him miserably taken up again stark dead: all which lamented his pitiful ruin. A terrible example unto all such as are ready to forswear themselves on a book upon malice, or whatsoever other cause it be: a thing in these days over rise every where, and almost no where regarded as it ought to be.   

¶ The trouble of john Butler.  
THere was also called before them sir john Butler, than Commissary of Calais, 
The trouble of john Butler commissary.  whom they would have burdened with the maintenance, or (at the leastwise) sufferance, of the foresaid Adam Damlip, which preached so long time there, and was not by him punished. Who for his defence answered, that the Lord deputy and the whole Counsel there so highly entertained, and so friendly used the said Damlyp, and with their own presence & high commendations outwardly so allowed and commended his doctrine, that it lay not in him to do otherwise than he did: & therefore humbly besought their Lordships and other the Commissioners to be good unto him. At whose hands, after long attendance given, he was discharged, & so returned home again, being also dismissed of his Commissaryship.   

The recantation of certain Calyce men.  
NOw to declare what order was taken with these foresaid Calycemen, it was appointed that sir W. Smith, Ralph Hare, james Cock, and james Barber, 
The recantation and penance of Sir W· Smith, Ralph Hare, james Cock, & james Barber at Calais.  should be sent to Calais, there to abjure and to do penance. Where sir W. Smith was enjoined to make the Sermon, Ralph Hare, james Cock, and james Barber standing with faggots upon their shoulders. The Sermon was made in the market of Calais. Which being done, they went with their faggots about the market place, the Drum and Fife going before them, and then returning to the Commissioners with testimonial of the same, they departed. Albeit in this recantation, the said W. Smith Curate of our ladies Church handled his Sermon after that sort, as in effect he denied nothing at all that he had before preached or taught, but yet it satisfied somewhat his adversaries malicious hearts, in that it bore the name of a recantation, according to the Commissioners order, appointing him thus openly to preach, and so to departed the town and marches.  
As touching james Barber aforesaid, for so much as his dwelling was not at Calais, 
james Barber.  but four miles off from the town, it was therefore enjoined him to bear his Faggot, not at Calais, but on the Saturday next following to stand in the market there, where he dwelled, with his Faggot upon his shoulder, and the said Sir William Smyth likewise there preached as before.  
And thus much concerning the first Commission sent over to Calais to inquire upon the heretics there.   

Another Commission sent over to Calais.  
AFter all these things done and passed, the grudging minds of the adversaries yet were not satisfied, but still suggested new complaints to the King's ears against the town of Calais, making the king believe, 
A new commission sent down to Calais.  that through new opinions the town was so divided, that it was in great danger of the adversary to be overcome.  
Whereupon shortly after, the week before Easter next following, other new Commissioners were sent over by the King to Calais, to wit, the Earl of Sussex, Lord great Chamberlain, the Lord S. john, 
False accusation against the town of Calais  Sir john Gage Knight, Sir john Barker Knight, M. Layton, Clerk of the closet, and Doctor Currin, with special instructions beside signed by the King's Majesties own hand: for his highness had been incensed once again from the Counsel at Calais, that the town was in peril through dissension, 
The Commissioners appointed.  and diversity of opinions. Upon their arrival, M. Doct. Currin preached a notable Sermon, exhorting all men to charity, having nothing in his mouth but charity, charity. But as it seemed afterward, such a burning charity was in him and the rest of the Commissioners, that had not God pitied the innocency of men's causes, there had a hundred been burnt or hanged shortly after.  
But it happened far otherwise. For of the number of those accusers, four were by those Commissioners sent over into England, to wit, Clement Philpot, servant to the Lord Lisle, sir Edmund, Curate of our ladies Church, W. Touchet a Postmaister, Peter Bequet, of the which four, 
Example of God's punishment upon false accusers.  Touchet and Bequet were sent to their places again: the other two were drawn, hanged, and quartered at London. But contrary, of all them that were accused, there was not one that lost one hear of his head.  
After the Sermon was done, on the morrow to wit, on Sherethurseday, all the Commissioners solemnly received the Sacrament. And at after noon, the Counsel were with the Commissioners, and after their consultation, tipped staves warned, above the number of four score, so perverse persons as the like were not in the town or marches, to appear on the morrow at viii. of the clock before the Counsel at the Staple Inn, who at their appearance were commanded upon their allegiance, to present all such heretics, schismatics, and seditious persons, as they did know: and in no wise to doubt or dread so to do, for they should have great advantage thereby, yea they should have either their linings, 
another inquisition at Calais against heretics.  or their goods, and besides that, they should have great thanks at the King's majesties hand, and his honourable Counsel, and what friendship they of the King's Counsel there could show them. All that good Friday, even till x. of the clock at night, those wicked and malicious persons occupied their time in answering to divers and sundry questions.  
These things were not so secretly done, but they were bewrayed and came to honest men's knowledge. Whereupon such fear and distrust assaulted all men, that neighbour mistrusted neighbour, the master the servant, the servant the master, the husband the wife, the wife the husband, 
Great perturbation at Calais.  and almost every one the other, that lamentable it was to see how mourningly men and women went in the streets, hanging down their heads, showing evident tokens of the anguish of their hearts.   

The second trouble of Thomas Brooke.  
Upon Easter Monday, one Hugh Council an honest man, servant to the said Brook, was convented before them, and by the space of xiv. days, not suffered to return to his masters house, but kept in custody, and many times examined upon Articles and Interrogatories, in hope to have found worthy matter, either of heresy or treason against the said Brook: and the same day that Brooke was committed to Warde, the said Hugh Council was discharged.  
The Wednesday in the Easter week, sundry quests were charged by their oaths to make inquisition for all manner of heresies, erroneous opinions and seditions, as a Quest of Aldermen, an other of men at arms, and an other of Constables and Vintners, an other of common Soldiers, and an other of Commoners.  
And shortly after their presentments, on good Friday, there was convented before the Commissioners, and straight were sent to close prison, 
Xiij. Calais men imprisoned for their faith.  Anthony Pickering Gentleman, Harry Tourney Gentleman, Sir George Derby Priest, john Shepheard, William Pellam, William Keverdale, john Whitwoode, john boot, Roberte Clodder, Copen de Hane, & Matthew de Hound. Upon whom ran sundry brutes: Some said they should be hanged, some said burnt, some said hanged drawn and quartered, some said nailed to the Pillery: so that pitiful it was to see the lamentation that their wives, their children, servants, and friends made secretly where they durst, for that they found every where words of discomfort, and no where of comfort, but still Inquisition was made.   

The second trouble of William Stevens.  
THe foresaid William Stevens after his return from London above mentioned, besides many other Articles laid to him for religion, to the number of 40. or wellnigh, was by the Lord deputy charged that he had stayed the foresaid Adam Damlip, hired him to preach, and gave him meat, drink and lodging, coming from the arrant traitor Cardinal Poole, 
False crimes forged against W. Stevens.  and suborned by him: and that he had received money of him, to the intent he should preach in Calais false & erroneous doctrine, whereby the town being divided & at contention within itself, might easily be overcome & won by the Frenchmen. Whereunto the said Stevens answered, that whatsoever he had done unto the said Adam Damlip, he had done it at the earnest request & commandment of the said Lord deputy. Whereupon, if it had been treason in deed, he must have been more faulty.  

W. Stevens committed to the Tower.  Then the said William Stevens was again the second time by the said Commissioners sent over into England, & clapped in the tower, & afterward, to wit, immediately after the said Commissioners repair unto the King's highness, the said Lord Deputy was sent for over, 
L. Lislie deputy of Calais, committed to the Tower.  & likewise put into the Tower, where he continued a long time. And when the King's Majesty minded to have been gracious unto him, & to have let him come forth, God took him out of this world, whose body resteth in the Tower, & his soul with God, I trust, 
Example of God's punishment upon his persecutors.  in heaven, for he died very repentant. But the wicked Lady his wife immediately upon his apprehension, fell distraught of mind, & so continued many years after. God for his mercy, if she yet live, give her his grace to repent.  
The second Monday after Easter, the foresaid Brook was convented before the Commissioners, and committed to close prison in the Mayor's Jail.  
Then the Counsel of Calais, doubting lest there should not be any sedition or heresy proved against him, did call one George Bradway before them, who occupied the Controllers office in the custom house. This man was kept in close prison, so as neither his wife then great with child, nor any other his friends might repair unto him. Where, after that he had often times been borne in hand, that there were divers concealments come to light that were made by Brook in the office of Custom, and that the said Bradway should be grievously punished if he would acknowledge none of them, nor burden the said Brook with no kind of concealment: the poor simple man, hoping thereby to get release of his imprisonment, accused the said Brook, that he had for a long time concealed four groats every day for his Clerks wages, & to that accusation they caused the simple man to set his own hand before witnesses.  
Whereupon, after a day or two, the said Bradway grieved in his conscience for the same his most untrue accusation, did with a knife enterprise to cut his own throat: 
False accusation punished by God's h●●d.  but God of his mercy so directed his wicked purpose, that the back of his knife was toward his weasand. Whereby though the wound were broad, yet he escaped with life. 
God's me●cy in punishing.  And as he gave a groan with the sudden pain that he felt, the Jailor came up, and bereft him of the knife. But through the guiltiness of the false accusation, and shame of the world, the man lost his wits, who then staring and dismayed was dismissed out of prison, and a long time after went in piteous case so dismayed about the street, to the great impoverishing of him, his poor wife and family.  
This kind of handling of the said Brook, made all his friends, but specially his wife, to be greatly afeard of the malice of his enemies: the rather also, for that all his goods and lands were seized. And his wife thrust into the meanest place of all his house, with her children and family, the keys of all the doors and chests beside taken from her. Who for that she was rigorously entreated at sir Edward Ringleis hand, Controller of the Town (an office of no small charge, though he knew not a B from a battledore, nor ever a letter of the book) saying unto her, that if she liked not the room, he would thrust her quite out of the doors: well Sir, said she, well, the King's slaughter house had wrong when you were made a Gentleman, and with all speed she wrote a letter to the Lord Cromwell, 
Letters sent to the Lord Cromwell from Calais  therein discoursing how hardly and sore those poor men were handled, that were committed to ward and close prison, and that all men feared (what through the malice of their Papistical enemies, and the great rigour and ignorant zeal of those that were in authority) they should shortly for their faith and consciences, being true men, and such as reverently feared God, be put to death, but chief her husband, who was yet more extremely handled then any other: So that, unless his honour vouchsafed to be a mean to the King's majesty, that they with their causes might be sent over into England, they were but dead men.  
Whereupon the said Lord Cromwell wrote speedily his letters unto the Commissioners, declaring the king's majesties pleasure and commandment was, that the arrant traitor and heretic Brooke, 
The Lord Cromwel's Letters to the Commissioners at Calais.  with a dozen or twenty complices, should with their accusers be immediately sent over, that here in England they might receive their judgement, and there at Calais to the great terror of like offenders hereafter suffer according to their demerits.  
Now by the time that the said Commissioners had received these letters, they had made out precepts for 8. or 9 score honest men more to be cast in prison. But these letters so appalled them, that they stayed, and afterward sent no more to ward. But making then as diligent inquisition as was possible, to have found some worthy matter against those before named, whereby there might have been some colour, both of the Counsels grievous complaints, and of the Commissioners rigorous dealing, when no such thing could fall out, because they would be assured that they should not go unpunished, they first banished them the town and Marches of Calais with a Trumpet blown, under pain of death, for a hundred year and a day if that one day had been left out, all had been marred, and then sent them back to prison, staying them there upon hope that the L. Cromwell should come into captivity sooner than he did. 
T●e 13. prisoner's of Calais sent to London.  But at last, to wit, on May day, they sent the xiii. prisoners through the market, the said Brook going before with irons on his legs, as the chief captain, the rest following him, two and two without irons, unto shipbord, & then were they all coupled in irons two & two together. Where, because they were loath to go under the hatches. Sir john Gage with a staff smote some of them cruelly: 
〈◊〉 cruelty 〈◊〉 popish p●●●ecutor.  Whereupon Anthony Pickering said unto him, Sir, I beseech you yet be as good unto us as you would be to your horses or dogs: let us have a little air that we be not smothered. Yet that request could not be obtained, but the hatches were put down close, and they guarded and kept with a great company of men, and so sailing forward, by God's merciful providence, were within 24. hours, at anchor before the Tower of London.  
And when the Lord Cromwell understood they were come, he commanded their irons to be smit off at the Tower wharf, and the prisoners to be brought unto him.  
When he saw them he smiled upon them, steadfastly beholding each of them, and then said: Sirs, you must take pain for a time. Go your way to the Fleet, and submit yourselves prisoners there, 
〈◊〉 xiii. pri●●●ers put in the Fleet.  and shortly you shall know more, so in deed they did, for that evening he sent them word they should be of good cheer, for if God sent him life, they should shortly go home with as much honesty, as they came with shame.  
Whilst these xiii. persecuted men lay in the Fleet, and W. Stevens in the Tower, to wit, the nineteen. day of july, an. 1541. the foresaid Lord Cromwell for treason laid against him, was at Tower hill beheaded, as is before specified in his story, who made there a very Christian end. Then had the poor Calais men great cause to fear, if they had not altogether depended on the merciful providence of their heavenly father, whose blessed will they knew directed all things. But he in the midst of their deep troubles and miseries so comforted them, that even as the dangers and troubles increased, so likewise did their consolation & joy in him, so far forth, as Matthew de Hound, one of those xiii. who was in trouble only for that he heard Copen de Hall read a Chapter of the new Testament, 
Matthew de Hound a blessed martyr of God, burned in Flaunders.  and was as deep in punishment, and in banishment from his wife, children, and country, as the rest, got in short time such instruction, that having therewith a soul and conscience fraughted full of godly zeal unto God's glory, and the true doctrine of Christ, within a few months after his deliverance out of the Fleet: for inveighing constantly against the wicked honouring of images, & praying unto Saints departed, was cruelly in a most constant faith and patience, burned in Flaunders.  
Now therefore when all hope in man was past, the right honourable L. Audeley, lord Chancellor of England, without further examination, 
The Lord Audly good the persecuted members of Christ.  discharged first the said 13. that were in the Fleet, and at length two years after, he delivered W. Stevens also by the Kings own motion, out of the Tower, saying at the discharging of those 13. sirs, pray for the King's Majesty, his pleasure is that you shall all be presently discharged. And though your livings be taken from you, yet despair not: God will not see you lack. But for God's sake sirs beware how you deal with popish Priests: for, so God save my soul, some of them be knaves all. Sirs, said he, I am commanded by the counsel to tell you, 
The common saying of the Lord Audly concerning Popish priests.  that you are discharged by virtue of the kings general pardon, but that pardon excepteth and forbiddeth all sacramentaries, and the most part, or all of you are called sacramentaries. Therefore I can not see how that pardon doth you any pleasure. But pray for the King's highness, for his grace's pleasure is, that I should dismiss you, and so I do, and pity you all: Farewell sirs.  
So giving God most hearty thanks for his mighty and merciful delivering of them, they departed dismissed, as you have heard, 
Calais men dismissed.  being in deed in very poor estate: but not in so miserable state as all those eight Counsellors of Calais were within one year and a half after. For whereas the other three Counsellors which seemed more favourable to them: to wit, the Lord Grace, sir George Carow, and sir Rich. Grinefield, which purged the town of those slanders that untruly were raised upon it, 
Example how God prospereth the favourers and friends to his Gospel.  and therefore for a time were in their princes high displeasure: within the year were all three in greater favour than ever they were before, and that not without the reward of xx. pound by year to him & to his heirs, who had least: the other eight Counsellors, unjustly charging them and the town of sedition and heresy: to say, the Lord Lisle, the Lord Sands, Sir john Wallop, sir Edward Rinsley, Rob. Fowler Esquire vice treasurer, 
Example how God turneth the malice of their enemies upon 〈◊〉 own 〈◊〉.  sir Tho. Palmer knight, called long Palmer, W. Simpson Esquire undermarshal, & joh. Rockwod, were either greatly out of their Prince's favour, and in the Tower or else where prisoners, either else by very desperate deaths in outward appearance, taken out of this world: For tediousness I will rehearse but only the horrible end of the said Rockwood, the chief stirrer up of all the afflictions afore spoken of: who even to the last breath staring & raging, cried, he was utterly damned: and being willed to ask God mercy, 
Example of 〈◊〉 judge 〈◊〉 upon a cruel persecutor.  who was ready to forgive all that asked mercy of him, he brayed & cried out, All too late, for I have sought maliciously the deaths of a number of the honestest men in the town, and though I so thought them in my hart, yet I did that lay in me to bring them to an evil death: all too late therefore, all too late. Which same words he answered to one that at the departure of the xiii. in irons towards England, said: Sir, I never saw men of such honesty, so sharply corrected, & taking it so patiently and joyfully. Rockwod them fetching a frisk or two, scoffingly answered: All too late. The undermarshal suddenly fell down in the Counsel chamber, and never spoke word after, nor showed any token of remembrance. The plagues of the other also, as I am credibly informed, were little better.    

The second apprehension and martyrdom of Adam Damlyp.  
COncerning Adam Damlip, 
Adam Damlip again apprehended.  otherwise called George Bucker, ye heard before declared, page. 1223. how he being convented before the Bishops at Lambeth, and afterward secretly admonished, and having money given him by his friends, to avoid, and not to appear again before the Bishops: after he had sent his allegations in writing unto them, departed into the West country, and there continued teaching a school a certain space, about a year or two. After that, the good man was again apprehended by the miserable inquisition of the six articles, and brought up to London, where he was by Steven Gardiner commanded into the marshalsea, and there lay the space of other two years or thereabout.  
During the imprisonment of this George in the marshalsea, Io. Marbecke (as partly ye heard before) also was committed into the same prison, which was the morrow after Palm sunday. The manner of that time so required, that at Easter every person must needs come to confession. Whereupon Marbecke with the rest of the prisoners there, was enforced to come upon Easter day to sir George aforesaid, 
George Bucker confessor to the prisoners in the marshalsea▪  to be confessed, who was then confessor to the whole house. By this occasion I. Marbecke, which had never seen him before, entering into conference with him, perceived what he was, what he had been, what troubles he sustained, how long he had live there in prison, by whom, & wherefore: who declared moreover his mind to Marbecke, to the effect as followeth: And now because, said he, I think they have forgotten me, 
Acquaintance between john Marbecke and George Bucker otherwise called Adam Damlip.  I am fully minded to make my humble suit to the bishop of Winchester, in an Epistle, declaring therein mine obedience, humble submission, and earnest desire to come to examination. I know the worst. I can but lose my life present, which I had lever do, then here to remain, and not to be suffered to use my talon to God's glory. Wherefore (God willing) I will surely put it in proof.  
This Damlip for his honest and godly behaviour was beloved of all the whole house, 
Adam Damlip well beloved among the prisoners, specially of the keeper.  but specially of the keeper himself, whose name was Massy, whom he always called master: and being suffered to go at liberty within the house whether he would, he did much good among the common & rascal sort of prisoners, in rebuking vice & sin, and kept them in such good order & awe, that the keeper thought himself to have a great treasure of him. And no less also Marbeck himself confesseth, to have found great comfort by him. For notwithstanding the strait precept given by the bishop of Winchester, that no man should come to him, 
Massy keeper of the marshalsea.  nor he to speak with any man: yet the said Adam many times would find the means to come and comfort him.  
Now when he had made and drawn out his Epistle, he delivered the same to his master the keeper, 
Adam Damlip writeth to the Bishop of Winchester.  upon saturday in the morning, which was about the second week before Whitsonday following, desiring him to deliver it at the Court to the B. of Winchester. The keeper said, he would, and so did. The Bish. what quick speed he made for his dispatch, I know not, but thus it fell out, as ye shall hear.  
The keeper came home at night very late, and when the prisoners (which had tarried supper for his coming) saw him so sad and heavy, they deemed something to be amiss. At last the keeper casting up his eyes upon Sir George, said: O George, I can tell thee tidings. What is that master, quoth he? Upon Monday next thou and I must go to Calais. To Calais master? What to do? I know not, 
Stephen Gardiner sendeth out a precept for the execution of Adam Damlip.  quoth the keeper, & pulled out of his purse a piece of wax with a little label of parchment hanging out thereat, which seemed to be a precept. And when Sir George saw it, he said: well well Master, now I know what the matter is, What, quoth the keeper? Truly master I shall die in Calais. Nay, quoth the keeper, I trust it be not so. Yes, yes master, it is most true, and I praise God for his goodness therein. And so the keeper & they went together to supper with heavy cheer for sir George as they there called him. Who notwithstanding was merry himself, 
The cheerful constancy of Adam Damlip.  & did eat his meat as well as ever he did in all his life: In so much that some at the board said unto him, that they marveled how he could eat his meat so well, knowing he was so near his death. Ah masters quoth he, do you think that I have been God's prisoner so long in the marshalsea, and have not yet learned to die? Yes, yes, and I doubt not but God will strengthen me therein. Ex litteris joa. Marbecki.  
And so upon Monday early in the morning before day, the keeper with in. other of the Knight marshals servants, 
Adam Damlip brought to Calais to suffer.  setting out of London, conveyed the said Adam Damlyp unto Calais upon the Ascension even, and there committed him to the majors prison. Upon which day john Butler the Commissary aforesaid, and Sir Daniel his Curate of S. Peter's, were also committed to the same prison, and commandment given no man to speak with Butler.  
Upon Saturday next was the day of execution for Damlyp. The cause which first they laid to his charge, was for heresy. But because by an act of parliament, all such offences done before a certain day, were pardoned (through which Act he could not be burdened with any thing that he had preached or taught before) yet for the receiving of the foresaid French crown of Cardinal Pole, (as you heard before) he was condemned of treason, and in Calais cruelly put to death, being drawn, hanged, and quartered.  
The death and martyrdom of Damlyp.  
The day before his execution, came unto him one M. Mote, 
The constant courage of Adam Damlip, not caring for his death.  than person of our Lady Church of Calais, saying: your four quarters shall be hanged at four parts of the town. And where shall my head be, said Damlip? Upon the Lantern gate, said Moat. Then Damlip answered, Then shall I not need to provide for my burial. At his death, Sir Ralph Ellerker Knight, than knight Martial there, would not suffer the innocent & godly man, to declare either his faith, or the cause he died for, but said to the executioner, dispatch the knave, have done. For sir Wil Mote appointed there to preach, declared to the people how he had been a sour of seditious doctrine, and albeit he was for the pardoned by the general pardon, yet he was condemned for being a traitor against the king. To the which when Adam Damlip would have replied & purged himself, the foresaid Sir Ralph Ellerker would not suffer him to speak a word, but commanded him to be had away. And so most meckely, 
Damlip falsely accused of treason, & innocently put to death.  patiently, and joyfully, the blessed and innocent Martyr took his death, sir Ralph Elerker saying, that he would not away before he saw the traitors hart out. But shortly after the said Sir Ralph Ellerker in a skirmish or road between the Frenchmen and us, at Bullayne was among other slain. 
An example of God's just revengement.  Whose only death sufficed not his enemies, but after they had stripped him stark naked, they cut off his privy members, and cut the hart out of his body, and so left him a terrible example to all bloody and merciless men. For no cause was known, why they showed such indignation against the said sir Ralph Ellerker, more than against the rest, but that it is written: Faciens iustitias Dominus & judicia omnibus iniuria pressis.  
As touching joh. Butler, and sir Daniel his Curate, imprisoned (as ye heard) the same day with Damlip, upon Sunday next following, 
another trouble of john Bu●le●, and Sir Daniel his Curate.  they were committed to Io. Massy aforesaid, keeper of the marshalsea, and his company, and brought to the marshalsea, where he continued and his Curate nine months and more. At last being sore laid unto by Sir George Gage, Sir john Baker, and Sir Thomas Arundel knights, but especially by Steven Gardiner Bishop of Winchester, for the retaining of Adam Damlip, yet by friends soliciting the King's highness for him, (namely sir Leonard Musgrave, and his brother Baunster, 
Ex scripto testimony Caletien●●●●▪  who were bound for his appearance in a thousand pound) he at length by great labour and long time was discharged, and at last by licence permitted to return to Calais again. Ex scripto testimonio Caletiensium.  
Furthermore, as touching William Stevens above mentioned, who remained all this while prisoner in the Tower, 
W. Stevens an earnest Protest are falsely condemned for Popery.  the same was also condemned with Adam Damlip of treason, which was for note and crime of Popery, in lodging Adam Damlip, which came from Cardinal Poole the traitor, in his house, at the Lord Deputies commandment. Notwithstanding the King afterward understanding more of the said William Stevens, how innocent he was from that crime, 
W. Stevens with the rest pardoned by the king.  being known to all men to be an earnest and zealous Protestant, gave him his pardon, and sent him home again to Calais, and so likewise all the other thirteen above mentioned.   

The story of a poor labouring man in Calyce.  
BY the credible information & writing of the said Calyce men, which were then in trouble, 
A poor 〈◊〉 burned at Calais for the right faith of the Sacrament.  it is reported of a certain poor labouring man of Calais, who after the preaching of Adam Damlyp, being in certain company, said, that he would never believe, that a priest could make the lords body at his pleasure. Whereupon he was then accused, and also condemned by one Harvey Commissary there. Which Harvey in time of his judgement inveighing against him, with opprobrious words, said, that he was an heretic, & should die a vile death. The poor man (whose name yet I have not certainly learned) answering for himself again, said, that he was no heretic, but was in the faith of Christ. 
A notable example of God's iudg●●ment upon bloody per●secuter.  And where as thou sayest (said he) that I shall die a vile death, thou thyself shalt die a viler death, and that shortly, and so it came to pass: for within half a year after, the said Harvey was hanged, drawn, and quartered for treason in the said town of Calais.   

another history of one Dodde a Scottish man, burned in Calais.  
AFter the burning of this poor man, there was also an other certain scholar, counted to be a Scottish man, 
One Dod●● burned in Calais.  named Dodde, who coming out of Germany, was there taken with certain German books about him, and being examined thereupon, and standing constantly to the truth that he had learned, was therefore condemned to death, and there burned in the said town of Calais, within the space of a year, or thereabout, after the other godly Martyr above mentioned.  
And for so much as I am presently in hand with matters of Calais, 
The story 〈◊〉 W. Crosbowmaker bearing a billet in Calais.  I can not pass from thence without memory of an other certain honest man of the same township, named William Button, aliâs Crosbowmaker, although the time of this story is a little more ancient in years: which story is this.  
William Crosbowmaker, a soldier of Calais, and the king's servant, being a man as some natures be, 
W. Crosbowmaker questions.  somewhat pleasantly disposed, used when he met with Priests, to demand of them certain merry questions of pastime, as these: Whether if a man were suddenly taken, and wanted an other thing, he might not without offence occupy one of the Pope's pardons, in steed of a broken paper?  
Another question was, whether in the world might better be wanting, dogs or priests. And if it were answered, that dogs might rather be spared: to that he would reply again and infer, that if there were no dogs, we could make no more, but if there lacked ignorant Priests, we might soon, and too soon, make too many of them.  
It happened that in the time of D. Darley, Parson of our Lady's Church in Calais, being Commissary there so: Archbishop Warham, there came a black Friar to Calais with the Pope's pardons: who for iiij. d. would deliver a soul out of Purgatory. The friar was full of romish virtues, for what money came for pardons by day, he bought no land with it at night. This foresaid William Button, aliâs Crosbowmaker, coming to the pardons, and pretending that he would deliver his father & friends souls, asked if the holy father the Pope could deliver souls out of purgatory? 
 The friar said, there is no doubt of that. Why then, quoth Button, doth he not of charity deliver all the souls thereout? Of which words he was accused to the Commissary, who at his appearing before the said Commissary, confessed to have asked such questions. The Commissary being angry thereat said: Doubtest thou thereof thou heretic? There was standing by a black friar named Capel, an English man, who said to the Commissary. There is Ten thousand of these heretics between graveling and Trere. Button answered, Master friar of all men you may keep silence. For your coat hath been twice cut of from the faith. The first time your order was enjoined to have your black coat shorter than your white, and for the second time your order must go to the furthest part of their church, 
This Anthem the black friars were 〈…〉 every night to our Lady in praise of her Conception.  and there sing an Anthem of our Lady. The commissary at these words chafed, called Button heretic, with many other opprobrious words. Then said Button to the Commissary, if your holy father the Pope may deliver souls out of purgatory, and will not of charity deliver them, than I would to God the king would make me Pope, and I would surely deliver all out without money. At these words the Commissary raged, and reviled Button exceedingly, causing him to bear a billet, & procured his wages (which was 6. d. a day) to be taken from him. Then went Button to the kings majesty, declaring all the whole matter to his grace, who sent him to Calais again, and gave him after that 8, d. a day.   


W. Crosbowmaker pardoned of the king.  A notable example, wherein may appear as well the despite of D. London, and other papists against the Gospelers, as also the fidelity of a matron towards her husband.  
FOr so much as mention was made a little before of D. London, we will somewhat more add of him, because the matter seemeth neither impertinent nor unfruitful, 
The cruel malice of D. London against the Gospel.  to the intent it may more evidently appear what truth and trust is to be looked for of this cruel kind of papists. This Doctor London was warden of the new College in Oxford, where it happened that certain plate was stolen and conveyed, 
Ex. Edw. Hallo.  and brought up to London, and sold to a Goldsmith, named William Calaway. This Calaway was a man of good and honest name, and reputation amongst his neighbours, 
W Calaway Goldsmith of London.  but specially earnest and zealous towards the Gospel, and a great maintainer thereof. He had oftentimes before bought much plate of the same man without any peril or danger, wherefore he doubted the less of his fidelity.  
At the last the principal of the theft being taken, and the Goldsmith also that was the bier being known, D. London, 
This principal was a chaplain of the said College.  when he understood him to be a favourer of the Gospel, whereof he was an extreme adversary, began straight ways to be in a rage, and to swear grea● and deep oaths that he would spare neither labour nor cost, but would bring the Goldsmith to the gallows, although it should cost him five hundred pound. To be short this good goldsmith was arraigned as accessary, and an action of Felony brought against him. He contrariwise alleged that they ought not to proceed against him, the principal being alive. D. London on the contrary part, affirmed that the principal was hanged: which was most false, for he was one of the same College, 
Calaway 〈◊〉 the privilege of his book.  and was alive, and but lately set at liberty. To be brief, he being found guilty, the judge asked him what he could allege, why he should not die? He required to have the privilege of his book, according to the ancient custom and manner. But here it was objected against him that he was Bigamus, and therefore he might not have his book by the law, notwithstanding that he never had two wives, 
Bigamus, that is a man that hath had two Wives.  but because his wife had two husbands, it was imputed to him for Bigamia.  
Thus this good Goldsmith being secluded from all hope of life, by the crafty spite of his malignant adversaries: his wife being a woman of proved honesty and good fame, 
A singular example of ● faithful 〈◊〉 toward 〈◊〉 husband.  came in before the judges, and perceiving her former marriage to be hurtful unto her husband, to save her husbands life, she took an oath before the judges, that she was not Bigama, and that she was never married to more men then to the said Goldsmith: and although she had children by her other husband, and continued divers years with him, yet she swore that she was never married unto him. Thus this woman by defaming of herself to her great praise, 
True love 〈…〉 and 〈◊〉.  and singular example of love, delivered her innocent husband: thinking it better for her to live with ignominy and reproach, then for her husband to die, less esteeming the loss of her good name, then of his life. Ez Ed. Hallo.  
As touching the quality of this fact or perjury, I intermeddle not here to discuss, but leave it at large to the judgement of Lawyers to define upon. Truth it is, that perjury neither in man nor woman is to be commmended, neither aught to be defended. But yet the true hart & faithful love between this man and his wife, counterpeasing again as much or more on the other side, the more rare & strange I see it in many couples now a days, the more I think it worthy, not only to be praised, but also for examples sake to be notified. But in the mean time, what shall we say to these priests and adversaries, who in such sort violently do press and force the poor sheep of Christ with peril of their consciences unto such perjury, & that in such causes, where no such truth is sought, but innocency oppressed, true religion persecuted, & only their spite & wrath against God's word wreaked.  
During the time of these six articles aforesaid, which brought many good men unto death: yet so it happened by another contrary act set forth before, for the kings supremacy (as ye have heard) that the contrary sect also of the Papists was not all in quiet. For besides the death of Moor, and the Bishop of Rochester, and the other Charterhouse Monks, Friars and Priests above specified, about this year were also condemned and executed by the same law, two other, 
Lark, Priest of Chelsey, German Garden traitors against the king's supremacy.  of whom one was a Priest of Chelsey, named Lark, which was put to death at London for defending the B. of Rome's supremacy, above the kings authority. The other was Germine Gardiner (near kinsman to Steven Gardiner, and yet more near to his secret counsel, as it is supposed) who likewise in practising for the Pope, against the king's jurisdiction, was taken with the manner, and so brought unto the Gibbet.  
Upon the detection of this German Gardener being Secretary to Gardiner bishop of Winchester his kinsman it seemed to some, 
Suspicion against Steven Gardiner▪  and so was also insinuated unto the king not to be unlike, but that the said German neither would nor durst ever attempt any such matter of popery, without some setting on, or consent of the Bishop, he being so near unto him, & to all his secrets as he was. Whereby the king began somewhat more to smell and misdoubt the doings of the Bishop: but yet he so covertly and clearly conveyed his matters, playing under the board, after his wont fetches in such sort, as I can not tell how) still he kept in with the king, to the great inquietation of the public state of the Realm, and especially of Christ's Church.  
In declaring the dreadful law before set forth of the six ayticles, which was, an. 1540 ye heard what penalty was appointed for the breach of the same, in like case as in treason & felony, so that no remedy of any recantation would serve. 
Stat. an. 35. Reg. Henr. 8.  This severity was a little mitigated by an other Parliament, holden afterward an. 1544. by the which parliament it was decreed, that such offenders which were convict in the said articles, for the first time should be admitted to recant and renounce their opinions. And if the party refused to recant in such form as should be laid unto him by his Ordinary, or after his recantation, 
The rigour of the 6. articles a little assuaged.  if he eftsoons offended again, then for the second time he should be admitted to abjure, and bear a faggot. Which if he denied to do or else being adjured, if he the third time offended, than he to sustain punishment according to the Law. etc. Although the straightness & rigour of the former act was thus somewhat tempered, as ye see, and reform by this present Parliament: yet notwithstanding the venom and poison of the errors and mischief of those articles remained still behind not removed, but rather confirmed by this Parliament aforesaid. By the which Parliament moreover many things were provided for the advancement of Popery, under the colour of religion: so that all manner of books of the old and new Testament, bearing the name of Will. tindal, or any other having Prologues, or containing any matters, annotations, preambles, words, or sentences contrary to the six articles, were debarred. In like manner all songs, plays, and Interludes, with all other books in English, containing matter of religion, tending any way against the said articles were abolished.  
In the which Parliament furthermore it was provided, that the text of the new Testament or of the Bible, being prohibited to all women, artificers, prentices, iourneimen, servingmen, yeomen, husbandmen, and labourers, yet was permitted notwithstanding to noble men and gentle men, & gentlewomen to read and peruse, to their edifying so that they did it quietly without arguing, discussing, or expounding upon the Scripture.  
Over and beside, 
Qualification of the act of the 6. articles.  whereas before the offender or defendant might not be suffered to bring in any witnesses to purge and try himself: In this Parliament it was permitted to the party detect, or complained on, to try his cause by witnesses, as many, or more in number, as the other which deposed against him. etc.   

Other qualifications of the act of the six Articles.  
AFter this Parliament moreover followed an other parliament. an. 1545. wherein other qualifications▪ more special of the six articles were provided: That where as before the cruel statute of the six articles was so straight, that if any of the kings subjects had been complained of by any manner of person, as well being his enemy, as otherwise, he should be indicted presently upon the same, without any further examination or knowledge given to the party so accused, & so thereupon to be attached, committed, and in fine to be condemned: it was therefore by this parliament provided, that all such presentmentes and indictmentes should not be brought before the Commissioners, otherwise then by the oaths of xii. men or more, of honesty and credit, with out corruption or malice accordingly.  
Item, that no such indictmentes or presentmentes should be taken, but within one year of the offences committed, either else the said indictmentes to stand void in the law.  
Item, that no person accused upon any such offence against the six articles, should be attached, or committed to ward, before he were thereof indicted, unless by special warrant from the king etc.  
Item, by the authority of the said Parliament it was considered and enacted, that if any preacher or reader, for any word spoken, supposed to be against the six articles, should be accused, not within the space of 40. days of the said his reading or preaching, than the party accused to be acquitted.  
Item, that the justices or inquirers of such presentmentes should have full power to alter and reform all panelles of inquiry, returned before them, in like manner as the justices of peace may do in their Sessions, upon any other inquiries-  
Item, that the party so accused or indicted, upon his trial, may have all manner of challenges (peremptory only excepted) as other persons arraigned for felony may have, by the laws of this realm.  

Stat. anno. 1545. R. Hen. 8.  By these qualifications & moderations of the 6. articles, it may appear that the king begun somewhat to grow out of favour with Ste. Gardiner, & to discredit his doings, whereby he was the more forward to incline somewhat in furthering the desolate cause of religion, as may appear both by these premises, & also by other provisions & determinations of the foresaid parliament. an. 1545. wherein it was decreed by act of parliament, 
A Statute for examination of tha Canon law.  that the king should have full power & authority to appoint 32. persons, to wit 16. of the clergy, & 16. of the temporalty, to peruse, oversee, & examine the Canons, constitutions & ordinances of the canon law, as well Provincial, as synodal, & so, according to their discretions, to set & establish an order of ecclesiastical laws such as should be thought by the king and them convenient to be received and used within this realm. Which statute as it is most needful for the government of the Church of England: so would God it had been brought to perfection.  
In this year touching matters of histories, we read no great thing worthy of memory, 
Anno. 1545.  but only of two persons, joh, Athee, & I. Haywood. Of which two, we find first I. Athee to be indicted by the kings writ, 
john A'the recanted.  for certain words against the sacrament, which words in the indictment are specified to be these: that he would not believe in the thing which the knave priest made, neither in that which Longs wife selleth: but only in God that is in heaven. And when it was told him that God through his word could make it flesh & blood, he answered: so he might do if he would turn it into a chickens leg, meaning the sacrament of the altar.  
The same year also followed the recantation of Io. Heywood, 
The recantation of john Heywood.  who although he was tached for treason, for denying the king's supremacy, yet using the clemency of the king, upon his better reformation & amendment, made an open & solemn recantation in the face of all the people, abandoning & renouncing the Pope's usurped supremacy, & confessing of the king to be chief supreme head & governor of this church of England, all foreign authority & jurisdiction being excluded. The tenor & effect of whose recantation here followeth.   

* The recantation of john Haywood.  
I Am come hither at this time, (good people) willing and of mine own disirous suit, 
Anno. 1544.  to show and declare unto you briefly. First of all the great and inestimable clemency, and mercifulness of our most sovereign and redoubted Prince, the kings Majesty, the which his highness hath most graciously used towards me a wretch most justly and worthily condemned to die, for my manifold and outrageous offences, heinously and traitorously committed against his majesty and his laws. For whereas your majesties supremacy hath so often been opened unto me both by writing and speaking (if I had grace, either to open mine eyes to see it, or mine ears to hear it) to be surely and certainly grounded, and established upon the very true word of God. Yet for lack of grace I have most wilfully and obstinately suffered myself to fall to such blindness, that I have not only thought that the bysh. of Rome hath been and aught to be taken the chief and supreme head of the universal Church of Christ hear in earth, but also like no true subject concealed and favoured such as I have known or thought to be of the opinion. For the which most detestable treasons and untruths. I hear most humbly and with all my hart, first of all ask the kings majesty forgiveness, and secondarily of the world, beseeching all these that either now do, or hereafter shall hear of these my great transgressions, to take this mine example for an instruction for them to call for grace, that they thereby be stayed from falling at any time in such miserable blindness and folly.  
Moreover, here afore God and you (good Christian people) I do utterly & withal my hart, recant & revoke all mine aforesaid erroneous and traitorous opinions. And (as my conscience now doth force) I protest that even with my hart I firmly think and undoubtedly believe, that the Bishop of Rome neither now hath, nor at any time hath had, or can have by any law of God or man, any more authority without the precinct of his own country about him, than any other Bishop hath within his own diocese. Whereby I assuredly take the abolishing of the pretenced and usurped power or authority of the Bishop of Rome out of this Realm to be done justly and truly by the law of God. And also I take our sovereign Lord, the kings highness to be supreme head immediately next under Christ of the Church of England and Ireland, and all other his grace's dominions, both of the spiritualty & temporalty. And I confess not only that his majesty so is by the law of God, but also his progenitors kings of this Realm so hath been, and his highness heirs and successors kings of this Realm so shall be.  
Thus have I showed you my mind as well as I can but neither so well as I would, nor so full as I should, namely concerning the multitude of mercy which my most gracious prince hath showed toward me, not only for saving my body after worthy condennation to death as is aforesaid but also for saving my soul from perishing, if my body had perished before the receiving of such wholesome council as I had at his highness most charitable assignment. And of this confession declared unto you (I say as far forth as I can.) I heartily pray you all to bear me record, and most entirely to pray almighty God, for the long and most prosperous estate of our sovereign Lord the kings Majesty in all his affairs and proceedings.  
By me john Heywood  
Memorandun quod supra scripta assertio sive recantatio fuit facta & publice emissa per prenominatum johannem Heiwood die dominica Sexto viz. die julij. An. Millessimo Quingentessimo Quadragesimo quarto, apud crucem paulinam tempore Concionis ibidem.  
In this year of our Lord. 1545. as there was no other thing done in England worthy to be noted, so now the order of story here requireth by the course of years, next to infer the discourse of the troubles and persecutions which happened in Scotland, against M. George Wysard, and divers other good men of the same country, about the same year of our Lord. 1545. and somewhat before. But because now we are come to the latter end almost of K. Henry's reign, we will make an end (the Lord willing) with a few other English stories pertaining to that time: & that finished, so to set upon those matters of Scotland, joining them whole together. The tractation whereof thou shalt see (good reader) in the latter end and closing up of this kings reign.   

* Kerby and Roger Clerk of Suffolk Martyrs.  
Coming now to the year of our lord 
Ann. 1546.  1546. first passing over the Priest, whose name was Saxye, which was hanged in the Porter's lodge of Stephen Gardiner Bishop of Winchester, and that (as it is supposed) not without the consent of the said Bishop, 
 and the secret conspiracy of that bloody generation: to pass over also one Henry, with his servant burned at Colchester: I will now proceed to the story of Kerby and Roger Clerk of Mendessham, who were apprehended at Ipswiche. ann. 1546. the saturday before Gang monday, and brought before the Lord Wentworth, with other Commissioners appointed there to sit upon their examinations, judgements, and causes. The night before they were areyned, a bill was set up upon the townehouse door (by whom, 
A 〈…〉 the L. Wentworth 〈…〉 Kerby and ●oger.  it was unknown) and brought the next day unto the Lord Wentworth: who answered, that it was good counsel. Which bill in the latter end shall appear.  
In the mean time Kerby & Roger being in the Gailers' house, named I. Bird, an honest and a good man (who had checks divers times at the bar, that he was more meet to be kept, then to be a keeper) came in Master Robert Wingfielde, son and heir of Humphrey Wingfielde knight) with M. Bruesse of Wennenham: who then having conference with Kerby (being then in a several chamber separate from the other) master Wingfeld said to Kerby: 
The words of W. Wingfield to 〈◊〉 and Roger, in p●●son.  Remember the fire is hot, take heed of thine enterprise that thou take no more upon thee than thou shalt be able to perform. The terror is great, the pain will be extreme, and life is sweet. Better it were be time to stick to mercy, while there is hope of life, then rashly to begin, & then to shrink: with such like words of persuasion. To whom he answered again: Ah M. Wingfield, be at my burning, and you shall say, 
The answer of Kerby▪ to M. Wingfield.  there standeth a christian soldier in the fire. For I know that fire and water, sword, and all other things, are in the hands of God, and he will suffer no more to be laid upon us, than he will give us strength to bear. Ah Kerby, said master Wingfield, if thou be at that point, I will b●●de thee farewell? For I promise thee I am not so strong, that I am able to burn. And so both the Gentlemen saying that they would pray for them, took hands with them, and so departed.  
Now (first touching the behaviour of Kerby & Roger) when they came to the judgement seat, 
The behaviour of Kerby and Roger, when they were brought before the judges.  the Lord Wentworth, with all the rest of the justices there ready, the Commissary also by virtue ex officio. sitting next to the L. Wentworth, but one between Kerby and Roger lifted up their eyes and hands to heaven, with great devotion in all men's eyes, making their prayers secretly to God for a space of time, whilst they might say the lords prayer five or six times.  
That done, their articles were declared unto them, with all circumstances of the law: 
Questions propounded to Kerby & Roger.  and then it was demanded and inquired of them, whether they believed, that after the words spoken by a priest (as Christ spoke them to his Apostles) there were not the very body and blood of Christ, flesh, blood, and bone, as he was borne of the virgin Mary, and no bread after.  
Unto the which words they answered and said, No, they did not so believe: but that they did believe the Sacrament which Christ jesus did institute at his last supper, 
Their answers.  on Maundy thursday at night to his disciples was only to put all men in remembrance of the precious death and blood shedding for the remission of sins, and that there was neither flesh nor blood to be eaten with the teeth, but bread and wine: 
The Sacrament more than bare bread and wine. Foster a sore enemy to God's people.  and yet more than bread and wine, for that it is consecrated to an holy use. Then with much persuasions, both with fair means and threats beside (if it would have served) were these two poor men hardly laid to: but most at the hands of Foster an inferior justice, not being learned in such knowledge. But these two continued both faithful and content, choosing rather to die then to live, and so continued unto the end.  
Then sentence was given upon them both, Kerby to be burned in the said town the next Saturday, 
Sentence given against Kerby and Roger.  and Roger to be burned at Bury the Gang Monday after. Kerby when his judgement was given by the Lord Wentworth, with most humble reverence holding up his hands, and bowing himself devoutly, said: Praised be almighty God, and so stood still without any more words.  
Then did the Lord Wentworth talk secretly, putting his head behind an other justice that sat between them. The said Roger perceiving that, 
Roger's words to the Lord Wentworth.  said with a loud voice: Speak out my Lord, and if you have done any thing contrary to your conscience, ask God mercy, and we for our parts do forgive you: and speak not in secret, for ye shall come before a judge, and then make answer openly, even he that shall judge all men: with other like words.  
The Lord Wentworth somewhat blushing, and changing his countenance through remorse (as it was thought) said, I did speak nothing of you, nor I have done nothing unto you, 
 but as the Law is. Then was Kerby and Roger sent forth: Kerby to prison there, & Roger to saint edmund's Bury. The one of the two bursting out with a loud voice (Roger as it is supposed) thus spoke with a vehemency: 
 Fight (said he) for your God For he hath not long to continue.  
The next day, which was Saturday, about ten of the clock, Kerby was brought to the market place, whereas a stake was ready, 
 wood, broom, and straw, and did of his clothes unto his shirt, having a night cap upon his dead, and so was fastened to the stake with irons, there being in the gallery, the Lord Wentworth, with the most part of all the justices of those quarters, where they might see his execution, how every thing should be done, and also might hear what Kerby did say: and a great number of people, about two thousand by estimation. 
D. Rugham Monk of Bury preached at the burning of Ke●by.  There was also standing in the gallery by the Lord Wentworth, D. Rugham, which was before a Monk of bury and sexton of the house, having on a Surplis and a stool about his neck. Then silence was proclaimed, and the said Doctor began to disable himself, as not meet to declare the holy Scriptures (being unprovided because the time was so short) but that he hoped in God's assistance it should come well to pass.  
All this while Kerby was trimming with irons and faggots, broom, and straw, 
The cheerful countenance & courage of Kerby.  as one that should be married with new garments, nothing changing cheer nor countenance, but with most meek spirit glorified GOD: which was wonderful to behold. Then Master Doctor at last entered into the sixth Chapter of S. joh. Who in handling that matter so oft as he alleged the Scriptures, and applied them rightly. Kerby told the people, that he said true, and bade the people believe him. But when he did otherwise, he told him again: You say not true: believe him not good people.  
Whereupon, as the voice of the people was, they judged Doctor Rugham a false Prophet. So when master Doctor had ended his collation, he said unto Kerby: Thou good man, dost not thou believe that the blessed sacrament of the altar is the very flesh and blood of Christ, and no bread even as he was borne of the virgin Mary? 
Kerbyes' confession of the Sacrament.  Kerby answering boldly, said: I do not so believe. How dost thou believe, said the Doctor? Kerby said, I do believe that in the Sacrament that jesus Christ instituted at his last supper on Maundye Thursday to his Disciples (which ought of us likewise to be done) is the death and passion, and his blood shedding for the redemption of the world, to be remembered: and (as I said before) yet bread, and more than bread, for that it is consecrated to a holy use.  
Then was master Doctor in his dumps, and spoke not one word more to Kerby after.  
Then said the under Sheriff to Kerby, hast thou any thing more to say? Yea sir said he, if you will give me leave. Say on, said the Sheriff.  
Then Kerby taking his night cap from his head, put it under his arm, as though it should have done him service again: but remembering himself, 
The Lord Wentworth wept at Kerbyes burning  he cast it from him, and lifting up his hands, he said the Hymn, Te Deum, and the belief, with other prayers in the English tongue. The Lord Wentworth, whilst Kerby was thus doing, did shroud himself behind one of the posts of the Gallery, and wept, and so did many other. Then said Kerby, I have done: you may execute your office good Master Sheriff.  
¶ The burning and martyrdom of Kerby.  
On the Gang Monday, an. 1546. about ten of the clock, 
Roger Clerk of Mendelsham brought to the stake at bury.  Roger Clerk of Mendelsham was brought out of prison and went on foot to the gate, called Southgate in Bury, and by the way the Procession met with them, but he went on, and would not bow cap nor knee, but with most vehement words rebuked that idolatry and superstition, 
Roger Clarke giveth no reverence to the procession.  the Officers being much offended. And without the gate, where as was the place of execution, the stake being ready, and the wood lying-by, he came and kneeled down, and said Magnificat in the English tongue, making as it were a Paraphrase upon the same: Wherein he declared how that the blessed virgin Mary, who might as well rejoice in pureness, as any other, yet humbled herself to her Saviour. 
john. 1.  And what sayest thou john Baptist, said he, the greatest of all men's children? Behold the Lamb of God which taketh away the sins of the world. And thus with loud voice he cried unto the people while he was in fastening to the stake, & then the fire was set to him, whereas he suffered pains unmercifully, 
The painful burning and martyrdom of Roger Clarke of Mendelsham.  for the wood was green and would not burn, so that he was choked with smoke: and moreover being set in a pitch barrel, with some pitch sticking still by the sides, was therewith sore pained, till he had got his feet out of the barrel. And at length one standing by took a faggot stick, and striking at the ring of iron about his neck, so pashed him, and struck him belike upon the head, that he shrunk down on the one side into the fire, & so was dissolved.  
In the beginning of this story of Kerby and Roger, mention was made of a certain Bill put upon the town house door, and brought the next day to the Lord Wentworth: the words of which Bill were these.  

¶ The Bill set upon the Townehouse door in Ipswich.  
IVstè iudicate filii hominum: yet when ye shall judge, minister your justice with mercy. 
The words of the bill set up on the Townhouse door.   
A fearful thing it is to fall into the hands of the living God: be ye learned therefore in true knowledge, ye that judge the earth, lest the Lord be agry with you.  
The blood of the righteous shall be required at your hands. What though the veil hanged before Moses face? yet at Christ's death it fell down.  
The stones will speak, if these should hold their peace: therefore harden not your hearts against the verity.  
For fearfully shall the Lord appear in the day of vengeance to the troubled in conscience. No excuse shall there be of ignorance, but every fat shall stand on his own bottom. Therefore have remorse to your conscience: fear him that may kill both body and soul.  
Beware of innocent blood shedding: take heed of justice ignorantly ministered: work discreetly as the Scripture doth command: look to it, that ye make not the truth to be forsaken.  
We beseech God to save our king, king Henry the 8. that he be not lead into temptation. So be it.   
This year also it was ordained & decreed & solemnly given out in Proclamation by the king's name & authority and his Counsel, that the english Procession should be used throughout all England, according as it was set forth by his said counsel, and none other to be used throughout the whole Realm.  
About the latter end of this year .1545. in the month of November, after that the king had subdued the Scots, and afterward joining together with the Emperor, 
The Scots subdued  had invaded France, and had got from them the town of Bollayn, he summoned his high Court of Parliament. In the which was granted unto him besides other subsidies of money, 
Bollayne won.  all Colleges, chantries, free chapels, hospitals, fraternities, brotherhoodes, guilds, & perpetuities of stipendary priests, to be disposed at his will & pleasure. Whereupon in the month of Decem. following, 
Stat. an. 37. Reg. Hen. 8.  the king after the wont manner, came into the parliament house, to give his royal assent to such acts as were there passed: where after an eloquent Oration made to him by the Speaker, 
Colleges and Chauntreis' given to the king.  he answering again unto the same, not by the L. Chancellor (as the manner was) but by himself, uttered forth this oration word for word, as it is reported, and left in story.  

A Parliament.  In the contents of which Oration, first eloquently and lovingly he declared his grateful hart to his loving subjects, for their grants and subventions offered unto him. In the second part, with no less vehemency he exhorteth them to concord, peace, and unity. Whereunto if he had also joined the third part, that is, as in words he exhorted to unity, so had begun in deed first himself to take away the occasion of division, disobedience, & disturbance from his subjects, that is, had removed the stumbling block of the 6. articles out of the people's way, 
The Third part● 〈…〉 Oration 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉▪  which set brother against brother, neighbour against neighbour, the superior against subject, & the wolves to devour the poor flock of Christ: then had he not only spoken, but also done like a worthy prince. But of this more shallbe said in the sequel hereof, God willing.   

* The kings Oration in the Parliament house.  
ALthough my Chancellor for the time being, 
The 〈◊〉 Oration made in 〈◊〉 Parliament house.  hath before this time used, very eloquently and substantially to make answer to such Orations▪ as have been set forth in this high Court of Parliament: yet is he not so able to open and set forth my mind and meaning, and the secrets of my hart, in so plain and ample manner, as I myself am and can do. Wherefore I taking upon me, to answer your eloquent Oration Master Speaker, say: that where you in the name of our well-beloved Commons, have both praised and extolled me, for the notable ualitiess that ye have conceived to be in me, I most heartily thank you all, that you have put me in remembrance of my duty, which is to endeavour myself to obtain and get such excellent qualities, and necessary virtues, as a prince or governor should or ought to have: of which gifts I recognise myself both bare and barren.  
But of such small qualities, as God hath endued me withal, I render to his goodness my most humble thanks intending with all my wit and diligence, to get and acquire to me such notable virtues and princely qualities as you have alleged to be incorporate in my person. 
The king●● thanks to his 〈◊〉   
These thanks for your loving admonition and good counsel first remembered, I eftsoons thank you again because that you considering our great charges (not for our pleasure, but for your defence, not for our gain, but to our great cost) which we have lately sustained, as well in defence of our & your enemies, as for the conquest of that Fortress, which was to this Realm most displeasant and noisome, and shallbe by Gods grace hereafter, to our nation most profitable and pleasant, have freely of your own mind, granted to us a certain subsidy here in an act specified, which verily we take in good part, regarding more your kindness, than the profit thereof as he that setteth more by your loving hearts, then by your substance. Beside this hearty kindness, I cannot a little rejoice when I consider the perfect trust & sure confidence, which you have put in me, as men having undoubted hope, and unfeigned belief in my good doings, & just proceed for that you, without my desire or request, have committed to mine order and disposition, all Chauntreys, Colleges, Hospitals, and other places specified, in a certain act, firmly trusting that I will order them to the glory of God, & the profit of the common wealth. Surely, 
The king's promises 〈◊〉 the well bestowing of Chau●●treis, and Colleges  if I contrary to your expectation, should suffer the Ministers of the Church to decay, or learning (which is so great a jewel) to be minished, or poor and miserable people to be unrelieved you might say that I being put in so special a trust, as I am in this case, were no trusty friend to you, nor charitable man to mine even Christian, neither a lover of the public wealth, nor yet one that feared God, to whom account must be rendered of all our doings. Doubt not I pray you but your expectation shallbe served, more godly & goodly than you will wish or desire, as hereafter you shall plainly perceive.  
Now sithence I find such kindness on your part toward me, I can not choose, but love and favour you, affirming that no prince in the world more favoureth his subjects then I do you, nor no subjects or commons more love and obey their sovereign Lord, than I perceive you do me, for whose defence my treasure shall not be hidden, nor if necessity require, my person shall not be unadventured. Yet although I with you, and you with me, be in this perfect love and concord, this friendly amity can not continued except both you my Lords Temporal, and you my Lords Spiritual, and you my loving subjects, study and take pain to amend one thing, which is surely amiss and far out of order, to the which I most heartily require you: which is, that charity & concord is not amongst you, but discord and dissension beareth rule in every place. Saint Paul saith to the Corinthians, in the xiii. Chapter. Charity is gentle, Charity is not envious, Charity is not proud, and so forth in the said Chapter. Behold then what love and 
*  charity is amongst you, when the one calleth the other Heretic and Anabaptist, and he calleth him again Papist, Hypocrite, and Pharesey? Be these tokens of charity amongst you? Are these the signs of fraternal love between you? No, no, I assure you, that this lack of charity amongst yourselves, will be the hindrance and assuaging the fervent love between us, as I said before, except this wound be 〈◊〉, and clearly made whole. I must needs judge the fault and occasion of this discord, 
* If 〈◊〉 religion 〈…〉 had 〈…〉 reproved.  to be partly by negligence of you the father, and preachers of the Spiritualty. For if I know a man which lives in adultery, I must judge him a lecherous & a carnal person. If I see a man boast and brag himself, I can not but deem him a proud man. I see and hear daily, that you of the clergy preach one against an other, teach one contrary to an other, inveigh one against an other, without charity or discretion. Some be to stiff in their old Mumpsimus, other be too busy and curious in their new Sumpsimus. Thus all men almost be in variety and discord, and few or none do preach truly and sincerely the word of GOD, according as they ought to do. Shall I now judge you charitable persons doing this? No, no: I can not so do. Alas how can the poor souls live in concord, when you preachers sow amongst them in your Sermons, debate and discord? Of you they look for light, and you bring them to darkness. Amend these crimes I exhort you, and set forth God's 
* And 〈…〉 word 〈◊〉 not his 〈…〉 they which 〈◊〉 it forth are condemned therefore & burned.  word, both by true preaching, and good example giving, or else I whom God hath appointed his Vicar, and high minister here, will see these divisions extinct, and these enormities corrected, according to my very duty, or else I am an unprofitable servant and untrue officer.  
Although (as I say) the Spiritual men be in some fault, that charity is not kept amongst you, yet you of the Temporalty be not clean and unspotted of malice and envy: for you rail on Bishops, speak slanderously of Priests, and rebuke and taunt preachers, both contrary to good order, and Christian fraternity. If you know surely that a Bishop or preacher erreth, or teacheth perverse doctrine, come and declare it to some of our Counsel, or to us, to whom is committed by God the authority to reform and order such causes and behaviours, 
* This can touch none but only the Papists, who will needs be both accusers, and also ●●dges in their own opinions and causes.  and be not judges yourselves, of your own fantastical opinions, and vain expositions, for in such high causes ye may lightly err. And although you be permitted to read holy scripture, and to have the word of God in your mother tongue, you must understand, that it is licensed you so to do, only to inform your own conscience, and to instruct your children and family, and not to dispute and make scripture a railing and a taunting stock against priests▪ and preachers as many light persons do. I am very sorry to know and hear how unreverently that most precious jewel the word of God is disputed, rhymed, 
How are they 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 God's word, when none 〈…〉 to ●ead it under the degree of a Gentleman.  song & jangled in every Alehouse and Tavern, contrary to the true meaning and doctrine of the same. And yet I am even as much sorry, 
●. Hierom wisheth the Scriptures not only to be read of all men but also to be song of women at their rocks, of plowmen at the plough, of 〈◊〉 at their loom▪ etc.  that the readers of the same follow it in doing so faintly & coldly. For of this I am sure, that charity was never so faint amongst you, & virtuous & 
* Godly living though it increase not with the Gospel so much as we wishe● yet the defect thereof is not to be imputed to the Gospel. And if we well compare time with time, we shall find by viewing the books of the old Warmot quests of 〈◊〉 and bards and wicked livers, 〈◊〉 presented to one now besides 〈◊〉 & the common stues.  godly living was never less used, nor god himself amongst Christians was never less reverenced, honoured, or served▪ Therefore, as I said before, be in charity one with an other, like brother and brother. Love, dread, and serve God (to the which I as your supreme head and sovereign Lord exhort and require you) and then I doubt not, but that love and league that I spoke of in the beginning, shall never be dissolved or broken between us. And as touching the laws, which be now made and concluded, I exhort you the makers, to be as diligent in putting them in execution, as you were in making & furthering the same, or else your labour shall be in vain, & your common wealth nothing relieved.  

Notes upon the foresaid exhortation.  

The kings Oration expended, with notes upon the same.  PRinces which exhort to concord and charity, do well, but Princes which seek out the causes of discord, & reform the same, do much better: The papist and protestant Heretic, and Pharisee, the old Mumpsimus, and the new Sumpsimus, be terms of variance and dissension, and be (I grant) Symtomata, of a sore wound in the common wealth but he that will amend this wound must first begin to search out the causes, and to purge the occasion thereof: otherwise to cure the sore outwardly, which inwardly doth fester and rankle still, it is but vain.  
The root and ground of all this grievance riseth here of the prelate's and clergy of Rome, seeking as it seemeth altogether after riches, pomp, & honour of this world, to maintain the same under pretence of religion, do in very deed subvert religion, under the title of the church, they bring into the church manifest errors, & absurdities intolerable, who pretending to be fathers of the church, if they transgressed but in manners and lightness of life, or negligence of government, they might be borne withal for peace & concord's sake, and here modesty, civility, quietness unity, & charity, might have place amongst modest natures. But now they obscure the glory of the son of God, which in no case ought to be suffered: they extinct the light & grace of the Gospel: they clog men's consciences: they set up Idolatry, & maintain Idols, they bring in false invocation, they restrain lawful matrimony, whereby groweth filthy pollution, adultery, and whoredom in the Church unspeakable, they corrupt the sacraments: they wrest the scripture as worldly purposes, they kill and persecute God's people. Briefly their doctrine is damnable: their laws be impious, their doings are detestable. And yet after all this, they crept craftily into the hearts of princes under the title of the Church, & colour of concord, making kings and princes believe that all be heretics and schismatics, which will not be subject to their ordinary power. Now almighty God, who is a jealous God, & not suffering the glory of his son to be defaced, nor his truth to be trodden under foot, stirreth up again the hearts of his people to understand his truth & to defend his cause. Whereupon of those two parts, as two mighty flintes thus smiting together cometh out the sparkle of this division, which by no wise can be quenched, but that one part must needs yield & give over. There is no neutrality, nor mediation of peace, nor exhortation to agreement that will serve between these two contrary doctrines, but either the Pope's errors must give place to God's word, or else the verity of God must give place unto them.  
Wherefore, as the good intent and plausible Oration of the king in this behalf, was not to be discommended in exhorting his subjects to charity: so had he much more deserved commendation if he had sought the right way to work charity, & to help innocency amongst his subjects, by taking away the impious law of the 6. articls, the mother of all division and manslaughter. For what is this to the purpose, to exhort in words never so much to charity, and in deed to give a knife to the murderers hand, to run upon his naked brother, which neither in conscience can leave his cause, nor yet hath power to defend himself? As by experience here followeth to be seen, what charity ensued after this exhortation of the king to charity, by the racking and burning of good Anne Askew, with 3. other poor subjects of the king, within half a year after: whereof shortly you shall hear more declared.  
When these chantries and colleges thus by Act of Parliament wert given into the king's hands as is above remembered: which was about the month of December, an. 1545. the next Lent following D. Crome preaching in the Mercer's chapel, among other reasons and persuasions to rouse the people from the vain opinion of Purgatory, inferred this grounding upon the said act of parliament: that if Trentals and Chantry masses could avail the souls in Purgatory, than did the Parliament not well in giving away monasteries, Colleges, & chantries, which served principally to that purpose. But if the parliament did well (as no man could deny) in dissolving them, 
D. Crumbs Dilemma against private masses.  and bestowing the same upon the king, then is it a plain case, that such chantries and private masses do nothing confer to relieve them in Purgatory. This dilemma of D. Crome, no doubt, was insoluble. 
D. Crome driven to recant.  But notwithstanding the charitable Prelates, for all the kings late exhortation unto charity, were so charitable to him, that on Easter next they brought him Coram nobis, 
Anno 1545.  where they so handled him that they made him to recant. And if he had not, they would have dissolved him & his argument in burning fire, so burning hot was their charity according as they burned Anne Askew and her fellows in the month of july the year following. 
The charity of the Bishops.  Whose tragical story and cruel handling now consequently (the Lord willing) you shall hear.    

¶ The first examination of Mistress Anne Askew, before the inquisitors. 1545.  
TO satisfy your expectation: 
The first examination of Anne Askew.  good people (saith she) this was my first examination in the year of our Lord. 1545. and in the in the month of March.  
First Christoph. Dare examined me at Saddler's Hall, 
Christopher Dare Inquisitor.  being one of the Quest, and asked if I did not believe that the sacrament, hanging over the altar, was the very body of Christ really. Then I demanded this question of him: 
The first article against Anne Askew.  wherefore S. Stephen was stoned to death, and he said, he could not tell. Then I answered, that no more would I assoil his vain question.  
Secondly, he said that there was a woman, 
The second article·  which did testify that I should read, how God was not in Temples made with hands. Than I showed him the 7. and 17 chap. of the acts of the Apostles, what Stephen and paul had said therein. Whereupon he asked me how I took those sentences? I answered, I would not throw pearls among swine, for Acorns were good enough. 
The 3. article.   
Thirstly, he asked me wherefore I said that I had rather to read five lines in the Bible, then to hear 5. Masses in the temple? I confessed, that I said no less: not for the dispraise of either the epistle or the Gospel, but because the one did greatly edify me, and the other nothing at all. As S. Paul doth witness in the 14. chap. of his first epistle to the Cor. where as he saith. 
1 Cor. 14.  I● the trumpet giveth an uncertain sound, who will prepare himself to the battle?  
Fourthly: he said unto my charge that I should say: if an ill priest ministered, 
The 4. article  it was the devil and not God.  
My answer was, that I never spoke any such thing. But this was my saying: 
Ill conditions of the ministers hurt not the faith of the receivers. The 5. article. The 6. article.  that whosoever he were that ministered unto me, his ill conditions could not hurt my faith, but in spirit I received nevertheless, the body & blood of Christ.  
He asked me what I said concerning confession? I answered him my meaning, which was as S. james saith, that eu●ry man ought to knowledge his faults to other, and the one to pray for the other.  
Sixtly, he asked me what I said to the kings book? And I answered him, that I could say nothing to it, because I never saw it.  
seventhly, he asked me if I had the spirit of God in me? I answered, 
The 7. article  if I had not, I was but a reprobate or cast away. Then he said he had sent for a priest to examine me, which was here at hand.  
The priest asked me what I said to the Sacrament of the altar, 
A priest brought to examine Anne Askew.  & required much to know therein my meaning. But I desired him again, to hold me excused concerning that matter. None other answer would I make him, because I perceived him to be a papist.  

The 8. article. Private Masses Idolatry.  Eightly he asked me, if I did not think that private masses did help souls departed? I said, it was great idolatry to believe more in them, then in the death which Christ died for us.  

Anne Askew brought to the Lord Mayor.  Then they had me thence unto my L. Mayor, and he examined me, as they had before, and I answered him directly in all things as I answered the Quest before. Besides this my L. Maior laid one thing to my charge, which was never spoken of me, but of them: & that was, whether a mouse eating the host, received God or no? This question did I never ask, but in deed they asked it of me, whereunto I made them no answer but smiled.  
Then the Bishop's Chancellor rebuked me and said, that I was much to blame for uttering the scriptures. For S. Paul (he said) forbade women to speak, 
Women forbidden to speak in the congregation and how?  or to talk of the word of God. I answered him that I knew Paul's meaning as well as he, which is in the 1. Corin. 14. that a woman ought not to speak in the congregation by the way of teaching. And then I asked him, how many women he had seen go into the Pulpit and preach? He said he never saw none. Then I said, he ought to find no fault in poor women, except they had offended the law.  
Then the L. Maior commanded me to ward, I asked him if sureties would not serve me, and he made me short answer, 
Anne Askew commanded to the Counter by the Lord Mayor.  that he would take none. Then was I had to the Counter, and there remained xi. days, no friend admitted to speak with me. But in the mean time there was a priest sent to me, which said that he was commanded of the Bishop to examine me, and to give me good counsel, which he did not. 
Talk between Anne Askew & a Priest sent to her in prison.  But first he asked me for what cause I was put in the Counter, and I told him, I could not tell. Then he said it was great pity that I should be there without cause, and concluded that he was very sorry for me.  
Secondly he said, it was told him, that I should deny the Sacrament of the altar. And I answered again that, that I have said, I have said.  
Thirdly he asked me if I were shriven, I told him, so that I might have one of these three, that is to say, Doctor Crome, Sir Gillam, or Huntingdon. I was contented be cause I knew them to be men of wisdom, as for you or any other I will not dispraise, because I know you not. Then he said, I would not have you think, but that I, or an other that shall be brought you, shall be as honest as they, for if we were not, you may be sure the king would not suffer us to preach. Then I answered by the saying of Solomon. By communing with the wise, I may learn wisdom, 
Prou. 1.  But by talking with a fool, I shall take scathe. pro.  
Fourthly he asked, if the host should fall, and a Beast did eat it, whether the beast did receive God or no? I answered, 
Whether a mouse may eat Christ's body in the Sacrament, or no.  seeing you have taken the pains to ask the question I desire you also to assoil it yourself: for I will not do it, because I perceive you come to tempt me. And he said, it was against the order of schools, that he which asked the question, should answer it, I told him, I was but a woman, and knew not the course of schools.  
Fiftly he asked me, if I intended to receive the Sacrament at Easter, or no? I answered, that else I were no Christian woman, and thereat I did rejoice, that the time was so near at hand, 
M. Britain seeketh to bail Anne Askew his cousin.  and then he departed thence with many fair words.  
The twenty-three. day of March, my cousin Britain came into the Counter unto me, and asked me whether I might be put to bail, or no? Then went he immediately unto my L. Mayor, desiring of him to be so good unto me. That I might be bailed. My Lord answered him, and said that he would be glad to do the best that in him say. How be it he could not bail me, without the consent of a spiritual officer: requiring him to go & speak with the Chancellor of London. For he said, like as he could not commit me to prison without the consent of a spiritual Officer, no more could he bail me without the consent of the same.  
So upon that, he went to the Chancellor, requiring of him as he did before of my Lord Mayor. He answered him the that matter was so heinous, 
 that he durst not of himself do it, without my Lord of London were made privy thereunto. But he said he would speak unto my Lord in it, & bad him repair unto him the next morrow, and he should well know my Lord's pleasure: And upon the morrow after, he came thither, and spoke both with the Chancellor, & with the Bishop of London. The Bishop declared unto him, that he was very well contented that I should come forth to a communication, & appointed me to appear before him the next day after, at 3, of the clock at afternoon. Moreover, he said unto him, that he would, there should be at the examination such learned men as I was affectioned to, that they might see, & also make report that I was handled with no rigour. He answered him that he knew no man that I had more affection to, then to other. Then said the Bishop: yes as I understand, she is affectioned to Doct. Crome, Sir Guillam, Whitehead, & Huntingdon that they might hear the matter: 
 for she did know them to be learned & of a godly judgement. Also he required my co●in britain, that he should earnestly persuade me to utter even the very bottom of my hart: and he swore by his fidelity, that no man should take any advantage of my words: neither yet would he lay aught to my charge for any thing that I should there speak: but if I said any manner of thing amiss, he with other more would be glad to reform me therein, with most godly counsel.  
On the morrow after, the Bishop of London sent for me, at one of the clock, his hour being appointed at three, & as I came before him, 
 he said he was very sorry of my trouble, & desired to know my opinion in such matters as were laid against me. He required me also in any wise boldly to utter the secrets of my hart, bidding me not to fear in any point, for whatsoever I did say in his house, no man should hurt me for it. I answered: forsomuch as your lordship appointed three of the clock, & my friends shall not come till that hour, I desire you to pardon me of giving answer till they come. Then said he, that he thought it meet to send for those 4. men which were afore named & appointed. Then I desired him not to put them to the pain, for it should not need, because the two gentlemen which were my friends were able enough to testify that I should say. Anon after he went into his gallary with M. Spilman, & willed him in any wise that he should exhort me to utter all that I thought. 
 In the mean while he commanded his Archdeacon to common with me, who said unto me: Mistress wherefore are you accused & thus troubled here before the Bishop? To whom I answered again and said: Sir, ask I pray you my accusers, for I know not as yet. Then took he my book out of my hand, and said: such books as this, have brought you to the trouble you are in. Beware (saith he) beware, for he that made this book and was the author thereof, was an heretic I warrant you, & burnt in smithfield. Then I asked him, if he were certain and sure, that it was true that he had spoken. And he said he knew well the book was of I. Frithes making. Then I asked him if he were not ashamed for to judge of the book before he● saw it within, or yet knew the truth thereof. I said also, 
 that such unadvised and hasty judgement is a token apparent of a very slender wit. Then I opened the book & showed it him. He said he thought it had been an other, for he could find no fault therein. Then I desired him no more to be so unadvisedly rash & swift in judgement, till he thoroughly knew the truth, and so he departed from me.  
Immediately after came my cousin Britain in with divers other, as M. Hall of Gray's Inn, & such other like. Then my Lord of London persuaded my cousin Britain as he had done oft before, which was that I should utter the bottom of my hart in any wise. 
 My Lord said after that unto me, that he would I should credit the counsel of such as were my friends and well willers in this behalf, which was, that I should utter all things that burdened my conscience: for he insured me that I should not need to stand in doubt to say any thing. For like as he promised them (he said) he promised me & would perform it: which was that neither he nor any man for him, should take me at advantage of any word I should speak: and therefore he had me say my mind without fear. I answered him that I had nought to say: for my conscience (I thanked God) was burdened with nothing.  
Then brought he forth this unsavoury similitude: that if a man had a wound, no wise Surgeon would minister help unto it before he had seen it uncovered. 
 In like case saith he, can I give you no good counsel, unless I know wherewith your conscience is burdened. I answered, that my conscience was clear in all things: & for to lay a plaster unto the whole skin, it might appear much folly.  
Then you drive me (saith he) to lay to your charge your own report, 
〈◊〉 first 〈◊〉 against Anne Askew.  which is this: you did say, he that doth receive the Sacrament by the hands of an ill priest, or a sinner, receiveth the devil and not God. To that I answered, that I never spoke such words. But as I said afore, both to the Quest and to my Lord Mayor, so say I now again, that the wickedness of the priest should not hurt me, but in spirit and faith, I received no less than the body and blood of Christ. Then said the Bishop unto me, what saying is this in spirit? I will not take you at the advantage. Then I answered: my Lord without faith and spirit, I cannot receive him worthily.  

2 Article.  Then he said unto me, that I should say that the Sacrament remaining in the pixe, was but bread. I answered that I never said so, but in deed the Quest asked me such a question, whereunto I would not answer (I said) till such time as they had assoiled me this question of mine, wherefore Stephen was stoned to death? They said they knew not. Then said I again, no more would I tell than, what it was.  
Then said my Lord unto me, that I had alleged a certain text of the scripture. 
3. article.  I answered that I alleged none other but S. Paul's own saying to the Athenians in the xviij. chap. in the Apostles acts, that God dwelleth not in Temples made with hands. Then asked he me what my faith and belief was in that matter? I answered him, I believe as the Scripture doth teach me.  
Then inquired he of me, what if the Scripture do say that it is the body of Christ? I believe said I, as the scripture doth teach me. 
4. article.  Then asked he again, what if the scripture do say that it is not the body of Christ? My answer was still, I believe as the scripture informeth me. And upon this argument he tarried a great while, to have driven me to make him an answer to his mind. Howbeit I would not: but concluded this with him, that I believe therein and in all other things as Christ and his holy apostles did leave them.  
Then he asked me why I had so few words? And I answered, 
An. Askew charged with few words.  God hath given me the gift of knowledge, but not of utterance. And Solomon saith: That a woman of few words is a gift of God. Prou. nineteen.  
Fiftly, my Lord laid unto my charge, that I should say that the Mass was superstitious, 
5. Article.  wicked, & no better than idolatry. I answered him no: I said not so. Howbeit I say the quest did ask me whether private mass did relieve souls departed or no? Unto whom then I answered: O Lord what idolatry is this, that we should rather believe in private masses, then in the healthsome death of the dear son of God? Then said my Lord again: what an answer is that? though it be but mean (said I) yet it is good enough for the question.  
Then I told my Lord that there was a priest, which did hear what I said there before my L. Mayor & them. With that the Chancellor answered, which was the same Priest. So she spoke it in very deed (saith he) before my L. Mayor and me.  
Then were there certain Priests, as D. Standish and other, which tempted me much to know my mind. And I answered them always thus: that I said to my Lord of London, I have said. Then D. Standish desired my Lord to bid me say my mind concerning the same text of Saint Paul's learning, 
 that I being a woman, should interpret the Scriptures, specially, where so many wise learned men were.  
Then my L. of London said he was informed, that one should ask of me if I would receive the sacrament at Easter, and I made a mock of it. Then I desired that mine accuser might come forth, 
An. Askew ●●uld not 〈◊〉 her 〈◊〉▪  which my L. would not. But he said again unto me, I sent one to give you good counsel, and at the first word you called him Papist. That I denied not, for I perceived he was no less: yet made I him none answer unto it.  
Then he rebuked me, and said that I should report, that there were bend against me threescore priests at Lincoln. 
The priests 〈◊〉 Lincoln against An. ●skew.  In deed (quoth I) I said so. For my friends told me, if I did come to Lincoln, the priests would assault me and put me to great trouble, as thereof they had made their boast: and when I heard it, I went thither in deed, not being afraid, because I knew my matter to be good. More over, I remained there ix. days to see what would be said unto me. And as I was in the Minster reading upon the Bible, they resorted unto me by ij. and by ij. by v. and by vj. minding to have spoken unto me, yet went they their ways again without words speaking.  
Then my L. asked, if there were not one that did speak unto me. I told him yes, that there was one of them at the last, which did speak to me in deed. And my L. than asked me what he said? And I told him his words were of small effect, so that I did dot now remember them: Then said my L. there are many that read and know the scripture, & yet follow it not, nor live thereafter. I said again, 
Anne Askew standeth upon her honesty.  my L. I would wish that all men knew my conversation & living in all points, for I am sure of myself this hour that there are none able to prove any dishonesty by me. If you know any that can do it, I pray you bring them forth.  
Then my L. went away, and said he would entitle some what of my meaning, and so he wrote a great circumstance. But what it was, I have not all in memory, for he would not suffer me to have the copy thereof. Only do I remember this small portion of it.  
Be it known (saith he) of all men, 
Bonner's misreport of An. Askewes confession.  that I Anne Askew do confess this to be my faith and belief, notwithstanding my reports made afore to the contrary. I believe that they which are houseled at the hands of a Priest, whether his conversation be good or not, do receive the body and blood of Christ in substance really. Also I do believe, that after the consecration, whether it be received or reserved, it is no less than the very body and blood of Christ in substance. Finally I do believe in this and in all other Sacraments of holy Church, in all points according to the old Catholic faith of the same. In witness whereof I the said Anne have subscribed my name.  
There was somewhat more in it, which because I had not the copy, I cannot now remember. Then he read it to me and asked me if I did agree to it. And I said again, I believe so much thereof, as the holy scripture doth agree unto: wherefore I desire you, that ye will add that thereunto. Then he answered, 
The tenor of D. Boners writing whereunto. ●n. Askew subscribed.  that I should not teach him what he should write. With that, he went forth into his great chamber, and read the same Bill before the audience, which inveigled and willed me to set to my hand, saying also, that I had favour showed me. Then said the B. I might thank other, and not myself, of the favour that I found at his hand: for he considered (he said) that I had good friends, and also that I was come of a worshipful stock.  
Then answered one Christopher, a servant to M. Dennie: Rather ought you (my L.) to have done it in such case for God's sake then for man's. Then my L. sat down, and took me the writing to set thereto my hand, and I writ after this manner: I Anne Askew do believe all manner things contained in the faith of the catholic church.  
And for as much as mention here is made of the writing of Boner, 
The words of the Registers.  which this godly woman said before she had not in memory, therefore I thought in this place to infer the same, both with the whole circumstance of Boner, and with the title thereunto prefixed by the Register, and also with her own subscription: to the intent the Reader seeing the same subscription, neither to agree with the time of the title above prefixed, nor with the subscription after the writing annexed, might the better understand thereby what credit is to be given hereafter to such Bishops, and to such Registers. The tenor of Boners writing proceedeth thus.  
The true copy of the confession and belief of Anne Askew, otherwise called Anne Kime, made before the B. of London, the xx. day of March, in the year of our lord God after the computation of the Church of England, 1545. and subscribed with her own hand, in the presence of the ●ayd B. and other, whose names hereafter are recited, set forth and published at this present, to the intent the world may see what credence is now to be given unto the same woman, who in so short a time hath most damnably altered and changed her opinion and belief, 
Ex Regist.  & therefore rightfully in open court arraigned and condemned, Ex Regist.  
BE it known to all faithful people, that as touching the blessed sacrament of the altar, I do firmly & undoubtedly believe, that after the words of consecration be spoken by the Priest, according to the common usage of this Church of England, 
The copy of the bishops report upon the confession of Anne Askew as it standeth 〈◊〉 the Registers▪  there is present really the body and blood of our Saviour jesus Christ, whether the minister which doth consecrate, be a good man, or a bad man, & that also whensoever the said Sacrament is received, whether the receiver be a good man or a bad man, he doth receive it really & corporally. And moreover, I do believe, that whether the said Sacrament then received of the Minister, or else reserved to be put into the pixe, or to be brought to any person that is impotent or sick, yet there is the very body and blood of our said saviour: so that whether the Minister or the receiver be good or bad, yea whether the Sacrament be received or reserved, always there is the blessed body of Christ really.  
And this thing with all other things touching the Sacrament & other sacraments of the Church, and all things else touching the christian belief, which are taught and declared in the king's majesties book lately set forth for the erudition of the christian people, I Anne Askew, otherwise called Anne Kyme, do truly and perfectly believe, and so here presently confess and knowledge. And here I do promise that henceforth I shall never say or do any thing against the premises, or against any of them. In witness whereof, I the said Anne have subscribed my name unto these presents.  
Written the xx. day of March, in the year of our Lord God. 1545. Ex Regist. 
Ex Reg. Lond.  By me Anne Askew, otherwise called Anne Kyme.  

Edmund Bish. of London.  
john Bish of bath.  
Owen Oglethorpe Doct. of Divinity.  

Witnesses.  Rich. Smith Doct. of Divinity.  
joh. Rudde Bachelor of Divinity.  
Wil Pie Bachelor of Divinity.  
john Wymsley Archdeacon of London.  
john Cook.  
Rob. john.  
Frances Spilman.  
Edward Hall.  
Alexander Bret.  
Edmund Butts.   
With divers other more being then present.  
Here mayest thou note gentle Reader in this confession, both in the B. and his register: a double sleight of false conveyance. For although the confession porporteth the words of the bishop's writing, 
Bonner and his Register reproved with an untruth.  whereunto she did set her hand, ye● by the title prefixed before, mayest thou see that both she was arraigned & condemned before this was registered, and also that she is falsely reported to have put to her hand, which in deed by this her own book appeareth not so to be, but after this manner and condition: I Anne Askew do believe all manner things contained in the faith of the Catholic Church, and not otherwise. It followeth more in the story.  
Then because I did add unto it the catholic church he ●ang into his chamber in a great fury. With that my cousin Britain followed him, desiring him for God's sake to be goo● L. unto me. 
Bonner's Bishop of London in a chafe against Anne Askew.  He answered that I was a woman, and that ●e was nothing deceived in me. Then my cousin Britain desired him to take me as a woman, and not to set my weak woman's wit to his lordship's great wisdom.  
Then went in unto him Doct. Westen, and said, that the cause why I did write there the catholic church, 
Doct. Westen.  was that I understood not the Church written afore. So with much ado, they persuaded my Lord to come out again, and to take my name with the names of my sureties, which were my cousin Britain, and Master Spilman of Gray'S Inn.  
This being done, we thought that I should have been put to bail immediately according to the order of the law. Howbeit, he would not suffer it, but committed me from thence to prison again, 
Anne Askew brought to the Guild Hall.  until the next morrow, and then he willed me to appear in the Guild hall, & so I did. Notwithstanding, they would not put me to bail there neither, but red the B. writing unto me, as before, and so commanded me again to prison.  
Then were my sureties appointed to come before them on the next morrow in Paul's Church: which did so in deed. notwithstanding they would once again have broken of with them because they would not be bound also for another woman at their pleasure, whom they knew not nor yet what matter was laid unto her charge. 
Anne Askew bailed at last under s●ertyes with much ado  Notwithstanding at the last, after much ado and reasoning to & fro, they took a bond of them of recognizance for my forth coming. And thus I was at the last delivered.  
Written by me Anne Askew.   

The latter apprehension and examination, of the worthy Martyr of God, 
Anne Askew Martyr.  Mistress Anne Askew. Anno. 1546. 
Anno 1546.   
I Do perceive (dear friend in the Lord) that thou art not yet persuaded thoroughly in the truth, 
A declaration of Anne Askew of these words of our Saviour, this is my body.  concerning the Lord's supper, because Christ said unto his Apostles: Take, eat, this is my body, which is given for you.  
In giving forth the bread as an outward sign or token to be received with the mouth, he minded them in perfect belief, to receive that body of his, which should die for the people, and to think the death thereof to be the only health and salvation of their souls. The bread and the wine were left us for a sacramental communion, or a mutual participation of the inestimable benefits of his most precious death and bloodshedding, and that we should in the end thereof be thankful together for that most necessary grace of our redemption. For in the closing up thereof, he said thus: This do ye in remembrance of me. Yea, so oft as ye shall eat it▪ or drink it. Luke xi. and i. Cor. xi. Else should we have been forgetful of that we ought to have in daily remembrance, 
Luke. 11. 1. Cor. 11.  & also been altogether unthankful for it, therefore it is mee●● that in our prayers we call unto God to graft in our foreheds, the true meaning of the holy Ghost concerning this Communion. For S. Paul saith: The letter slayeth: the spirit is it only that giveth life. ij. Cor. iij. Mark well the sixth chap. of john, where all is applied unto faith, note also the 4. chap. of S. Paul's first Epistle to the Corin. 
2. Cor. 3.  and in the end thereof ye shall find that the things which are seen, are temporal, but they that are not seen, are everlasting. Yea look in the 3. chap. to the hebrews, 
1. Cor. 4.  and ye shall find that Christ as a son (and no servant) ruleth over his house, whose house are we (and not the dead temple) If we hold fast the confidence and rejoicing of that hope to the end. 
Heb. 3.  Wherefore, as said the holy Ghost: To day if ye shall hear his voice harden not your hearts, etc. Psalm. 99   

The sum of my examination, 
Psal. ●5.  before the King's Council at Greenwich.  
YOur request, as concerning my prison fellows, I am not able to satisfy, because I heard not their examinations: but the effect of mine was this. 
Concerning that which they here demaunde● as touching M. Kyme, read in the censure of john Bale writing 〈◊〉 this place.  I being before the Council, was asked of M. Kyme. I answered that my Lord Chancellor knew already my mind in that matter. They with that answer were not contented, but said it was the king's pleasure that I should open the matter to them. I answered them plainly I would not so do. But if it were the kings pleasure to hear me, I would show him the truth. Then they said, it was not meet for the King to be troubled with me. I answered that Solomon was reckoned the wisest king that ever lived: yet misliked he not to hear two poor common women, much more his grace a simple woman, and his faithful subject. So in Conclusion I made them none other answer in that matter.  
Then my Lord Chancellor asked me of my opinion in the sacrament. My answer was this: I believe that so oft as I in a christian congregation, 
This Lord Chancell●●● was 〈◊〉  do receive the bread in remembrance of Christ's death, and with thanks giving, according to his holy institution. I receive therewith the fruits also of his most glorious passion. The bishop of Winchester bade me make a direct answer. I said I would not sing a new song of the Lord in a strange land. Then the B. said, I spoke in parables. I answered, 
Parables best for Wincheste●  it was best for him, for if I show the open truth (quoth I) ye will not accept it. Then he said, I was a Parrot. I told him again: I was ready to suffer all things at his hands, not only his rebukes, but all that should follow beside, 
Wynchest●● beginne●● to scold.  yea, and all that gladly.  
Then had I divers rebukes of the counsel, because I would not express my mind in all things as they would have me. But they were not in the mean time unanswered for all that, which now to rehearse were to much, for I was with them there about five hours. Then the Clerk of the Counsel conveyed me from thence to my Lady Garnish.  
The next day I was brought again before the Council. Then would they needs know of me, what I said to the sacrament. I answered, 
Anne Askew 〈◊〉 again before the Council  that I already had said that I could say. Then after divers words, they bade me go by. Then came my L. Lisle, my L. of Essex, and the B. of Winchester, requiring me earnestly that I should confess the sacrament to be flesh, blood and bone. Then said I to my L. Parr, and my L. Lisle, that it was great shame for them to counsel contrary to their knowledge. Whereunto in few words they did say, that they would gladly all things were well.  
Then the B. said he would speak with me familiarly. I said, so did judas when he unfriendlye betrayed Christ. Then desired the Bishop to speak with me alone. 
Wynche●●●● aunswer●● home.  But that I refused. He asked me why? I said that in the mouth of two or three witnesses, every matter should stand, after Christ's and Paul's doctrine. Matthew. xviij. two. Cor. xiii. 
Math 1●. 2 Cor. 1●.   
Then my L. Chancellor began to examine me again of the sacrament. Then I asked him how long he would halt on both sides? Then would he needs know where I found that. I said in the scripture▪ iij. Reg. xviij. Then he went his way. 
●. Reg. 18. 〈…〉.  Then the B. said I should be burnt. I answered that I had searched all the scriptures, yet could I never find, that either Christ or his Apostles, put any creature to death. Well, well, said I, God will laugh▪ your threatenings to scorn. Psalm. i●. Then was I commanded to stand aside. 
Psal. 2. D. Cox & D. Robinson.  Then came to me D. Cox, and D. Robinson. In conclusion, we could not agree.  
Then they made me a bill of the Sacrament, willing me to set my hand thereunto: 
Anne Askew desired to speak with M. Latimer.  but I would not. Then on the sunday I was sore sick, thinking no less than to die. Therefore I desired to speak with Master Latimer: but it would not be. Then was I sent to Newgate in my extremity of sickness: for in all my life afore was I never in such pain. Thus the Lord strengthen us in the truth. Pray, pray, pray▪   

The confession of me Anne Askew, for the time I was in Newgate, concerning my belief.  
I Find in the Scriptures (said she) that Christ took the bread and gave it to his disciples▪ 
The confession of Anne ●●kew in Newgate.  saying▪ Take, eat, this is my body which shall be broken for you, meaning in substance, his own very body, the bread being thereof an only sign or Sacrament. For after like manner of speaking, he said, he would break down the temple, and in three days build it up again, signifying his own body by the temple, as S. john declareth it, john. 2. and not the stony temple itself. So that the bread is but a remembrance of his death, or a Sacrament of thanks giving for it, 
A● Chri●tes body 〈…〉 the temple in the scripture so is the bread called Christ's body.  whereby we are 〈◊〉 unto him by a communion of christian love. Although there be many that cannot perceive the true meaning thereof, for the veil that Moses put over his face before the children of Israel, that they should not see the clearness thereof, Exod. 24. and 2. Cor. 3. I perceive the same veil remaineth to this day. But when God shall take it away, then shall these blind men see. For it is plainly expressed in the history of Bell in the Bible, that God dwelleth in no thing material. 
He●od. 24. ●. Cor. 3.  O king (saith Daniel) be not deceived, for God will be in nothing that is made with hands of men. Daniel, 14. Oh, what stiff-necked people are these, that will always resist the holy Ghost? 
Dan. 14. Acts. 7.  But as their fathers have done, so do they, because they have stony hearts.  
Written by me Anne Askew, that neither wisheth death, nor yet feareth his might, and as merry as one that is bound towards heaven.  
Truth is laid in prison, Luke. 21. The law is turned to wormwood, Amos. 6. And there can no right judgement go forth, 
●●ke. 21. Amos. 6. Esay. 59  Esay. 59  
Oh forgive us all our sins, and receive us graciously. As for the works of our hands, we will no more call upon them. For it is thou Lord that art our God. Thou showest ever mercy unto the fatherless.  
Oh, if they would do this (saith the Lord) I should heal their sores, yea with all my hart would I love them.  
O Ephraim, what have I to do with Idols any more? who so is wise, shall understand this. And he that is rightly instructed, will regard it, for the ways of the Lord are righteous. Such as are godly, 
Os●. 14.  will walk in them, and as for the wicked, they will stumble at them. Ose. 14.  
Solomon (saith S. Steven) builded an house for the God of jacob. Howbeit, the highest of all dwelleth not in Temples made with hands, 
Esay. 66.  as saith the Prophet: Heaven is my seat, & the earth is my footstool. What house will ye build for me, saith the Lord? or what place is it that I shall rest in? Hath not my hands made all things? 
Act. 7.  Act. 7.  
Woman believe me (saith Christ to the Samaritane) the time is at hand, that ye shall neither in this mountain, nor yet at jerusalem worship the father. Ye worship ye wot not what, but we know what we worship. For salvation cometh of the jews. But the hour cometh, and is now when the true worshippers shall worship the Father in spirit and verity. john. 3. 
john, 5.   
Labour not (saith Christ) for the meat that perisheth, but for that that endureth into the life everlasting, which the son of man shall give you: For him GOD the Father hath sealed, john. 6.   


john. 6.  The sum of the condemnation of me Anne Askew at the Guild hall.  

An other 〈…〉 Anne Askew at the Guild Hill.  THey said to me there, that I was an heretic, and condemned by the law. If I would stand in mine opinion. I answered, that I was no heretic, neither yet deserved I any death by the law of God. But as concerning the faith which I uttered and wrote to the counsel. I would not (I said) deny it, because I knew it true. Then would they needs know, 
The substance of the Sacrament denied to be God.  if I would deny the Sacrament to be Christ's body and blood. I said yea. For the same son of God that was borne of the virgin Mary, is now glorious in heaven, and will come again from thence at the latter day like as he went up. Act. 1. And as for that ye call your god, it is a piece of bread. For a more proof thereof (mark it when ye list) let it lie in the box but iij. months, and it will be mouldy, & so turn to nothing that is good. Whereupon I am persuaded, that it cannot be God.  
After that they willed me to have a Priest: 
Anne Askew wi●h her fellows condemned by a Quest.  and then I smiled. Then they asked me, if it were not good? I said, I would confess my faults unto God. For I was sure that he would hear me with favour. And so we were condemned with a Quest,  
My belief which I wrote to the Counsel was this: 
The belief of Anne Askew concerning the Sacraments, written to the Council. john. 4.  that the sacramental bread was left us to be received with thanks giving, in remembrance of Christ's death, the only remedy of our soul's recovery: and that thereby we also receive the whole benefits and fruits of his most glorious Passion. Then would they needs know whether the bread in the box were God or no? I said, God is a spirit, and will be worshipped in spirit and truth, john. 4. Then they demanded: will you plainly deny Christ to be in the Sacrament? I answered that I believe faithfully the eternal son of God not to dwell there. In witness whereof, I recited again the history of Bell, 
Dan. 19 Acts. 7.17. Math. 24.  and the 19 chap. of Daniel, the 7. and 17. of the Acts, and the 24. of Matthew, concluding thus: I neither wish death, nor yet fear his might God have the praise thereof with thanks.   

My letter sent to the L. Chancellor.  
THe Lord God, by whom all creatures have their being, 
The letter of Anne Askew to the Lord Chancellor.  bless you with the light of his knowledge, Amen.  
My duty to your Lordship remembered, etc. It might please you to accept this my bold suit, as the suit of one, which upon due considerations is moved to the same, and hopeth to obtain. My request to your Lordship is only: that it may please the same to be a mean for me to the king's majesty, that his grace may be certified of these few lines which I have written concerning my belief. Which when it shall be truly conferred with the hard judgement given me for the same, I think his grace shall well perceive me to be weighed in an uneven pair of balance. But I remit my matter and cause to almighty God, which rightly judgeth all secrets. And thus I commend your Lordship to the governance of him, and fellowship of all saints. Amen.  
By your handmaid Anne Askew   

My faith briefly written to the king's grace.  
I Anne Askew, of good memory, although God hath given me the bread of adversity, and the water of trouble, 
The belief of Anne Askew touching the Sacrament, written to the king.  yet not so much as my sins have deserved, desire this to be known unto your grace, that forasmuch as I am by the law condemned for an evil doer: Here I take heaven and earth to record, that I shall die in my innocency. And according to that I have said first, & will say last, I utterly abhor and detest all heresies. And as concerning the supper of the Lord, I believe so much as Christ hath said therein, which he confirmed with his most blessed blood. I believe also so much as he willed me to follow and believe so much as the catholic church of him doth teach. For I will not forsake the commandment of his holy lips. But look what God hath charged me with his mouth, that have I shut up in my hart: and thus briefly I end for lack of learning.  
Anne Askew.   

The effect of my examination and handling since my departure from Newgate.  
ON Tuesday I was sent from Newgate to the sign of the crown, 
The cruel handling and racking of Anne Askew after her condemnation.  where as M. Rich and the B. of London with all their power and flattering words, went about to persuade me from God: but I did not esteem their glozing pretences.  
Then came there to me Nich. Shaxton, and counseled me to recant as he had done. I said to him, that it had been good for him, never to have been borne, with many other like words. Then M. Rich sent me to the Tower, where I remained till three a clock.  
Then came Rich and one of the Counsel, charging me upon my obedience, 
This Counsellor was Sir john Baker. Anne Askew urged to accuse others.  to show unto them if I knew any man or woman of my sect. My answer was, that I knew none. Then they asked me of my Lady Suffolk, my Lady of Sussex, my Lady of Hertford, my Lady Denny, and my Lady Fitzwilliams. I said, if I should pronounce any thing against them, that I were not able to prove it. Then said they unto me, that the king was informed, that I could name if I would, a great number of my secr. I answered, that the king was as well deceived in that behalf, as dissembled with in other matters.  
Then commanded they me to show how I was maintained in the Counter, and who willed me to stick to my opinion, I said that there was no creature that therein did strengthen me. And as for the help that I had in the counter, it was by the means of my maid. For as she went abroad in the streets, she made moan to the prentices, and they by her did send me money: but who they were I never knew.  
Then they said, that there were divers Gentlewomen that gave me money, 
Anne Askew refuseth to accuse any.  but I knew not their names. Then they said that there were divers Ladies that had sent me money. I answered, that there was a man in a blue coat, which delivered me x. shillings, and said that my Lady of Hertford sent yt me. And an other in a violet coat gave me viii. shillings, and said my lady Denny sen● it me. Whether it were true or no, I cannot tell. For I am not sure who sent it me, but as the maid did say. Then they said, there were of the Counsel that did maintain me. And I said no.  

Anne Askew put on the rack.  Then they did put me on the rack, because I confessed no Ladies or Gentlewomen to be of my opinion, and thereon they kept me a long tyme. And because I lay still and did not cry, my Lord Chancellor and M. Rich, took pains to rack me with their own hands, 
Wrysley and rich racking Anne Askew.  till I was nigh dead.  
Then the lieutenant caused me to be loosed from the rack. Incontinently I swooned, and then they recovered me again. After that I sat two long hours reasoning with my Lord Chancellor upon the bare floor, whereas he with many flattering words, 
Anne Askew constant in her faith.  persuaded me to leave my opinion. But my Lord God (I thank his everlasting goodness) gave me grace to persever, and will do (I hope) to the very end.  
Then was I brought to an house, and laid in a bed, with as weary and painful bones, as ever had patient job, I thank my Lord God therefore. Then my Lord Chancellor sent me word if I would leave my opinion, 
Anne Askew threatened to be burned.  I should want nothing: If I would not, I should forth to Newgate, and so be burned. I sent him again word, that I would rather die, then to break my faith.  
Thus the Lord open the eyes of their blind hearts, that the truth may take place. Farewell dear friend, and pray, pray, pray.  
Touching the order of her racking in the Tower, thus it was. 
The order of the racking of Anne Askew.  First, she was led down into a dungeon, where Sir Anthony Kneuet the Lieutenant commanded his Gaoler to pinch her with the rack. Which being done so much as he thought sufficient, went about to take her down, supposing he had done enough. But Wrisley the Chancellor not contented that she was loosed so soon confessing nothing, commanded the Lieutenant to strain her on the rack again. Which because he denied to do, tendering the weakness of the woman, he was threatened therefore grievously of the said Wrisley, 
The L. Wrisley and M. rich play the tormentors.  saying, that he would signify his disobedience unto the king: and so consequently upon the same, he and M. rich throwing of their gowns, would needs play the torments themselves: first ask her if she were with child. To whom she answering again, said: ye shall not need to spare for that, but do you wills upon me: and so quietly and patiently praying unto the Lord: she abode their tyranny, till her bones and joints almost were plucked a sunder, in such sort, as she was carried away in a chair. When the racking was past, Wrisley and his fellow took their horse toward the Court.  
In the mean time, while they were making their way by land, 
Wrisley the L. chancellor prevented by the Lieutenant.  the good Lieutenant eftsoons taking boat, sped him in all haste to the Court, to speak with the king before the other, and so did. Who there making his humble suit to the King, desired his pardon, and showed him the whole matter as it stood, and of the racking of Mistress Askew, and how he was threatened by the Lord Chancellor, because at his commandment, not knowing his highness pleasure, he refused to rack her: which he for compassion could not find in his hart to do, and therefore humbly craved his highness pardon. Which when the K. had understand, 
The lieutenant pardoned of the king.  seemed not very well to like of their so extreme handling of the woman, and also granted to the Lieutenant his pardon, willing him to return and see to his charge.  
Great expectation was in the mean season among the Warders and other officers of the Tower, waiting for his return. Whom when they saw come so cheerfully, declaring unto them how he had sped with the king, they were not a little joyous, and gave thanks to God therefore.   

¶ Anne Askews answer unto john Lacels letter.  
OH friend most dearly beloved in God, I marvel not a little what should move you to judge in me so slender a faith as to fear death which is the end of all misery in the Lord I desire you not to believe of me such wickedness. 
The 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 Askew to M. Lacel● 〈◊〉  For I doubt it not▪ but God will perform his work in me, like as he hath begun. I understand the counsel is not a little displeased, that it should be reported abroad, that I was racked in the tower. They say now, that they did there, was but to fear me: whereby I perceive, they are ashamed of their uncomely doings, and fear much, lest the king's Majesty should have information thereof. Wherefore, they would no man to noise it. Well, their cruelty God forgive them.  
Your hart in Christ jesu. Farewell, and pray.   

The purgation or answer of Anne Askew against the false surmises of her recantation.  
I Have read the process which is reported of them that know not the truth, to be my recantation. 
An. Askew answering to the false suspicion of her recanting.  But as the Lord liveth, I never meant thing less than to recant. Notwithstanding this I confess, that in my first troubles, I was examined of the Bishop of London about the Sacrament. Yet had they no grant if my mouth, but this, that I believed therein as the word of God did bind me to believe, more had they never of me. Then he made a Copy which is now in print, and required me to set thereunto my hand. But I refused it. Then my ij. sureties did will me in no wise to stick thereat, for it was no great matter, they said.  
Then with much ado, at the last I wrote thus: I Anne Askew do believe this, if God's word do agree to the same, and the true catholic church. Then the B. being in great displeasure with me, 
An. Askew falsely suspected to recant, and upon what occasion.  because I made doubts in my writing, commanded me to prison: where I was a while, but afterwards by the means of friends, I came out again. Here is the truth of that matter. And as concerning the thing that ye covet most to know, resort to the sixth of john, and be ruled always thereby. Thus fareye well.  
Anne Askew.   

The confession of the faith which Anne Askew made in Newgate before she suffered.  
I Anne Askew of good memory, although my merciful father hath given me the bread of adversity, 
The confession of An. Askew going to her execution.  and the water of trouble: yet not so much as my sins have deserved: confess myself here a sinner before the throne of his heavenly majesty, desiring his forgiveness and mercy. And for so much as I am by the law unrighteously condemned for an evil doer concerning opinions, I take the same most merciful God of mine, which hath made both heaven and earth, to record, that I hold no opinions contrary to his most holy word. And I trust in my merciful Lord, which is the giver of all grace, that he will graciously assist me against all evil opinions, which are contrary to his blessed verity. For I take him to witness, that I have done & will do unto my lives end, utterly abhor them to the uttermost of my power.  
But this is the heresy which they report me to hold that after the Priest hath spoken the words of consecration, there remaineth bread still. They both say, 
The matter and cause why Anne Askew suffered death.  & also teach it for a necessary article of faith, that after those words be once spoken, there remaineth no bread, but even the selfsame body that hung upon the cross on good Friday, both flesh, blood, and bone. To this belief of theirs, say I nay: For than were our common Crede false, which saith, that he sitteth on the right hand of God the father almighty, & from thence shall come to judge the quick and dead. Lo, this is the heresy that I hold, and for it must suffer the death. But as touching the holy and blessed supper of the Lord, I believe it to be a most necessary remembrance of his glorious sufferings and death. Moreover, I believe as much therein, as my eternal and only redeemer jesus Christ would I should believe.  
Finally, I believe all those scriptures to be true, which he hath confirmed with his most precious blood. Yea, 
 & as s. Paul saith, those scriptures are sufficient for our ●erning & salvation, that Christ hath left here with us: so that I believe, we need no unwritten verities to rule his church with. Therefore look what he hath said unto me with his own mouth in his holy Gospel, that have I with God's grace closed up in my hart, 
 and my full trust is (as David saith) that it shallbe a lantern to my footsteps. Psal. xxviij.  
There be some do say that I deny the Eucharist or sacrament of thanks giving: but those people do untruly report of me. For I both say and believe it, that if it were ordered like as Christ instituted it and left it, a most singular comfort it were unto us all. But as concerning your mass as it is now used in our days, I do say and believe it to be the most abominable Idol that is in the world: 
The Mass 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Idol.  For my God will not be eaten with teeth, neither yet dieth he again. And upon these words that I have now spoken, will I suffer death.  
O Lord, I have more enemies now, then there be hairs on my head. 
The prayer of Anne Askew.  Yet Lord, let them never overcome me with vain words, but fight thou Lord in my stead, for on thee cast I my care. With all the spite they can imagine, they fall upon me, which am thy poor creature. Yet sweet Lord, let me not set by them which are against me: for in thee is my whole delight. And Lord I heartily desire of thee, that thou wilt of thy most merciful goodness forgive them that violence which they do and have done unto me. Open also thou their blind hearts, that they may hereafter do that thing in thy sight, which is only acceptable before thee, and to set forth thy verity aright, without all vain fantasies of sinful men. So be it. O Lord, so be it.  
By me Anne Askew.  
❧ The order and manner of the burning of Anne Askew, john Lacels, john adam's, Nicholas Belenian, with certain of the Council sitting in Smithfield.  
Hitherto we have entreated of this good woman. Now it remaineth that we touch somewhat as concerning her end and martyrdom. After that she, being borne of such stock and kindred, that she might have lived in great wealth and prosperity, if she would rather have followed the world, than Christ, now had been so tormented, that she could neither live long in so great distress, 
An. Askew brought ●●to the 〈◊〉.  neither yet by her adversaries be suffered to die in secret: the day of her execution being appointed, she was brought into Smithfield in a chair, because she could not go on her feet, 
An. Askew 〈◊〉 upon the rack.  by means of her great torments. When she was brought unto the stake, she was tied by the middle with a chain, that held up her body. When all things were thus prepared to the fire, D. Shaxton who was then appointed to preach, 
●●axton ●reached at Anne 〈◊〉 but 〈◊〉.  began his Sermon. Anne Askew hearing, and answering again unto him, where he said well, confirmed the same: where he said amiss, there said she he misseth, and speaketh without the book.  
The Sermon being finished, the Martyrs standing there tied at three several Stakes ready to their martyrdom, began their prayers. The multitude and concourse of the people was exceeding, the place where they stood being railed about to keep out the press. Upon the Bench under Saint Bartlemewes' Church, sat Wrisley Chancellor of England, the old Duke of Norfolk, the old Earl of Bedford, the Lord Mayor with divers other more. Before the fire should be set unto them, one of the Bench hearing that they had gunnepouder about them, and being afraid lest the faggots by strength of the gunnepouder would come flying about their ears, began to be afraid, but the Earl of Bedford declaring unto him how the gunpowder was not laid under the faggots, but only about their bodies to rid them out of their pain, which having vent, there was no danger to them of the faggots, so diminished that fear. 
Anne Askew refuseth the kings pardon.   
Then Wrisley Lord Chancellor, sent to Anne Askew letters, offering to her the kings pardon, if she would recant. Who refusing once to look upon them, made this answer again: that she came not thither to deny her lord and Master. Then were the letters likewise offered unto the other, who in like manner following the constancy of the woman, denied not only to receive them, 
Ius●titia iniusta.  but also to look upon them. Whereupon the Lord Mayor commanding fire to be put unto them, cried with a loud voice, Fiat justitia.  
And thus the good Anne Askew with these blessed Martyrs, being troubled so many manner of ways, and having passed through so many torments, having now ended the long course of her agonies, being compassed in with flames of fire, as a blessed sacrifice unto God, she slept in the lord, an. 1546. leaving behind her a singular example of christian constancy for all men to follow.   

John Lacels, john adam's, and Nicholas Belenian. 
The martyrdom of Anne Askew Io. Lacels, Io. adam's, Nich. Belenian   
THere was at the same time also burnt together with her, one Nicholas Belenian priest of Shropshire, I. Adam's a Tailor, and john Lacels Gentleman of the court and household of king Henry.  
It happened well for them, that they died together with Anne Askew. For albeit that of themselves they were strong and stout men, yet through the example and exhortation of her, they being the more boldened, received occasion of greater comfort in that so painful and doleful kind of death: who beholding her invincible constancy, and also stirred up through her persuasions, did set apart all kind of fear.  
Thus they confirming one another with mutual exhortations tarried looking for the tormenter and fire, which at the last flaming round about them, consumeb their blessed bodies in happy martyrdom, in the year of our salvation. 1546. about the month of june.  
There is also a certain letter extant, which the said I. Lacels briefly wrote being in prison touching the sacrament of Christ's body and blood: wherein he doth both confute the error of them, which being not contented with the spiritual receiving of the sacrament, will leave no substance of bread therein, and also confuteth the sinister interpretation of many thereupon. The tenor of which letter is as here under followeth.   

The copy of the letter of john Lacels written out of prison.  
SAint Paul because of sects and dissension among the Corinthians, 
The letter of M. john Lacels written out of prison.  wrote his epistle unto them: and in like case pertaining to my conscience, I do protest my whole hart in the blessed supper of the Lord, wherein I trust in God to bring nothing for me, but I shall be able with Gods holy word, to declare and manifest the same. And herein I take occasion to recite the saying of saint Paul in the said Epistle the xi. chapter. That which I delivered unto you, 
● Cor. 11.  I received of the Lord. For the Lord jesus, the same night in which he was betrayed, took bread, gave thanks and broke it, and said, take ye, eat ye, this is my body, which is broken for you.  
Here me seemeth S. Paul durst not take upon him his Lord and masters authority. Wherefore, as at God's hand the breaking of the most innocent and immaculate body and blood of Christ, is the quietness of all men's consciences, the only remedy of our sins, and the redemption of mankind which is called in the scripture the daily offering: so the Mass which is the invention of man (whose author is the Pope of Rome, as it doth appear in Polydore Virgil▪ and many others) is the unquietness of all Christendom, 
The blasphemy & wickedness of the Mass.  a blasphemy unto Christ's blood, and (as Daniel calleth it) the abominable desolation, as the Scripture shall hereafter more manifest it. S. Paul was belike to learn of the Romans church, 
A prophesy.  the manner of the consecration (as they call it) with the breathing over the host, and other ceremonies beside, that he durst not take upon him to say: Hoc est corpus meum. 
S. Paul did not take upon him in the person of Christ, to say: Hoc est corpus meum, as our Priests do.  But this I will admit: it was the Lord jesus that made the supper, which also did finish it, and made an end of the only act of our salvation, not only here in this world, but with his father in heaven, as he declareth himself: that he will drink no more of this bitter cup, till he drink it new in his father's kingdom, where all bitterness shall be taken away.  
Now if any man be able to finish the act of our Saviour, in breaking of his body, and shedding of his blood here, and also to finish it with the father in heaven, then let him say it. But I think that if men will look upon saint Paul's words well, 
None but Christ can say: Hoc est corpus meum: And he said it once for all.  they shall be forced to say, as Saint Paul saith: the Lord jesus said it, and once for all, which only was the fulfiller of it. For these words: Hoc est corpus meum, were spoken of his natural presence (which no man is able to deny) because the act was finished on the cross, as the story doth plainly manifest it to them that have eyes. Now this bloody sacrifice is made an end of, the supper is finished, forasmuch as Christ hath once suffered for sins, 
1. Pet. 3.  the just for the unjust, to bring us to God, and was killed as pertaining to the flesh, and hath entered in by his own blood once for all, into the holy place, and found eternal redemption. 
Heb. 9   
Here now followeth the administration of the supper of the Lord, which I will take at Christ's hands after the resurrection, although other men will not be ashamed to bring the wicked Counsels of foolish inventions for them. And it came to pass as Christ sat at meat with them, he took bread, 
Luke. 24.  blessed, and broke it, and gave it to them, and their eyes were opened and knew him, and he vanished out of their sight. And the Apostles did know him, in breaking of bread. 
The right use of the supper in the Apostles time,   
Here also it seemeth to me the Apostles to follow their Master Christ, and to take the right use of the Sacrament, and also to teach it to those that were converted to Christ, as mention is made in the Acts of the Apostles: where as is said: They continued in the Apostles 〈◊〉 and fellowship in breaking of bread and prayer, and they continued daily with one accord in the temple, 
Acted. 2.  and broke bre●d 〈◊〉 every house, and did eat there with gladness and singleness o● heart, praising God, and had favour with all the people. And Saint Paul following the same doctrine, doth plainly show the duty of the Minister, and also of them that shall receive it: As oft as you shall eat this bread, and drink th●s cup, ye shall show the lords death until he come. 
1. Cor. 11.  Here I do gather that the Minister hath no further power and authority, 
How far ●he 〈◊〉 of the 〈…〉 ●he supper.  then to preach and pronounce the lords death, or else to say the Lord jesus said it, which did fulfil it on the cross.  
Furthermore I do steadfastly believe, that where the bread is broken according to the ordinance of Christ, the blessed and immaculate Lamb is present to the eyes of our faith, and so we eat his flesh, and drink his bloud●, which is to dwell with God, and God with us. 
●ow the ●●eshe of Christ is 〈◊〉 in Lord's supper.  And in this we are sure we dwell with God, in that he giveth us his holy spirit, even as the forefathers that were before Christ's coming, did presently see the lords death, and did eat his body, and drink his blood.  
In this do I differ from the Pope's Church, that the priests have authority to make Christ's natural presence in the bread, 
●opishe 〈…〉 do 〈…〉 ever ●hrist did.  for so doth he more than our Lord and Saviour did: As the example is manifest in judas, which at Christ's hands received the same wine and bread, as the other Apostles did. But the Pope and his adherents, are even they whom Daniel speaketh of, saying: He shall set men to vnhallow the sanctuary, and to put down the daily offering, and to set up the abominable desolation. Yea, 
 he (of Rome) shall speak marvelous things against the God of heaven, and God of all Gods, wherein he shall prosper so long, till the wrath be fulfilled, for the conclusion is devised already. He shall not regard the God of heaven, nor the God of his fathers, yea in his place shall he worship the mighty Idol, and the God whom his fathers knew not, which is the God Maozim.  
For lack of time, I leave the commemoration of the blessed supper of the Lord, 
 and the abominable idol the mass, which is it that Daniel meaneth by the God Maozim. Read the second and last chap. of Daniel, the ij. to the Thes. the 2. Epistle: where as they recite the abomination of desolation, which Matthew saith, standeth in the holy place, which is the consciences of men. Mark sayeth, where it ought not to stand, which is a plain denial of all the inventions of men. Further Luke saith, the time is at hand. Paul saith, the mystery of iniquity worketh already, yea, and shall continue till the appearance of Christ, which in my judgement is at hand.  
Now for the supper of the Lord, I do protest to take it as reverently as Christ left it, and as his apostles did use it, according to the testimonies of the Prophets, the Apostles and our blessed saviour Christ, which accordingly S. Paul to the Ephesians doth recite.  
Now with quietness I commit the whole world to their pastor and herdman, jesus Christ the only Saviour and true Messiah, and I commend my sovereign Lord and Master, the King's majesty, King Henry the 8. to God the father, and to our Lord jesus Christ: the Queen and my Lord the Prince, with this whole realm, ever to the innocent and immaculate lamb, that his blood may wash and purify their hearts and souls from all iniquity and sin, to God's glory, and to the salvation of their souls. I do protest that the inward part of my hart doth gront for this, and I doubt not but to enter into the holy tabernacle which is above: yea and there to be with God for ever. Farewell in Christ jesu.  
john Lacels servant late to the king, and now I trust to serve the everlasting king, with the testimony of my blood in Smithfield.   

¶ Rogers Martyr, burned in Norfolk.  
LIke as Winchester and other Bishops did set on king Henry against Anne Askew and her fellow martyrs▪ 
 so D. Repse B. of Norwich did incite no less the old duke of Norfolk against one Rogers in the country of Norfolk: who much about the same year and time, was there condemned and suffered martyrdom for the vj. articles. After which time, it was not long, but within half a year both the king himself, and the duke's house decayed: 
 albeit the Duke's house by God's grace recovered again afterward, and he himself converted to a more moderation in this kind of dealing.   

* The story of Queen Katherine Parr late Queen, and wife to King Henry 8 Wherein appeareth in what danger she was for the Gospel, by the means of Steven Gardiner and other of his conspiracy: and how graciously she was preserved by her kind and loving husband the king.  
AFter these stormy stories above recited, the course and order, as well of the time, as the matter of story doth require now somewhat to entreat likewise touching the troubles and afflictions of the virtuous and excellent lady Queen Katherine Parr, 
Anno 1546.  the last wife to king henry. The story whereof is this.  
About the same time above noted, which was about the year after the king returned from Bullein, he was informed that Queen Katherine Parr, at that time his wife, was very much given to the reading and study of the holy scriptures: 
Queen Katherine Parr.  & that she for that purpose had retained divers well learned and godly persons, to instruct her thoroughly in the same, with whom as at all times convenient she used to have private conference touching spiritual matters: so also of ordinary, but especially in Lente every day in the after noon for the space of an hour, 
The religious ●eale of Queen Katherine toward God● word.  one of her said Chaplains in her privy Chamber made some collation to her and to her Ladies and Gentlewomen of her privy Chamber, or other that were disposed to hear: in which sermons, they oft times touched such abuses as in the church than were rife. Which things as they were not secretly done, so neither were their preachings unknown unto the King. Whereof at the first, and for a great time, he seemed very well to like. Which made her the more bold (being in deed become very zealous toward the Gospel, and the professors thereof) frankly to debate with the king, touching Religion, and therein flatly to discover herself: oftentimes wishing, exhorting and persuading the king, 
The exhortation of Queen Katherine to the king.  that as he had to the glory of God and his eternal fame, begun a good and a goolye work in banishing that monstruous Idolle of Rome, so he would thoroughly perfit and finish the same, cleansing and purging his Church of England, clean from the dregs thereof, wherein as yet remained great superstition.  

The king toward his latter ●nd waxed more impatient.  And all be it the king grew towards his latter end, very stern and opinionate, so that of few he could be content to be taught, but worst of all to be contended with all by argument: notwithstanding towards her he refrained his accustomed manner (unto others in like case used) as appeared by great respects, either for the reverence of the cause, whereunto of himself he seemed well inclined, if some others could have ceased from seeking to pervert him, or else for the singular affection which until a very small time before his death, he always bare unto her. For never handmaid sought with more careful diligence to please her mistress, than she did with all painful endeavour apply herself by all virtuous means, 
The virtuous inclination of Q. Katherine toward the king.  in all things to please his humour.  
Moreover, besides the virtues of the mind, she was endued with very rare gifts of nature, as singular beauty, favour, and comely parsonage▪ being things wherein the King was greatly delighted: and so enjoyed she the king's favour, to the great likelihood of the setting at large of the Gospel within this Realm at that time, had not the malicious practice of certain enemies professed against the truth (which at that time also were very great) prevented the same, to the utter alienating of the king's mind from Religion, and, almost to the extreme ruin of the Queen and certain others with her, if God had not marvelously succoured her in that distress. 
Enemies & conspirers against the Gospel.  The conspirers and practisers of her death, were Gardiner B. of Winchester, Wrisley then Lord Chancellor, and others more aswell of the kings privy chamber, as of his privy council. These seeking (for the furtherance of their ungodly purpose) to revive, stir up and kindle evil and pernicious humours in their Prince and sovereign Lord, to the intent to deprive her of this great favour, which then she stood in with the king, (which they not a little feared would turn to the utter ruin, of their Antichristian sect, if it should continue) and thereby to stop the passage of the Gospel: and consequently, 
Queen Katherine a patroness of God's truth ..  having taken away her, who was the only Patroness of the professors of the truth, openly without fear of check or controlment, with fire and sword, after their accustomed manner, to invade the small remainder (as they hoped) of that poor flock, made their wicked entry unto this their mischievous enterprise, after this manner following.  
The kings Majesty (as you have heard) misliked to be contended with all in any kind of argument. This humour of his, although not in smaller matters, yet in causes of Religion as occasion served, the Queen would not stick in reverent terms and humble talk, entering with him into discourse with sound reasons of Scripture, now and then to contrary. The which the King was so well accustomed unto in those matters, that at her hands he took all in good part, or at the least did never show countenance of offence thereat: 
The king sometime contra●y to the king in argument.  which did not a little appall her adversaries, to hear and see. During which time, perceiving her so thoroughly grounded in the king's favour, they durst not for their lives once open their lips unto the king in any respect to touch her, either in her presence, or behind her back: And so long she continued this her accustomed usage; not only of hearing private sermons (as is said) but also of her free conference with the king in matters of Religion, without all peril, 
The king wa●eth sickly and difficult to please.  until at the last by reason of his sore leg (the anguish whereof began more and more to increase) he waxed sickly, and therewithal, froward, and difficult to be pleased.  
In the time of this his sickness, he had left his accustomed manner of coming and visiting the Queen, & therefore she, according as she understood him by such assured intelligence as she had about him, to be disposed to have her company, sometimes being sent for, other sometimes of herself would come to visit him, either at after dinner or after supper, as was most fit for her purpose. At which times she would not fail to use all occasions to move him, according to her manner, zealously to proceed in the reformation of the Church. 
The king beginneth to misliked of the Queen.  The sharpness of the disease had sharpened the kings accustomed patience, so that he began to show some tokens of misliking: and contrary unto his manner, upon a day, breaking of that matter, he took occasion to enter into other talk, which somewhat amazed the Queen. To whom notwithstanding in her presence, he gave neither evil word nor countenance, but knit up all arguments with gentle words and loving countenance: and after other pleasant talk, she for that time took her leave of his majesty. Who after his manner, bidding her farewell sweet heart (for that was his usual term to the Queen) licensed her to departed.  
At this visitation chanced the Bishop of Winchester aforenamed to be present, 
The Bishop of Winchester taketh his occasi● to work his mischief.  as also at the Queen's taking her leave (who very well had printed in his memory the king's sudden interrupting of the Queen in her tale, and falling into other matter) and thought that if the iron were beaten whilst it was hot, and that the kings humour were helped, such misliking might follow towards the Queen, as might both overthrow her & all her endeavours: and only awaited some occasion to renew into the king's memory, the former misliked argument. His expectation in that behalf did nothing fail him. For the king at that time showed himself no less prompt and ready to receive any information, than the bishop was maliciously bend to stir up the king's indignation against her. The king immediately upon her departure from him, used these or like words: A good hearing (quoth he) it is when women become su●h Clerks, and a thing much to my comfort, to come in mine old days to be taught by my wife.  
The Bishop hearing this, 
The Bishop o● Winchester● words to th● king.  seemed to mislike that the Queen should so much forget herself, as to take upon her to stand in any argument with his majesty, whom he to his face extolled for his rare virtues, and especially for his learned judgement in matters of religion, above, not only Princes of that and other ages, but also above Doctors professed in Divinity, and said that it was an unseemly thing for any of his majesties subjects to reason and argue with him so malapartly, and grievous to him for his part and other of his majesties councillors and servants, to hear the same: and that they all by proof knew his wisdom to be such, that it was not needful for any to put him in mind of any such matters: inferring moreover how dangerous and perilous a matter it is, and ever hath been for a Prince to suffer such insolent words at his subjects hands: who as they take boldness to contrary their sovereign in words, so want they no will, but only power and strength to overthwart them in deeds.  
Besides this, 
Winchester's accusation against the Queen.  that the Religion by the Queen so stiffly maintained, did not only disallow and dissolve the policy and politic government of Princes, but also taught the people that all things ought to be in common, so that what colour so ever they pretended, their opinions were in deed so odious, and for the Prince's estate so perilous, that (saving the reverence they bore unto her for his majesties sake) they durst be bold to affirm that the greatest subject in this land, speaking those words that she did speak, and defending those arguments that she did defend, had with indifferent justice, by law deserved death.  
Howbeit for his part he would not nor durst not, without good warrant from his Majesty, speak his knowledge in the Queen's case, although very apparent reasons made for him, and such as his dutiful affection towards his Majesty, and the zeal and preservation of his estate, would scarcely give him leave to conceive, though the uttering thereof might thorough her, and her faction, be the utter destruction of him, and of such as in deed did chief tender the Prince's safety, without his Majesty would take upon him to be their Protector, and as it were their Buckler. Which if he would do (as in respect of his own safety he ought not to refuse) he with others of his faithful Counsellors, could within short time disclose such treasons, cloaked with this cloak of heresy, that his majesty should easily perceive how perilous a matter it is to cherish a Serpent within his own bosom. Howbeit he would not for his part willingly deal in the matter, both for reverent respect aforesaid, and also for fear lest the faction was grown already too great, there with the prince's safety to discover the same. And therewithal with heavy countenance and whispering together with them of the sect there present, he held his peace.  

Winchester abuseth the king with his flattering.  These and such other kinds of Winchester's flattering phrases, marvelously whetted the king both to anger and displeasure towards the Queen, and also to be jealous and mistrustful of his own estate. For the assurance whereof Princes use not to be scrupulous to do any thing. Thus than Winchester with his flattering words, seeking to frame the kings disposition after his own pleasure, so far crept into the king at that time, and with doubtful fears he with other his fellows, so filled the kings mistrustful mind, that before they departed the place, the king (to see belike what they would do,) had given commandment, with warrant to certain of them made for that purpose, to consult together about the drawing of certain articles against the Queen, wherein her life might be touched: which the king by their persuasions pretended to be fully resolved not to spare, having any rigour or colour of law to countenance the matter. With this commission they departed for that time from the king, resolved to put their pernicious practice to as mischievous an execution.  
During the time of deliberation about this matter, they failed not to use all kinds of policies, 
How Winchester and his fellows devise against the Gospelers.  and mischievous practices, aswell to suborn accusers, as otherwise to betray her, in seeking to understand what books, by law forbidden, she had in her closet. And the better to bring their purpose to pass, because they would not upon the sudden but by means deal with her, they thought it best, at the first, to begin with some of those Ladies whom they knew to be great with her, and of her blood. The chiefest whereof, as most of estimation, and privy to all her doings, were these: 
Lady Harbert.  the Lady Harbert, afterward Countess of Pembroke and sister to the Queen, & chief of her privy chamber: the Lady Lane, being of her privy chamber, and also her cousin german: 
Lady Lane.  the Lady Tyrwit of her privy chamber, and for her virtuous disposition, in very great favour and credit with her. 
Lady Tyrwitte.   
It was devised that these three above named should first of all have been accused and brought to answer unto the 6. articles: and upon their apprehension in the Court, their closet and coffers should have been searched, that somewhat might have been found, whereby the Queen might be charged, 
Winchester's plateforme.  which being found, the Queen herself presently should have been taken, and likewise carried by barge by night unto the Tower. This platform thus devised, but yet in the end coming to no effect, the king by those aforesaid, was forthwith made privy unto the devise by Winchester and Wrisley, and his consent thereunto demanded. Who, (belike to prove the bishops malice, how far it would presume) like a wise politic Prince, was contented (dissemblingly) to give his consent, and to allow of every circumstance (knowing notwithstanding in the end what he would do. And thus the day, the time, and the place of these apprehensions aforesaid was appointed: which devise yet after was changed.  
The king at that time lay at White Hal, and used very seldom, being not well at ease, to stir out of his chamber or privy gallery: and few of his Counsel, but by especial commandment, resorted unto him, these only except: who by reason of this practice, used oftener than of ordinary to repair unto him. This purpose so finely was handled, that it grew now within few days of the time appointed for the execution of the matter, & the poor Queen knew not nor suspected any thing at all: and therefore used after her accustomed manner, when she came to visit the king, still to deal with him touching Religion, as before she did.  
The king all this while gave her leave to utter her mind at the full, without contradiction: not upon any evil mind or misliking (ye must conceive) to have her speedy dispatch●, but rather closely dissembling with them, to try out the uttermost of Winchester's fetches. Thus after her accustomed conference with the king, when she had taken her leave of him (the time and day of Winchester's ●●all day approaching fast upon) it chanced that the king of himself upon a certain night after her being with him, and her leave taken of him, in misliking her Religion, broke the whole practice unto one of his Physicians, either Doctor Windy, or else Owen, but rather Windy as is supposed: pretending unto him, as though he intended not any longer to be troubled with such a Doctress as she was, and also declaring what trouble was in working against her by certain of her enemies, but yet charging him withal, upon peril of his life, not to utter it to any creature living: and thereupon declared unto him the parties above named with all circumstances, and when and what the final resolution of the matter should be.  
The Queen all this while compassed about with enemies and persecutors, perceived nothing of all this, nor what was working against her, and what traps were laid for her by Winchester and his fellows: so closely the matter was conveyed. 
The wiles of this Achitophel Wynchester dispatched.  But see what the Lord God (who from his eternal throne of wisdom, seethe and dispatcheth all the inventions of Achitophel, and comprehendeth the wily beguily themselves) did for his poor handmaiden, in rescuing her from the pit of ruin, whereunto she was ready to fall unawares.  
For as the Lord would, so came it to pass, that the bill of Articles drawn against the Queen, and subscribed with the kings own hand (although dissemblingly ye must understand) falling from the bosom of one of the foresaid councillors, 
The articles drawn against the Queen how they came 〈◊〉 her hande●.  was found and taken up of some godly person, and brought immediately unto the Queen. Who reading there the Articles comprised against her, and perceiving the kings own hand unto the same, for the sudden fear thereof, fell incontinent into a great melancholy and agony, bewailing and taking on in such sort, as was lamentable to see: as certain of her Ladies and Gentlewomen being yet alive, which were then present about her, 
The Que●● in an ago●●  can testify.  
The king hearing what perplexity she was in, almost to the peril and danger of her life, sent his Physicians unto her. Who traveling about her, and seeing what extremity she was in, did what they could for her recovery. 
D. Wendy the kings Physician sent to the Queen  Then Wendy, who knew the case better than the other, and perceiving by her words what the matter was, according to that the king before had told him: for the comforting of her heavy mind, began to break with her in secret manner, touching the said articles devised against her, which he himself (he said) knew right well to be true: although he stood in danger of his life, if ever he were known to utter the same to any living creature. Nevertheless, partly for the safety of her life, and partly for the discharge of his own conscience, having remorse to consent to the shedding of innocent blood, he could not but give her warning of that mischief that hanged over her head, 
The exhortation of D. Wendy to the 〈◊〉▪  beseeching her most instantly to use all secrecy in that behalf, and exhorted her somewhat to frame and conform herself unto the king's mind, saying he did not doubt, but if she would so do, and show her humble submission unto him, she should find him gracious and favourable unto her.  
It was not long after this, but the king hearing of the dangerous state wherein she yet still remained: came unto her himself. Unto whom, after that she had uttered her grief, 
The kings coming to the Queen to comfort her.  fearing lest his majesty (she said) had taken displeasure with her, and had utterly forsaken her: he like a loving husband with sweet and comfortable words so refreshed & appeased her careful mind, that she upon the same began somewhat to recover, and so the king after he had tarried there about the space of an hour, departed.  
After this the Queen remembering with herself the words that M. Wendy had said unto her, devised how by some good opportunity she might repair to the king's presence. And so first commanding her ladies to convey away their books, which were against the law, the next night following after supper, she (waited upon only by the lady Harbert her sister and the Lady Lane, who carried the candle before her) went unto the king's bed chamber, whom she found sitting and talking with certain Gentlemen of his chamber. Whom when the king did behold, very courteously he welcomed her, and breaking of the talk, which before her coming he had with the Gentlemen aforesaid, began of himself, contrary to his manner before accustomed to enter into talk of religion, seeming as it were, desirous to be resolved by the Queen of certain doubts which he propounded.  
The Queen perceiving to what purpose this talk did tend, not being unprovided in what sort to behave herself towards the king, with such answers resolved his questions as the time and opportunity present did require, mildly, and with a reverent countenance answering again after this manner.  
Your Majesty (quoth she) doth right well know, neither I myself am ignorant, 
The queens 〈…〉 the ●ing.  what great imperfection and weakness by our first creation, is allotted unto us women, to be ordained and appointed as inferior and subject unto man as our head, from which head all our direction ought to proceed, and that, as God made man to his own shape and likeness, whereby he being endued with more special gifts of perfection, might rather be stirred to the contemplation of heavenly things, and to the earnest endeavour to obey his commandments: even so also made he woman of man, of whom and by whom she is to be governed; commanded and directed. Whose womanly weakness & natural imperfection, aught to be tolerated, aided and borne withal, so that by his wisdom such things as be lacking in her, aught to be supplied.  
Sithence therefore that God hath appointed such a natural difference between man and woman, and your Majesty being so excellent in gifts and ornaments of wisdom, and I a silly poor woman so much inferior in all respects of nature unto you: how then cometh it now to pass that your Majesty in such diffuse causes of religion, will seem to require my judgement? Which when I have uttered and said what I can, yet must I, and will I refer my judgement in this and all other cases to your majesties wisdom, as my only anchor, supreme head and governor here in earth next under God, to lean unto.  
Not so by Saint mary, quoth the King. You are become a Doctor, Kate, to instruct us (as we take it) and not to be instructed, or directed by us.  
If your Majesty take it so (quoth the Queen) then hath your Majesty very much mistaken me, who have ever been of the opinion, to think it very unseemly & preposterous for the woman to take upon her the office of an instructor or teacher to her Lord and husband, but rather to learn of her husband, & to be taught by him. And where I have with your majesties leave heretofore been bold to hold talk with your Majesty, wherein sometimes in opinions there hath seemed some difference, I have not done it so much to maintain opinion, as I did it rather to minister talk, not only to the end that your Majesty might with less grief pass over this painful time of your infirmity, being intentive to our talk, and hoping that your Majesty should reap some ease thereby: but also that I hearing your majesties learned discourse, might receive to myself some profit thereof. Wherein I assure your Majesty I have not miss any part of my desire in that behalf, always referring myself in all such matters unto your Majesty, as by ordinance of nature it is convenient for me to do.  
And is it even so sweet hart, quoth the king? And tended your arguments to no worse end? Then perfect friends we are now again, 
Perfect agreement between the K. and the Queen.  as ever at any time heretofore: and as he sat in his chair embracing her in his arms & kissing her, he added this saying: That it did him more good at that time to hear those words of her own mouth, then if he had heard present news of an hundredth thousand pounds in money fallen unto him. And with great signs and tokens of marvelous joy and liking, with promises and assurances, never again in any sort more to mistake her, entering into other very pleasant discourses with the Queen & the Lords, and Gentlemen standing by, in the end (being very far on the night) he gave her leave to depart. Whom in her absence to the standers by, he gave as singular and as affectuous commendations, as before time to the bishop and the chancellor (who then were neither of them present) he seemed to mislike of her.  
Now then (God be thanked) the King's mind was clean altered, and he detested in his heart (as afterwards he plainly showed) this Tragical practice of those cruel Caiphases: 
The K. ab●o●●ed the malicious workings of the bloody Papists.  who nothing understanding of the kings well reform mind; & good disposition toward the Queen, were busily occupied about thinking & providing for their next days labour, which was the day determined to have carried the Queen to the Tower.  
The day & almost the hour appointed being come, the K. being disposed in the after noon to take the air (waited upon with two Gentlemen only of his bed chamber) went into the garden, 
This purpose being 〈◊〉 that the Ladies should be 〈◊〉 taken, it was then appointed that they with the Queen  whether the Queen also came, being sent for by the King himself, the three Ladies above named, alone waiting upon her. With whom the king at that time disposed himself▪ to be as pleasant as ever he was in all his life before: When suddenly in the midst of their mirth, the hour determined being come, in cometh the Lord chancellor into the garden with a 40. of the king's guard at his heels, 
should altogether be apprehended in manner as is here declared.  with purpose in deed to have taken the Queen together with the 3. Lady's aforesaid, whom they had before purposed to apprehend alone, even then unto the tower. Whom then the king sternly beholding, breaking of his mirth with the Queen, stepping a little a side, called the Chancellor unto him. Who upon his knees spoke certain words unto the king, but what they were (for that they were softly spoken, and the King a good pretty distance from the Queen) it is not well known, 
The 〈…〉 W●isley L▪ Chancellor.  but it is most certain that the kings replying unto him, was knave, for his answer: yea arrant knave, beast, and fool, and with that the king commanded him presently to avant out of presence. 
The L Chancellor commanded to avaunt out of the K. sight. Wrisleis' devices & Wynchesters' platform lie in the dust.  Which words although they were uttered somewhat low, yet were they so vehemently whyspered out by the king, that the Queen did easily with her Ladies aforesaid over hear them: which had been not a little to her comfort, i● she had known at that time the whole cause of his coming so perfectly, as after she knew it. Thus departed the L. Chancellor out of the king's presence as he came, with all his train, the whole mould of all his devise being utterly broken.  
The king after his departure, immediately returned to the Queen. Whom she perceiving to be very much chafed▪ (albeit coming towards her, he enforced himself to put on a merry countenance) with as sweet words as she could utter, endeavoured to qualify the king his displeasure with request unto his majesty in the behalf of the L. Chancellor, whom he seemed to be offended with all: saying for his excuse, 
The Q. maketh excuse for her enemy.  that albeit she knew not what just cause his majesty had at that time to be offended with him, yet she thought that ignorance not will, was the cause of his error, and so besought his majesty (if the cause were not very heinous) at her humble suit to take it.  
Ah poor soul (quoth he) thou little knowest how evil he deserveth this grace at thy hands. Of my word (sweet heart) he hath been towards thee an arrant knave, 
The Queen b● God's marvelous blessing delivered of all her adversity.  and so let him go. To this the Queen in charitable manner replying in few words, ended that talk: having also by God's only blessing happily for that time and ever, escaped the dangerous snares of her bloody and cruel enemies for the Gospel's sake.  
The pestiferous purpose of this Bishop, & of such like bloody adversaries practising thus against the Queen, & proceeding of gods gospel (as ye have heard) putteth me in remembrance of such an other like story of his wicked working in like manner, a little before: but much more pernicious & pestilent to the public church of jesus Christ, than this was dangerous to the private estate of the Queen. Which story likewise I thought here as in convenient place, to be adjoined & notified, to be known to all posterity, according as I have it faithfully recorded and storied by him, which heard it of the Archbishop Cranmers own mouth, declared in order and form as followeth.  
* A discourse touching a certain policy used by Steven Gardiner Bishop of Winchester, in staying king Henry the 8. from redressing of certain abuses of ceremonies in the church, being Ambassador beyond the seas.  
Also the communication of king henry the 8 had with the ambassador of France at Hampton Court concerning the reformation of religion, as well in France, as in England. Anno 1546. Mens August.  
IT chanced in the time of K. Henry the 8. when his highness did lastly (not many years before his death) conclude a league between the Emperor, the French king and himself, that the B. of Winchester Steven Gardiner by name, was sent in embassage beyond the seas, for that purpose. In whose absence the Archbishop of Canterbury Thomas Cranmer, attending upon the king's Court, sought occasion somewhat to further the reformation of the corrupt religion▪ not yet fully restored unto a perfection. 
Steven Gardiner Ambassador.  For like as the said Archb. was always diligent and forward to prefer and advance the sincere doctrine of the Gospel: so was that other bishop a contrary instrument, continually spurning against the same, in whatsoever coast of the world he remained. For even now he being beyond the seas in the temporal affairs of the realm forgot not, but found the means as a most valiant champion of the B. of Rome, to stop and hinder, aswell the good diligence of the said Archbishop, 
Winchester a great hinderer of the course of the Gospel.  as the godly disposition of the king's Majesty in that behalf▪ which thus chanced.  
Whilst the said B. of Winchester was now remaining beyond the seas, about the affairs aforesaid, the kings majesty and the said Archbishop, having conference together for reformation of some superstitious enormities in the Church: amongst other things, the king determined forthwith to pull down the roods in every church, 
The kings conference with D. Cranmer about reformation of the Ghurch. Rood lofts. Ringing on Alhallow night  and to suppress the accustomed ringing on Alhalow night, with a few such like vain ceremonies: And therefore, when the said Archb. taking his leave of the king, to go into Kent his diocese, his highness willed him to remember that he should cause 2. letters to be devised: for me (quoth the King) to be signed, the one to be directed unto you my Lord, and the other unto the Archbishop of York, wherein I will command you both to send forth your precepts unto all other Bishops within your provinces, 
Lettets of reformation to be sent by the king.  to see those enormities and Ceremonies reform undelaidly that we have communed off.  
So upon this, the king's pleasure known, when the Archbishop of Canterbury was then come into Kent, he caused his Secretarye to conceive and write these Letters according to the king's mind, and being made in a readiness, sent them to the Court to Sir Anthony Deny, for him to get them signed by the king, when master Deny had moved the king thereunto, the king made answer: I am now otherways resolved, for you shall send my Lord of Canterbury word, that sithence I spoke with him about these matters, I have received letters from my Lord of Winchester, now being on the other side of the Sea, about the conclusion of a league between us, 
The kings mind altered by Wint.  the Emperor and the French king, & he writeth plainly unto us, that the league will not prosper nor go forward, if we make any other innovation, change, or alteration, either in Religion or ceremonies, 
Reformation of Religion stopped by Steven Gardiner.  than heretofore hath been already commenced and done. Wherefore my Lord of Canterbury must take patience herein, and forbear until we may espy a more apt and convenient time for that purpose.  
Which matter of reformation began to be revived again, at what time the great Ambassador from the French king, came to the king's Majesty at Hampton Court not long before his death. 
Anno. 1546.  Where then no Gentleman was permitted to wait upon his Lord and master, 
This Ambassador was admiral of France whose name was Mounsieur de Annebault, he came to Hampton Court the 20. day of Aug. an. 1546. The matter of reformation again renewed a little before the kings death. The kings banquet for the French Ambassador.  without a velvet coat and a chain of gold. And for that entertainment of the Ambassador, were builded in the park there, 3. very notable great and sumptuous banqueting houses. At the which it was purposed, that the said Ambassador should have been 3. sundry nights very richly banketted. But as it chanced, the French kings great affairs were then suddenly such, that this ambassador was sent for home in post hast, before he had received half the noble entertainment that was prepared for him, so that he had but the fruition of the first banqueting house.  
Now what princelike order was there used in the furniture of the banquet, as well in placing of the noble estates, namely the king's Majesty, and the French Ambassador with the noble men both of England and France on the one part, and of the Queen's highness and the Lady Anne of Cleeve with other noble women & Ladies of the other part, as also touching the great & sumptuous preparation of both costly and fine dishes there out of number spent, it is not our purpose here presently to entreat thereof, but only to consider the note of the conference and communication had the first night after the said banquet was finished, 
Secret communication between the king the French Ambassador, and the Archb. of Cant.  between the king's Majesty, the said Ambassador, and the Archbishop of Canterbury (the king's highness standing openly in the banqueting house, in the open face of all the people, and leaning one arm upon the shoulder of the Archbishop of Canterbury, and the other arm upon the shoulder of the Ambassador) touching the establishing of godly religion between those two Princes in both their realms: As by the report of the said Arch. unto his secretary upon occasion of his service to be done in king Edward's visitation, then being register in the same visitation, 
The testimony and credit of the story.  relation was made on that behalf in this sort.  
When the said visitation was put in a readiness, before the Commissioners should proceed in their voyage, the said Archb. sent for the said Register his man unto Hampton Court, and willed him in any wise to make notes of certain things in the said visitation: whereof he gave unto him instruction, 
The name of this Register was M. Morice secretary sometimes to the Archb. Thomas Cranmer.  having then further talk with him touching the good effect and success of the said visitation. Upon which occasion the Register said unto his master the Archbishop: I do remember that you not long ago, caused me to conceive and write letters, which king Henry the 8. should have signed and directed unto your grace, and the Archbishop of York, for the reformation of certain enormities in the churches, as taking down of the roods, and forbidding of ringing on Alhalow night, and such like vain ceremonies. Which letters your grace sent to the Court to be signed by the kings Majesty, but as yet I think that there was never any thing done therein.  
Why, quoth the Archbishop again, never heard you how those letters were suppressed and stopped? Whereunto the archbishop's servant answering again: as it was (said he) my duty to write those letters: so was it not my part to be inquisitive what became thereupon. Marry, quoth the Archbishop, my Lord of Winchester then being beyond the seas, about a conclusion of a league between the Emperor, the French king, & the king our master, and fearing that some reformation should here pass in the realm touching Religion in his absence, against his appetite, wrote to the kings Majesty, bearing him in hand, 
Mark the mische●●●● fetches of this old Fox W●●chester.  that the league then towards, would not prosper nor go forwards on his majesties behalf, if he made any other innovation or alteration in Religion, or Ceremonies in the Church, than was already done: which his advertisement herein caused the king to stay the signing of those letters, as Sir Anthony Deny wrote to me by the kings commandment.  
Then said his servant again unto him: Forasmuch as the kings good intent took no place then, now your grace may go forward in those matters, the opportunity of the time much better serving thereunto then in king Henry's days.  
Not so, quoth the Archbishop. It was better to attempt such reformation in king Henry the viii. his days, then at this time, the King being in his infancy. For if the king's father had set forth any thing for the reformation of abuses, who was he that durst gainsay it? Marry, we are now in doubt how men will take the change or alteration of abuses in the Church, and therefore the Counsel hath forborn specially to speak thereof, and of other things, which gladly they would have reform in this visitation, referring all those & such like matters, unto the discretions of the visitors. But if King henry the viii. had lived unto this day, with the french king, it had been past my L. of Winchester's power, to have unsured the kings highness as he did, when he was about the same league.  
I am sure you were at Hampton Court, quoth the Archb. when the French kings ambassador was entertained there at those solemn banqueting houses, not long be●●re the king's death: namely, when after the banquet was done the first night, the king leaning upon the Ambassador and upon me, if I should tell what communication between the king's highness and the said Ambassador was had, concerning the establishing of sincere Religion then, a man would hardly have believed it. Nor I myself had thought the king's highness had been so forward in those matters as then appeared. I may tell you it passed the pulling down of roods, and suppressing the ringing of bells, I take it that few in England would have believed, that the king's Majesty, and the French king had been at this point, 
The purpo●● of K. Hen●● and of the French king little before their 〈◊〉.  not only within half a year after to have changed the mass in both the realms into a communion, as we now use it, but also utterly to have extirped, and banished the Bishop of Rome and his usurped power, out of both their realms and dominions.  
Yea they were so thoroughly and firmly resolved in that behalf, that they meant also to exhort the Emperor to do the like in Flanders and other his Countries and Seniories, or else to break of from him. And herein the kings highness willed me (quoth the Archbishop) to pen a form thereof to be sent to the French king to consider of. But the deep & most secret providence of almighty God, owing to this realm a sharp scourge for our iniquities, prevented (for a time) this their most godly devise and intent, by taking to his mercy both these Princes.   

A brief narration of the trouble of Sir George Blage.  
Here would also something be said of Sir George Blage one of the kings privy chamber, 
〈◊〉 Georg● Blage false 〈◊〉▪  who being falsely accused by sir Hugh Caverley knight, and M. Littleton, was sent for by Wrisley L. Chancellor the sunday before Anne Askew suffered, & the next day was carried to Newgate, & from thence to Guild Hal, 
〈◊〉 Georg● B●age seat to Newga●● & 〈…〉 cause 〈…〉.  where he was condemned the same day, & appointed to be burned the wednesday following. The words which his accusers laid unto him, were these. What if a mouse should eat the bread? then by my consent they should hang up the mouse. Whereas in deed these words he never spoke as to his lives end he protested. But the truth, as he said, was this, that they craftily to undermine him, walking with him in Paul's church after a sermon of D. Crome, asked if he were at the Sermon, and he said yea, I heard say (saith M. Litleton) that he said in his sermon that the mass profiteth neither for the quick nor for the dead. No said M. Blage, wherefore then? belike for a gentleman when he rideth a hunting to keep his horse from stumbling, 
 & so they departing immediately after he was apprehended (as is showed) and condemned to be burned, when this was heard among them of the privy chamber, the king hearing them whispering together) which he could never abide) commanded them to tell him the matter. Whereupon the matter being opened, and suit made to the king, especially by the good Earl of Bedford then L. privy Seal, the king being sore offended with their doings, that they would come so near him, & even into his privy chamber without his knowledge, sent for Wrisley, commanding him eftsoons to draw out his pardon himself, 
M. Blage pardoned by 〈◊〉 ●ing.  and so was he set at liberty. Who coming after to the king's presence: ah my pig saith the king to him, (for so he was wont to call him.) Yea said he, if your majesty had not been better to me then your Bishops were, 
The kings 〈◊〉 almost 〈◊〉 ..  your pig had been roasted ere this time.  
But to let this matter of sir George Blage pass, we will now reduce our story again to Anne Askew and her fellow Martyrs, who the same week were burned, and could find no pardon. 
Anno 1546.   
Then the Catholic fathers when they had brought this christian woman with the residue (as above hath been declared) unto their rest, they being now in their ruff and triumph, like as the Phariseis when they had brought Christ to his grave, devised with themselves how to keep him down still, & to overtreade truth for ever. Whereupon consulting with certain of the Counsel, they made out a strait and hard proclamation, authorised by the kings name, for the abolishing of the scripture, & all such English books, which might give any light to the setting forth of God's true word and grace of the Gospel, the copy and tenor of which Proclamation is this as followeth.   

A Proclamation for the abolishing of English books, after the death of Anne Askew, set forth by the king. An. 1546. the 8. day of july.  
THe kings most excellent Majesty understanding how under pretence of expounding and declaring the truth of God's Scripture, 
A proclamation for the abolishing of English books.  divers lewd and evil disposed persons have taken occasion to utter and sow abroad by books imprinted in the English tongue, sundry pernicious and detestable errors & heresies, not only contrary to the laws of this realm, but also repugnant to the true sense of God's law and his word, 
Nay rather for the ignorance and lack of God's Scripture, many have taken occasion of error & heresies ●ntollerable.  by reason whereof certain men of late, to the destruction of their own bodies & souls, and to the evil example of others, have attempted arrogantly and maliciously to impugn the truth, and therewith trouble the sober, quiet and godly Religion united and established under the king's Majesty in this his realm: his highness minding to foresee the dangers that might ensue of the said books, is enforced to use his general prohibition commandment and proclamation, as followeth.  
First, that from henceforth no man, woman, or person▪ of what estate, 
The new testament of Tindals & of Coverdals' translation in English forbidden.  condition, or degree so ever he or they be, shall after the last day of August next ensuing, receive, have, take, or keep in his or their possession, the text of the new Testament of Tyndalles or Coverdales' translation in English, nor any other than is permitted by the Act of Parliament made in the Session of the Parliament holden at Westminster in the 34. or 35. year of his majesties most noble reign, nor after the said day, shall receive, have, take, or keep in his or their possession, any manner of books printed or written in the English tongue, which be, or shallbe set forth in the names of Frith, Tindal, Wickliff, joy, Roy, Basil, Bale, Barnes, Coverdale, 
English books in Scripture restrained.  Turner, Tracy, or by any of them, or any other book or books, containing matter contrary to the said Act made An 34 or 35. but shall before the last day of August next coming, deliver the same English book, or books to his master in that household, if he be a servant or dwell under any other, and the master or ruler of the house, & such other as dwell at large, shall deliver all such books of the sorts aforesaid as they have, or shall come to their hands, delivered as afore or otherwise, to the Mayor, Bailiff or chief Constable of the town where they dwell, to be by them delivered over openly within 40. days next following after the said delivery to the Sheriff of the shire, or to the bishops Chancellor, Commissary of the same diocese, to the intent the said Bishop, Chancellor, Commissary, and Sheriff, and every of them shall cause them incontinently to be openly burned, which thing the kings majesties pleasure is, that every of them shall see executed in most effectual sort, 
●urning of scripture ●ookes.  and of their doings thereof make certificate to the king's Majesties most honourable Council, before the 1. of October next coming.  
And to the intent that no man shall mistrust any danger of such penal statutes as be passed in this behalf, for the keeping of the said books, the king's Majesty is most graciously contented by this proclamation, 
A bait● to b●ing in books.  to pardon that offence to the said time appointed, by this proclamation for the delivery of the said books and commandeth that no Bishop, Chancellor, commissary, Maior, Bailiff, Sheriff, or Constable, shall be curious to mark who bringeth forth such books, but only order, & burn them openly, as is in this proclamation ordered. And if any man after the last day of August next coming, shall have any of the said books in his keeping, or be proved, and convinced by sufficient witness before 4. of the kings most honourable counsel, to have hidden them, or used them, or any copy of any of them, or any part of them, whereby it should appear that he willingly hath offended the true meaning of this proclamation, the same shall not only suffer imprisonment and punishment of his body at the king's majesties will and pleasure, 
The penalty limited.  but also shall make such fine and ransom to his highness for the same, as by his Majesty or 4. of his graces said counsel shallbe determined. etc.  
Finally, his Majesty straightly chargeth and commandeth that no person or persons, of what estate, degree, or condition so ever he or they be, from the day of this proclamation presume to bring any manner of English book, concerning any manner of Christian religion, printed in the parties beyond the seas into this realm, to sell, give, or distribute any English book printed in outward parties, or the copy of any such book, or any part thereof to any person dwelling within this his grace's realm, or any other his majesties dominions, unless the same shallbe specially licensed so to do by his highness express graun● to be obtained in writing for the same, upon the pains before limited, and therewithal to incur his majesties extreme indignation.  
For so much as it is & hath always been the common guise and practise of the pope's church to extinct, condemn and abolish all good books and wholesome treatises of learned men, under a false pretence of errors & heresies, 
The untrue dealing of the Papists in gathering heresies where none is  whereof examples abundantly may appear in this history above.  
Now for the better trial hereof, to see and try the impudent & shameless vanity of these Catholic Clergimen, in mistaking, falsifying, depraving, blaspheming and slandering, where they have no cause, against all right & honest dealing, yea against their own knowledge, conscience and manifest verity of God's word. I shall therefore desire the attentive Reader, before we pass any further to consider & expend here 2. things by the way. First what opinions and Articles these men gather out of their books for errors and heresies. Secondly how wittingly and willingly they wrest, pervert, and misconstrue their sayings, and writings in such sense as the writers never spoke nor meant, and all to bring them into hatred of the world, after they have burned their books.  
So did they before with john Wickliff, john Hus, & Jerome, So did they with M. Luther, Tindal, Frithe, Lambert, Barnes, joy, Roy, Seron, 
Articles of Wickliff and others falsified by the Papists.  and briefly yet do still with all the Protestants, either perverting their sayings, otherwise than they meant, or noting for heresies such as are manifest principles, & grounds of our religion: Or else falsely belying them, or untruly mistaking them, either in mangling the places, or adding to their words as may serve for their most advantage, to bring them out of credit with Princes and all the people,  
For the more evident probation and experience whereof thou shalt see here (christian reader) as in a table laid before thine eyes: the book or catalogue of such errors, blasphemies and heresies, which the Catholic Papists in their own registers have extracted out of their books whom in this & other proclamations they have condemned. Where unto moreover, we have annexed that very places also of the Authors, out of which every Article is gathered, keeping the same signature of verse and page, which they in their registers do send us unto. So that with a little diligence, thou mayst now (loving reader) easily perceive, conferring the Articles and places together, what truth and fidelity these bloody Catholics have used toward the children of God: First in burning up their bodies, then in consuming, and abolishing their books, and afterward drawing out Articles, such as they list themselves out of their works to make the people believe what damnable heretics they were, as by these articles here under ensuing collected and contained in their own registers may well appear. In all which articles, there is not one (speaking of these writers which here they have condemned) but either it is a perfect truth and a principle of Christian doctrine, or else it is falsely gathered, or perversely recited, or craftily handled & maliciously mangled, having either something cut from it, or some more added, or else racked out of his right place, or wrested to a wrong meaning, which the place giveth not, or else which some other place following doth better expound & declare. This false & malicious dealing, hath always been a common practice amongst God's enemies from the beginning to falsify, wrest, and deprave all things what soever maketh not to their faction & affection, be it never so true and just. So began they with Steven the 1. martyr of jesus Christ, 
The words of S. Steven, falsely depraved. Act. 6.7.  and so have they continued still, & yet do to this present day.  
Long it were to recite, but more grievous to behold what spite and falsehood was used in the articles of the Albingenses Waldenses, Wickliff, Swinderby, Brute, Thorpe, Armachanus, sir john Oldcastle, john Hus, the Bohemians, and such other. Which thing if the books and places when these Articles were gathered against them, had been suffered to remain, we might more plainly understand. In the mean season as touching these Articles here present, for so much as the Bishops own Registers have offered them unto us, and do yet remain with the self same books from whence they be excerpted, I shall therefore desire thee (friendly reader) first to consider the Articles, and lay them with the places which the Registers themselves do assign, and then judge thyself what is to be thought thereof. The Articles gathered out of the foresaid books with the Bishops decree prefixed before the same, is as here under followeth.   

A public Instrument by the Bishops, for the abolishing of the Scripture, and other books to be 〈◊〉 English.  
IN the name of God. Amen. Be it known to all and singular, true, 
A writing of the Bishops against English books.  and faithful people, to whom these present letters testimonial, or this present public and authentic instrument shall come to be seen, read, heard or understand, and whom this under written shall or may teach, or appertain unto in any manner of wise in time to come, William by the sufferance of almighty God, Archbishop of Caunterburie, Primate of all the Realm of England, sendeth greeting in our Lord God everlasting. We signify unto you all, and let you well wit and know by these presents, that the king our sovereign Lord, hearing of many books in the English tongue, containing many detestable errors, and damnable opinions, printed in the parties beyond the Seas, to be brought into divers towns, and sundry parties of this his Realm of England, and sown abroad in the same, to the great decay of our faith Catholic, and perilous corruption of his people, unless speedy remedy were briefly provided, his highness willing evermore to employ all his study and mind in the high degree which almighty God hath called him unto, to the wealth of his subjects, that they might live, not only in tranquility and peace, but also be kept pure and clean of all contagion, and wrong opinions, in Christ's Religion: considering also that he being defender of the faith, would be full loath to suffer such evil seed sown amongst his people, and so take root that it might overgrow the corn of the Catholic doctrine before sprung in the souls of his subjects: for the repellinge of such book, calling unto him of his great goodness, & gracious disposition, not only certain of the chief prelate's & clerks of his realm, but also of each University a certain number of the chief learned men proposed such of those books, as his grace had ready to be read unto them, requiring to hear in that behalf their advise and judgement of them. Who both by great diligence and mature deliberation, perusing over the said books, found in them many errors and heresies, both detestable and damnable, being of such a sort, that they were like briefly to corrupt a great part of his people (if they might be suffered to remain in their hands any space) gathering also out of them many great errors, and pestilent heresies, and noting them in writing, to the intent to show for what cause they reputed the said books damnable, of which hereafter out of each book gathered many do ensue: albeit, many more there be in the said books, which books totally do serve full of heresies and detestable opinions.   

Heresies and errors collected by the Bishops out of the book of Tyndall, named the wicked Mammon with the places of the book annexed to the same, 
Heresies falsely gathered by the Papists out of wicked Mammon.  out of which every Article is collected.  
1. FAith only justifieth. Fol. 59  

1. Article.  This Article being a principle of the Scripture, and the ground of our salvation, is plain enough by S. Paul and the whole body of the scripture: Neither can any make this an heresy, 
The Papists of the principles of divinity, make heresy.  but they must make S. Paul an heretic, and show themselves enemies to the promises of grace, and to the cross of Christ.  
2. The law maketh us to hear God, because we be borne under the power of the Devil. 
2. article.  Fol. 59  
3. It is impossible for us to consent to the will of God. Fol. 59  

3. article.  The place of Tyndall from whence these Articles be wrested, is in the wicked Mammon, as followeth. Which place I beseech thee indifferent to read, and then to judge.  

Herein is no thing contained but that which is rightly consonant unto the Scripture.  In the faith which we have in Christ, & in God's promises, find we mercy, life, favour, & peace. In the law we find death, damnation and wrath, moreover the curse and vengeance of God upon us. And it (that is to say, the law) is called of Paul, the ministration of death and damnation. In the law we are proved to be the enemies of God, and that we hate him. For how can we be at peace with God, and love him, seeing we are conceived and borne under the power of the Devil, and are his possession & kingdom, his captives and bondmen, and led at his will, and he holdeth our hearts, so that it is impossible for us to consent to the will of God? Much more is it impossible for a man to fulfil the law of his own strength and power, seeing that we are by birth and nature the heirs of the eternal damnation. etc.  
4. The law requireth impossible things of us Fol. 59  
Read the place. 
4. article.  The law when it commandeth that thou shalt not lust, giveth thee not power so to do: but daumeth thee because thou canst not so do. 
What here●sy is in the words. 2. Cor. 3.  If thou wilt therefore be at peace with God and love him, then must thou turn to the promises and to the gospel, which is called of Paul the ministration of righteousness and of the spirit.  
5. The spirit of God turneth us & our nature, that we do good: as naturally as a tree doth bring fourth fruit. Fol. 65. 
5. article.   
The place is this: the spirit of God accompanieth faith and bringeth with her light, wherewith a man beholdeth himself in the law of God, and seethe his miserable bondage & captivity, and humbleth himself, 
This place speaking of the 〈◊〉 & effecte● faith, containeth northing but which is mayntayn●●ble by the Scripture.  & abhorreth himself. She bringeth God's promises of all good things in Christ: God worketh with his word, & in his word. And as his word is preached, faith rooteth herself in the hearts of the elect: and as faith entereth: and the word of God is believed, the power of God looseth the hart from the captivity & bondage under sin: and knitteth & coupleth him to God & to the will of God, altereth him & changeth him clean, fashioneth and forgeth him a new, giveth him power to love and to do that which before was impossible for him either to love or do, and turneth him into a new nature: so that he loveth that which before he hated, & hateth that which he before loved, and is clean altered and changed, and contrary disposed: and is knit and coupled fast to gods will, and naturally bringeth fourth good works: that is to say, that which God commandeth to do, & not things of his own imagination: and that doth he of his own accord, as a tree bringeth forth fruit of his own accord. etc.  
6. Works do only declare to thee that thou art justified. Fol. 65.  
If tindal say, 
6. article.  that works do only declare our justification, he doth not thereby destroy good works: but only showeth the right use and office of good works: to be noted to merit our justification, but rather to testify a lively faith, which only justifieth us, The article is plain by the scripture, and S. Paul.  
7. Christ with all his works did not deserve heaven. fol. 69.  
Read the place. All good works must be done freely with a single eye, without respect of any thing, 
7. article.  so that no profit be sought thereby. That commandeth Christ, where he saith. Free have you received, free give again. For look as Christ with all his works did not 
Math. 10. He meaneth in his divinity but i● his humanity he deserved heaven by his works not only for himself, 〈◊〉 for us all.  deserve heaven (for that was his already) but did us service therewith, & neither looked for, nor sought his own profit, but ours and the honour of god his father only: even so we withal our works, may not seek our own profit, neither in this world, nor in heaven, but must and ought freely to work to honour God withal, and without all manner of respect, seek our neighbour's profit, and do him service. etc.  
8. Labouring by good works to come to heaven, thou shamest Christ's blood. Fol. 9  
Read the place. 
8. article.  If thou wouldst obtain heaven with the merits and deservings of thine own works, so dost thou wrong, yea and shamest the blood of Christ, and unto thee Christ is dead in vain. Now is the true believer heir of God by christes deservings, 
To say that heaven is gotten by our deservings, is a Popish heresy & contrary to the Scriptures.  yea and in Christ was predestinate and ordained unto eternal life before the world began. And when the Gospel is preached unto us, we believe the mercy of God, and in believing we receive the spirit of God, which is the earnest of eternal life, and we are in eternal life already, and feel already in our heart's the sweetness thereof, and are overcome with the kindness of God & Christ: and therefore love the will of God, and of love are ready to work freely, and not to obtain that which is given us freely, and whereof we are heirs already, etc.  
9 Saints in heaven can not help us thither. fol. 69.  
Whether saints can help us unto heaven, see the scripture, 
9 article.  and mark well the office of the son of God our only Saviour and redeemer, and thou shalt not need to seek any further.  
10. To build a Church in the honour of our Lady or any other Saint, is in vain, they cannot help thee, 
10. article.  they be not thy friends, fol. 71.  
Read the place of Tind. What buildest thou Churches, foundest Abbeys, Chauntreis', & Colleges in the honour of saints, to my mother, S. Peter, Paul, 
The place ●●nexed  and Saints that be dead, to make of them thy friends? They need it not: yea they be not thy friends. Thy friends are thy poor neighbours, 
 which need thy help and secure. Then make thy friends with the unrighteous Mammon, that they may testify of thy faith, and that thou mayest know and feel that thy faith is right, and not feigned, etc.  
11. All flesh is in bondage of sin, and can not but sin, fol. 74.  
This Article is evident enough of itself, confirmed by the scripture, and needeth no allegations.  
12. Thou canst not be damned without Christ be damned, nor Christ be saved without thou be saved, fol. 76.  
Read the pla●e: A physician serveth but for sick men, & that for such men as feel their sickness, & mourn therefore, and long for health. 
〈◊〉 article. 〈◊〉 place 〈◊〉.  Christ likewise serveth but for sinners only that feel their sin, and that for such sins as sorrow & mourn in their hearts for health. Health is the power or strength to fulfil the law, or to keep the commandments: Now he that longeth for that health, that is to say, for to do the law of God, is blessed in Christ, and hath a promise that his lust shall be fulfilled, and that he shall be made whole. Blessed are they which hunger and thirst for righteousness sake (that is, to fulfil the law) for their lust shall be fulfilled, 
The believing man standing upon the 〈◊〉 of God's promise, may 〈◊〉 himself of his salvation, as truly as Christ himself is saved, & he can no more than Christ himself be damned, and although the scripture doth not use this phrase of speaking, ye● it importeth no less in effect, by reason of the ●erity of God's promise which impossible it is to fail.  Matth. 5.  
This longing, and the consent of the hart unto the law of God is the working of the spirit, which God hath poured into thine hart, in earnest that thou mightst be sure that God will fulfil all his promises that he hath made thee. It is also the seal and mark which God putteth on all men that he chooseth unto everlasting life. So long as thou seest thy sin, and mournest, and consentest to the law, and longest (though thou be never so weak) yet the spirit shall keep thee in all temptations from desperation, and certify thine hart, that God for his truth shall deliver thee, and save thee, yea and by thy good deeds shalt thou be saved, not which thou hast done, but which Christ hath done for thee. For Christ is thine, and all his deeds are thy deeds, Christ is in thee, and thou in him, knit together inseparably, neither canst thou be damned, except Christ be damned with thee, neither can Christ be saved, except thou be saved with him, etc. The like comfortable words he hath afterward, fol. 38. which are these. He that desireth mercy, the same feeleth his own misery and sin, and moorneth in his hart to be delivered, that he might honour God, and God for his truth must hear him, which saith by the mouth of Christ: Blessed are they that hunger and thirst after righteousness, for they shall be satisfied. God for his truths sake must put the righteousness of Christ in him, and wash his unrighteousness away in the blood of Christ. And be the sinner never so weak, never so feeble and frail though he have sinned never so oft and so grievous, yet so long as this lust desire and mourning to be delivered, remaineth in him, God seethe not his sins, reckoneth them not for his truths sake, and love in Christ. He is not a sinner in the sight of God that would be no sinner. He that would be delivered, hath his hart lose already, His hart sinneth not, but mourneth, repenteth, and consenteth unto the law and will of God, and justifieth God, that is, beareth record that God which made the law, is righteous and just. And such an hart trusting in Christ's blood, is accepted for full righteousness, and his weakness, infirmity, and frailty, is pardoned, and his sins are not looked upon, until God put more strength in him, and fulfil his desire, etc.  

13. article.  13. The commandments be given us, not to do them, but to know our damnation, and call for mercy of God, fol. 76.  

〈◊〉 article is 〈◊〉 wraked 〈◊〉 wh●ch 〈…〉 should 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉, but 〈◊〉 we can●●● 〈◊〉 them. 14. article.  Read the place. If thou wilt enter into life, keep the commandments. Math. 15, 19 First remember that when God commandeth us to do any thing, he doth it not therefore because that we of ourselves are able to do that he commandeth, but that by the law we might see and know our horrible damnation and captivity under sin, and so repent and come to Christ and receive mercy, etc.  
14. Fasting is only to avoid surfeit, and to tame the body, all other purposes be nought, fol. 81.  
The words of Tyndall be these. Fasting is to abstain from surfeiting or overmuch eating, from drunkenness and cares of the world, as thou mayst read Luke 20. And the end of fasting is to tame the body, that the spirit may have the free course unto God, 
The true end of fasting.  and may quietly talk with God. For overmuch eating and drinking, and care of worldly business, presseth down the spirit, choketh it, and tangleth it, that it can not lift up itself to God. Now he that fasteth for any other intent then to subdue the body, that the Spirit may wait on God, and freely exercise itself in the things of God, the same is blind, and wotteth not what he doth, erreth, and shooteth at a wrong mark, and his intent and imagination is abominable in the sight of God, etc.  

15. article.  15. To bid the poor man pray for me, is only to remember him to do his duty: not that I have any trust in his prayer, fol. 82.  
The words of tindal be these. When we desire one another to pray for us, 
The place biddeth us put our trust in Christ, only and not in poor men's prayers and so doth the Scripture likewise, & yet no heresy therein. 16. article.  that do we to put our neighbour in remembrance of his duty, and not that we trust in his holiness, our trust is in God, in Christ, and in the truth of God's promises. We have also a promise that when two or three or more agree together in one thing, according to the will of God, God heareth us, notwithstanding as God heareth many, so heareth he few, & so heareth he one, if he pray after the will of God, & desire the honour of God, etc.  
16. Though thou give me a thousand pound to pray for thee, I am no more bound now then I was before, fol. 83.  
The words be these. If thou give me a thousand pound to pray for thee, I am no more bound than I was before. 
This place answereth for himself sufficiently.  Man's imagination can make the commandment of God neither greater nor smaller, neither can the law of God either add or diminish. God's commandment is as great as himself, etc.  
17. A good deed done and not of fervent charity as Christ's was, is sin, fol. 83. 
17. article.   
The words of tindal be these. Though thou show mercy unto thy neighbour, 

This place tendeth to no such meaning as is in the article, but only showeth our good deeds to be imperfect. 18. article▪  
This place giveth to none any propriety of an other man's goods, but only by way of Christian communion. 19 Article.   yet if thou do it not with such burning love, as Christ did unto thee, so must thou knowledge thy sin, and desire mercy in Christ, etc.  
18. Every man is Lord of another man's good, fol. 83.  
The words of tindal be these. Christ is Lord over all, and every Christian is heir annexed with Christ, & therefore Lord of all, and every one lord of whatsoever an other hath. If thy brother or neighbour therefore need, and thou have to help him, and yet showest not mercy, but withdrawest thy hands from him, than robbest thou him of his own, and art a thief, etc. Read more hereof in the xx. Article following.  
19 I am bound to love the Turk with the very bottom of my hart, fol. 83.  
The place of this Article is this. I am bound to love the Turk with all my might and power, yea and above my power: even from the ground of my hart, 
To love the Turk to that end to win him to Christ, is no heresy but charity.  after the example that Christ loved me, neither to spare goods, body, or life, to win him to Christ. And what can I do more for thee, if thou gavest me all the world? Where I see need, there can I not but pray, if God's spirit be in me, etc.  
20. The worst Turk living hath as much right to my goods at his need, as my household, or mine own self, fol. 83. 
20. article.   
Read and mark well the place in the wicked Mammon.  
In Christ we are all of one degree without respect of persons. Notwithstanding, though a christian man's hart be open to all men, 
Lo Reader how peevishly this place is wrested First here is no mention made of any Turk. Secondly this place speaking of an Infidel, meaneth of such Christians which forsake their own households, Thirdly by his right in thy, goods, he meaneth no propriety that he hath to claim but only to put thee in remembrance of thy Christian duty what to give.  and receiveth all men, yet because that his ability of goods extendeth not so far, this provision is made, that every man shall care for his own household, as father and mother, and thine elders that have helped thee, wife, children, and servants. If thou shouldest not care and provide for thine household, than were thou an Infidel, seeing thou hast taken on thee so to do, and for so much as that is thy part committed to thee of the congregation When thou hast done thy duty to thine household, and yet hast further abundance of the blessing of God, that owest thou to the poor that can not labour, or would labour and can get no work, and are destitute of friends: to the poor I mean, which thou knowest, to them of thine own parish. If thy neighbours which thou knowest, be served, and thou yet have superfluity, and hearest necessity to be among the brethren a thousand mile off, to them art thou debtor. Yea, to the very Infidels we be debtors if they need, as farrefoorth as we maintain them not against Christ, or to blaspheme Christ. Thus is every man that needeth thy help, thy father, mother, sister, and brother in Christ: even as every man that doth the will of the father, is father, mother, sister and brother unto Christ.  
Moreover, if any be an Infidel and a false Christian, and forsake his household, his wife, children, and such as can not help themselves, than art thou bound to them, if thou have wherewith, even as much as to thine own household, and they have as good right in thy goods, as thou thyself, etc. And if the whole world were thine, yet hath every brother his right in thy goods, and is heir with thee, as we are all heirs with Christ, etc.  
21. Alms deserveth no meed, fol. 84. 
21. article.   
The place is this: He that seeketh with his alives more than to be merciful, to be a neighbour, to secure his brother's need, to do his duty to his brother, 
The place is plain. 22. article.  to give his brother that he oweth him, the same is blind▪ and seethe not what it is to be a christian man, and to have fellowship in Christ's blood, etc.  
22. There is no work better than another to please God, To make water, to wash dishes, to be a souter or an Apostle, all is one. To wash dishes and to preach is all one as touching the deed to please God, fol. 44.  
The words of tindal be these. As pertaining to good works, understand that all works are good which are done within the law of God in faith, and with thanksgiving to God, 
These words of tindal sufficiently discharge the article of all heresy, if they be well weighed. The meaning whereof is this, that all our acceptation with God standeth only upon our faith in Christ, and upon no work nor office. Whereby Cornelius the Tanner believing in Christ, is as well justified before God, as the Apostle or preacher: So that there is no rejoicing now neither in work nor office, but only in our faith in Christ, which only justifieth us before God▪ Rom. 8.  and understand that thou in thy doing them pleasest God, whatsoever thou dost within the law of God, as when thou makest water, etc.  
Moreover, put no difference between works, but whatsoever cometh into thy hands, that do, as time, place, and occasion giveth, and as God hath put thee in degree, high or low. As touching to please God, there is no work better than an other. God looketh not first on thy works as the world doth, as though the beautifulness of the world pleased him, as it doth the world, or as though he had need of them, but God looketh first on the hart, what faith thou hast to his words, how thou believest him, and how thou lovest him for his mercy that he hath showed thee: he looketh with what hart thou workest, and not what thou workest, how thou acceptest the degree that he hath put thee in, and not of what degree thou art, whether thou be an Apostle or a Shoemaker. Set this example before thine eyes. Thou art a kitchen Page, and washest thy masters dishes. Another is an Apostle, and preacheth the word of God. Of this Apostle, hark what S. Paul saith: If I preach (saith he) I have nought to rejoice in, for necessity is put unto me. As who should say, God hath made me so, woe is unto me if I preach not. If I do it willingly (saith he) then have I my reward: that is, then am I sure that God's spirit is in me, and that I am elect to eternal life. If I do it against my will, an office is committed unto me: that is, if I do it not of love to God, but to get a living thereby, and for a worldly purpose, and had leaver otherways live: then do I that office which God hath put me in, and yet please not God myself, etc. Moreover, howsoever he preach, he hath not to rejoice in that he preacheth. But if he preach willingly with a true hart & of conscience to God, then hath he his reward, that is, then feeleth he the earnest of eternal life, and the working of the spirit of God in him. And as he feeleth God's goodness and mercy, so be thou sure he feeleth his own infirmity, weakness, and unworthiness, and mourneth and knowledgeth his sin, in that the hart will not arise to work with that full lust and love that is in Christ our Lord. And nevertheless is he yet at peace with God through faith & trust in Christ jesu. For the earnest of the spirit that worketh in him, testifieth and beareth witness unto his hart, that God hath chosen him, and that his grace shall suffice him, which grace is now not idle in him. In his works putteth he no trust.  
Now thou that ministrest in the kitchen, and art but a kitchen page, receivest all things of the hand of God, knowest that God hath put thee in that office: submittest thyself to his will, and servest thy master, not as a man, but as Christ himself, with a pure hart, according as Paul teacheth: puttest thy trust in God, and with him seekest thy reward. Moreover, there is not a good deed done, but thy hart rejoiceth therein, yea when thou hearest that the word of God is preached by this Apostle, and seest the people turn to God, thou consentest unto the deed, thy heart breaketh out in joy, springeth and leapeth in thy breast that God is honoured, and in thine hart dost the same that the Apostle doth, and haply with greater delectation, and a more fervent spirit. Now, he that receiveth a Prophet in the name of a Prophet, shall receive the reward of a Prophet. That is, he that consenteth to the deed of a Prophet, and maintaineth it, the same hath the same spirit, and earnest of everlasting life, which the Prophet hath, and is elect as the Prophet is. 
No difference of men before God in respect of deeds, but only in respect of faith.   
Now if thou compare deed to deed, there is no difference betwixt washing of dishes, & preaching of the word of God. But as touching to please God, none at all. For neither that, nor this pleaseth, but as farrefoorth as God hath chosen a man, hath put his spirit in him, and purified his hart by faith and trust in Christ, etc.  

23. article.  23. Ceremonies of the Church have brought the world from God, fol. 86.  
Read the place of tindal. Seek the word of God in all things, 
The place annexed.  and without the word of God, do nothing, though it appear never so glorious. Whatsoever is done without the word of God, that count Idolatry. The kingdom of heaven is within us. Luke 7. Wonder therefore at no monstrous appearance, nor at any outward thing without the word. For the world was never drawn from God, but with an outward show, and glorious appearance and shining of hypocrisy, and of feigned and usurped fasting, praying, watching, singing, offering, sacrificing, hallowing of superstitious ceremonies, and monstrous disguising, etc.  

24. article.  24. Beware of good intentes: They are damned of God, fol. 87.  

25. article.  25. See thou do nothing but that God biddeth thee, fol. 87.  
The words of tindal out of the which these two articles are gathered, are these. Beware of thy good intent, good mind, good affection, or zeal as they call it. 
 Peter of a good mind, and of a good affection or zeal, chid Christ, because he said that he must go to jerusalem, and there be slain. But Christ called him Sa●an for his labour: a name that belongeth to the Devil, and said that he perceived not godly things, but worldly. Of a good intent, and of a fervent affection to Christ, the sons of zebedee would have had fire to come down from heaven, to consume the Samaritans: but Christ rebuked them, saying, that they witted not of what spirit they were: that is, 
 that they understood not how that they were altogether worldly and fleshly minded. Peter smote Malchus of a good zeal, but Christ condemned his deed. The jews of a good intent and of a good zeal slew Christ, and persecuted the Apostles, as Paul beareth them record. Rom. x. I bear them record (saith he) that they have a fervent mind to Godward, but not according to knowledge. 
 It is another thing then to do of a good mind, and to do of knowledge. Labour for knowledge, that thou mayest know God's will, and what he would have thee to do.  
Our mind, intent, and affection, or zeal, are blind, and all that we do of them is damned of God, and for that cause hath God made a testament between him and us, wherein is contained both what he would have us to do, and what he would have us to ask of him. See therefore that thou do nothing to please God withal, but that he commandeth, neither ask any thing of him, but that he hath promised thee, etc.  
26. Churches are for preaching only, and not as they be used now, fol. 87. 
  
This Article containeth neither error nor heresy, but is plain enough of itself, to all them that have their minds exercised in the scriptures of God.  
27. To worship God otherwise then to believe that he is just and true in his promise, is to make God an Idol, fol. 87.  
Read the words of tindal with this Article. 
 God is honoured on all sides, 
 in that we count him righteous in all his laws and ordinances, and also true in all his promises. Other worship of God is none, except we make an Idol of him, etc.  
28. Pharaoh had no power to let the people depart at God's pleasure, fol. 95. 
28. 〈◊〉   
29. Our prelate's in sin, say they have power, fol. 95.  
Read the place in the wicked Mammon, 
29. 〈◊〉  out of the which these two Articles are gathered. S. Paul sayeth: If thou confess with thy mouth that jesus is the Lord, 
 and believe with thine hart that God raised him up from death, thou shalt be safe: that is, if thou believe he raised him up again for thy salvation. Many believe that God is rich and almighty, but not unto themselves: and that he will be good to them and defend them, and be their God. Pharaoh for pain of the plague, was compelled to confess his sins: but had yet no power to submit himself unto the will of God, and to let the children of Israel go, and to lose so great profit for God's pleasure. As our prelate's confess their sins, saying: though we be never so evil, yet have we the power. And again, the Scribes and the Phariseis (say they) sat in Moses' seat, do as they teach, but not as they do. Thus confess they that they are abominable, etc.   

Hear follow other heresies and errors, collected by the Bishops out of the book named, 
 the obedience of a Christian man, with the places of the book annexed to the same.  
1. HE saith we are bound to make satisfaction to our neighbour, but not to God, fol. 132.  
Satisfaction is a full recompense or amends making to him whom we have offended, which recompense we are able to make, one man to another, and are bound so to do: but to God no man can make any mends or recompense, but only Gods own son Christ jesus our Saviour. For else if man could have made satisfaction to God, then had Christ died in vain, Gal. 2. Lo, what heresy or error is in this Article?  
2 He saith that children ought not to marry without the consent of their parents, fol. 120.  
The words of tindal in the obedience be these. 
 Let the fathers and mothers mark how they themselves were disposed at all ages, 
 and by experience of their own infirmities, help their children, and keep them from occasions. Let them provide marriages for them in season: teaching them also to know, that she is not his wife which the son taketh, 
 nor he her husband which the daughter taketh, without the consent or good will of their Elders, or them that have authority over them. If their friends will not marry them, then are they not too blame if they marry themselves. Let not the fathers and mothers always take the uttermost of their authority of their children, but at all times suffer with them, and bear their weakness, as Christ doth ours, etc.  
3 He saith, that vows are against the ordinance of God, fol. 109.  
They that say that this Article is an heresy. Let them show where these vows in all the new testament be ordained by God, 
●. article.  especially such vows of single life, and wilful poverty, as by the canon law be obtruded to young Priests and Novices. S. Paul plainly forfendeth any widows to be admitted under the age of threescore years. Is not here trow you a perilous heresy?  
4 He saith that a christian man may not resist a prince being Infidel and an Ethnic. This taketh away free will, fol. 113.  

4. article.  S. Peter willeth us to be subject to our princes, 1. Pet. 2. S. Paul also doth the like, Rom. 13. Who was also himself, subject to the power of Nero: and although every commandment of Nero against God he did not follow, yet he never made resistance against the authority and state of Nero, as the Pope useth to do against the state, not only of Infidels, but also of Christian Princes.  
5 Whatsoever is done before the spirit of God cometh and giveth us light, is damnable sin. This is against moral virtues, fol. 113. 
5. article.   
What heresy Aristotle in his ethics can find by this article, I can not tell: sure I am that the word and spirit of God well considered, can find none, but rather will pronounce the contrary to be a damnable heresy.  
6 He reproveth men that make holy Saints their Advocates to God, 
6. article.  and there he saith that Saints were not rewarded in heaven for their holy works, fol. 114.  
The words of tindal be these. They turn from God's word, and put their trust and confidence in the Saint and his merits, and make an advocate, or rather a God of the saint, 
The place a●●exed.  etc. They ascribe heaven to their imaginations and mad inventions, and receive it not of the liberality of God, by the merits and deserving of Christ, etc.  
7 God moved the hearts of the Egyptians to hate the people. Likewise he moved Kings, etc. fol. 118.  

7. article.  The words in the obedience be these. In the 107. Psalm thou readest: He destroyed the Rivers, and dried up the springs of water, 
The place annexed.  and turned the fruitful land into barrenness, for the inhabitaunces thereof. When the children of Israel had forgotten God in Egypt, God moved the hearts of the Egyptians to hate them, and to subdue them with craft and wiliness, Psalm 105.  
In the second chapter of the first book of the Kings, God was angry with the people, and moved David to number them, when joab and the other Lords wondered why he would have them numbered, and because they feared least some evil should follow, dissuaded the King: yet it holp not, God so 
* 
God sometimes hardeneth the heart of good Princes for the wickedness of the people.  
The place annexed.   hardened his hart in his purpose, to have an occasion to slay the wicked people, etc.  
8 Paul was of higher authority than Peter, fol. 125.  
The words in the Obedience be these, I suppose, sayeth he (speaking of Paul) that I was not behind the high Apostles, meaning in preaching jesus Christ and his Gospel, and in ministering the spirit. And in the same cha. he proveth by the doctrine of Christ, that he was greater than the high Apostles. For Christ saith, to be great in the kingdom of God, is to do service, and take pain for other. Upon which rule Paul disputeth, saying: If they be the ministers of Christ, I am more, in labours more abundant, in stripes above measure, in prison more plenteous: in death oft, etc. If Paul preached Christ more than Peter, and suffered more for his congregation, then is he greater than Peter, by the testimony of Christ, etc.  

9 article. The place annexed.  9 A Priest ought to have a wife for two causes, fol. 133.  
The words of tindal be these. He must have a wife for two causes: One, that it may thereby be known who is meet for the room, he is unapt for so chargeable an office: 
Truth turned into heresy.  which had never household to rule. another cause is, that chastity is an exceeding seldom gift, and unchastity exceeding perilous for that degree, in as much as the people look as well unto the living, as unto the preaching, and are hurt at once if the living disagree, and fall from the faith, and believe not the word, etc.  
10 He condemneth auricular confession, fol. 140.  

10. article.  Of this, read above, page. 1166.1167.  

Read afore pag. 1166.1167.  11 Every man is a Priest, and we need no other Priest to be a mean for us unto God, fol. 144.  

11. article.  The words in the obedience be these. There is a word called in Latin Sacerdos, in Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in Hebrew Cohan, that is, 
The place annexed.  a Minister, an Officer, a Sacrificer, or a Priest, as Aaron was a priest and sacrificed for the people, and was a mediator between God and them, and in the English it should have had some other name then Priest. But Antichrist hath deceived us with unknown and strange terms to bring us into confusion and superstitious blindness. 
And made us Kings and Priests to God his father. etc. Apoc. 1.  Of that manner is Christ a priest for ever, and all we are Priests through him, and need no more of any such priest to be a mean for us unto God. etc.  
12 He destroyeth the sacraments of Matrimony and Orders. Fol. 144. 
12. article.   
As truly as matrimony and orders be sacraments: so truly is this article an heresy.  
13 He saith that Purgatory is of the pope's invention, and therefore he may do there what soever he will. Folly 150.  
One of the pope's own writers saith thus, 
13. article.  souls being in purgatory are under the pope's jurisdiction, & the P. may if he will, evacuate all purgatory. 
joannes Angelus.  Furthermore the old Fathers make little mention of purgatory, the Greek church never believed Purgatory: S. Augustine doubteth of purgatory and the scriptures plainly disprove purgatory: S. john saith: The blood of jesus Christ the son of God purgeth us from all sin. And the pope saith: sin can not be purged but by the fire of purgatory, 
1. john. 1.  now whose invention can Purgatory be, but only the pope's.  
14 saints be saved not by their merits, but only by the merits of Christ. fol. 151.  
What can be more manifest and plain by the Scriptures, than this? Esay saith. All we have erred, 
14. article.  every man in his own ways, 
verity made heresy.  and God hath laid upon him all our iniquities. etc.  
15 He saith, no man may be hired to pray. fol. 155.  
The words in the obedience be true, which are these: 
15. article.  To pray one for an other are we equally bound: & to pray is a thing that we may always do what soever we have in hand, and that to do, may no man hire an other: 
The place annexed.  Christ's blood hath hired us already. etc.  
16 Why should I trust (saith he) in Paul's prayer or holiness? 
16. article.  If S. Paul were alive, he would compare himself to S. Paul, and be as good as he, fol. 159.  
The words of tindal, be these. Why am not I also a false Prophet if I teach thee to trust in Paul, 
The place annexed.  or in his holiness or prayer, or in any thing saving in God's word, as Paul did? I● Paul were here and loved me, as he loved them of his time, 
The words of tindal import no such meaning as is in the article.  to whom he was a servant to preach Christ what good could he do for me, or wish me but preach christ & pray to God for me to open my hart, to give me his spirit, and to bring me unto the full knowledge of Christ? Unto which port or haven when I am once come, I am as safe as Paul, joint heir with Paul of all the promises of God. etc. 
17. article.   
17 He saith that all that be baptized, become Christ himself fol. 163.  
With this Article confer the words of the Obedience, 
The place annexed  which be these. In Math. 28. saith Christ: in as much as ye have done it to any of the least of these my brethren, ye have done it to me. And in as much as ye have not done it unto one of the least of these: ye have not done it unto me. Here seest thou that we are Christ's brethren, and even Christ himself, and whatsoever we do one to another, that do we to Christ. etc.  
18 He saith that the children of faith be not under no law, 
18. Article.  fol. 163.  
The words of tindal be these. 

The place annexed.  
The article is true being truly taken.   I serve thee not because thou art my master or king, for hope of reward or fear of pain, but for the love of Christ. For the children of faith are under no law, as thou seest in the Epistle to the Romans, to the Galath. and the 1. to Tim. but are free. The spirit of Christ hath written the lively law of love in their hearts, which driveth them to work of their own accord, freely and willingly for the great love sake only which they see in Christ, and therefore need they no law to compel them. etc.  
19 There is no deed so good, 
19 Article.  but that the law condemneth it. fol. 177.  
The place in the Obedience, is this. 
The place annexed.  Thou hast the story of Peter how he smote Malchus ear, and how Christ healed it again. There hast thou in plain text great fruit and great edifying, which I pass over. Then come I, when I preach of the law and the gospel, and borrow this example to express the nature of the law and of the Gospel and to paint it unto thee before thine eyes, 
What heresy is in this.  and of Peter & his sword make I the law, and of Christ the gospel (saying: as Peter's sword cutteth of the ear, so doth the law. The law damneth, the law killeth and mangleth the conscience. There is no ear so righteous, that can abide the hearing of the law. There is no deed so good, but that the law damneth it. But Christ that is to say the Gospel, the promises and Testament that God hath made in Christ, healeth the ear and conscience, which the law hath hurt. etc.  
20 To ask of God more than he hath promised, 
20. A●ticle●  cometh of a false faith and is plain idolatry. 171.  
The words of tindal are these. Look wherein thou canst best keep the commandments, 
The place annexed.  thither get thyself, and there abide. etc. If we have infirmities that draw us from the laws of God, let us cure them with the remedies that God hath made. If thou burn, marry, for God hath promised thee no chastity, as long as thou mayest use the remedy that he hath ordained: 
What heresy is in this.  no more than he hath promised to slack thine hunger without meat. Now to ask of God more than he hath promised, cometh of a false faith and is plain Idolatry. etc.  
21 Our pain taken in keeping the commandments, doth nothing but purge the sin that remaineth in the flesh. 
21. article.  But to look for any other reward or promotion in heaven, than God hath promised for Christ's sake, is abominable in the sight of God, fol. 171.  
Consider the place in the Obedience, which is this. To look for any other reward or promotion in heaven, or in the life to come, 
The place annexed.  then that which God hath promised for Christ's sake, and which Christ hath deserved for us, with his pain taking, is abominable in the sight of God: For Christ only hath purchased the reward, and our pain taking to keep the commandments, doth but purge the sin that remaineth in the flesh, and certify us, that we are chosen and sealed with God's spirit, unto the reward that Christ hath purchased for us, etc.  
22 The Pope hath no other authority but to preach only fol. 173.  

22. article.  Christ said to Peter: Feed my sheep. john 21. And thou being converted, confirm thy brethren. Luke. 22. And to his Apostles he said: Go ye into all the world and preach the Gospel, 
This heresy is only to the Pope: but none at all to God.  etc. Again, S. Paul. 1. Corinth. 1. saith: That Christ sent him not to baptise, but to preach. To what other office or function he sent the Pope, let them judge which consider the Scriptures.  
23 If thou bind thyself to chastity to obtain that which Christ purchased for thee, so surely art thou an Infidel, fol. 175.  

23 article.  Read and confer the place of tindal, which is this. Chastity canst thou not give to God, further than God dareth it thee. 
The place annexed.  If thou canst not live chaste, thou art bound to marry, or to be damned, etc. For to what purpose thou bendest thyself, must be seen. If thou do it to obtain thereby that which Christ hath purchased for thee, so art thou an Infidel, 
Chastity.  and hast no part with Christ. If thou wilt see more of this matter, look in Deuteronomy, and there shalt thou find it more largely entreated, etc.  
24 He denieth, rebuketh, and damneth miracles, fol. 176.  

24. article.  The words in Tindals' Obedience be these: And when they cry miracles, 

The place annexed.  
Miracles how far to be believed.   miracles, remember that God hath made an everlasting Testament which is in Christ's blood, against which we may receive no miracles, no neither the preaching of Paul himself if he come again, by his own teaching to the Galathians, neither yet by the preaching of the Angels of heaven, etc.  
The end of God's miracles is good: the end of these miracles is evil. For the offerings which are the cause of the miracles, do but minister and maintain vice, sin, and all abomination, and are given to them that have too much, so that for very abundance they some out their own shame, and corrupt the whole world with the stinch of their filthiness, etc.  
25 He saith that no man should serve God with good intent or zeal: 
25. article.  for it is plain Idolatry, fol. 177.  
The place is this in the Obedience. Remember Saul was cast away of God for ever, for his good intent. God requireth obedience unto his word, 

The place annexed.  
Good intentes without God's word, God abhorreth.   and abhorreth all good intents and good zeals which are without God's word: for they are nothing else but plain Idolatry, and worshipping of false Gods, etc.   

¶ Hear follow other heresies and errors collected by the Bishops, out of the book called the Revelation of Antichrist, with the places of the book, out of the which they were gathered, annexed to the same.  
1. TO bind a man perpetually to any vow of Religion, is (without doubt) an error, fol. 19  

Articles out of the book called the revelation of Antichrist.  The place of the book called the Revelation, whence this Article is gathered, is this as followeth: Which the Fathers did neither make nor keep (he meaneth vows) but with the liberty of the spirit, binding no man perpetually to them. For if they did (without doubt) they erred according to man's fragility.  
2 To say the constitutions of Religion are good, because holy men did ordain them, 
2. article.  as Augustine, Benedict, Frances, Dominicke, and such other, and to follow such examples of Fathers, is to leave the faith, fol. 19  
The place of the article is this. But they object the statutes and ordinances are good. Holy men did make them, 
The place annexed.  as Augustine, Benedict, Bernard, Frances, Dominicke, and such other. To this I answer: That is even it that Christ and the Apostles did mean, that these works should be like to those things which are taught in the Gospel: for that they call counterfeiting of the doctrine, and privily bringing in of sects and heresies, because they take only of the father's examples of works, and leave the faith, etc.  
3 All moral divines have a wicked conscience full of scrupulosity, 
2. Pet. 2.  fol. 3. 
3. article.   
Moral divines be they whose doctrine and hope of salvation consisteth in moral virtues, rather than in christian faith, apprehending the free promises of God in Christ. And they that be such, can never be certified in conscience of their salvation, but always be full of fear and scrupulosity. S. Paul therefore sayeth, It is therefore of faith, that it might come by grace, and the promise might be firm and sure to the whole seed, Rom. 4. 
Rom. 4.   
4 Moral virtues, as justice, temperance, strength, chastity described by natural reason, maketh a Synagogue, 
●. article.  and corrupteth Christ's faith, fol. 64.  
The place of this Article gathered out of the Revelation, is this: So many he (the Pope he meaneth) corrupteth, as he hath subdued and led under his laws and empery. 
The place annexed.  And who is he in the world that is not subject under him, except they be infants, or peradventure some simple persons, which are reserved by the inscrutable counsel and provision of God? O thou man of sin: O thou son of perdition: O thou abomination: O thou corrupter: O thou author of evil consciences: O thou false master of good consciences: O thou enemy of faith and christian liberty, who is able to rehearse, yea or to comprehend in his mind the infinite waves of this monstrous 
* By this king he meaneth the king of 〈◊〉 which Daniel speaketh of 〈◊〉 the 8. chapter.  Kings evils.  
If he had ordained these his laws in those works of virtues that are commended in the ten precepts, or else in such as the philosophers and natural reason did describe, as are justice, strength, temperance, chastity, mildness, truth, goodness, and such other: peradventure they should only have made a synagogue, or else have ordained in the world a certain civil justice, for through these also faith should have been corrupted, as it was amongst the jews. Howbeit, now he keepeth not himself within these bounds, but runneth at riot, and more at large, raising infinite tempests of mischief, enticing and drawing us to ceremonies, and his own feigned traditions, and bindeth us like asses and ignorant fools, yea and stocks unto them, etc.  
5 Christ took away all laws, and maketh us free and at liberty, and most of all he suppresseth all ceremonies, fol. 65.63. 
5. article.   
The place of this Article gathered out of the Revelation, is this: Christ taking away all laws to make us free, 
The place annexed,  and at liberty, did most of all suppress and disannul the ceremonies which did consist in places, persons, garments, meats, days, and such other, so that their use should be to all men most free and indifferent, etc.  
What he meaneth by taking away all laws, he declareth a little before, saying: he hath not delivered us from the law, but from the power & violence of the law, which is the very true losing. But for all that, he hath not taken away from the powers and officers their right, sword, and authority to punish the evil, for such pertain not to his kingdom, until they are made spiritual, and then freely and with a glad hart they serve God.  
6 If the Pope would make all the observations of the ceremonies, as Lent, fasting, holidays, confession, matrimony, mass, 
6. article.  matins, and relics, etc. free and indifferent, he should not be Antichrist: but now, because he commendeth them in the name of Christ, he utterly corrupteth the Church, suppresseth the faith, and advanceth sin, fol. 67.  
If the Pope will infer a necessity of those things, which Christ leaveth free and indifferent, than what doth he make himself but Antichrist? The Article is plain, and is founded upon the doctrine of Christ, and S. Paul.  
7 To believe in Christ maketh sure inheritors with Christ, fol. 1.  
8 If a man say, then shall we no good works do? 
7. article.  I answer as Christ did: 
8. article.  This is the work of God to believe in him whom he hath sent, fol. 1.  
The place of these two Articles gathered out of the revelat. is this: 
The place annexed. john. 1.  Who is this light that we are exhorted to believe in? Truly it is Christ as S. john doth testify: He was the true light that lighteneth all men which come into the world. To believe in this light, maketh us the children of light, and the sure inheritors with jesus Christ. Even now have we cruel adversaries, which set up their bristles, saying: why? shall we then do no good works? To these we answer as Christ did to the people in the sixth of s. john, which asked him what they should do, that they might work the works of God? jesus answered and said unto them: This is the work of God that ye believe on him whom he hath sent. 
john▪ ●.  And after it followeth: verily, verily I say unto you, he that believeth on me, hath everlasting life. To this also condescendeth S. john in his epistle, saying: These things have I written unto you that believe on the name of the son of God, that you may surely know how that you have eternal life. What is the name of the son of God? Truly his name is jesus, that is to say, a saviour: therefore thou must believe that he is a saviour.  
But what availeth this? The devils do thus believe & tremble. 
jacob. 2 Math. 8.  They know that he is the son of God, and said unto him, crying: O jesus the son of God, what have we to do with thee? They know that he hath redeemed mankind by his passion, and laboured to let it. For when Pilate was set down to give judgement, his wife sent unto him, saying: 
Math. ●.  Have thou nothing to do with that just man, for I have suffered many things this day in my sleep about him. No doubt she was vexed of the devil, to the intent that she should persuade her husband to give no sentence upon him, so that Satan might the longer have had jurisdiction over mankind. They know that he hath suppressed sin and death as it is written. Death is consumed into victory. Death where is thy sting? Hell where is thy victory? The sting of death is sin: the sting of sin is the law. But thanks be unto God, 
Osee 13. Heb. 2. 1. Cor. 1●. Rom. 8.  which hath given us victory through our Lord jesus Christ: who by sin, damned sin in the flesh. For God made him to be sin for us, that is to say, a sacrifice for our sin (and so is sin taken in many places) which knew no sin, that we by his means should be that righteousness which before God is allowed. It is not therefore sufficient to believe that he is a saviour and redeemer: but that he is a saviour & redeemer unto thee, etc.  
9 numbering of sins maketh a man a more sinner, yea, a blasphemer of the name of God, 
9 Article.  fol. 3.  
The place of this Article gathered out of the revelat. is this: 
The place annexed.  Knowledge thyself a sinner, that thou mayest be justified. Not that the numbering of thy sins can make them righteous, but rather a greater sinner, yea & a blasphemer of the holy name of God, as thou mayest see in Cain, which said that his sins were greater then that he might receive forgiveness, and so was a reprobate, etc.  
10 God bindeth us to that which is impossible for us to accomplish, 
10. article.  fol. 3.  
The place of this Article gathered out of the revelat. is this: 
The place annexed.  If thou ask of me why he bindeth us to that which is impossible for us to accomplish: thou shalt have S. Augustine answer, which saith in the second book that he wrote to Jerome, that the law was given us, that we might know what to do, and what to eschew, to the intent that when we see ourselves not able to do that which we are bound to do, nor avoid the contrary, we may then know what we shall pray for, and of whom we shall ask this strength, so that we may say unto our father: Good father command whatsoever it pleaseth thee, but give us the grace to fulfil that thou commandest. And when we perceive that we can not fulfil his will, yet let us confess that the law is good and holy, and that we are sinners and carnal, sold under sin. But let us not here stick, for now are we at hell gates, and doubtless should fall into utter desperation, 
Rom. 7.  except God did bring us again, showing us his gospel & promise, saying: fear not little flock, for it is your father's pleasure to give you a kingdom, 
Luke 12.  etc.  
11 Sin can not condemn us: for our satisfaction is made in Christ which died for us, 
11. article  fol. 4.  
The place of this Article gathered out of the revelat. is this: 
The place annexed.  Sin hath no power over us, neither can condemn us for our satisfaction is made in Christ, which died for us that were wicked, and naturally the children of wrath. But God which is rich in mercy, through the great love wherewith he loved us, even when we were dead through sin, 
Ephes. 2.  hath quickened us with Christ, & with him hath raised us up, & with him hath made us sit in heavenvly things through jesus Christ, for to show in times to come, the exceeding riches of his grace in kindness towards us through Christ jesus: for by grace are ye saved through faith, and that not of ourselves, for it is the gift of God, and cometh not of works, lest any man should boast himself, etc.  
12 I will show thee an evident argument and reason, that thou mayst know without doubt, 
〈◊〉 article.  who is Antichrist. All they that do pursue, are Antichrists. The Pope, Bishops, Cardinals, and their adherents do pursue: therefore the Pope, Bishops, and Cardinals, and their adherents, are Antichrists, I ween our Sillogismus be well made, fol. 9  

The place annexed.  The place of this Article gathered out of the Revela. is this: I will show thee an evident reason, that thou mayst know without doubting which is the very Antichrist: and this argument may be grounded of their furious persecution which Paul doth confirm writing to the Galathians. We (dear brethren) are the children o● promise as Isaac was (not the sons of the bond woman as Ishmael:) but as he that was borne a●ter the flesh did persecute him that was borne after the spirit, even so is it now. Mark Paul's reason. By Isaac are signified the elect, and by Ishmael the reprobate. Isaac did not persecute Ishmael, but contrary, Ishmael did persecute Isaac. Now let us make our reason.  
Bar- All they that do persecute are Ishmael, be reprobates and Antichristes.  
ba- But all the pope's, Cardinals, bishops, 
Maior.  and their adherentes do persecute:  
ra. Therefore all the pope's, cardinals, bishops, 
Minor.  & their adherents be Ishmael, reprobates and Antichristes.  
I ween our Sillogismus is well made, and in the first figure.  
Read the place and see how he proveth the parts of this argument more at large. 
Conclusio.   
13 I think verily that so long as the successors of the Apostles were persecuted and martyred, 
13. article.  there were good Christian men and no longer. fol. 10.  
The Bishops of Rome in the primitive Church were under persecution the space well-near of 300. years, under the which persecution, as good as 30. of them and more died martyrs. Since that time have succeeded 204. pope's which have lived in great wealth and abundance, amongst whom if the book of Revelation think that there is not 4. to be found good christian men, I think no less but that he may so think without any heresy?  
14 It is impossible that the word of the Cross should be without affliction and persecution. fol. 10. 
14. article.   
S. Paul saith: 
2. Tim. 3.  who soever will live virtuously in Christ jesus, shall suffer persecution. And how then can this be true in Paul, and in this man heresy?  
15 That the Apostles did curse ever any man, 
15. article.  truly we can not read in scripture: for Christ commanded them to bless those that cursed them. fol. 11.  
Upon what good ground of the Revelation this heresy is wrong out, let the place be conferred, 
The place annexed.  which is written in these words following: They are as merciful as the Wolf is on his prey. They were ordained to bless men, but they curse as the devil were in them. Paul saith, that he hath power to edify, and not to destroy. 
1. Cor. 10. 1. Cor. 13.  But I wots not of whom these bloody beasts have their authority, which do so much rejoice in cursing & destruction. We read how Paul did excommunicate the Corinthian (and that for a great transgression) to the intent that he might be ashamed of his iniquity, 
1. Cor. 5.  and desired again the Corinthians to receive him with all charity: 
2. Cor. 2.  but that the Apostles did curse any man, truly we can not read in scripture, for Christ commanded them to bless those that cursed them, and to pray for those that persecuted them. etc.  
16 By works, superstitions, and ceremonies, we decay from the faith, which alone doth truly justify and make holy fol. 15. 
16. article.   
Note here (good reader) how perversely & corruply this article is drawn. For where the place of this book, which is written, fol. 15. expressly speaketh of trusting to works, meaning that we should put no confidence in works, but only in faith in Christ jesus, 
False wrasting.  this article to make it appear more infamous and heretical, leaveth out the false trust, and speaketh simply, as though works should decay faith. Read the place which is written in these words following: Daniel calleth not this word, Peschaim, any manner of sin, but those special and chief sins, which resist and fight against the truth and the faith: as at the trusting in works, superstitions, and ceremonies, by the which we decay from the faith. etc.  
17 The abusion of the Mass with all his solemnities, with vigils, year minds, foundations burials, 
17. article.  and all the business that is done for the dead, is but a face and a cloak of godliness and deceiving of the people: as they were good works, rather for the dead then for the quick. fol. 24.  
True godliness consisteth in faith, that is, in the true knowledge of the son of God whom he hath sent, and in the observation of God's commandments. All their rites & additions instituted by man, are no part of true godliness. And who so putteth trust and confidence therein, as being things meritorious for the dead, is deceived. Such funerals S. Austen calleth rather refreshinges of the living, than relevinges and helps of the dead.  
18 To keep and observe one day to fast, an other to abstain, to forbear such a meat upon the fasting day to deserve heaven thereby, is a wicked face and cloak, & against Paul. fol. 29. 
18. Article.   
The truth of this article is manifest enough, to be void of all error and heresy, unless it be heresy, to believe and hold with the scripture, s. Paul saith, 
Galat. 2.  if heaven & our righteousness come by the law, than Christ died in vain. Gal. 2.  

19 article.  19 The multiplication of holidays, of feasts of Corpus Christi, of the visitation of our Lady, etc. is a wicked face and colour, and in deed foolish, unprofitable and vain, fol 30.  
This Article likewise needeth no declaration, containing in it a true and necessary complaint of such superfluous holidays of the Pope's making. Which as they bring with them much occasion of wickedness, idleness, drunkenness, and vanity, so having also joined unto them opinion of religion, and meritorious devotion and God's service, they gender superstition, & nourish the people in the same.  
20 Keeping of virginity and chastity of religion is a devilish thing, 
20 article.  fol. 30.  
The place cited in the book of the Revelation of Antichrist, 
A other place falsely depraved by the Papists.  doth sufficiently open itself, speaking and meaning only of those monkish vows, which by the canonical constitution of the Pope, are violently forced upon Priests and Monks, the coaction whereof S. Paul doth rightly call the doctrine of devils. And here note by the way another trick of a Popish caviller. For where the words of the book speak plainly of the chastity of the religious, fraudulently turning it to an universality sayeth, the chastity of Religion, whereby it might seem to the simple reader more odious & heretical. The words of the place be these.  
Keeping of virginity & chastity of the religious, seemeth to be a godly and a heavenly thing: but it is a devilish thing. Of the which it is spoken in the fourth of the first epistle to Tim. Forbidding to marry, etc. where as again our most reverend father maketh that thing necessary, 
1. Tim. 4.  that Christ would have free, whereof Daniel in the 11. chapter speaketh: He shall not be desirous of women. Hear Daniel meaneth that he shall refuse and abstain from marriage, for a cloak of godliness, 
Dan. 11.  and not for love of chastity.  
21 Worshipping of Relics is a proper thing, and a cloak of advantage against the precept of God, and nothing but the affection of men, fol. 30.31.  
These be the words in the Revel. This (the worshipping of relics he meaneth) is a proper & most fruitful cloak of advantage. 
The place annexed.  Out of this were invented innumerable pilgrimages, with the which the foolish & unlearned people might lose their labour, money & time, nothing in the mean season regarding their houses, wives & children, contrary to the commandment of God: when as they might do much better deeds to their neighbours, which is the precept, etc.  
22 There is but one special office that pertaineth to thine orders, 
22. article.  and that is to preach the word of God, fol. 36.  
Of this matter sufficient hath been said before in the 22. article alleged out of the book of Obedience.  
23 The Temple of God is not stones and wood, neither in the time of Paul was there any house which was called the temple of God, 
23 article.  fol. 37.  
The place of this article is this: Which is an adversary (the Pope he meaneth) and is exalted above all that is called God or that is worshipped: 
The place speaking of the temp●e where Antichrist sitteth, is not so grievous as▪ the article maketh.  so that he shall sit in the temple of God & show himself as God. Doth not he sit in the Temple of God, which saith and professeth himself to be the master in the whole Church? what is the Temple of God? Is it stones and wood? Doth not Paul say: The Temple of God is holy, which temple are ye? Neither in the time of Paul was there any house, which was called the temple of God, as we now call them. What meaneth this sitting, but reigning, teaching, and judging? Who sith the beginning of the Church, durst presume to call himself the master of the whole Church, but only the Pope? etc.  

24. article.  24 He that fasteth no day, that saith no Matins, and doth none of the precepts of the Pope, sinneth not, if he think that he doth not sin, fol. 43.  

The place is there clear and plain without any danger of heresy.  The place in the Revel. is this: Because he feareth the consciences under the title & pretence of Christ's name, he maketh of those things which in themselves are no sins very grievous offences. For he that believeth that he doth sin if he eat flesh on the Apostles even, or say not Matins and Prime in the morning, or else leave undone any of the Pope's precepts, no doubt he sinneth: not because the deed which he doth is sin, but because he believeth it is sin, and that against this foolish belief & conscience he offendeth. Of the which foolish conscience only the Pope is head author. For another doing the same deed, thinking that he doth not sin, truly offendeth not. And this is the cause that the spirit of Paul complaineth that many shall departed from the faith. 
Traditions how they do hurt.  And for this foolish conscience men's traditions be pernicious & noisome, the snares of souls hurting the faith & the liberty of the Gospel. If it were not for this cause, they should do no hurt. Therefore the devil through the Pope abuseth these consciences to 'stablish the laws of his tyranny, to suppress the faith and liberty, and to replenish the world with error, sin and perdition, etc.  

25. article.  25 Christ ordained the Sacrament of the altar, only to nourish the faith of them that live: but the Pope maketh it a good work, and a sacrifice to be applied both to quick and dead, fol. 48.  
The place is this: Satan hated the Sacrament, 
The place ●uche 〈…〉 the Sacrament and is 〈…〉 the Sacrament.  and knew no way how to suppress & disannul it: Therefore he found this craft, that the sacrament which Christ did only ordain to nourish and 'stablish the faith of them that live, should be counted for a good work and sacrifice, & bought and sold: And so faith is suppressed, and this wholesome ministry is applied, not to the quick, but unto the dead, that is to say, neither to the quick, neither yet to the dead. O the incredible fury of God, etc.  
26 These signs (he speaketh of miracles and visions or apparitions) are not to the increase of the faith and Gospel, 
26. article.  for they are rather against the faith and Gospel, and they are the operation of sathan, and lying signs, fol. 49.  
The place is as followeth: Who is able to number the monstrous marvels only of them that are departed? 
〈◊〉 place containeth a true 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 illusi●●▪ and nay w●ll be 〈◊〉.  Good Lord, what a sea of lies hath invaded us, of apparitions, conjurings, and answers of spirits? By the which it is brought to pass, that the Pope is also made the king of them that are dead, and reigneth in Purgatory, to the great profit of his Priests, which have all their living, riches, and pomp out of Purgatory: howbeit, they should have less, if they did so well teach the faith of them that live, as they do ridelesse them that are dead. Neither was there sith the beginning of the world, any work found of so little labour and great advantage. For truly to this purpose were gathered almost the possessions of all Princes and rich men. And through these riches sprang up all pleasures and idleness, and of idleness came very Babilone and Sodoma, etc.  
Neither are these signs to the increase of the faith and Gospel (for they are rather against the faith and Gospel) but they are done to stablish the Tyranny of these 
* This book of 〈…〉 christ trea●ing upon 〈◊〉 chap●▪ of Daniel, 〈◊〉 there 〈◊〉 of 〈…〉 the 〈…〉  faces and reedeles, and to set up & confirm the trust in works. Among these illusions are those miracles to be reputed, which are showed in visions, pilgrimages, and worshippings of Saints as there are plenty now adays, which the Pope confirmeth by his Bulls, yea and sometime doth canonize Saints that he knoweth not. Now behold what is the operation of Satan in lying signs, etc.  
27 The people of Christ doth nothing because it is commanded, but because it is pleasant and acceptable unto them, fol. 63.  
The words out of the which this Article is gathered, are these. They are the people of Christ, 
The place 〈…〉 other 〈…〉 the article pretendeth.  which willingly do hear and follow him, not for any fear of the law, but only enticed and lead with a gracious liberty and faithful love: not doing any thing because it is commanded, but because it is pleasant and acceptable unto them though it were not commanded: for they that would do otherwise, should be counted the people of the law & synagogue, 
 etc.  
28 In the whole new law is no urgent precept, nor grievous, but only exhortations to observe things necessary for soul health, fol. 63.  
The place of this Article gathered out of the revelat. is this: 
 A christian should work nothing by compulsion of the law, but all through the spirit of liberty, as Paul saith in the 2. of the first epistle to Tim. The law is not given to a righteous man. For whatsoever is done by compulsion of the law, is sin: for it is not done with a glad and willing spirit, but with a contrary will, and rebelling against the law, and this truly is sin. Therefore in the fourth of the second Epistle to the Cor. He calleth the preachers of the new Testament, the Ministers of the spirit, 
2. Cor ●.  and not of the letter, because they teach grace and not the law. Wherefore in the whole new testament are there no urgent or grievous precepts, but only exhortations to observe those things which are necessary to our health. Neither did Christ and his Apostles at any time compel any man. And the holy Ghost was for that cause called Paracletus, that is to say, an exhorter and comforter, etc.  
29 All things necessary are declared in the new Testament, 
25. 〈◊〉  but no man is compelled, but to do according to their own will. Therefore Christ teacheth. Math. 28. that a rebel should not be killed, but avoided, fol. 63.66.  
The words in the revelat. are these. In the new Testament are all things declared, 
 which we ought to do and leave undone: what reward is ordained for them that do & leave undone: and of whom to seek, find, and obtain help to do and leave undone: But no man is compelled, but suffered to do according to their own will. Therefore in the 18. of Math. he teacheth that a rebel should not be killed, but avoided & put out of company like a Gentile, etc.  
30 Christ forbade that one place should be taken as holy, 
30 〈◊〉  and another profane: but would that all places should be indifferent, fol. 65.  

The place 〈◊〉. The Pope ma●eth 〈◊〉 of place 〈◊〉 the Gospel 〈…〉. 31. Article.  The place is this, Christ taking away the difference of all places, will be worshipped in every place. Neither is thee in his kingdom one place holy & an other profane: but a● places are indifferent, neither canst thou more heartily & better believe, trust, and love God in the temple at the altar, in the churchyard, then in thy ●arne, vineyard: kitchine, or bed. And to be short, the martyrs of Christ have honoured him in dark dungeons and prisons. etc.  
31 He raileth against all the rites and ceremonies of the Mass, as he were mad fol 68  
The place out of the which this article is collected, is as followeth. 
This place woteth 〈◊〉 the 〈…〉 judgement of them, which let more by the precepts of men, then by the commandment of God● & yet herein he useth no ●ayling term.  If a Nun touch the superaltar or the Corpores (as they call it) it is a sin. To touch the Chalice, is a great transgression. To say Mass with an unhalowto Chalice, is a grievous offence. To do sacrifice in vestiments which are not consecrated, is a heinous crime. It is reputed for a sin if in ministering any Sacrament, the Priest do lack any ornament that pertaineth thereunto, If he call a child, or speak in the words of the Canon, it is a sin. He offendeth also that doth stut or stammer in the words of the Canon. He sinneth that toucheth the holy Relics of Saints. He that toucheth the Sacrament of the altar either with hand or finger, though it be for necessity to pluck it from the roof of his mouth, committeth such villainous iniquity, that they will scrape & shave of the quick flesh from the part which, did touch it. I think at length they will slay the tongue, the roof of the mouth, the throat, and the belly, because they touch the sacrament. But to hurt thy neighbour, or privily to convey away any of his goods, or not to help him in his need, is in a manner counted for no sin, nor yet regarded. etc.  

3●. Article.  32 No labour is now a days more tedious than saying of Mass Matins. etc. Which before God are nothing but grievous sins fol, 70.  

32. Article.  33 The sins of Manasses and other wicked kings sacrificing their own children, are but light and childish offences to those. The cursed sacrifices of the Gentiles may not be compared to ours, we are seven times worse Gentiles than we were before we knew Christ. fol. 70.  

This place may ●●eme to speak somewhat vehemently peradventure, but yet I see no heresy in it  The words out of the which these two Articles are gathered are these. They are so oppressed (those he meaneth which are under the servitude of the Pope's laws & decrees) that they fulfil them only with the outward work: for their wills are clean contrary, as we see by experience in troublesome business of Uigilles, Masses, & Hours, which both must be said and sung. In the which they labour with such weariness, that now a days no labour is more tedious. Yet nevertheless the cruel exactors of these most hard works, compel men to work such things without ceasing, which before God are nothing but grievous sins: although before men they be good works and counted for the service of God. Here are invented the enticements of the senses through organs, music and diversity of songs: but these are nothing to the spirit, which rather is extinct through these wanton trifles. Ah Christ, with what violence, with what power are they driven headlong to sin, & perish through this abomination?  
It is horrible to look into these cruel wherlepoles of consciences, 
〈…〉. 21. Lestrigones were a people 〈◊〉 Giants about the 〈◊〉 of Italy, who as Homer saith, used to eat men's flesh.  which perish with so great pains and labour what light offences to these are the sins wherein Manasses and other wicked kings sinned by doing sacrifice with their own children and progeny? Truly the cursed sacrifices of the most rude gentiles, no not of the Lestrigones may be compared unto ours. The saying of Christ may be verified in us: seven more wicked spirits make the end worse than the beginning. For I say that we Gentiles are worse 7. times then we were before we knew Christ. etc.  
34 It were better to receive neither of the parts of the sacrament of the altar, 
34. Article.  than the one alone. fol. 73.  

The truth of this place 〈◊〉 well 〈…〉 by good reason. 〈◊〉  The words be these. Plainly I think that the whole is taken away, sith I see manifestly the one part gone (for the bread & the wine is but one sacrament) the other is left only for a laughing stock. For he that in one part offendeth against god, is guilty in al. Therefore it were better to receive neither of the parts, than the one alone: for so we might the more surely eschew the transgression of that which Christ did institute. 
●5. Article.  etc.  
35. The law of the Pope that commandeth every man to communicate together upon one day, is a most cruel law constraining men to their own destruction. fol. 73.  

The place 〈◊〉.  The place is this. He (the Pope he meaneth) setting a most cruel and deadly snare to tangle the consciences, suffereth not the use of this Sacrament to be free, but compelleth all together on one certain day once in the year to communicate. 
〈◊〉 ought 〈◊〉 be 〈◊〉 to the 〈◊〉  Here I pray thee Christian brother, how many dost thou think do communicate only by the compulsion of this precept, which truly in their hart had lever not to communicate? And all these sin (for they do not communicate in spirit, that is to say, 
communion against their wills, but to be exhorted, and left to their own disposition.  neither in faith nor will, but by the compulsion of this letter and law (sith that this bread requireth a hungry and not a full hart, & much less a disdaining & hateful mind. And of all these sins, the Pope is author, constraining all men by his most cruel law to their own destruction, where as he ought to leave this communion free to every man, and only call & exhort them, and not compel and drive them unto it. etc.  
36 The spirit would that nothing should be done, but that which is expressly rehearsed in scripture· fol. 81. 
36. Article.   
In things appertaining to God's worship and service, true it is that he is not to be worshipped, 
In things pertaining to gods worship, it is true.  but only according to that which he hath revealed & expressed unto us in his own word. And this is the meaning of the author, as by his words doth plainly appear.  
37 Saint Thomas de Aquino savoureth nothing of the spirit of God. fol. 83. 
37. Article.   
The doctrine of Thomas Aquine referreth the greatest or a very great part of our righteousness to opus operatum, and unto merits. 
Tho. Aquine.  The spirit of God referreth all our righteousness before God, only to our faith in Christ. Now how these savour together, let any indifferent reader judge.  
38 The Pope did condemn the truth of the word of God openly at Constance in Io. Hus, 
38. Article.  persevering unto this day in the same stubbornness. fol. 86. 
john Hus.   
Touching the condemnation of john Hus, & the manner of his handling & the cause of his death, read his story before beginning pag. 602. and consider moreover his prophecy of the hundredth years after him expired pag. 770. how truly the sequel did follow in M. Luther, & then judge of his cause, good reader, as the truth of God's word shall lead thee. And thus much concerning these slanderous articles.   

* Hear follow other heresies and errors, 
Articles out of the Sum of the Scripture.  collected by the Bishops out of the book named the Sum of the Scripture, with the places of the book annexed to the same.  
THe water of the fount hath no more virtue in it then hath any other water. fol. 1. 
1. Article.   
2 The water of Baptism lieth not in hallowed water or in other outward thing, but only in faith. fol. 6.  
The place of these two articles gathered out of the sum of the Scripture is this. 
2. Article.  The water of Baptism taketh not away our sin: for than were it a precious water, and then it behoved us daily to wash ourselves therein. 
The place annexed.  Neither hath the water of the Fount more virtue in itself, than the water that runneth in the river of Rhine. When Philip baptized the Eunuch, the servant of Candace, the Queen of Ethiope, there was then no hallowed water, nor candle, nor salt nor cream, neither white habit: 
Acts. 8.  but he baptized him in the first water they came to upon the way. Here mayst thou perceive that the virtue of Baptism lieth not in hallowed water, or in the outward things that we have at the Fount, but in the faith only. etc. Christ hath healed us (saith S. Paul by the bath of regeneration and renovation of the holy Ghost. 
Tit. 3.   
3 Godfathers and Godmothers be bound to help their children that they be put to school, that they may understand the Gospel, 
3. Article.  and the Epistles of S. Paul. fol. 15.  
The place of this article gathered out of the said book is this: The Godfathers and Godmothers be bound to help the children that they be put to school, to the intent, 
The place annexed.  that they may understand the Gospel, the joyful message of God, with the Epistles of S. Paul, God hath commanded to publish, & to show the Gospel, not only to priests but to every creature. Go ye (saith Christ unto his Disciples) into the universal world and preach the Gospel to every creature. 
Mark. 16.  For we be all equally bound to know the Gospel and the doctrine of the new testament. & c· And S. Paul writing to the Corinthi. confesseth that he sendeth his Epistles to all the Church, that is to say, to all the assemble of Christian men, & to all them that call ●n the name of jesus. etc.  
4 We think when we believe that God is God, & can our creed, that we have the faith that a christian man is bound to have: 
4. Article.  but so doth the devil believe. fol. 17.  
5 To believe that the Father, the Son & the holy Ghost be one God, is not the principal that we must believe: our faith doth not lie principally in that, for so believeth the devil. fol. 18. 
5. Article.   
This place out of the which these two articles are collected, is this: We think, when we believe that God is God, 
The place annexed.  and can our Creed, that we have the faith which a Christian is bound to have. The devil believeth also that there is a God and life everlasting, and a hell, 
jam. 2.  but he is never the better for it: and he trembleth always for this faith, as saith Saint james, The devils believe, and they tremble. A man might ask: 
What true faith is that justifieth.  what shall I then believe? Thou shalt believe plainly and undoubtedly that the father, the son and the holy Ghost is one only God. etc. But this likewise believe the wicked spirits, and are nothing the better therefore. There is yet an other faith which Christ so much requireth of us in the Gospel, and whereunto S. Paul almost in all his Epistle so strongly exhorteth us, that is, that we believe the Gospel, when our Lord began first to preach, he said (as rehearseth S. Mark) repent and believe the Gospel. Of this faith, read before in the first Article gathered out of the wicked Mammon, and in the ix. and x. of the Revelation of Antichrist. 
Mark. 1.   
6 If we believe that God hath promised everlasting life, it is impossible that we should perish. fol. 20. 
6. Article.   
Lo here good Reader, an other manifest example of the unhonest dealing and false cogging of these men. For where the place of the author, speaketh expressly of putting our trust in God & his promises, the article prettily leaveth out our trusting in gods promise, & faith only: if we believe that god hath promised. 
The place of the author falsely wrested,  Read the place and confer it with the article & then judge whether there be no difference between trusting in the promise that God hath made of everlasting life and believing only that God hath made the promise of everlasting life. The place here followeth as it is there, written.  
When with a perfect courage we put all our trust in god and in his promises, it is impossible that we should perish for he hath promised us life everlasting. And for as much as he is almighty, he may well perform that that he hath promised: and in that he is merciful and true, he will perform his promise made unto us, if we can believe it steadfastly, and put all our trust in him.  

7. Article.  7 If thou canst surely and steadfastly believe in God, he will hold his promise. For he hath bound himself to us, and by his promise he oweth us heaven: in case that we believe him. fol. 21.  
Seeing all our hope standeth only upon the promise of God, what heresy then is in this doctrine, to say that God oweth us heaven by his promise, 
True doctrine made heresy.  which is no other to mean but that God can not break promise. And now judge thou good reader whether is more heresy to say, that God oweth us heaven by his promise, as we say: or this, that God oweth us heaven by the condignity & congruity of our works as the Papists say?  

8. Article.  8 All Christ's glory is ours. fol. 27.  

9 Article.  9 We need not to labour for to be Christ's heirs and sons of God, and to have heaven: for we have all these things already fol. 24.  
The words out of the which these two heresies are gathered, be these: We be made his heirs, and all his glory is ours, as S. Paul largely declareth. This hath God given us without our deserving and we need not to labour for all these things, for these we have already. etc.  
They which note these articles for heresy, by the same judgement they may make heresy of S. john's gospel, & of Paul's epistles, 
True doctrine mad● heresy. john. 7.  and of all together. S. john saith, the glory which thou gavest me, I have given them that they may be one, as we also are one. As many as received him, to them gave he power to be the sons of God. S. Paul saith: The same spirit certifieth our spirit, 
john 1.  that we are the sons of God. 
Rom. 8.  If we be sons, then are we also heirs, the heirs I mean of God, and heirs annexed with Christ.  
10 We need not to labour by our good works to get everlasting life: 
10. Article.  for we have it already: we be all justified, we be all the children of God. fol. 28.  

11. Article.  11 All that thinketh that good works help or profit any thing to get the gift of salvation, they blaspheme against God and rob God of his honour. fol. 28.  
12 If we be circumcised, that is to say, if we put any trust in works, 
12. Article.  Christ shall not help us. fol. 18.  
13 We deserve nothing of God. fol. 30.  

13. Article.  14 We deserve not everlasting life by our good works, for God hath promised it unto us, 
14. Article.  before that we began to do good. fol. 40.  

15. Article.  15 Every Christian man must keep God's commandments by love, and not by hope, to get for his service everlasting life. fol. 42.  
16 The jews kept the commandments, and the law of God: yet they could not come to heaven. 
16. Article.  fol. 43.  
17 Men trusting in their good works, are like to the thief on the left side, 
17. Article.  and are such men as cometh to the Church daily, keepeth holidays and fasting days, and heareth masses, & these people be soon damned: for this is one of the greatest errors in Christendom, to think that thy good works shall help to thy salvation. 
True Christianity turned into heresy.  fol. 47.  
If these articles be made heresy, which refer the benefit of our inheritance of life and salvation to God's gift, & not to our labours: to grace and not to merits: to faith and not to the law of works, them let us shut up clean the new testament, & away with God's word, and set up a new d●uinity of the Pope's making: yea let us leave Christ with his heretical gospel, and in his stead set up the Bishop of Rome with his Talmud, and become the Disciples 〈◊〉 his decretals. And certes, except christian princes begin betime to sake some zeal of God unto them, & look more seriously upon the matter, the proceedings of these men seem to tend to little better, then to drive us at length from true Christianity, to an other kind and form of religion of their own invention, if they have not brought it well near to pass already.  
18 To serve God in a tediousness, or for fear of hell, 
18. Arti●●●  or for the joys of heaven, is but shadows of good works, and such service doth not please God. fol. 41.  
The place is this: Works done in faith, be alonely pleasant unto God, and worthy to be called good works: 
These c●●●teyne no matter ey●ther 〈…〉.  for they be the works of the holy ghost that dwelleth in us by this faith. But they that are done by tediousness and evil will, for fear of hell, or for desire of heaven, be nothing else but shadows of works, making hypocrites. The end of our good works is only to please god, knowledging that if we do never so much, we can never do our duty: for they that for fear of hell, or for the joys of heaven do serve god do a constrained service, which God will not have. Such people do not serve God because he is their God and their father, but to have their reward and to avoid his punishments, and such people are hired men and waged servants, & are not children. But the children of God serve their father for love. etc.  
19 We must love death, & more desire to die, then to fear death fol. 36. 
  
Although our nature be frail & full of imperfection, so that we do not as we should, yet doing as we ought & as we are lead by the Scriptures to do, we should not dread, but desire rather to die and to be with Christ, as the place itself doth well declare, which is this:  
We must love death, 
The place 〈…〉 perfect.  and more desire to die and to be with god, as did S. Paul, then to fear death. For jesus Christ died for us, to the intent that we should not fear to die, and he hath slain death, and destroyed the sting of death, as writeth S. Paul, saying: O death where is thy sting? 
1. Cor. 1●  death is swallowed up in victory. And to the Philippians: 
 Christ is to me life, and death is to me advantage.  
20 God made us his children and his heirs, 
 while we were his enemies, and before we knew him. fol. 44.  
I marvel what the Papists mean in the Registers to condemn this article as an heresy, unless their purpose be utterly to impugn & gainstand the scripture, & the writings of S. Paul, who in the fift chapter to the Rom. & other his Epistles, importeth even the same doctrine in all respects, declaring in formal words that we be made the children and heirs of God, and that we were reconciled unto him when we were his enemies.  
21 It were better never to have done good work, and ask mercy therefore, then to do good works, 
 and think that for them god is bound to a man by promise. fol. 48.  
22 We can show no more honour to God, 
 than faith and trust in him. fol. 48.  
The place out of the which these two articles are gathered, is this: 
 It were better for thee a thousand fold that thou hadst been a sinner, and never had done good deed, & to acknowledge thine offences & evil life unto God, ask mercy with a good hart, lamenting thy sins, then to have done good works & in them to put thy trust, thinking that therefore God were bound to thee. There is nothing, which (after the manner of speaking) bindeth God, but firm and steadfast faith and trust in him & his promises. etc. For we can show unto God no greater honour, then to have faith and trust in him: For whosoever doth that, he confesseth that God is true, good, mighty & merciful. etc.  
23 Faith without good works, is no little or no feeble faith, 
 but it is no faith. fol. 50.  
24 Every man doth as much as he believeth. fol. 50.  
The place out of the which the two Articles be gathered, is this: 
 If thy faith induce thee not to do good works then haste thou not the right faith, thou dost but only think that thou hast it. For S. james saith, that faith without works is dead in itself. He saith not that it is little or feeble, but that it is dead and that is dead, is not. 
 Therefore when thou art not moved by faith unto the love of god and by the love of god unto good works, thou hast no faith but faith is dead in thee, for the spirit of God that by faith cometh in to our hearts to stir up love, cannot be idle. 
 Every one doth as much as he believeth, & loveth as much as he hopeth, as writeth S. john. He that hath this hope that he is the son of god, purifieth himself, as he is pure. 
 He saith not, he that purifieth himself hath this hope, for the hope must come before, proceeding from the faith, as it behoveth that the tree must first be good which must bring forth good fruit.  
25 We cannot be without motions of evil desires: but we must mortify them in resisting them. 
25. Article.  fol. 52  
They which note this article of heresy, may note themselves rather to be like the Pharisy. Luke. 18. who foolishly flattering himself in the false opinion of his own righteousness, was not subdued to the righteousness, which standeth before God, 
No man 〈◊〉 find 〈◊〉 heresy 〈◊〉 place 〈…〉.  by faith, and therefore went home to his house less justified than the publican. If the scriptures condemn the hart of man to be crooked even from his youth Gene. 6. and also condemneth all the righteousness of man to be like a filled cloth, & if S. Paul could find in his flesh no good thing dwelling, but showeth, a continual resistance between the old man and the new, then must it follow, that these pharisees which condemn this article of heresy, either carry no flesh, nor no old man about them to be resisted or verily, say what they will, they can not choose but be cumbered with evil motions for the inward man continually to fight against. The place of the author sufficiently defendeth itself, as followeth.  
S. Paul biddeth us mortify all our evil desires and carnal lusts, as uncleanness, covetousness, wrath, blasphemy, 
Col. ●. The place of the author.  detractation, pride, and other like vices. And unto the Rom. 6. he saith: let no sin reign in your mortal bodies. That is to say, albeit that we cannot live without the motion of such evil desires, yet we shall not suffer them to rule in us, but shall mortify them in resisting them. etc.  
26 All true Christianity lieth in love of our neighbours for God, and not in fasting, 
26. Article.  keeping of holy days, watching, praying, and singing long prayers daily and all day long, hearing Mass, running on pilgrimage. etc. fol. 52.  
The place of this article is this: Thou hast always occasion to mortify thine evil desires to serve thine neighbour, 
Confer this article with the 〈…〉.  to comfort him, and to help him with word and deed, with counsel and exhortation and other semblable means. In such love towards our neighbour for the love of God, lieth all the law and the prophets (as saith Christ) yea and all christianity: and not in fasting, keeping of holidays, watching, singing, and long prayers daily and all day long, hearing of masses, setting up of candles, running on pilgrimages and such other things, which as well the hypocrites, proud people, envious and subject to all wicked affections, do. etc.  
27 Many Doctors in divinity, and not only common people believeth that it is the part of Christian faith only to believe that jesus Christ hath lived here in earth. fol. 53.54. 
27. Article.   
The place is this: We believe that jesus Christ hath here lived-on earth, and that he hath preached, and that he died for us, 
To believe that Christ here lived and died is good: but this is not the thing only that 〈◊〉 a Christian  and did many other things. When we believe these things after the story, we believe that this is our christian faith. This not only the simple people believeth, but also Doctors in divinity, which are taken for wise men. Yea the devil hath also this faith, as saith S. james: The devils believe, and they tremble. For as we have said before, the devil believeth that God is God, and that jesus Christ hath here preached, that he died, was buried, and rose again▪ Thus must we also belove, but this is not the faith whereof speaketh the Gospel and S. Paul. etc.  
Of this faith and what it is, read before in the place of the 4 and 5. articles of this book, and of the 1. Article gathered out of the wicked Mammon, and the 9 and 10. article of the Revelation of Antichrist.  
28 He that doth good against his will, he doth evil. fol. 56.  

28. Article.  The place is this: A● good deeds which are not done by love and good will, are sin before God as saith S. Augustine. 
The place answering 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉  He that doth good against his will, doth evil, albeit that he doth, be good. For that I do against my will, I hate and when I hate the commandment, I hate also him that hath commanded it. etc.  
29 No man doth more than he is bound to do, and therefore no man may make other partakers of their good works fol. 59▪ 
●●. Article.   
The words be these: The Prophet Esay saith: we are all as an unclean thing, and all our justice is as it were a filthy cloth and therefore I can never marvel enough, that many of the religious persons would make other partakers of their good works, 
Esay. 64. whosoever 〈◊〉 of 〈…〉  seeing that Christ saith in the Gospel: when ye have done all those things which are commanded you: say, we are unprofitable servants we have done but that which was our duty to do. For none can do to much. None doth more than he is bound to do, but only jesus Christ (which only as saith S. Peter never did sin, neither was there deceit found in his mouth) hath done that he was not bound to do: and as the Prophet Esay saith, hath taken upon him our infirmities, and borne our sorrows, he was wounded for our offences, & smitten for our wickedness, & by his stripes are we made whole. etc.  
30 Christ hath gotten heaven by his passion, but that right hath he no need of, 
30· Article.  but hath granted it to all them that believe in his promises. fol. 59,  
Read the place: jesus Christ possesseth the kingdom of heaven by double right. 
The doctrine of this article is found.  First because he is the son of god and very inheritor of his kingdom. Secondly because he hath gotten it by does passion and death. Of his second right he hath no need, and therefore he giveth it to all them that believe and trust in him and in his promises.  
31 If God had promised us heaven for our good works, 
31. Article.  we should ever be unsure of our salvation fol. 59  
32 Be our sins never so great, 
32. Article.  that it seemeth impossible to us to be saved, yet without any doubt we must believe to be saved. fol. 59  
The words out of the which these two articles be gathered are these: If God had promised heaven unto us because of our works, we should ever then be unsure of our salvation. For we should never know how much, 
The doctrine of these articles be as true as the Gospel.  nor how long we should labour to be saved, & should ever be in fear that we had done to little, and so we should never die joyfully. But God would assure us of heaven by his promise, to the intent we should be certain and sure, for he is the truth and cannot lie: and also to the intent that we should have trust and hope in him. And notwithstanding that after the greatness & multitude of our sins, it seem to us a thing impossible, yet always we must believe it without any doubt, because of his sure promise. And who soever doth this, he may joyfully die and abide the judgement of god, which else▪ were intolerable. Read more hereof before in the xi. article taken out of the wicked Mammon.  
33. If thou love thy wife because she is thy wife, that is no love before God: 
33. Article.  
A difference between carnal love, & spiritual love: & yet in Matrimony both are necessary.  but thou shalt love her because she is thy sister in God. fol. 83.  
The words be these: Our Saviour Christ hath commanded nothing so straightly as to love an other: yea to love our enemies also. Then how much more should the man & wise love together. But there be but few that know how to love the one the other as they ought to do. If thou love thy wife only because she is thy wife, and because she serveth and pleaseth thee after the flesh, for beauty, birth, riches, and such like this is no love before god. Of such love speaketh not S. Paul. For such love is among harlots, yea among brute beasts: but thou shalt love her because she is thy sister in the christian faith, and because she is inheritor together with thee in the glory of God, & because ye serve together one God, because ye have received together one baptism etc. Thou shalt also love her for her virtues, as shamefastness, chastity and diligence, sadness, patience, temperance, secrecy obedience, and other godly virtues etc.  
34. It is nothing but all incredulity to run in pilgrimage and seek God in one certain places, 
34. Article.  which is like mighty in all places. fol. 62.  
The matter of this article is evident to all indifferent & learned judgements to be void of all doubt of heresy.  
35. Men should see that their children come to Church to hear the sermon. fol. 89. 
35. Article.   
The place of this article is this: On the Festival days thou shalt bring thy children to the church to hear the sermon, and when thou shalt come home, 
What meaneth these men, ●ow you to make this doctrine an heresy?  thou shalt ask them what they have kept in memory of the sermon. Thou shalt teach them the Christian faith. Thou shalt admonish them to live well, and to put all their hope and trust in God, and rather to die, then to do any thing that is against the will of God. And principally thou shalt learn them the contents of the prayer of our Saviour Christ, called the Pater noster, that is to say how they have an other father in heaven, of whom thy must seek for all goodness, and without whom they can have no good thing: & how that they may seek nothing in all their works, and in all their intents, but the honour of their heavenly father: And how they must desire that this father would govern all that they do, or desire: And how that they must submit all to his holy will, which cannot be but good. etc. Thou shalt buy them wholesome books, as the holy Gospel, the epistles of the holy Apostles, yea both the new & the old Testament, that they may understand and drink of the sweet fountain & waters of life.  
36 Thou shalt not vex or grieve by justice or otherwise the poor that oweth unto thee: for thou mayest not do it without sin. 
36. Article.  fol 97.  
The place is this: Thou shalt not vex or grieve by justice. etc. as Christ saith: resist not evil, 
Mat. 5.  but whosoever striketh thee on the right cheek, turn to him the other also. etc. S, Paul saith: Render not evil for evil, 
Rom. 12. Heb. 10.  and if it be possible as much as is in you, live in peace with all men, not revenging yourselves my well-beloved, but give place to wrath for●● is written: to me the vengeance, and I will render it, saith the Lord God.  

●●. Article.  37. Some texts of Canon law suffereth war, but the teaching of Christ forbiddeth all wars. Nevertheless when a City is besieged, or a country invaded, the Lord of the country is bound to put his life in jeopardy for his subjects. fol. 119.  

38. Article.  38 So a Lord may use horrible war charitably and Christianly: fol. 119.  

How Christians may war lawfully.  As touching war, to be moved or stirred first of our parts against any people or country upon any rash cause, as ambition, malice, or revenge, the gospel of Christ giveth us no such sword to fight withal. Notwithstanding for defence of country and subjects, the magistrate being invaded or provoked by other, may lawfully, and is bound to do his best, as the city of Mar●urgh did well in defending itself against the Emperor. etc. 
39 Article.   
39 The gospel maketh all true Christian men servants to all the world. fol. 79.  

Crafty cogging in this article.  He that compiled this article craftily to make the matter to appear more heinous, leaveth out the latter, part which should expound the other, that is, by the rule of charity: for that the author addeth withal. By which rule of charity, and not of office and duty, every christian man is bound one to help another, as Christ himself being Lord of all, yet of charity was a servant to every man, to do him good, read the place of the sum of the scripture in the page as in the article it is assigned.  

40. Article.  40. The Gospel is written for all persons, estates, Prince, Duke, Pope, Emperor. fol. 112.  
They which noted this article for an heresy, I suppose could little tell either what GOD, or what the Scripture meaneth.  

41. Article,  41. When judges have hope that an evil doer will amend they must be always merciful, as Christ was to the woman taken in advoutry. The temporal law must obey the Gospel and then that we may attend by warning, we shall not correct by justice. fol. 113.  
The purpose of the book whence this article is wrested being well understood, intendeth not to bind temporal judges and magistrates, from due execution of good laws, but putteth both them, and especial spiritual judges, in remembrance by the example of Christ to discern who be penitent offenders, and who be otherwise, and where they see evident hope of earnest repentance and amendment, if they be ecclesiastical judges, to spare them: if they be civil magistrates, yet to temper the rigour of the law (as much as they conveniently may) with merciful moderation, which the Greeks do call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
And thus much hitherto of these heresies and Articles collected by the bishops, & inserted in their own registers one of the books ab●●e specified. The names of the bishops and collectors were these: Sir Tho. More, L. Chancellor Wil Warham Archb. of Cant. Tunstall bish. of London. Ste. Gardiner, G. of Wint. Rich. Samson Deane of the chapel, Rich. Wolman M. of Requests, john Bell, D. Wilson, with a great number more, as in the registers doth appear. Ex Regist. Cant & Londinensi,  

Truth maliciously slandered an●●●pre●●ed of the Papists.  I shall not need I trust (gentle reader) further here to tarry thee with reciting more places: when these already rehearsed may suffice for a taste & a trial for thee sufficient to note and consider how falsely & most slanderously these catholics have depraved, and misreported the books and writings of good men, who might almost gather heresies as well of S. john's gospel, & S. Paul's epistles, as out of these places. Thus may we see, what cannot malice do, being set on mischief? or what cannot the spirit of spite and cau●lling find out, being inflamed with hatred, & blown with the bellows of ambition and iniquity? 
The Pope's crown, & the monks bellies, two perilous things to be touched.  And as they have done with these, the like parts they have and do practise still against all other: whosoever in defence of truth, dare touch never so little either the Pope's crown, or the bellies of his clergy: for these ij. sores in no case they can abide to be touched. And hereof only cometh all this crying out, heresy, heresy, blasphemy, error & schism. Although the doctrine be never so sound and perfect after the scripture, yet if the writer be not such in all points (especially in these two above touched) as will sing after their tune, and dance after their pipe (he is by & by an) heretic, 
The Pope's Church upholden with lying and cavilling.  by virtue of their Inquisition. So did they with the Articles of the learned Earl joannes Picus Mirandula. So did they with joh. Rencline or Cap●●ion. So did they also with good john Colet here in England. Also with the like spirit of lying & cavilling, the catholic faculties of Louane, Spain and Paris condemned the works and writings of Erasmus & many more. So full they are of censures, articles, suspicious, offences, inquisitions, so captions they be in taking, so rash in judging, so slanderous of report, so practised in depraving, misconstruing and wresting true meanings into wrong purposes, briefly so pregnant they be in finding heresies where none are, that either a man must say nothing, or serve their devotion, or else he shall procure their displeasure, that is, shall be deemed for an heretic. Yea & though no just cause of any heresy be ministered, yet where they once take disliking, they will not stick sometimes with false accusations to press him with matter, which he never spoke nor thought. If Luther had not stirred against the Pope's pardons and authority, he had remained still a white son of the mother Catholic church, and all had been well done whatsoever he did. But because he adventured to touch once the triple crown, what floods of heresies, blasphemies and articles were cast out against him, enough to drown a whole world? what lies and forged crimes were invented against him?  
Here now cometh Staphylus and furious Surius, 
Impudent lies 〈◊〉 M. 〈◊〉▪ M. Bucer most 〈…〉.  with their fraternity, and say, that he learned his Divinity of the devil. The followeth an other certain Chronographer who in his lying story reporteth most falsely, that Luther died of drunkenness. With like malice the said Chronographer writeth also of M. Bucer, falsely affirming upon his information, that he should deny at his death, Christ our Messiah to be come. When not only D. Redman which preached at his burial, but also all English men, which knew the name of Bucer, did know it to be contrary.  
So was it laid against one Singleton Chapplein some time to Queen Anne Bullen, 
Singleton malicious sclaunder●● and 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉.  that he was the murderer of Packington, and afterward, that he was a stirrer up of sedition & commotion: who also suffered as a traitor for the same: Where in very deed the true cause was for nothing else, but for preaching the Gospel unto the people, whose purpose was ever so far of from stirring sedition, that he never once dreamt of any such matter, as he himself declared and protested to one R. Lante his scholar, who is yet alive and can testify the truth hereof. But this is no new practice amongst the Romish Bishops: whereof enough hath been said before in the story of Sir joh. Oldcastle, and Sir Roger Acton. etc.  
another like practice of such malicious slander we find also in one Meriall a Brickleyer, 
Meriall falsely 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 reported 〈◊〉 the Papi●●  whose name with his abjuration remaineth yet in the Registers of the Bishop of London.  
The story is this, and not unworthy to be remembered. In the year of our Lord. 1534. which was about the first beginning of Queen Anne Bullen, at what time Purgatory and such trumpery began to grow in contempt. Stokesly Bishop of London made a sermon in the Shrouds upon the Sunday before May day: 
Bish. Stokesleis' sermon in 〈◊〉 shrouds.  Where he preaching in the commendation and virtue of Masses, declared to the people that for a little cost, if they procured Masses to be said, wives might deliver their husbands, and husbands their wives out of the bitter pains of purgatory. At this sermon, besides many other, was Thomas Meriall, a zealous favourer of God's word: who being on the watch on May even, made relation of these words of the Bishop unto the company about him, amongst whom then was one john Twyford, a furious papist, and who had the same time the setting up of the stakes in Smithfield, whereat the good Saints of God were burned.  
This Twyford which then kept a Tavern and had an old grudge against the said Meriall for striking his boy hearing these words: 
Twyford the 〈◊〉 torment●● of the ma●●tyrs that suffered 〈◊〉 Smithfiel●  alured home to his house certain persons, to the number of x. Whose names were these: Blackwell, Laurence Wilson, Thomas Clarke, john Duffild, W. Kenningham, Thomas Hosier, worm a cutler, allen Rise, with an other which was the tenth. Besides these he procured also secretly M. Chambers Clerk whose name was Bright. And when he had craftily overcome them with wine, & made them to report what wor●es he listed, and which they knew not themselves, the Clerks by and by received the same in writing. Whereupon this article was gathered against Meriall, that he should hold and affirm, that the passion of Christ doth not help them which came after him but only them which were in Limbo before: 
False acesation.  & also that he should say that his wife was as good as our Lady. Upon this writing of the Notary, he was immediately brought to bishop Stokesly, and thereby that deposition of these x. false witnesses wrongfully accused, and also for the same should have be condemned, had not Doct. Barret the same time, bid him speak one word (which he knew not) as the sentence was in reading, whereby the condemnation was stayed and he put to do open penance and to bear a faggot. 
 Notwithstanding the said Meriall swore before the Bishop that he never spoke nor meant any such words as there was said unto him, but only recited the words of the bishop's sermon, reporting the same in the person of the bishop, and not his own. Which also was testified to be true by the oaths of 3. other, to wit, W. Tonson▪ Gregory Newman▪ and W. Witte, who being in the foresaid watch the same time, did take upon their oath before the Bishop: that his words were no other, but as is above declared. Which 3. witnesses at the second edition hereof were also living, with the wife of the foresaid Meriall, who would then also be sworn that the same is true. Where as contrary the other x. persons be all gone, and none of them all remaining. Of whom moreover the most of all the said x. came to a miserable end where as the other 3. which testified the truth with Meriall, being living at the 2. edition hereof, did see the end of all the other. And as for Twyford, which was the executioner to F●●th, Bayfild, Baynham, Teukesbury, Lambert, 
God's 〈…〉 upon 〈…〉.  and other good men, he died rotting above the ground, that none could abide him, and so came to a wretched end. Ex testimon. uxoris Meriall, W. Tomson, Greg. Newman. W. Wit. etc.  
Of this malicious and perverse dealing of these men contrary to all truth & honesty, in defaming them for heretics, 
Pope Leo. 10. The 〈◊〉 of 〈…〉.  which in deed are none, & with opprobrious railing to slander their cause, which is nothing else but the simple truth of Christ's gospel, who so listeth to search further (if these examples hitherto recited do not suffice) let him read the story of Merindol, & Angrogne, pag. 945.955. Let him consider the furious Bull of Pope Martin. pag. 625. The like slanderous Bull also of Pope Leo x. with the ●dict of Charles the Emperor against Luther. Also let him survey the railing stories of Surius the Monk of Colen, the book of Osius, of Lindus, the chronology of Genebrardus, the story of Cochleus against the Hussites and the Lutherans, with the Preface of Conradus Brunus the Lawyer prefixed before the same, wherein he most falsely and untruly railing against these Protestants, whom he calleth heretics, chargeth them to be blasphemers of God, contemners of God and men, Church robbers cruel, false liars, crafty deceivers, unfaithful, promise breakers, disturbers of public peace and tranquillity, corrupters and subverters of common weals, and all else that nought is.  

Examples of false accusation.  In much like ●ort was Socrates accused of his countrymen for a corrupter of the youth, whom Plato notwithstanding defendeth. Aristides the just lacked not his unjust accusers. Was it not objected unto S. Paul that he was a subverter of the law of Moses, 
Act. 21. Rom. 3.  and that we might do evil that good might come thereof? How was it laid to the Christian Martyrs in the primitive Churth for worshipping an Ass' head, and for sacrificing of Infants. pag. 54? And to come more near to these our latter days, you heard likewise how falsely the Christian congregation of french. 
Read afore pag. 5●.  men gathered together in the night at Paris, to celebrate the holy communion, were accused of filthy commixion of men and women together, and the king the same time Henry 2. was made to believe that beds with pillows and mats were found there in the floor where they lay together: whereupon the same time divers were condemned to the fire and burned pag. 862. Finally what innocency is so pure, or truth so perfect, which can be void of these slanders or crimynations, 
Read ●●fore pag. 8 ● 2.  when also our Saviour Christ himself was noted for a wine drinker, & a common haunter of the Publicans? etc.  
Even so likewise it pleaseth our Lord and Saviour Christ, to keep under and to exercise his church under the like kind of adversaries now reigning in the church, 
No truth safe from false detraction.  who under the name of the church will needs maintain a portly state and kingdom in this world, and because they can not uphold their cause by plain scripture and the word of God, they bear it ou● with facing, railing, and slandering, making Princes and the simple people believe, that all be heretics, schismatics, blasphemers, rebels & subverters of all authority & common weals, whosoever dare reply with any scripture against their doings.  
It is written of Nero, that when he himself had burnt the City of Rome six days and seven nights, 
Suetonius in Ne●o●●e.  he made open proclamations that the innocent Christians had set the City on fire, to stir the people against them, whereby he might burn and destroy them, as rebels and traitors.  
Not much unlike seemeth the dealing of these religious Catholics, who when they be the true heretics themselves, and have burnt and destroyed the Church of Christ, make out their exclamations, Bulls, briefs, articles books, 
Papists 〈◊〉 the 〈…〉, be 〈…〉 themselves.  censures, letters and Edicts against the poor Lutherans, to make the people believe, that they be the heretics, schismatics, disturbers of the whole world. Who if they could prove them as they reprove them to be heretics, they were worthy to be heard. But now they cry out upon them heretics, and can prove no heresy: they accuse them of error: and can prove no error: they call them schismatics, and what Church since the world stood, hath been the mother of so many schisms as the mother Church of Rome? They charge them with dissension and rebellion. And what dissension can be greater, then to descent from the scripture, and word of God? or what rebellion is like, as to rebel against the son of God, & against the will of his eternal Testament? They are disturbers (they say) of peace and of public authority: Which is as true, as that the Christians set the City of Rome on fire. What doctrine did ever attribute so much to public authority of Magistrates, as do the protestants, or who ever attributed less to magistrates, or deposed more dukes, kings, and Emperors, them the Papists? They that say, that the Bishop of Rome is no more but the Bishop of Rome, and aught to wear no crown, is not by and by a rebel against his king and Magistrates, but rather a maintainer of their authority: which in deed the Bishop of Rome cannot abide. Briefly, wilt thou see whether be the greater heretics, the Protestants or the Papists? Let us try it by a measure, 

A measure between the Protestants and the Papists, to try whether of them two are the greater heretics.  
Comparison between the doctrine of Papists and of the Protestants.   and let this measure be the glory only of the son of God, which cannot fail. Now judge I beseech thee, whosoever knowest the doctrine of them both, whether of these two do ascribe more or less to the Majesty of Christ jesus our king and Lord: the Protestants which admit none other head of the Church nor justifier of our souls, nor forgever of our sins, nor Advocate to his father but him alone: Or else the papists which can abide none of all these articles, but condemn the same for heresy. Which being so (as they themselves will not deny) now judge (good reader) who hath set the City of Rome on fire. Nero, or else the Christians.  
But to return again to the purpose of our former matter, which was to show forth the proclamation of the Bishops for the abolishing of English books above rehearsed, as being corrupt and full of heresy, which not withstanding we have declared to contain no heresy, but sound and wholesome doctrine, according to the perfect word and Scripture of God.  
Here now when the Prelates of the Pope's side had procured this Edict & proclamation aforesaid, for the condemnation of all such English books printed or vnprinted which made against their advantage, they triumphed not a little, weening they had made a great hand against the Gospel for ever to rise again, & that they had established their kingdom for ever, as in deed to all man's thinking it might seem no less. For who would have thought, 
God's merciful help in time of need.  after so straight so precise, and so solemn a proclamation set forth & armed with the kings terrible authority: also after the cruel execution of Anne Askewe, Lacels, and the rest: Item after the busy search moreover and names taking of many other, of whom some were chased away, some apprehended and laid up, divers in present peril, & expectation of their attachment: who would have thought (I say) otherwise possible, but that the gospel must needs have an overthrow, seeing what sure work the papists here had made, in setting up their side, and throwing down the contrary.  
But it is no new thing in the Lord, to show his power against man's presumption, 
God's power worketh commonly against man's presumption.  that when he counteth himself most sure, then is he furthest of, and when he supposeth to have done all, then is he new to begin again. So was it in the primitive Church before Constantinus time, that when Nero, Domitianus, Maxentius, Decius, and other Emperors impugning the gospel & profession of Christ, did not only constitute laws and proclamations against the Christians, but also did engrave the same laws in tables of brass, minding to make all things firm for ever and a day: yet we see, how with a little turning of God's hand, all their puissant devices, & brazen laws turned all to wind and dust. So little doth it avail for man to wrestle against the Lord and his procedings. How so ever man's building is mortal and ruinous, of brickle brick, and mouldering stones, the Lord never taketh in hand to build, that either time can waste, or man can pluck down. What God setteth up, there is neither power nor striving to the contrary. What he intendeth, standeth: what he blesseth, that prevaileth. And yet man's unquiet presumption will not cease still to erect up towers of Babel against the Lord, which the higher they are builded up, 
Towers of Babel against the Lord.  fall with the great ruin. For what can stand, that standeth not with the Lord? Which thing as in example of all ages is to be seen: so in this late proclamation devised by the bishops, is in like manner exemplified.  
The which proclamation, though it was sore & terrible for the time, yet not long after, 
Man's devise against the Lord overthrown.  by reason of the king's death (whom the Lord shortly thereupon took to his mercy) it made at length but a castle come down. So that where the prelate's thought to make their jubilee, it turned them to the Threnes of jeremy. Such be the admirable workings of the Lord of hosts, whose name be sanctified for ever.  
This I do not infer for any other purpose, but only for the works of the Lord to be seen: premonishing thee (good Reader) withal that as touching the king (who in this Proclamation had nothing but the name only) here is nothing spoken but to his laud and praise. Who of his own nature & disposition, 
The praise of K. Henry 8.  was so inclinable and forward in all things virtuous and commendable, that the like enterprise of redress of religion, hath not lightly been seen in any other Prince christened: As in abolishing the stout and almost invincible authority of the Pope, in suppressing monasteries, in repressing custom of Idolatry & pilgrimage etc. Which enterprises, as never king of England did accomplish (though some began to attempt them) before him: so yet to this day we see but few in other Realms dare follow the same.  
If Princes have always their Counsel about them, that is but a common thing. If some time they have evil counsel ministered that I take to be the fault rather of such as are about them, 
Much superstition purged by king Henry  then of princes themselves. So long as Queen Anne, Tho. Cromwell, B. Cranmer, M. Denny, D. Butts, with such like were about him, & could prevail with him, what organ of Christ's glory did more good in the Church than he? as is apparent by such monuments, instruments and acts set forth by him, in setting up the Bible in the church, in exploding the pope with his vile pardons, in removing divers superstitious ceremonies in bringing into order the inordinate orders of friars & sects, in putting chantry priests to their pensions: in permitting white meat in Lent: in destroying Pilgrimage worship: in abrogating idle & superfluous holidays, both by act public, and also by private letters sent to Boner, tending after this effect.  
¶ By the king.  

The kings brief to Boner.  RIght reverend father in God, right trusty and well-beloved, we greet you well. And whereas considering the manifold inconveniences which have ensued, and daily do ensue to our subjects by the great superfluity of holy days, we have by the assents and consentes of all you the Bishops, 
Abrogation of holy days.  and other notable personages of the Clergy of this our Realm, in full congregation and assembly had for that purpose, abrogated and abolished such as be neither Canonical, ne meet to be suffered in a common wealth, for the manifold inconveniences which do ensue of the same, as is rehearsed: and to the intent our determination therein may be duly observed and accomplished, we have thought convenient, to command you immediately upon the receipt hereof, to address your commandments in our name to all the curates, religious houses, and colleges within your diocese, with a copy of the act made for the abrogation of the holy days aforesaid, a transumpt whereof ye shall receive herewith, commanding them and every of them in no wise, either in the Church or otherwise, to indict or speak of any of the said days and feasts abolished, whereby the people might take occasion either to murmur, or to contemn the order taken therein, and to continue in their accustomed idleness, the same notwithstanding: but to pass over the same with such secret silence, as they may have like abrogation by disuse, as they have already by our authority in convocation. And forasmuch as the time of harvest now approacheth, our pleasure is, ye shall with such diligence and dexterity, put this matter in execution, as it may immediately take place, for the benefit of our subjects, at this time accordingly without failing, as ye will answer unto us for the contrary. Given under our Signet, at our Monastery of Chertesey, the 11. day of August.  
Thus while good Counsel was about him, and could be heard, 
K. Henry according as his Council was about him, so was he lead.  he did much good. So again when sinister and wicked Counsel, under subtle and crafty pretences had gotten once the foot in, thrusting truth & verity out of the Prince's ears, how much Religion and all good things went prosperously forward before, so much on the contrary side all revolted backward again. Whereupon proceeded this Proclamation above mentioned, concerning the abolishing and burning of English books. Which proclamation bearing the name of the kings majesty, but being the very deed of the bishops, no doubt had done much hurt in the church among the godly sort, bringing them either into great danger, or else keeping them in much blindness, had not the shortness of the kings days stopped the malignant purposes of the foresaid Prelates, 
The death of K. Henry 8.  causing the king to leave that by death unto the people, which by his life he would not grant. For within 4. months after, 
Anno 1547.  the proclamation coming out in August, he deceased in the beginning of january, in the 38. year of his reign. an· 1547. leaving behind him three children, who succeeded him in his kingdom, K. Edward, Queen Mary, and Queen Elizabeth: of whom it remaineth now to prosecute (by the permission and sufferance of Christ our high Lord and Prince) in the process of this history, according as the order of their succession, and Acts done by them in the church shall require, after that first I shall have prosecuted certain other matters by the way, according to my promise, here to be inserted.   

¶ The History touching the persecution in Scotland, with the names and causes of such blessed Martyrs, which in the same country suffered for the truth after the time of Patrick Hamelton.  
THus having finished the time and raze of king Henry the eight, it remaineth now according to my promise made before, here to place & adjoin so much as hath come to our hands, touching the persecution of Scotland, and of the blessed Martyrs of Christ, which in that country likewise suffered for the true religion of Christ, & testimony of their faith.  
To proceed therefore in the history of these Scotland matters, 
Read 〈◊〉 pag. 956.  next after the mention of David Straton and M. Nicholas Gurlay, with whom we ended before. pag. 956. the order of time would require next to infer the memory of sir john Borthwike Knight, 
Sir john Borthwi●●● knight 〈◊〉 & condemned of 〈◊〉 being ●●●●sent, & 〈◊〉 picture 〈◊〉 in Sco●●land. An. 154●.  commonly called Captain Borthwike. Who being accused of heresy (as the papists call it) and cited therefore. an. 1540 and not appearing, and escaping out into other countries, was condemned for the same, being absent, by the sentence of David Beaton Archbishop of S. Andrew's, and other Prelates of Scotland, and all his goods confiscate, and his picture at last burned in the open market place. Whose story with his articles objected against him, and his confutations of the same here ensueth in process under expressed, as followeth.   

* The Act or Process or certain Articles against Sir john Borthwike Knight in Scotland with the answer and confutation of the said Borthwike, whose preface to the reader here followeth.  
BY the help of a certain friend of mine, there came certain articles unto my hand for the which the Scottish Cardinal and such other like of his sect and affinity did condemn me as an heretic. 
Captain Borthwick●▪  And for so much as this condemnation should not lack his cloak or defence, they gathered together a great number of witnesses, where as besides the bare names of the witnesses they alleged none other proof at all. Wherefore I thought good to bestow some labour in refelling these articles which they could not prove partly that I might take away from all true Christians, the occasion of all evil suspicion, as though that I being vanquished or overthrown by their threatenings would deny Christ: and partly that their errors being thereby made manifest they should even for very shame repent, or else hereafter the less abuse the furor or madness of such witnesses to shed blood. Therefore I will first confirm by evident testimonies of the Scriptures those things which in times past I have taught, and afterward I will refel their vain Sophistication, whereby they go about to subvert the truth of God.  
Sir john Borthwike knight commonly called Captain Borthwike being accused suspected, slandered and convict by witness, without all doubt of greater estimation than he himself, in the year of our Lord. 1540 the 28. day of May, in the cloister of S. Andrew's in the presence of the most reverent Fathers, Gawine Archbishop of Glasquene Chancellor of Scotland, William Bishop of Aburdin, Henry of Candicatia, john Bishop of Brecknock and William of Dumbar bishops, Andrew of Mellrowes, George of Dunerueling, john of Paslet, john of Londorse, Rob. of Rillos' & Wil of Rulrose Abbots, Mancolalyne of Quiterne and john of Pettin vaim Pryors, Master Alexander Kalfour vicar of Kitman Rector of Law official of saint Andrew's, john Winton Suppriour, john Anand and Thomas Eminghame, Canons of Saint Andrew's, john Tompson with university of Saint Andrew's, and Master john Maior and Peter Capelland Bachelors of Divinity and doctors, Martin Ballfour Bachelor of divinity and of his fellow Pryour of the friars augustine's of the same City, john Tulidaffe Warden of the friars minors and john Paterson of the same Covent, and also in the presence of the most noble mighty and honourable Lords, George of Huntelo, james of Arrain, William Marshal, William of Monnetros, Erles, Malcolme Lord of Fleming, Chamberlain of Scotland, john Lord of Linsey, john L. of Erskine, George L. of Seton, james Hamelton of Finwart, Water L. of S. john, M. james of Colinton Clarke to the King's Register, with divers other Lords, Barons, and honest persons, being called & desired together for witness, that he did hold, publish, and openly teach these errors following.  

The first Article.  
That our holy father the Pope as Christ's vicar, hath not, neither can exercise greater authority over Christians here on earth, than any other bishop or prelate.  

Borthwike.  
These holy ones do magnify their Lord by like title, as common thieves and robbers are accustomed to prefer the captains and ringleaders of their robberies and mischiefs, calling them in every place the most honest, & good men, where as likewise it is evident, that in the whole world there is no man more given to riot, which more greedily doth seek after all kind of delicateness and wantonness, and finally aboundeth with all kind of vice: as treason, murder, rapine, and all kind of such evils. Furthermore, where as they affirm him to be the vicar of Christ here in earth, it shall be easily convinced when as it shall be made manifest, that he hath not, nor cannot exercise more power or authority over christians, than any other bishop or prelate. For unto that office of being vicar, they refer that great authority the which they do so greatly boast and brag of, which being taken away, the office of vicar doth also fall and decay. But now to attempt the matter, I will first demand of the maintainers of this pre-eminence and authority, whereupon they will ground the same. I know that they will answer unto me that Peter had power & authority over the other Apostles, and consequently over the universal church, the which power by succession, is translated unto the bishops of Rome. But how unshamefastly they do lie herein, any may easily perceive which hath but any small spark of judgement in him. When as he shall hear the testimonies of the scriptures, which we will allege to confirm this our opinion. For Peter in the xv. of the Acts. In the counsel doth declare what is to be done, and admonisheth us what of necessity we ought to do. And he there did also hear other speak, and did not only give them place to say their minds, but also permit and receive their judgement: and where as they decreed, he followed and obeyed the same. Is this then to have power over others? Furthermore, where as in his first epistle he writeth unto bishops and pastors, he doth not command them as a superior or head over them, by power and authority, but maketh them his fellow companions, and gently exhorteth them as is accustomed to be done between equals of degree: for these are his words: I beseech and desire the bishops and pastors which are amongst you, for so much as I myself am also a bishop, and a witness of the afflictions of Christ, and also a partaker of the glory which shall be revealed, that they do diligently feed the flock of Christ which is committed unto them. Why then do they so challenge unto them the authority of Peter, which he never acknowledged in himself. Truly I do not doubt, but if that Peter were here present, he would with like severity rebuke their folly and madness, as Moses in times past did unto josua, which burned with too earnest a zeal towards him. I doubt not but that many in this feigned authority of Peter do seek out more vain helps to maintain and uphold the tyranny of Popes, rather than to make him ruler and governor over all other. For where as in the 8. chapter of the Acts he is commanded by his fellows, to go with john into Samaria, he did not refuse so to do. In so much then, as the apostles do send him, they declare thereby, that they do not count him as their head and superior, and in that he doth obey them, & taketh upon him the office or ministry committed unto him, he confesseth thereby that he hath a society and fellowship with them, but no rule nor empery over them, as he writeth in his epistle. 
Peter hath 〈◊〉 with 〈◊〉 apostles 〈◊〉 no rule 〈◊〉 the ●●●stles.  But if none of these examples were evident or manifest, the only epistle to the Galathians were sufficient to put us out of all doubt: where as S. Paul almost throughout two whole chapters, doth nothing else but declare and affirm himself to be equal unto Peter, in the honour or dignity of the Apostleship. For first of all he rehearseth how he went up to jerusalem unto Peter, not to the intent to profess any homage and subjection unto him but only to witness with a common consent and agreement unto all men, the doctrine which they taught, & that Peter did require no such things at his hand, but gave unto him the right side or upper hand of the fellowship, that they might jointly together labour in the vineyard of the lord 
〈◊〉 equal 〈◊〉 Peter  Moreover, that he had no less favour and grace amongst the Gentiles, than Peter had amongst the jews: and finally, when as Peter did not faithfully execute his office and ministery, he was by him rebuked, & Peter became obedient unto his correction. All these things do evidently prove, that there was equality between Paul and Peter, and also that Peter had no more power over the residue of the Apostles, than he had over Paul. The which thing S. Paul even of purpose doth entreat of, lest that any man should prefer Peter or john before him, in the office of Apostleship, which were but his companions, & not Lords over one a other. Whereupon, the●● places of scripture work this effect, that I cannot acknowledge Peter to be superior or head over other Apostles, neither the Pope over other bishops. But I acknowledge & confess Christ to be the only head of the church, the foundation and high priest thereof, the which with one only oblation, hath made perfect for evermore all those which are sanctified. 
Christ the only ●ead of the Church.  And I boldly do affirm and say with S. Gregory, that whosoever calleth himself, or desireth to be named or called, the head or universal priest or bishop, in that his pride, he is the forerider or predecessor of Antichrist: for so much as through his pride he doth exalt himself above all others. Furthermore, where as they allege out of the old law, the high priesthood and the supreme judgement, which God did institute and ordain at jerusalem: I answer thereunto, that Christ was that high bishop, 
Universal Bishop spoken against by Gregory.  unto whom the right and title of priesthood is now transported and referred. Neither is there any man so impudent, which will take upon him to succeed in the place or degree of his honour. For so much as this priesthood doth not consist only in learning, but in the propitiation and mercy of God, 
The high priesthood in the old law, 〈◊〉 not prove Peter, or the Pope's supremacy.  which Christ hath fulfilled by his death, and in the intercession, by the which he doth n●w entreat for us unto his father.  
Whereas also they do allege out of the 16. chapter of Matthew, thou art Peter, and upon this rock, etc. If they do think that this was particularly spoken unto Peter, S. Cyprian, and S. Augustine shall sufficiently answer them that Christ did it not for this purpose, to prefer one man above all the residue, but that thereby he might commend and set forth the unity of the church: for so ●ayth S. Cyprian in the person of one man, 
The place of Matthew thou a●te Peter and upon this rock Math. 16. expounded.  God gave unto him all the keys, that he might thereby signify the unity of them all. For even as Peter was, even the very same were all the residue, being endued with like fellowship of honour and dignity. But it was convenient that it should take his original of one, that the church of God might be manifested to be one only. Saint Augustine's words are these, 
Cyprian.  if the mystery of the church were not in Peter, the Lord would not have said unto him, I will give unto thee the keys of the kingdom of heaven. If this were spoken unto Peter, the church hath them not. If the Church have them: Then Peter, when he received the keys, did figurate the whole church. Again, when as they were all demanded and asked, only Peter answered. Thou art Christ. Then was it said unto him, I will give unto thee the keys, as though that he alone had received the power of binding and losing, for like as he alone spoke that for them all, 
Augustine.  so he as it were bearing the person of that unity, received the same with them all. Therefore one for them all, because he is united unto them all. Another argument they do gather upon the words which Christ spoke unto Peter. Thou art Peter, and upon this rock will I build my church. The which words are not found to be spoken unto any other of the apostles. The which argument shall easily be dissolved, if we did understand & know why Christ did give Peter that name, which otherwise was called Simon. In the first chapter of john, Christ speaketh thus unto him. Thou shalt be called Cephas, the which by interpretation signifieth Peter, in that point having respect unto the constant confession of Christ which he had made, like as God changed the name of Abraham, who at the first was called Abram, because he should be a father of many nations, then even as Abraham took his name of the multitude, which should come forth of his seed: so likewise Peter took his name of the constant confession of Christ, which in deed is the true rock whereupon the church is builded, and not Peter himself. No otherwise than Abraham, which was not the multitude itself, whereof he took his name. Besides this, the church should be stayed or builded upon over weak a foundation if it should have Peter for the ground or foundation thereof, who being amazed and overcome with the words of a little wench, did so constantly deny Christ. Now therefore I think there is no man but that doth understand how these romish builders do wrest the scriptures hither and thither, & like unto the rule or squire, do apply them according to their wills, to what end and use they themselves think good. Furthermore in that they do allege out of the xx. chapter of john, feed my sheep, it is over childish and argument: for to sheep is not to bear rule and dominion over the whole Church, besides all this as Peter had received commandment of the Lord, 
another objection papistical resolved.  so doth he exhort all other Bishops to feed their flock in his first Epistle and v. chapter. Hereby a man may gather by these words of Christ the either there was no authority given unto Peter more than unto others, or else that Peter did equally communicate that right and authority which he had received unto others and did not reserve it unto himself after his death, to be transported unto the Bishops of Rome. As for such reasons as they do allege, which are not gathered or taken out of holy scriptures, I pass them over, lest I might seem to contend with shadows.    

The second Article.  
That Indulgences and pardons granted by our supreme head the pope, are of no force, strength, or effect, but tend only to the abuse of the people and the deceiving of their souls.  

Borthwike.  

Indulgences to be of no effect.  It shallbe evidently declared, that indulgences and pardons are of none effect, after that I have first of all taught what they do call Indulgences or pardons. They say they are the treasure of the church, that is to say, the merits of Christ, of the Saints, Apostles and Martyrs, which they impudently affirm to have performed and merited more at God's hand, at the time of their death, than was necessary or needful for them: & that of the abundance of their merits, there did so much superabound which was not only sufficient for themselves, 
The treasure of the church as popeholders ta●e it.  but also might redound to the help of others. And because so great a goodness should not be superfluous or in vain, they affirm and teach that their blood was mixed and joined with the blood of Christ: and of them both the treasure of the church was compound and made for the remission and satisfaction of sins. How cunning and notable cooks these are, which can make a confection of so many sundry herbs. Furthermore, they do fain the custody and keeping of this treasure to be committed wholly unto the bishop of Rome, 
Lord treasurer of the church, Papists hold to be the Pope.  in whose power consisteth the dispensation of so great treasures, that he either by himself may give or grant, or otherwise give power unto other to give the same. And hereupon riseth the plenary, Indulgences and pardons granted by the Pope for certain years, by cardinals for 100 days, by bishops for 40. days. This is the judgement and opinion which they hold of the Indulgences. But I pray you, who taught those saints to work or deserve for other, but only Satan, who would utterly have the merits of Christ extinguished and blotted out, which he knoweth to be the only remedy of salvation? For if the Scripture do teach us that no man of himself can deserve or work their salvation, 
No man of himself can work his own salvation.  how did the saints then work or merit for others. It is manifest that Christ saith in the xvij. of Luke, when we have done all that which is commanded you for to do, yet saith he, we are unprofitable servants. Besides this, all that which may be deserved or merited in the righteousness of man, in the 64. chapter of Esay, they are compared unto the garment menstruous & defiled, to be cast out.  
There are almost infinite places in the scripture, wherein man's power is so extenuate, and the corruption & frowardness of our nature so made manifest, that even in the best and most perfect works, there lacketh not imperfection. Notwithstanding the parable of the x. virgins written in the 25. chapter of Matthew, 
The parable of the 10. virgins expounded.  aught to put us out of all controversy and doubt. There Christ describeth two kinds of men, the one kind of holy men which observe and keep the inward righteousness of the heart, as the oil of faith, the other sort is of such, which having no mind of their oil, are answered by them which are wise no, lest that there be not sufficient for you and for us, but go you rather to them which do sell and buy for yourselves: in the which place it is manifestly declared how vainly the second sort of men doth fly to the patronage of the elect, by whose merits they think to be saved.  
Now let us way and consider upon what places of scripture they build or establish their feigned invention of pardons: they allege the saying of S. Paul to the Colossians. I supply or fulfil the afflictions of Christ, which were wanting in my flesh, for his body which is the church. But Paul in this place doth not refer that defect or supplement to any work of redemption, expiation or satisfaction, but to those afflictions, by the which the members of Christ, that is to say, all faithful, should be afflicted, so long as they live in the flesh, wherefore he saith, that this doth yet remain of the passions of Christ, that those afflictions which once he suffered in his own body, he now daily suffereth in his members. For Christ hath vouchsafed to honour us with this honour, that he doth impute and call our afflictions to be his. And where as S. Paul doth add this word for the church, he doth not understand thereby for the redemption, reconciliation, satisfaction▪ 
 or expiation of the church. But for the edi●●eng and profiting of the same, as in the ij. epistle to Timothy, he saith: That for the elect sake he suffered all these things, that they might obtain salvation, but to the intent no man should think that salvation to depend upon those things which he himself had suffered, he added further, 
The 〈◊〉 of 〈…〉 a profiteth.  the which is in Christ jesu. As touching the reason that the blood of the Martyrs is not shed in vain without fruit or profit, & therefore aught to be conferred to the common utility and profit of the church. I answer, that the profit and fruit thereof is abundant to glorify God by their death, to subscribe and bear witness unto the truth by their blood, and by the contempt of this present life, to witness, that he doth seek after a better life, by his constancy and steadfastness, to confirm and establish the faith of the church, and subdue and vanquish the enemy.    

The third Article.  
That the Pope is an open user of Simony, daily selling the gifts of the spiritualties, and that it is lawful for all bishops to be coupled and joined in matrimony.  

Borthwike.  
This article hath his several parts, for those things which we have spoken or answered unto the article before written, doth sufficiently declare, that the Pope is not only a user of Simony, but also a notable deceiver, which selleth such kind of merchandise, as can in no place help or prevail. For so much as his pardons are nothing less than such as he feigneth them to be. Doth he not then show himself a manifest deceiver, when as he maketh fairs and markets of them, but to the intent I will not seem in this behalf vainly to labour or travail, 
Pristes' marriage lawful.  I will pass unto the second part, where as I do say, that it is not only done against the word of God, but also against equity and justice to forbid priests to marry, for so much as it is not lawful for any man by any means to forbid that thing, which the Lord hath left at liberty. For S. Paul in the xiii. chapter unto the Hebrews, declareth, that matrimony is lawful for all men, saying that marriage and the undefiled bed or chamber is honourable amongst all men: and in the first to the Corinthians and seven. chapter. He saith, for avoiding of whoredom, Let every man have a wife of his own: but I know what these obstinate and stiff necked will answer unto me, that the same is spoken and meant of others, and not of priests. But what will they answer unto me as touching that which is written in the first to Timothy, and iij. chapter. A Bishop ought to be without rebuke, the husband of one wife, and by and by after he sayeth, Deacons ought to be the husbands of one wife, the which should rule and govern their children and family uprightly. Unto these Paul affirmeth matrimony to be meet and necessary, let them say what they can unto the contrary. What could be more vehemently spoken against their wicked tyranny, then that which by the holy Ghost he declareth in the iiij. chapter of the same Epistle, that in the latter days there should come wicked men which should forbid matrimony, and calleth them not only deceivers, but also wicked spirits attending unto the doctrine of wicked spirits: but these men think that they have very well escaped, when as they wrist this sentence to those old ancient heretics the Tatianes', they say (these men) did only condemn matrimony, we do not condemn it, but only forbid Church men to marry. Unto whom we think matrimony is not convenient. As though that albeit this prophesy were first of all complete and fulfilled in the Tationes, that it did not also redound unto them, or as though this their subtle sophistication, were worthy to be regarded that they do not deny or prohibit matrimony, because they do not forbid it unto all men generally. Like as if a tyrant would contend and affirm his law to be good, by the extremity and violence whereof only one part of the city is oppressed, but now let us hear the reasons of the contrary part, it behoveth say they, a Priest to differ from the common sort of the people by some notable mark or token. But read Saint Paul, where as he describeth the perfect Image of a good Bishop, did he not reckon and account marriage amongst the other good gifts which he required to be in them. But I know very well how these men interpret Paul? verily that a Bishop ought not to be chosen, which hath married his second wife. But also it appeareth openly by the text, that this interpretation is false, for so much as he doth by and by declare & show what manner of women the wives of Bishops & deacons ought for to be. Wherefore Saint Paul numbereth matrimony amongst the principal virtues pertaining unto a Bishop. And these men do teach it to be an intolerable vice amongst the orders of the Church, and not being content with that general reproach or slander, they call it in the Canons, the uncleanliness, polluting and defiling of the flesh. Now let every man consider with himself, out of what shop this stuff is taken. God instituted matrimony, Christ sanctified it with his presence, by turning water into wine, and vouchsafed so to honour it, that he would have it the Image or figure of his love and friendship with the Church: What can be more famous or notably spoken to the commendation and praise of wedlock. But these unshamefast faces do call it a filthy and unclean thing, alleging the Levitical priests, which as often as they came unto the office of ministration, were bounden to lie a part from their wives, whereby they being clean and undefiled, might handle the holy things: 
A 〈…〉 against priests marriage 〈◊〉. Leuit●●●ll priests 〈◊〉 time 〈…〉 from 〈◊〉 wiue●●●go Chri●●●● Prie●te● must have no 〈◊〉 I do 〈◊〉 the argum●●●.  and our sacraments, for so much as they are much more noble and excellent than theirs, and daily used, it would be a very uncomely thing that they should be handled by married men. As though that the office of the ministry of the Gospel were all one with the levitical priesthood. For they as figures did represent Christ, which being mediator between God and man, by his singular and absolute purity and cleanness, should reconcile the father unto us, for so much as on no part sinners could exhibit or show forth any type or form of his sanctity or holiness, yet to the intent they might shadow him out, with certain similitudes or lineaments, they were commanded that when so ever they should come unto the sanctuary or holy place, they should purify themselves: above all men's order or fashion, for than did they most near and properly figurate Christ which appeared in the Tabernacle, as peacemakers to reconcile the people unto God. This Image or parsonage, forsomuch as our Ecclesiastical pastors at this day do not take upon them or execute, in vain are they compared unto them: Wherefore the Apostle without all exception upon a sure & good ground, doth pronounce and say, that marriage is honourable amongst all men, and that whoremongers and adulterers do abide the judgement of God. Besides all this, the Apostles themselves by their examples do prove that matrimony is not unworthy of any office or function, be it never so excellent, for S. Paul himself is witness, that they did not only keep their wives, but also carried them about with them.    

The 4. Article.  
That all those heresies commonly called the heresies of England, 
4. Article.  or at the least, the greater or most part of them to be now presently understand and known by the English men to be of themselves good and just, and to be observed of all faithful Christians as most true and conformable unto the law of God, and that he hath persuaded many persons, to embrace the said heresies.  

Borthwike.  
Saint john in his xi. chapter, declareth how Caiphas' hy● Bishop of jerusalem did prophesy that jesus should die for the people, which thing he spoke being utterly ignorant. The like Image of blindness we have now presently in our luxurious Cardinal of S. Andrew's, and his adherents, which accused religion of heresy, which in the year of our Lord, 1540 was had in estimation in England, at the which time they proclaimed me an arch-heretic, although they esteem the same religion for most christian, for what religion at that time was used in England, 
The 〈◊〉 of religion in Engl●●● An. 15●●.  the like the whole realm of Scotland did embrace, in this point only the English men differed from the Scots, that they had cast of the yoke of Antichrist, the other not. Idols were worshipped of both nations, the profavating of the Supper and Baptism, was like unto them both, wicked superstition reigned on both parts, and true worship was deformed and defaced with detestable hypocrisy.  
Truly it is most false that they do affirm and say, that I had subscribed unto such kind of heresies, as though they had been conformable unto the law of God, when as nothing is more adverse or repugnant thereunto: for even now of late, God of his goodness and mercy had opened my da●elyng eyes, and hath drawn me out of the filthy slow of Idolatry and superstition, in the which amongst others I have so long time wallowed and tumbled. Neither is it any less absurd, that they affirm me to have alured many to embrace the same, except peradventure they do understand that I have oftentimes wished, that the yoke of Antichrist should be shaken and cast off from the necks of the Scots, as it is from the English men: which thing with a sincere and upright heart, and with an earnest mind, I do now also wish and desire.    

The 5. Article.  
That the Scottish nation and their Clergy be altogether blinded, 
5. Article.  whom he did also say and affirm that they had not the true Catholic faith. And this he did openly teach and preached also, that his faith was much better & more excellent, than the faith of all the clergy in the realm of Scotland.  

Borthwike.  
No man will deny that people to be blinded, which neither heareth Christ nor his Apostles. Such is the people of Scotland, I speak of those unto whom the verity and truth of Christ hath not yet opened or manifested itself. There is no cause therefore, why they should accuse me of heresy. Furthermore, how far of the nation and people of Scotland be from the hearing of Christ, albeit the premises do sufficiently declare, in that they do challenge unto the romish Antichrist, the authority which Christ and his Apostles do declare, 
Antithesis o● comparison between the religion of Scot●●●h men, and the religion of Christ.  Christ himself to be endued with all, and that contrary to the word of GOD they forbidden priests to marry. I will add some thing more unto it, where by the matter may be more evident. Christ calleth himself the door, whereby all men ought to enter in at john the x. chapter. Contrariwise, the Scots do say and affirm, that we must enter in by the virgin Mary, and Saint Peter. Christ in the fourth of john saith: The time shall come when as the true worshippers shall worship the father in spirit and truth, the Scots build themselves high temples and chapels for Idols, in the which even as Israel in times past they commit fornication: Paul in his Epistle to the Hebrews, and x. chapter, saith: That Christ by one only oblation hath made perfect all those for evermore, which are sanctified, which saying confirmeth also the words of Christ hanging upon the Cross, saying (it is finished) signifying that by his death there was a final end set unto all sacrifices, which are offered up for sins. But the Scottish church men, as they are blasphemers in deed, so do they brag and boast that they daily offer up Christ for the sins both of the quick and of the dead. God commandeth us that we shall not worship any graven Image. The Scots do not only fall down flat before Images, but also offer up incense unto them. Saint Paul teacheth us that Christ is made our wisdom, righteousness, satisfaction, and redemption. The Scots being wise men in their own conceits, prefer and embrace traditions feigned & invented out by man's head before the law of God, they establish righteousness in their own works, sanctification in holy water and other external things, redemption in pieces of lead, which they do buy of their great Antichrist, who then will quarrel with me that I do lie that the people of Scotland are blind? and that my faith which doth only behold the word of God to be much more better and excellent than theirs.    

The 6. Article.  
Agreeably to the ancient errors of john Wickliff and john Hus Archheretikes condemned in the Council of Constance, 
6. Article.  he hath affirmed and preached that the clergy ought not to possess or have any temporal possessions, neither to have any jurisdiction or authority in temporalties, even over their own subjects, but that all these things ought to be taken from them, as it is at this present in England.  

Borthwike.  
The Lord in the xviij. chapter of the book of Numbers said thus unto Aaron, 
The levitical law, is no necessary rule now binding. But he meaneth here of excessive lands possessions of Abbeys and religious he uses addict to them but the princes may diminish or convert them otherwise upon considerations.  thou shalt possess nothing in their land, neither shalt thou have any portion amongst them, I am thy portion and inheritage amongst the children of Israel for unto the sons of Levy, I have given all the tithes of Israel, that they should possess them for their ministry which they do execute in the tent of ordinaries. Albeit I do not doubt, but that the order of the Levites and of our clergy, is far different and variable. For the administration of their sacred and holy things, after their death, passed unto their posterity, as it were by right of inheritance: which happeneth not unto the posterity of our clergy in these days. Furthermore, if any heritage be provided or gotten for them, I do not gainsay but that they shall possess it. But still I do affirm that all temporal jurisdiction should be taken from them, for when as twice there rose a contention amongst the Disciples, which of them should be thought the greatest Christ, answered: The kings of nations have dominion over them, and such which have power over them, are called beneficial, you shall not do so. For he which is greatest amongst you, shall be made equal unto the youngest or least, and he which is the prince or ruler amongst you, shall be made equal unto him which both minister, minding thereby, and willing utterly to debar the ministers of his word, from all terrene and civil dominion and Empire. For by these points he doth not only declare that the office of a pastor is distinct and divided from the office of a prince and ruler: 
Civil dominion ●●fering from Ecclesiastical  but that they are in effect so much different and separate, that they cannot agree or join together in one man. Neither is it to be thought that Christ did set or ordain an harder law than he himself before did take upon him. Forsomuch as in the 12. of Luke, certain of the company said unto him: Master, command my brother that he divide his inheritance with me. He answered: Man, who made me a judge or divider amongst you? We see therefore that Christ even simply did reject and refuse the office of a judge, 
Christ refuseth the office of a civil judge.  the which thing he would not have done, if it had been agreeable unto his office or duty. The like thing also he did in the 8. chapter of john. When as he refused to give judgement upon the woman taken in adultery, which was brought before him. Where as they do allege that Moses did supply both offices at once, 
An objection made by the example of Moses supplying both the offices answered unto.  I answer that it was done by a rare miracle. Furthermore, that it continued but for a time until things were brought unto a better state. Besides that, there was a certain form and rule prescribed him of the Lord, than took he upon him the civil governance and the priesthood, he was commanded to resign unto his brother, & that not without good cause, for it is against nature, that one man should suffice both charges: wherefore it was diligently foreseen and provided for in all ages. Neither was there any Bishop, so long as any true face or show of the Church did continue, who once thought to usurp the right and title of the sword. Whereupon in the time of Saint Ambrose, this Proverb took his original: that Emperors did rather wish or desire the office of priesthood, than Priests any Empire. For it was all men's opinions at that time, that sumptuous palaces did pertain unto Emperors, and Churches unto Priests. Saint Bernard also writeth many things which are agreeable unto this our opinion, 
Palaces to Princes, Churches pertain to Priests.  as is this his saying: Peter could not give that which he had not, but he gave unto his successors that which he had, that is to say, carefulness over the congregation, for when as the Lord & Master saith, that he is not constitute or ordained judge between two, the servant or Disciple ought not to take it scornfully, 
Peter could not give that he had not. Peter had no Lordly dominion. Ergo, Peter could not give Lordly dominion to his successors  if that he may not judge all men: and lest that he might seem in that place to speak of the spiritual judgement, he strait way annexeth: Therefore saith he, Your power and authority shall be in offence and transgression, not in possessions. For this purpose and not for the other, have you received the keys of the kingdom of heaven. Why then do you invade other men's bounds or borders: The rest I will pass over for brevities cause.    

The 7. Article.  
Falsely, and against the honour, state, and reverence of the sacred majesty of the king of Scots, 
The seven. Article.  he hath said, holden, and affirmed, that our most noble king of Scots, defender of the Christian faith, would appropriate unto himself all the possessions, lands and rents of the Church, given and granted by his predecessors, and also by himself, and convert them unto his own private use. And for this end and purpose, as he hath many times written unto him, so hath he with his whole endeavour persuaded our said noble Lord and king thereunto.  

Borthwike.  
It is no marvel though these mad dogs do so bark against me, whom they think to have counseled the kings Majesty (I would to God I had also thoroughly persuaded him) that he should take away from these unjust sacrilegious possessors, the riches wherewithal they are fatted and engreased like Swine. For this is the nature of dogs, that if any man go about to take away the bone out of their mouth, by and by to snatch at him and tear him with their teeth. It is out of all controversy unto such which have any wit at all, that such were very childish, that is to say, ignorant of all learning and judgement, which did so fat and feed with their possessions these belly beasts. For who would not judge it more than childish, 
A comparison between our belly Priests and the Priests of Baale.  to bestow the kings victuals or meat upon the bellies of the Prophets of Baal and jesabel? But all they which at this present do endue such filthy sinks (I will not call them deus of thieves) with such revenues they do follow the steps of jesabel, for what other thing do they, when as daily they are bleating and bowing before their Images, burning of incense, and fall flat down before their altars, but that which in times past the prophets of Baal did when as they transported the worship of God unto an Idol? Wherefore, if Daniel and Helias were spotted with heresy when they would have destroyed the Priests of Baal, I grant that I also must be an heretic. But forsomuch as then he did nothing but which was commanded him of the Lord, that was able to kill the Prophet which had alured the people to follow strange gods, he could not truly and justly be accused of heresy: so neither can my adversaries spot me therewithal, except peradventure they will condemn in me, that where as Elias dealt more rigorously with the Prophets of Baal, for he cast them into the broken Kidron. I required or desired no more, but that the riches which was wickedly bestowed upon them, and their possessions might be taken from them.    

The 8. Article.  
He willed and desired, and oftentimes with his whole heart prayed that the church of Scotland might come and be brought to the same point and state, 
 and to like ruin as the church of England was already come unto.  

Borthwike.  
If the church of Israel decayed, when as in the time of zorobabel, N●emias, and other holy men, it was released and set at liberty out of Babylon: I grant also, that it was a ruin unto the Englishmen to have departed and gone away out of Babylon, the mother of all whoredom: 
 upon whose rotten and filthy paps and breasts, they have a long time depended and hanged, being made drunk with the wine of her whoredom and unshamefastness. They had rather cause to give me thanks, which with so sincere and good a heart, wished unto them so happy a fall. But these unthankful persons thought it not enough with slander and reproach to tear me asunder, but that now also as blind rage and madness hath taken away all sincerity and uprightness of mind and judgement to lie in wait, and lay snares for my life.    

The 9 Article. 
  
He hath openly holden, said, and affirmed, preached, and taught, that the laws of the Church, that is to say, the sacred Canons approved and allowed by the holy Catholic and Apostolic church to be of ●o force, strength, or effect, alleging therefore, and affirming that they are made and invented, contrary to the law of God.  

Borthwike.  
God forbidden that I should say, that those things which are approved and allowed by the holy Catholic Church, should be of no effect or value. For well I know that the holy Apostolic church hath never allowed, ordained, 
 or taught any thing which she hath not learned of the Lord, the apostles are witnesses thereof, Peter and Paul, whereof the one of them dareth not freely utter or speak of any of those things, which Christ hath not wrought by himself for the obedience of the Gentiles.  
The other exhorteth that if any man speak, he should speak the praises of God, but I condemn those laws, which the bishops of Rome have made according to their own will and mind, and say that they are spiritual, 
 pertaining unto the soul, and necessary unto everlasting life.  
For so much as the writings of the Apostles do evidently declare, that there was no authority known amongst them to make or ordain any ordinances or laws.  
Furthermore the Scriptures do manifestly show the same, how oftentimes even by the Lords own mouth, 
 this foresaid authority is taken from the Ministers of the Church: so that no excuse for them remaineth, but that they be plain rebels against the word of GOD, how many so ever do presume or take upon them to appoint or set any new laws upon the people of GOD, which thing is more manifest and evident, than the light itself in many places of the Scripture. For in the 23. chapter of joshua, it is written you shall observe, and do all that is written in the law of Moses, neither shall you serve from that, either to the right hand, either to the left hand. But that which is written in the twelfth chapter of Deuteronomium, aught to move them somewhat the more.  
Whatsoever I command saith the Lord, that you shall observe and do: thereunto you shall add nothing, neither shall you take any thing from it. The like he had said before in the fourth chapter of the same book. And again Moses in the thirty. chapter of the same book doth witness, that he did put forth life, and blessing unto Israel, when as he gave them that law which he had received of the lord 
 How can they then excuse themselves of perjury, which ordain new laws to live by? But let us proceed further, and see what authority the Priests of Levies stock had to make laws. I do not deny but that God in the xvij. chapter of Deuteronomie, ordained under a great penalty, that the authority of the Priests should not be contemned, but had in reverence. But in the ij. of Malachi. He also declareth under what condition they are to be heard, where as he saith: he hath made a covenant with Levy, that the law of truth should be in his mouth, and by and by after he added: the lips of the Priest shall keep and maintain wisdom, and the law they shall require at his mouth, which is the messenger of the Lord of hosts. Therefore it is fit and necessary that if a Priest will be heard, that he do show himself the messenger of God, that is to say, faithfully to report and declare the commandments which he hath received of the Lord. For where as Malachi speaketh of hearing of them, he putteth this specially that they do answer according to the law of the Lord. Therefore like as the levitical Priests did break their covenant made with GOD, if they do teach any other law then that which they had received of him: So likewise these men must either acknowledge themselves to be covenant breakers, or else they may not bind the consciences of men with no new law.  
Furthermore, what power the Prophets had universally, it is very lively described in Ezechiel in his xxxiij. chapter.  
Thou son of man saith the Lord, I have made thee a guide unto the house of Israel, thou shalt hear the word out of mine own mouth, 
Ezechiel. cap. 55.  and declare it unto them from me. He then which is commanded to hear of the mouth of the Lord, is he not forbidden to rehearse or speak any thing of himself? For what other thing is it to speak from the Lord, but so to speak, that he may boldly affirm and say, that it is not his word, but the word of the Lord, which he speaketh.  
Further, God by his Prophet jeremy calleth it chaff, what so ever doth not proceed from himself. Wherefore, none of the Prophets have opened their mouths at any time to speak, but being premonished before by the word of GOD. Whereupon it happeneth, that these words are so often pronounced by them, The word of the Lord, The charge or burden of the Lord, The vision of the Lord, Thus saith the Lord, The mouth of the Lord hath spoken it.  
Now that we may also confirm that which is before spoken, by the examples of the Apostles, that they have taught nothing but that which they have learned of the Lord, the law which Christ prescribed unto them, when as he endowed them with the dignity and honour of the Apostleship, is somewhat more profoundly to be repeated. In the last chapter of Matthew, he commandeth them to go forth and teach, not such things as they themselves did rashly invent or devise, but those things which he had commanded them.  
Furthermore, Paul in the second to the Collossians, denieth that he hath any dominion or rule over the faith of the Corinthians, albeit he was ordained by the Lord to be their Apostle. If you require and desire a further reason of the moderation of Saint Paul, read the tenth chapter of his Epistle to the Romans, where as he teacheth, That faith cometh by hearing, it cometh not by the dreams of the Bishop of Rome, or by any other Bishop, but only by the word of God, neither ought any man to think it strange, that neither Christ restrained his Apostles by the law, that they should not teach any thing but that which they had learned of the mouth of the Lord. He set the same law upon himself because it should not be lawful for any man to refuse it.  
My doctrine saith Christ is not mine, but his which sent me, my fathers: he which hath been the only and eternal counsellor of the father, which also is ordained by the Father, the Lord and Master over all, for so much yet as he doth the office and part of a Minister, he doth by his example prescribe unto all Ministers, what rule and order they ought to follow in teaching, wherefore the power of the Church is not such, that it may at his own will and discretion, teach new doctrines, either as they term it, frame new Articles of faith, either establish new laws: but is subject unto the word of the Lord, and as it were included in the same. But now let us behold what defence they do bring for their constitutions. The Apostles say they, and the Elders of the Primitive Church established a decree, besides the commandment of Christ, whereby they did command all people to abstain from all things offered unto Idols, suffocation, and blood. 
The Church subject to the word of God. Reasons wherewith they defend their constitutions.  If that were lawful for them so to do, why is it not lawful for their successor, as often as necessity shall require to imitate and follow them in doing the like.  
But I deny that the Apostles in that behalf, did make any new decree or ordinance, for so much as Peter in the same counsel pronounceth God to be tempted, if any yoke be laid upon the necks of the Disciples: Even he himself doth subvert and overthrow his own sentence, 
Answer to the reasons above.  if they consent to lay any yoke upon them. But a yoke is laid upon them if the Apostles by their own authority do decree to prohibit the Gentiles not to touch any thing offered unto Idols or strangled, but you will say, they do write that they should abstain from those things. I grant that they do so write. But what doth S. james declare? That the Gentiles which are converted unto God are not to be troubled and vexed in such extern decrees and outward elements as these be. And the Apostle sufficiently declareth that he goeth about nothing less than to restrain the liberty of the Gentiles, but only to admonish and warn them how they should moderate and rule themselves amongst their brethren, lest they should abuse their liberty to the offence of the others.  
They allege furthermore, that which is written in the 23. of Matthew, the Scribes and Phariseis have satin in the chair of Moses, therefore all things what so ever they command you to observe and keep, 
another reason.  the same observe and do, but do you not as they do. I answer, the Lord in this place doth inveigh against the manners of the pharisees simply instructing his hearers, which before he had taught, that albeit they could perceive or see nothing in their life which they should follow, yet for all that they should not refuse to do those things which they did teach by the word, I say by the word, and not of their own head.    

The 10. Article.  
divers and many ways he hath said, holden, and also affirmed, and openly taught that there is no religion to be observed or kept, but simply to be abolished and destroyed: as it is now in England, and despising all religion, affirming, that it is but abusing of the people, he hath taught that their habits and vestures are deformed, and very monstrous, having in them no manner of utility or holiness, inducing and alluring as much as in him lay, all the adherentes of his opinion, that all religion in the kingdom of Scotland should be subverted and utterly taken away, to the great offence of the Catholic Church, and the diminishing and detrimen of the Christian Religion.  

Borthwike.  
The Prophet Esay in his fift chapter, crieth out, saying. Woe be unto you which call evil good, and good evil, darkness, light, and light, darkness, sour, sweet, and sweet sour. And followeth in the same place, in the said Prophets, Woe, saith he, to you that be wise and Sapient in your own eyes, and prudent in your own estimation. No man can deny but that the Cardinal of Scotland and his adherentes to be under this most heavy and grievous curse, when as they do so generally confound the Christian religion and their wicked Monkery, that they do entitle them both by one name of holiness, I trust I will make it appear more manifest than the day, that they do it by a sacrilegious audacity or boldness, unto such as setting a part all preposterous affection, will embrace the truth, when as she doth manifestly show herself.  
But before I enter into the matter, I will all men to understand, that I do not touch that kind of Monkery, which Saint Augustine and other so often make mention of: As in which the Monks being gathered together utterly, contemning and despising the vanities of this world, did lead a most chaste and godly life, living in prayer, reading, and disputations, not puffed up with pride, nor contentious with frowardness, neither full of envy, no man possessed any thing of his own, no man was chargeable or burdenous unto others, they wrought with their hands to get that which might sustain the body, the spirit and mind not let and hindered from God. Whatsoever did superabound more than was necessary for their sustentation, as by the restraint of their delicious and delicate fare, much did redound of the labours of their hands, it was with such diligence distributed unto the poor and needy, as it was not with greater diligence gotten by them which did give the same.  
For they by no means went about to have abundance lying by them, but sought all means possible that nothing should remain by them more than sufficient, besides this, no man was forced to any extremity, which he could not bear or suffer, no man had any thing laid upon him, which he refused, neither was he condemned of the rest, which confessed himself unable to imitate or follow: they had always in their mind how commendable a thing love and charity was, they remembered that all things are clean unto them which are clean. Therefore they did not refuse or reject any kinds of meat as polluted or defiled: but all their whole industry and labour was applied to subdue lust and concupiscence, and to retain love amongst brethren. Many of them did drink no wine, yet notwithstanding they thought not themselves defiled therewithal. For unto such as were sick and diseased, who could not recover the health of their body without the same, they did most gently permit it. And where as many foolishly refused the same, they brotherly admonished them to take heed that they became not rather the weaker▪ then the holier, through their vain superstition.  
Hitherto I have repeated that which Saint Augustine writeth of the Monks in his time whereby I would as it were paint out in a table, what manner of Monkery there was in the old time, that all men might understand how great difference there is between that and the monkery in these our latter days. For he would have all extreme compulsion to be taken away in such things as by the word of God are left to us at liberty. 
Precepts of men more cruelly exacted then the precepts of god.  But now a days there is nothing more severely and cruelly exacted. For they say it is a remediless offence if any do but never so little serve from their prescript order in colour or kind of garment, or in any kind of meat or in any other frivolous or vain ceremony.  
Saint Augustine doth straightly affirm that it is not lawful for Monks to live idle upon other men's labour, he plainly denieth that in his time there was any such example of any well ordered Monastery: but our Monks do constitute the principal part of holiness in idleness, which they call a contemplative life, wherefore the state of Monkery of the old time, and of these our days, is in all points so divers, 
Idleness & pleasure the weapons of the ancient enemy.  that scarce can any thing be more unlike, I will not say utterly contrary: for our Monks not content with that godliness to the study and desire, whereof Christ commandeth all his continually to be intentive, they imagine a new kind of godliness, I know not what, by the meditation whereof they are more perfect, than all other. But it is a most pestilent error (which all godly men ought to abhor) to fayne any other rule of perfection, than that common rule delivered unto the whole universal Church, which we suppose to be sufficiently approved in the refutation of the article before passed. Now I also pass over with silence the great blasphemy, whereby they compare their monastical confession unto Baptism. I also hold my peace that they do dissipate and divide the Communion of the Church, when as they do separate themselves from the lawful society and fellowship of the faithful, and claim unto themselves a peculiar ministry and private administration of the Sacraments, but as Saint Augustine witnesseth, it was so far of, that the Monks in times past, had any several church or administration of the Sacraments with others, and were a part and portion of the common people. Albeit that they dwelled asunder.  
But if that a man may touch the manner of these our Monks, what shall I call the cloisters in these our days, otherwise then brothel houses, swine sties, and dens of discord. Besides that, I will pass over their fairs and markets, which in these latter days they do make of their relics of Martyrs, to build up Sodom again. Wherefore I conclude, that this their kind of life which they claim unto themselves, is utterly wicked and naught, the which is not established or grounded upon any certain calling of God, neither allowed by him, wherefore I may be bold to say, that it is unlawful, because their conscience hath nothing whereby to sustain itself before god, and whatsoever is not of faith, is sin.  
And furthermore, so long as they do entangle & bind themselves with so many and so perverse, and wicked kind of worshipping, as the Monkery now a days doth contain in it, I may well say that they are not consecrated unto God, but unto the devil. For why? was it lawful for the Prophets, to say, that Israelites did offer their children unto wicked spirits, and not unto God only, for this cause that they did corrupt and violate the true worshipping of God with profane ceremonies. Is it not lawful then to speak the like of our Monks which together with their cowls have put on a thousand snares of most wicked superstitions? Let every man now weigh and consider with himself, if I have done wickedly to wish such religions as is this our Monkery, to be utterly extinguished and rooted out. Moreover, all christian princes should rightly and truly do their office, if as in times past josias pulled down and overthrew the high places which his elders the kings of juda had builded, so they would abolish and drive away these kind of Monks.    

It is plainly manifest by lawful proves, that the said john Borthwike had and presently hath, divers books suspected of heresy, condemned as well by the papal, as also Regal and ordinary authority, and prohibited by the law, that is to say, specially the new Testament commonly printed in English, Oecolampadius, Melancton, and divers treatises of Erasmus, and other condemned heretics, also a Book entitled, unio dissidentium, the which containeth most manifest and great errors, and heretical assumptions, and hath red and studied the same as well openly as privately, and hath presented and communicated them unto others, and also hath instructed and taught many Christians in the same, to the end and purpose, to divert and turn them away from the true christian and catholic faith.  

Borthwike.  
O good God, who can suffer so great a blasphemy? with what a filthy cankered stomach do these romish swine note the new testament of heresy? who would not judge it a most venomous tongue, which dare pronounce or utter such contumelious words against the holy Gospel of our Saviour Christ? Truly as the jews which put Christ to death, of all other murderers, even so these men (how so ever they do pronounce me an Archheretic) do fill up the measure of all other heretics: I will not say blasphemies, how then shall these serpents and stock of vipers escape and fly the judgement of everlasting fire? I do not greatly stand or stay that they do suspect Oecolampadius, Melancthon, or Erasmus, neither am I so mad to plead their cause who as they are men of singular learning and eloquence, so do their writings manifestly declare, how falsely and wickedly these Sycophants impute this crime & slander of heresy unto them.    

It is manifest that the said john Borthwike was so obstinate in all the foresaid error and heresies, and so maintained and taught them with such an indurate heart and mind, that he would not by no means be persuaded from them by his friends and divers other persons, which did dearly love and favour him, but chose rather obstinately to persevere in his said errors.  

Borthwike.  
I am willingly contented to be reduced to the Catholic faith, but if that Satan raise up any storms or tempest against that, those I do some thing resist, wherefore they most shamefully lie which do otherwise jest or talk of me, for I know not by what reason they call them my friends which so greatly laboured to convert me, neither will more esteem them, than the Madianites, which in times past called the children of Israel to do sacrifice unto their Idols. And furthermore, I desire the most high and mighty God, that he will never suffer me to serve or turn away from this so holy, godly, and christian obstinacy and stubbornness. The man is blest that hath set his whole hope and confidence upon the Lord, and hath not regarded or looked upon the proud, or those which follow after lies.     

¶ The sentence of condemnation against Sir john Borthwike Knight, by the Cardinal, Bishops, and Abbots in Scotland. An. 1540  
OF all which the premises and many other errors by him, holden, spoken, published, affirmed, preached, 
 & taught, the common fame and report is, that the said Sir john Borthwike is holden, reputed, and accounted of very many, is an heretic, and principal heretic which holdeth evil opinion of the catholic faith.  
Wherefore we David by the title of S. Steven in mount Celio, Prelate and Cardinal of the holy church of Rome, Archbishop of S. Andrews, primate of the whole kingdom of Scotland, & borne Legate of the Apostolic Sea, sitting after the manner of judges in our tribunal seat, the most holy Gospels of God being laid before us, that our judgement might proceed from the face of God, and our eyes might behold and look upon equity and justice, having only God, the verity and truth of the Catholic faith before our eyes, his holy name being first of all called upon, having as is beforesaid hereupon holden a counsel of wise men, as well divines as lawyers, we pronounce, declare, decree, determine, and give sentence, that the said Sir john Borthwike called captain Borthwike, being suspected, infamed, and accused of the errors and heresies before said, and wicked doctrines manifoldly condemned, as is aforesaid, & by lawful proves against him, in every of the premises had, being convict and lawfully cited and called, not appearing but as a fugitive, run away, and absent, even as though he were present, to be an heretic, and is, and hath been convict as an heretic. And as a convict heretic and heresiarche to be punished and chastened with due punishment, and afterward to be delivered and left unto the secular power. Moreover, we confiscate and make forfette, and by these presents declare and decree to be confiscated and made forfette, all and singular his goods, movables and unmooveables, how so ever, and by what so ever title they be gotten, and in what place or party so ever they be, and all his offices what so ever he hath hitherto had, reserving notwithstanding the dowry and such part and portion o● his goods, 
Thomas Forret Priest. The picture of Borthwick cur●ed and condemned.  as by the law, custom and right of this Realm unto parsons confiscate, aught to appertain. Also we decree that the picture of the said john Borthwike being form, made, and painted to his likeness, be carried thorough this our city to our Cathedral church, and afterward to the market cross of the same city, and there in token of malediction and curse, and to the terror and example of others, and for a perpetual remembrance of his obstinacy, and condemnation to be burned. Likewise we declare and Decree, that notwithstanding, if the said I. Borthwike be here after apprehended or taken, that he shall suffer such like punishment due by order of law unto heretics, without any hope of grace or mercy to be obtained in that behalf. Also we plainly admonish and warn by the tenor of these presents, all & singular faithful Christians, both men and women of what dignity, state, degree, order, condition, or pre-eminence so ever they be, or with what so ever dignity, or honour ecclesiastical or temporal they be honoured with all, that from this day forward they do not receive or harbour the said sir john Borthwike, commonly called captain Borthwike, being accused, convict, and declared an heretic, and archheretic into their houses, hospitals, castles, Cities, Towns, villages or other cottages what so ever they be, or by any manner of means admit him thereunto, either by helping him with meat, drink or victuals, or any other thing what so ever it be, they do show unto him any manner of humanity, help, comfort, or solace, under the pain and penalty of greater and further excommunication, confiscation and forfeitures, and if it happen that they be found culpable or faulty in the premises, that they shallbe accused therefore as the favourers, receivers, defenders, maintainers and abetters of heretics, and shall be punished therefore according to the order of law, and with such pain and punishment as shallbe due unto men in such behalf.  
And now to prosecute such other as followed, beginning first in order with Thom. Forret and his fellows. Their story is this.  
persecutors. Martyrs. Their Causes. 

David Beton, Bishop and Cardinal of S. Andrew's.  
George Treichton Bishop of Dunkelden.   

Tho. Forret, priest.  
Friar john Kelowe.  
Friar Benarage.  
Duncane Sympson, priest.  
Rob. Foster, a gentleman, with three or four other men of striveling, Martyrs.   NOt long after the burning of David Stratton, and master Gurlay above mentioned, in the days of David Beaton, bishop and Cardinal of S. Andrew's, & George Treichton B. of Dunkelden, a canon of Saint Colmes inch, and vicar of Dolone, called Dean Thomas Forret, preached every sunday to his parishners, the Epistle or Gospel, as it fell for the time: which then was a great novelty in scotland, to see any man preach, except a black friar, or a grey friar: and therefore the friars envied him, and accused him to the Bishop of Dunkelden (in whose diocese he remained) as an heretic, and one that showed the mysteries of the Scriptures to the vulgar people in English, to make the Clergy detestable in the sight of the people. The bishop of Dunkelden moved by the friars instigation, called the said Deane Thomas, 
George Treichton 〈◊〉 of Dunkelden and persecutor.  and said to him: my joy Deane Thomas, I love you well, and therefore I must give you my counsel, how you shall rule and guide yourself. To whom Thom. said, I thank your Lordship heartily. Then the B. began his counsel on this manner.  
My joy Deane Thomas, 
Tho. Forret preacheth and will take no mortuary nor Cl●i●ome of his parishioners. Ergo, he is an heretic against the Pope's Catholic church.  I am informed that you preach the Epistle or Gospel every Sunday to your Parishners, and that you take not the kowe, nor the upmoste cloth from your Parishners, which thing is very prejudicial to the church men: and therefore my joy Deane Thomas, I would you took your kow and your upmost cloth as other church men do, or else it is too much to preach every sunday, for in so doing you may make the people think that we should preach likewise. But it is enough for you, when you find any good Epistle, or any good gospel, that setteth forth the liberty of the holy church, to preach that, and let the rest be.  
Thomas answered: My Lord, I think that none of my parishners will complain that I take not the kowe nor the uppermost cloth, but will gladly give me the same together with any other thing that they have, and I will give and communicate with them any thing that I have, and so my Lord we agree right well, and there is no discord among us.  
And where your Lordship sayeth, it is too much to preach every Sunday: in deed I think it is too little, 

It is to much in the pope's Church to preach every sunday.  
The Bishop of Dunkelden was not ordained to preach.   and also would wish that your Lordship did the like. Nay, nay, Deane Thomas (sayeth my Lord) let that be, for we are not ordained to preach. Then said Thomas, when your Lordship biddeth me preach, when I find any good Epistle, or a good Gospel, truly my Lord, I have read the new Testament and the old, and all the Epistles and the Gospels, and among them all I could never find any evil Epistle, or any evil Gospel: but if your Lordship will show me the good Epistle and the good Gospel, and the evil Epistle and the evil Gospel, than I shall preach the good, and omit the evil.  
Then spoke my Lord stoutly, and said, I thank God that I never knew what the old and new Testament was, 
A proverb in Scotland.  (and of these words rose a Proverb which is common in Scotland: Ye are like the Bishop of Dunkeldene that knew neither new nor old law:) therefore Deane Thomas, I will know nothing but my Portous and my Pontifical. Go your way, and let be all these fantasies: for if you persever in these erroneous opinions, ye will repent it when you may not mend it.  
Thomas said, I trust my cause be just in the presence of God, 

Thomas Forret, Friar.  
john Kelow friar.  
Benerage, Dunkane Simpson Priest, Rob. Foster gentleman with 3. or 4. other of Striueling Martyrs.   and therefore I pass not much what do follow thereupon, and so my Lord and he departed at that tyme. And soon after a Summons was directed from the Cardinal of S. Andrew's, and the said Bishop of Dunkelden upon the said Deane Thomas Forret, upon 2. black Friars, called friar john Kelowe, and an other called Benarage, and upon one priest of Striueling called Duncane Sympson, and one Gentleman called Robert Foster in striveling, with other three or four, with them of the town of striveling: who at the day of their appearance after their summoning, were condemned to the death without any place of recantation, because (as was alleged) they were heresiarkes or chief heretics and teachers of heresies, and especially because many of them were at the bridal and marriage of a Priest, who was vicar of Twybodye beside Striveling, and did eat flesh in Lent at the said bridal, and so they were altogether burnt upon the castle hill of Edenbrough, where they that were first bound to the stake, godly and marvelously did comfort them that came behind.   

Hear followeth the manner of persecution used by the Cardinal of Scotland, against certain persons in Perth.  
persecutors. Martyrs. Their Causes. David Beton, Bishop and Cardinal of S. Andrew's. 

Robert Lamb.  
William Anderson.  
james Hunter.  
james Raveleson.  
james Founleson.  
Helen Stirke his wife.   FIrst there was a certain Act of parliament made in the government of the Lord Hamleton Earl of Arran, 
Anno. 154●.  and Governor of scotland, giving privilege to all men of the Realm of scotland, to read the Scriptures in their mother tongue, and language, secluding nevertheless all reasoning, conference, convocation of people to hear the Scriptures read or expounded. 
Proclamation in Scotland permitting the private ●eading of Scripture.  Which liberty of private reading being granted by public proclamation, lacked not his own truite, so that in sundry parts of Scotland thereby were opened the eyes of the elect of God to see the truth, and abhor the Papistical abominations. Amongst the which were certain persons in S. johnston, as after is declared.  
At this time there was a Sermone made by Friar Spense, 

Blasphemous doctri●e of a Papist.  
Robert Lamb, Martyr.   in saint johnston, aliâs called Perth, affirming prayer made ●o saints to be so necessary, that without it there could be no hope of salvation to man. Which blasphemous doctrine a Burges of the said town called Robert Lamb, could not abide, but accused him in open audience, of erroneous doctrine, and adjured him in God's name to utter the truth. The which the Friar being stricken with fear, promised to do, but the trouble, tumult, and stir of the people increased so, that the Friar could have no audience, and yet the said Roberte with great danger of his life escaped the hands of the multitude, 
Robert Lamb in great danger.  namely of the women, who contrary to nature, addressed them to extreme cruelty against him.  
At this time in the year of our Lord 1543. the enemies of the truth procured john Chartuous, who favoured the truth, and was Provost of the said city & town, of Perth, to be deposed from his office by the said governors authority, 
A papist set in office.  and a Papist called Master Alexander Marbecke to be chosen in his room, that they might bring the more easily their wicked enterprise to an end.  


Robert Lamb Will. Anderson, james Hunter, james Raveleson,  
Helen Styrke his wife cast in prison.   After the deposing of the former Provost, and election of the other, in the month of january the year aforesaid, on saint Paul's day, came to saint johnston, the Governor, the Cardinal, the Earl of Argile justice, sir john Campbell of Lunde knight, and justice De●orte, the Lord Borthwyke, the Bishop of Dumblane, and Orkeney, with certain other of the Nobility. And although there were many accused for the crime of heresy (as they term it) yet these persons were only apprehended upon the said saint Paul's day, Robert Lamb, William Anderson, james Hunter, james Raveleson, james Founleson, and Helen Stirke his wife, and cast that night in the Spay tower of the said City, the morrow to abide judgement.  
Upon the morrow, when they appeared and were brought forth to judgement in the town, was said in general to all their charge, the violating of the Act of Parliament before expressed, and their conference and assemblies in hearing and expounding of scripture against the tenor of the said Act. Robert Lamb was accused in special for interrupting of the Friar in the pulpit: which he not only confessed, but also affirmed constantly, that it was the duty of no man, which understood and knew the truth, to hear the same impugned without contradiction, and therefore sundry which there were present in judgement, who hid the knowledge of the truth, should bear their burden in God's presence for consenting to the same.  
The said Robert also with William Anderson, and james Raveleson were accused for hanging up the image of S. France's in a cord, 

Lamb, Anderson, Raveleson, for hanging S. Frances in a cord.  
james Hunter for using suspect company.   nailing of Rams horns to his head, and a cows rump to his tail, and for eating of a goose on Alhalow even.  
james Hunter being a simple man and without learning, and a Fletcher by occupation, so that he could be charged with no great knowledge in Doctrine, yet because he often used the suspect company of the rest, he was accused.  
The woman Helen Stirke was accused, for that in her childbed she was not accustomed to call upon the name of the virgin Mary, 
Helen Styrke for calling upon jesus and not our Lady in childbed.  being exhorted thereto by her neighbours, but only upon God, for jesus Christ's sake, and because she said in like manner, that if she herself had been in the time of the virgin Mary, God might have looked to her humility and base estate, as he did to the virgins, in making her the mother of Christ, thereby meaning, that there was no merits in the virgin, which procured her that honour, to be made the mother of Christ, and to be preferred before other women, but Gods only free mercy exalted her to that estate. Which words were counted most execrable in the face of the Clergy and whole multitude.  
james Raveleson aforesaid building a house, set upon the round of his fourth stair, the 3. crowned diadem of Peter carved of tree, which the cardinal took as done in mockage of his Cardinal's hat, and this procured no favour to the said james at their hands.  
These forenamed persons upon the morrow aft●● saint Paul's day were condemned and judged to death, 
 and that by an Assize, for violating (as was alleged) the Act of Parliament, in reasoning and conferring upon Scriptures, for eating flesh upon days forbidden, for interrupting the holy friar in the pulpit, for dishonouring of Images, and blaspheming of the virgin Mary, as they alleged.  
After sentence given, their hands were bound, and the men cruelly entreated. Which thing the woman beholding, desired likewise to be bound by the sergeants with her husband for Christ's sake.  
There was great intercession made by the Town in the mean season for the lif● of these persons aforenamed, to the Governor, who of himself was willing so to have done, that they might have been delivered. But the Governor was so subject to the appetite of the cruel priests, that he could not do that which he would. Yea, they menaced to assist his enemies, and to depose him, except he assisted their cruelty.  
There were certain priests in the City, who did eat and drink before in these honest men's houses, to whom the priests were much bounden. These priests were earnestly desired to entreat for their hostess, at the cardinals hands: but they altogether refused, desiring rather their death, than preservation. So cruel are these beasts from the lowest to the highest.  
Then after, they were carried by a great band of armed men (for they feared rebellion in the town, except they had their men of war) to the place of execution, which was common to all thieves, & that to make their cause appear more odious to the people.  
Robert Lamb at the gallows foot made his exhortation to the people, desiring them to fear God, and leave the leaven of Papistical abominations, 
The Mar●tyrdome 〈◊〉 these 〈◊〉.  & manifestly there prophesied of the ruin and plague which came upon the Cardinal thereafter. So every one comforting an other, and assuring themselves to sup together in the kingdom of heaven, that night commended themselves to God, and died constantly in the Lord.  
The woman desired earnestly to die with her husband, but she was not suffered: yet following him to the place of execution, she gave him comfort, exhorting him to perseverance and patience for Christ's sake, and parting from him with a kiss, said on this manner: Husband, rejoice, for we have lived together many joyful days: but this day, in which we must die, aught to be most joyful to us both, because we must have joy for ever. Therefore I will not bid you good night, for we shall suddenly meet with joy in the kingdom of heaven.  
The woman after was taken to a place to be drowned, and albeit she had a child sucking on her breast, yet this moved nothing the unmerciful hearts of the enemies. So after she had commended her children to the neighbours of the town for God's sake, and the sucking barn was given to the nurse, she sealed up the truth by her death. Ex Registris & instrumentis à Scotia missis.   

* The condemnation of M. George Wiseheart, Gentleman, who suffered martyrdom for the faith of Christ jesus, at saint Andrew's in Scotland, An. 1546. March 1. with the Articles objected against him, and his answers to the same.  
WIth most tender affection and unfeigned heart consider (gentle Reader) the uncharitable manner of the accusation of M. George Wiseheart, 
Anno 1546  made by the bloody enemies of Christ's faith. Note also the articles whereof he was accused, by order digested, and his meek answers, 
The exaltation of George 〈◊〉▪  so far as he had leave and leisure to speak. Finally, ponder with no dissembling spirit the furious rage, and tragical cruelness of the malignant Church, in persecuting of this blessed man of God: and of the contrary, his humble, patient, and most godly answers, made to them suddenly without all fear, not having respect to their glorious manasings and boisterous threats, but charitably and without stop answering: not moving his countenance, nor changing his visage, as in his accusation hereafter following manifestly shall appear.  
But before I enter into his Articles, I thought it not impertinent, somewhat to touch concerning the life and conversation of this godly man, according as of late came to my hands, certified in writing by a certain scholar of his, sometime named Emerey Tylney, whose words of testimonial as he wrote them to me, here follow.  
About the year of our Lord a thousand, five hundredth, forty and three, there was in the university of Cambridge one master George Wiseheart, commonly called master George of Bennettes College, who was a man of tall stature, polled headed, and on the same a round French cap of the best. judged of Melancholy complexion by his Physiognomy, black heard, long ●earded comely of personage, well spoken after his country of Scotland, courteous, lowly, lovely, glad to teach, desirous to learn, & was well traveled, having on him for his habit or clothing, never but a mantel fries gown to the shows, a black Millian fustian dowblet, and plain black hosen, course new canuesse for his Shirts, and white falling Bands and Cuffs at the hands. All the which Apparel he gave to the poor, some weekelye, some monthly, some quarterly as he liked, saving his French cap which he kept the whole year of my being with him.  
He was a man modest, temperate, fearing God, hating Covetousness: For his Charity had never end, night, noon, nor day, he forbore one meal in three, one day in four for the most part, except something to comfort nature. He lay hard upon a pouffe of straw: course new canuesse Sheets, which when he changed, he gave away, he had commonly by his beds side a tub of water. In the which, (his people being in head, the candle pu●te out, and all quiet) he used to bathe himself, as I being very young, being assured often heard him, and in one light night discerned him, he loved me tenderly, and I him, for my age as effectually. He taught with great modesty and gravity, so that some of his people thought him severe, and would have slain him, but the Lord was his defence. And he after due correction for their malice by good exhortation amended them, and he went his way! O that the Lord had left him to me his poor boy, that he might have finished that he had begun: For in his Religion he was as you see here in the rest of his life, when he went into Scotland with divers of the Nobility, that came for a treaty to king Henry the eight. His learning no less sufficient, than his desire always priest and ready to do good, in that he was able both in the house privately, and in the School publicly, professing and reading divers authors.  
If I should declare his love to me and all men, his Charity to the poor, in giving, relieving, caring, helping, providing, yea infinitely studying how to do good unto all, and hurt to none, I should sooner want words then just cause to commend.  
All this I testify with my whole heart and truth of this Godly man. He that made all, governeth all, and shall judge all, knoweth I speak the troth, that the simple may be satisfied, the arrogant confounded, the hypocrite disclosed.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Emery Tylney.  Dogmata eiusdem Georgij. 
Fides sola sine operibus justificat  
Opera ostendant & ostentant fidem  
Romana ecclesia putatiuè caput mundi,  
Lex canonica caput Papae  
Missae ministerium, mysterium iniquitatis.  
To the said master George being in Captivity in the Castle of saint Andrews, th● Deane of the same Town, was sent by the commandment of the Cardinal, and his wicked Counsel, and there summoned the said master George, that he should upon the morning following, 
 appear before the judge, then and there to give account of his seditious and heretical doctrine.  
To whom M. George answered, what needeth (said he) my Lord Cardinal to summon me to answer for my doctrine, openly before him, under whose power and dominion I am thus straightly bound in irons? May not my Lord compel me to answer of his extort power? 
〈◊〉 George ●●sehartes ●●●were 〈…〉 that 〈…〉.  Or believeth he that I am unprovided to render a count of my doctrine? To manifest yourselves what men ye are, it is well done that ye keep your old ceremonies and constitutions made by men.  
Upon the next morning, the Lord Cardinal caused his servants to address themselves in their most warlike array, with jacke, Knapskal, Splente, spear, and axe, more seeming for the war, then for the preaching of the true word of God.  
And when these armed champions marching in warlike order had conveyed the bishops into the abbey Church, 
M. Wyseharte brought again before the Bishops.  incontinently they sent for M. George, who was conveyed into the said Church by the Captain of the Castle, accompanied with an hundred men addressed in manner aforesaid. Like a lamb lead they him to sacrifice.  
As he entered into the Abbey Church door, there was a poor man lying, vexed with great infirmities, ask of his alms: to whom he flung his purse. And when he came before the Lord Cardinal, 
M. Wyseharte casteth his purse to a poor man.  by and by the Suppriour of the Abbey, called Dane john Winryme, stood up in the pulpit, and made a sermon to all the congregation there then assembled, taking his matter out of the xiii. chapter of matthew, Whose sermon was divided into four principal parts.  
The first part was a brief and short declaration of the Evangelist.  
The second part, of the interpretation of the good seed. 
The sermon of john Wynrime.  And because he called the word of God the good seed, and heresy the evil seed, he declared what heresy was, and how it should be known: which he defined on this manner. 
Heresy defined.  Heresy is a false opinion defended with pertinacy, clearly repugning the word of God.  
The third part of his sermon, was the cause of heresy within that Realm, and all other Realms. 
The cause of heresy.  The cause of heresy (quoth he) is the ignorance of them which have the cures of men's souls, to whom it necessarily belongeth to have the true understanding of the word of God, that they may be able to win again the false Doctors of heresies with the sword of the spirit, which is the word of God, and not only to win again, 
Tit. 7.  but also to overcome them, as saith Paul: A Bishop must be faultless, as it becometh the minister of God, not stubborn, nor angry, no drunkard, no fighter, not given to filthy lucre, but barbarous, one that loveth goodness, sober minded, righteous, holy, temperate and such as cleaveth unto the true word of doctrine, that he may be able to exhort with wholesome learning, and to improve that which they say against him.  
The fourth part of his sermon was how heresies should be known: 
The manner to know an here●ticke.  Heresies (quoth he) be known on this manner as the Goldsmith knoweth the fine gold from the unperfect, by the touchstone: so likewise may we know heresy by the undoubted touchstone: that is, the true, sincere, and undefiled word of God. At the last he added, that heretics should be put down in this present life. 
The Gospel was of letting the tars to grow unto harvest.  To which proposition the gospel appeared to repugn, which he entreated of: Let them grow unto the harvest: the harvest is the end of the world, Nevertheless, he affirmed that they should be put down by the civil magistrate and law. And when he ended his sermon, incontinently they caused master George to ascend into the pulpit, there to hear his accusation and articles. And right against him stood by, one of the fed flock, a monster, john La●der, 
john Lauder accuser.  laden full of cursings, written in paper. Of the which he took out a roll, both long and also full of cursings▪ threats, maledictions and words of devilish spite and malice, 
The way to fear the ignorant.  saying to the innocent M. George, so many cruel and abominable words, and hit him so spitefully with the pope's thunder, that the ignorant people dreaded lest the 〈◊〉 than would have swallowed him up quick. Notwithstanding he stood still with great patience, hearing their sayings, not once moving or changing his countenance.  
When that this fed s●w had read throughout all his lying manasinges, his face running down with sweat, 
The fruits of their charity.  and frothing at his mouth like a boar, he spit at M. George's face, saying: What answerest thou to these sayings, thou runagate traitor, thief, which we have duly proved by sufficient witness against the? M. George ●earing this, kneeled down upon his knees in the Pulpit, making his prayer to God. When he had ended his prayer, sweetly and Christianly he answered to them all in this manner.  

Master George his answer.  
MAny and horrible sayings unto me, a Christian man, 
M. Wyseharte● answer.  many words abominable for to hear, ye have spoken here this day. Which not only to receive, but also once to think, I thought ever great abomination. Wherefore I pray your discretions quietly to hear me, that ye may know what were my sayings, & the manner of my doctrine. This my petition (my Lord) I desire to be heard for three causes. 
Three causes why M. Wysehart deserved to be heard.   
The first is, because through preaching of the word of God, his glory is made manifest. It is reasonable therefore, for the advancing of the glory of God, that ye hear me teaching truly the pure word of God without any dissimulation.  

The 2. cause.  The second reason is, because that your health springeth of the word of God: or he worketh all thing by his word. It were therefore an unrighteous thing, if ye should stop your ears from me, teaching truly the word of God.  

The 3. cause.  The third reason is, because your doctrine uttereth many blasphemous and abominable words, not coming of the inspiration of God, but of the devil, with no less peril then of my life. It is just therefore and reasonable your discretions to know what my words and doctrine are, and what I have ever taught in my time in this realm, that I pearish not unjustly, to the great peril of your souls. Wherefore both for the glory and honour of God, your own health, and safeguard of my life, I beseech your discretions to hear me, and in the mean time I shall recite my doctrine without any colour.  

M. Wysehartes doctrine.  First & chief, since the time I came into this realm, I taught nothing but the 10. commandments of God, the 12. Articles of the faith, and the prayer of the Lord in the mother tongue. Moreover, in Dundie I taught the Epistle of S. Paul to the Romans. And I shall show your discretions faithfully what fashion and manner I used when I taught, without any human dread, so that your discretions give me your ears benevolent and attended.  
Suddenly then with all high voice cried the accuser, the fed sow: thou heretic, runagate, traitor, and thief, it was not lawful for thee to preach. Thou haste taken the power at thine own hand, without any authority of the church. 
The cry of the Scribes & Phariseis.  We forethink that thou hast been a preacher so long. Then all the whole congregation of the prelate's with their complices, said these words: If we give him licence to preach, he is so crafty, and in the holy scripture so exercised, that he will persuade the people is his opinion, and raise them against us.  

M. Wyseharte appealeth to the Governor.  Master George seeing their malicious and wicked intent, appealed from the Lord Cardinal to the Lord governor, as to an indifferent and equal judge. To whom the accuser john Lauder aforesaid, with hoggish voice answered, 
The style and titles of the Archb. of Saint Andrew's.  Is not my Lord Cardinal the second person within this realm, chancellor of scotland, Archb. of S. Andrew's, bishop of Meropois, Commendator of Aberbrothoke, Legatus natus, Legatus à Latere. And so retiring as many titles of his unworthy honours, as would have laden a ship, much sooner an ass, is not he, quoth john Lauder, an equal judge apparently unto thee? Whom other desirest thou to be thy judge?  
To whom this humble man answered, saying, I refuse not my Lord Cardinal, but I desire the word of God to be my judge, and the temporal estate, with some of your lordships mine auditors, because I am here my Lord governors prisoner. 
The words of the people against the L. Governor.  Whereupon the pridefull & scornful people that stood by, mocked him, saying: Such man such judge, speaking seditious & reproachful words against the governor and other the Nobles, meaning them also to be heretics. And incontinent without all delay they would have given sentence upon M. George, and that without farther process, had not certain men there counseled the Cardinal to read again the articles, and to hear his answers thereupon, that the people might not complain of his wrongful condemnation.  
And shortly to declare, these were the articles following, with his answers, as far as they would give him leave to speak. For when he intended to mitigate their ●ea●ings, and show the manner of his doctrine▪ by and by they stopped his mouth with an other article.  

1. Article.  1 THou false heretic, runagate, traitor and thief, deceiver of the people, thou despisest the holy Church, and in like case contemnest my Lord governors authority. And this we know for surety, that when thou preachedst in Du●dy, and waste charged by my Lord governors authority to desist: nevertheless thou wouldst not obey, but perseveredst in the same: and therefore the Bishop of Brothen cursed thee, and delivered thee into the devils hands, and gave thee in commandment that thou shouldest preach no more. That notwithstanding thou didst continued obstinately.  
My Lords, I have read in the Acts of the apostles, that it is not lawful to desist from the preaching of the gospel, 
Answer.  for the threats and manases of men. Therefore it is written: 
Act. 5.  We shall rather obey God then men. I have also read in the Prophet Malachi●: I shall curse your blessings, & bless your cursings, 
Malach. 2.  believing firmly, that the Lord will turn your cursings into blessings.  
2 Thou falls heretic didst say, that the priest standing at the altar saying Mass, 
2. Article.  was like a Fox wagging his tail in julie.  
My Lords, I said not so. These were my sayings: The moving of the body outward, 
Answer.  without the inward moving of the heart, is nought else, but the playing of an Ape, and not the true serving of God: For God is a secret searcher of men's hearts. Therefore who will truly adore and honour God, he must in spirit and verity honour him. Then the accuser stopped his mouth with an other article.  
3 Thou false heretic preachedst against the sacraments, 
3. Article▪  saying, that there were not 7. sacraments.  
My Lords, and if it be your pleasures, 
Aunswe●●▪  I never taught of the number of the sacraments, 
Of the 7▪ Sacrament.  whether they were seven or eleven. So many as are instituted by Christ, and are showed to us by the evangel, I profess openly. Except it be the word of God I dare affirm nothing.  
4 Thou false heretic hast openly taught, 
4. Article▪  that auricular confession is not a blessed sacrament. And thou sayest that we should only confess us to God, and to no priest.  
My Lords, I say, that auricular confession, 
Aunswe●●▪  seeing that it hath no promise of the evangel, therefore it can not be a Sacrament. Of the confession to be made to God, 
Confess●●● what it 〈◊〉 and to 〈◊〉 it ought 〈◊〉 be mad●▪  there are many testimonies in scripture, as when David saith: I thought I would knowledge mine iniquity against myself unto the Lord, and he forgave the punishment of my sin. Psal. 32 Hear confession signifieth the secret knowledging of our sins before God. When I exhorted the people in this manner, I reproved no manner of confession. And farther S. james sayeth: Knowledge your faults one to an other, and pray one for an other, that you may be healed. 
james. 3.  When that he had said these words, the Bishops and their complices cried and grinned with their teeth, saying: See ye not what colours he hath in his speaking, that he may beguile us and seduce us to his opinion▪  
5 Thou heretic didst say openly, 
5. Article▪  that it was necessary to every man, to know and understand his Baptism, and what it was, contrary to general Counsels, and the states of holy Church. 
Aunsw●●●▪   
My Lords, I believe there be none so unwise here, that will make merchandise with a French man, 
Baptis●● how necessary it is 〈◊〉 be know● of all 〈◊〉 Confir●●●tion 〈◊〉 it 〈◊〉. Ex 〈…〉  or any other unknown stranger, except he know and understand first the condition or promise made by the French man or stranger. So likewise I would that we understood what thing we promise in the name of the infant unto God in Baptism. For this cause I believe ye have confirmation. Then said master Bleiter chaplain, that he had the devil within him, and the spirit of error. Then answered him a child, saying: The devil cannot speak such words as yonder man doth speak.  
6 Thou heretic, traitor, and thief, thou saidst that the Sacrament of the altar was but a piece of bread baken upon the ashes and no other thing else, and all that is there done, 
6. Artic●●▪  is but a superstitious rite against the commandment of God.  
Oh Lord God, so manifest lies and blasphemies the Scripture doth not teach you. 
Aunsw●●●▪  As concerning the sacrament of the aultare (my Lords) I never taught any thing against the Scripture, 
The Pa●pistes re●proued liars a●● 〈◊〉. The 〈◊〉 use of 〈◊〉 Sacrament of the 〈◊〉▪  the which I shall (by God's grace) make manifest this day, I being ready therefore to suffer death.  
The lawful use of this Sacrament is most acceptable unto God: but the great abuse of it is very detestable unto him. But what occasion they have to say such words of me, I shall shortly show your Lordships. I once chanced to meet with a jew, when I was sailing upon the water of Rhine. I did inquire of him what was the cause of his pertinacy, 
The 〈◊〉 of a Iew●▪  that he did not believe that the true Messiah was come, considering that they had seen all the Prophecies which were spoken of him, to be fulfilled. Moreover, the Prophecies taken away, and the Sceptre of juda, by many other testimonies of the scripture, I vanquished him, that Messiah was come, 
The pri●●●●pall 〈◊〉 which the 〈◊〉 from C●●●●stianity▪  that which they called jesus of Nazareth. This jew answered again unto me, when Messiah cometh, he shall restore all things, and he shall not abrogate the law, which was given to our forefathers, as ye do. For why▪ we see the poor almost perish through hunger amongst you: yet you are not moved with pity towards them: but among us jews (though we be poor) there are no beggars found.  
Secondarily, it is forbidden by the law, to feign any kind of imagery of things in heaven above, 
Images▪  or in the earth beneath, or in the sea under the earth: but one God only to honour: but your Sanctuaries and Churches are full of Idols.  
Thirdly, a piece of bread baken upon the ashes, 
The Sa●●●●ment of 〈◊〉 altar.  ye adore and worship, and say, that it is your God. I have rehearsed here but the sayings of the jew, which I never affirmed to be true. Then the bishops shook their heads, and spitted on the earth, and what they meant in this matter further they would not hear.  
7 Thou false heretic didst say, 
7. Article▪  that extreme unction was not a sacrament.  
My Lords, forsooth I never taught any thing of extreme unction in my doctrine, whether it were a Sacrament or no.  

 8 Thou false heretic saidst, that holy water is not so good as wash, and such like. Thou condemnest conjuring, and sayest that holy Church's cursings avail not.  
My Lords, as for holy water, what strength it is of, I taught never in my doctrine. conjurings and Exorcisms, 
Answer.  if they were conformable to the word of God, I would commend them: but in so much as they are not conformable to the commandment and word of God, I reprove them.  

●. Article.  9 Thou false heretic and runagate hast said, that every lay man is a priest, and such like. Thou sayest, that the Pope hath no more power, than any other man.  
My Lords, I taught nothing but the word of God, I remember that I have read in some places in S. john and S. Peter, 
Answer.  of the which one saith: He hath made us kings and priests. The other sayeth: He hath made us a kingly priesthood. 
 Wherefore I have affirmed that any man being cunning in the word of God, & the true faith of jesus Christ, hath his power given him from God, and not by the power or violence of men, but by the virtue of the word of God, the which word is called the power of God, as witnesseth S. Paul evidently enough. And again, I say that any unlearned man, 
Rom. 1.  not exercised in the word of God, nor yet constant in his faith, what so ever estate or order he be of, I say, he hath no power to bind or lose, seeing he wanteth the instrument, by the which he bindeth or looseth, that is to say, the word of God.  
After that he had said these words, all the bishops laughed, 
 & mocked him. When that he beheld their laughing, Laugh ye (sayeth he) my Lords? Though that these sayings appear scornful and worthy of derision to your Lordships, nevertheless they are very weighty to me, and of a great value, because they stand not only upon my life, but also the honour and glory of God. In the mean time many godly men beholding the woodness and great crudelity of the Bishops, and the invincible patience of master George, did greatly mourn and lament.  
10 Thou false heretic saidst, that a man hath no free wil But is like to the stoics, 
●●. Article  which say, that it is not in man's will to do any thing, but that all concupiscence & desire cometh of God, what soever kind it be of.  
My Lords, I said not so, truly, I say, that as many as believe in Christ firmly, unto them is given liberty, conformable to the saying of S. john: 
Answer.  If the son make you free, then shall ye verily be free. Of the contrary, as many as believe not in Christ jesus, 
john. 8.  they are bond servants of sin: He that sinneth, is bond to sin.  

11. Article.  11 Thou false heretic sayest, it is as lawful to eat flesh upon the friday, as on sunday.  
Pleaseth it your Lordships, I have read in the Epistles of S. Paul, 
Answer.  that who is clean, unto him all things are clean. Of the contrary, to the filthy men all things are unclean. 
〈◊〉. 1.  A faithful man clean and holy, sanctifieth by the word, the creature of God. But the creature maketh no man acceptable unto God. 
 So that a creature may not sanctify any impure and unfaithful man. But to the faithful man, all things are sanctified by the prayer of the word of God. 
The creature doth 〈◊〉 sanctify without the 〈◊〉.  After these sayings of master George, then said all the Bishops with their complices: what needeth us any witness against him? hath he not openly here spoken blasphemy?  
12 Thou false heretic dost say, that we should not pray to saints, 
12. Article  but to God only. Say whether thou hast said this, or no: say shortly.  
For the weakness and the infirmity of the hearers, he said without doubt plainly, 
answer.  that Saints should not be honoured. My Lords (said he) there are two things worthy of note. 
〈◊〉 honour 〈◊〉 God is 〈…〉. 4.  The one is certain, the other uncertain. It is found plainly and certain in Scripture, that we should worship and honour one God, according to the saying of the first Commandment: Thou shalt only worship and honour thy Lord God, with all thy heart. But as for praying to, and honouring of Saints, there is great doubt among many, whether they hear or no, invocation made unto them. Therefore I exhorted all men equally in my doctrine, that they should leave the unsure way, and follow that way, which was taught us by our master Christ. He is our only mediator, and maketh intercession for us to God his father. 
〈…〉 to be 〈◊〉.  He is the door by the which we must enter in. He that entereth not in by this door, but climbeth an other way, is a thief and murderer. He is the verity and life. He that goeth out of this way, there is no doubt but he shall fall into the mire: yea verily, is fallen into it already. This is the fashion of my doctrine, the which I have ever followed. verily that which I have heard and read in the word of God; I taught openly, and in no corners. And now ye shall witness the same, if your Lordships will hear me. Except it stand by the word of God, I dare not be so bold to affirm any thing. These sayings he rehearsed divers times.  
13 Thou false heretic haste preached plainly, 
13. Article.  saying that there is no Purgatory, and that it is a feigned thing, any man after this life to be punished in Purgatory.  
My Lords, as I have oftentimes said heretofore, 
Answer.  without express witness and testimony of the Scripture, I dare affirm nothing. 
Purgatory not once named in Scripture.  I have oft and divers times read over the Bible, and yet such a term found I never, nor yet any place of Scripture applicable thereunto. Therefore I was ashamed ever to teach of that thing, which I could not find in the Scripture. Then said he to master john Lauder his accuser: If you have any testimony of the Scripture, by the which ye may prove any such place, show it now before this auditory. But this dolt had not a word to say for himself, but was as dumb as a beetle in that matter.  
14 Thou false heretic hast taught plainly against the vows of Monks, Friars, Nuns, and Priests, saying: 
14. Article.  that whosoever was bound to such like vows, they vowed themselves to the estate of damnation: Moreover, that it was lawful for priests to marry wives, and not to live sole.  
Of sooth (my Lords) I have read in the evangel, 
Answer.  that there are three kinds of chaste men. Some are gelded from their mother's womb: some are gelded by men: 
Math. 13.  and some have gelded themselves, for the kingdom of heaven sake. verily I say, 
Three kinds of chaste men. The danger of unchastitye.  these men are blessed by the Scripture of God. But as many as have not the gift of chastity, nor yet for the evangel, have not overcome the concupiscence of the flesh, and have vowed chastity: ye have experience, although I should hold my peace, to what inconvenience they have vowed themselves.  
When he had said these words, they were all dumb, thinking better to have ten Concubines, than one married wife.  
15 Thou false heretic and runagate sayest, 
15. Article.  thou wilt not obey our General, nor Provincial Counsels.  
My Lords, what your general Counsels are, I know not, I was never exercised in them: 
Answer.  but to the pure word of God I gave my labours. Read here your general Counsels, or else give me a book wherein they are contained, that I may read them. If they agree with the word of God, 
They run appase to shed blood.  I will not disagree. Then the ravening wolves turned into woodness, & said. Wherefore let we him speak any further? Read forth the rest of the articles, & stay not upon them. Among these cruel tigers, there was one false hypocrite, 
john Grayfinde Scot, an hasty butcher to his slaughter.  a seducer of the people, called joh. Graifind Scot, standing behind joh. Lauders back, hasting him to read the rest of the articles, & not to tarry upon his witty and godly answers: For we may not abide them, quoth he, no more than the devil may abide the sign of the Cross, when it is named.  
16 Thou heretic sayest, that it is vain to build to the honour of God, costly Churches, 
16. Article.  seeing that God remaineth not in the Churches made with men's hands, nor yet God can be in so little space, as betwixt the priests hands.  
My Lords, Solomon sayeth: If that the heaven of heavens can not comprehend thee, 
Answer.  how much less this house, that I have builded? And job consenteth to the same sentence: Seeing that he is higher than the heavens, therefore what canst thou build unto him? He is deeper than hell, 
3. Reg. 8. job. 11.  then how shalt thou know him? He is longer than the earth, and broader than the sea. So that God cannot be comprehended into one place, because that he is infinite. These sayings notwithstanding, I said never that Churches should be destroyed. But of the contrary I affirmed ever, 
Whereunto Churches should serve.  that Churches should be sustained and upholden, that the people should be congregated into them, there to hear of God. And moreover, wheresoever is true preaching of the word of God, and the lawful use of the Sacraments, undoubtedly there is God himself. So that both these sayings are true together: God cannot be comprehended into any place, and where soever are two or three gathered in his name, there is he present in the midst of them. Then said he to his accuser, If you think any otherwise then I say, show forth your reasons before this auditory. Then he without all reason being dumb, and not answering one word, proceeded forth in his articles.  
17 Thou false heretic contemnest fasting, and sayest, 
17. Article.  thou shouldest not fast.  
My Lords, I find that fasting is commended in the scripture: therefore I were a slanderer of the Gospel, if I contemned fasting. And not so only, 
Answer. True fasting he alloweth.  but I have learned by experience, that fasting is good for the health of the body: but God knoweth who fasteth the true fast.  
18 Thou false heretic haste preached openly, 
18. Article.  saying that the soul of man shall sleep to the latter day of judgement, and shall not obtain life immortal until that day.  

Answer.  God full of mercy and goodness forgive them that say such things of me. I wot and know surely by the word of God, that he which hath begun to have the faith of jesus Christ, and believeth firmly in him, I know surely that the soul of that man shall never sleep, but ever shall live an immortal life. The which life from day to day is renewed in grace and augmented: 
The faithful soul shall never sleep.  nor yet shall ever perish, or have an end, but ever immortal shall live with Christ. To the which life all that believe in him shall come, and rest in eternal glory. Amen.  
When the Bishops with their complices had accused this innocent man in manner and form aforesaid, incontinently they condemned him to be burnt as an heretic, not having respect to his godly answers and true reasons which he alleged, nor yet to their own consciences, thinking verily that they should do to God good sacrifice, conformable to the sayings of S. john: 
john. 16.  They shall excommunicate you: yea, and the time shall come, that he which killeth you, shall think that he hath done to God good service.   

The prayer of master George.  
O Immortal God, how long shalt thou suffer the woodness & great crudelity of the ungodly to exercise their fury upon thy servants which do further thy word in this world, 
The prayer of M. George Wyseharte for the congregation of God.  seeing they desire to be contrary, that is to choke and destroy thy true doctrine & verity, by the which thou hast showed thyself unto the world, which was all drowned in blindness and misknowledge of thy name. O Lord we know surely that thy true servants must needs suffer for thy name's sake, persecution, affliction, and troubles in this present life, which is but a shadow, as thou haste showed to us by thy Prophets and Apostles. But yet we desire thee heartily, that thou conserve, defend, and help thy congregation, which thou hast chosen before the beginning of the world, and give them thy grace to hear thy word, and to be thy true servants in this present life.  
Then by & by they caused the common people to void away, whose desire was always to hear that innocent man to speak. Then the sons of darkness pronounced their sentence definitive, not having respect to the judgement of God. When all this was done and said, the Cardinal caused his warders to pass again with the meek Lamb into the Castle, until such time as the fire was made ready. When he was come into the Castle, than there came two Grey fiends, friar Scot and his mate, saying, Sir, ye must make your confession unto us. He answered, and said, I will make no confession unto you. Go fetch me yonder man that preached this day, and I will make my confession unto him. Then they sent for the Suppriour of the Abbey, who came to him withal diligence. But what he said in this confession I can not show.  
When the fire was made ready, and the gallows at the West part of the Castle near to the Priory, the Lord Cardinal dreading that master George should have been taken away by his friends, commanded to bend all the Ordinance of the Castle right against that part, and commanded all his gunner's to be ready and stand beside their guns, unto such time as he were burned. All this being done, they bound Master George's hands behind his back, and led him forth with their soldiers from the Castle, to the place of their wicked execution. As he came forth of the Castle gate, there met him certain beggars ask his alms for God's sake. To whom he answered, I want my hands wherewith I should give you alms: but the merciful Lord, of his benignity and abundance of grace, that feedeth all men, vouchsafe to give you necessaries both unto your bodies and souls. 
M. Wisehart prayeth for the relief of the poor.  Then afterward met him two false fiends, I should say Friars, saying: Master George, pray to our Lady, that she may be mediatrix for you to her son. To whom he answered meekly: Cease, tempt me not my brethren. After this he was lead to the fire with a rope about his neck, 
M. Wysehart answereth the Friars tempting him.  and a chain of iron about his middle.  
When that he came to the fire, he sat down upon his knees, and rose again, and thrice he said these words: O thou Saviour of the world have mercy on me. Father of heaven, I commend my spirit into thy holy hands. When he had made this prayer, he turned him to the people and said these words.  

The words and exhortation of M. Wysehart at his death to the people.  I beseech you Christian brethren and sisters, that ye be not offended in the word of God for the affliction and torments, which ye see already prepared for me. But I exhort you that ye love the word of God, and suffer patiently and with a comfortable heart for the words sake, which is your undoubted salvation and everlasting comfort.  
Moreover, I pray you show my brethren and sisters, which have heard me oft before, that they cease not, nor leave of the word of God, which I taught unto them, after the grace given unto me, for no persecutions or troubles in this world, which lasteth not: and show unto them, that my doctrine was no wives fables after the constitutions made by men. And if I had taught men's doctrine, I had gotten great thanks by men. But for the words sake and true evangel, which was given to me by the grace of God, I suffer this day by men, not sorrowfully, 
The co●●stant pa●●●ence of 〈◊〉 good 〈◊〉▪  but with a glad heart and mind. For this cause I was sent, that I should suffer this fire for Christ's sake. Consider and behold my visage, ye shall not see me change my colour. This grim fire I fear not. And so I pray you for to do, if that any persecution come unto you for the words sake, & not to fear them that slay the body, and afterward have no power to slay the soul. Some have said of me, that I taught, that the soul of man should sleep until the last day. But I know surely, & my faith is such, that my soul shall sup with my saviour Christ this night, ere it be 6. hours: for whom I suffer this. Then he prayed for them which accused him, saying: 
M. Geo●●● Wysehar●● prayeth hi● 〈◊〉 & forge● them.  I beseech thee (father of heaven) to forgive them that have of any ignorance, or else of any evil mind, forged any lies upon me. I forgive them with all my heart. I beseech Christ to forgive them that have condemned me to death this day ignorantly.  
And last of all he said to the people on this manner: I beseech you brethren and sisters, to exhort your Prelates to the learning of the word of God, 
M. 〈◊〉 Wyseha●● prophe●● of the 〈◊〉 of the ●●●●dinall, 〈◊〉 which 〈…〉  that they at the last may be ashamed to do evil, and learn to do good. And if they will not convert themselves from their wicked error, there shall hastily come upon them the wrath of God, which they shall not eschew. Many faithful words said he in the mean time, taking no heed or care of the cruel torments which were then prepared for him.  
The martyrdom of M. George Wisehart.  
And last of all, the hangman that was his tormentor, sat down upon his knees, and said: Sir I pray you forgive me, for I am not guilty of your death. To whom he answered: come hither to me. When that he was come to him, he kissed his cheek, and said: Lo here is a token that I forgive thee▪ My heart do thine office: and by and by, he was put upon the gibbet and hanged, and there burnt to powder. When that the people beheld the great tormenting, they might not withhold from piteous mourning & complaining of this innocent lambs slaughter.    

A note of the just punishment of God upon the cruel Cardinal Archbishop of S. Andrew's, named Beaton.  
IT was not long after the martyrdom of the blessed man of God M. George Wisehart aforesaid, who was put to death by David Beaton, the bloody Archbishop and Cardinal of Scotland, 
 as is above specified, an. 1546. the first day of March, but the said David Beaton Archbishop of S. Andrew's, by the just revenge of God's mighty judgement, was slain within his own Castle of S. Andrew's by the hands of one Lech & other Gentlemen, who by the Lord stirred up, broke in suddenly into his Castle upon him, and in his bed murdered him the same year, the last day of May, crying out: Alas, alas, slay me not, I am a Priest. And so like a butcher he lived, 
The death of David Beaton Archb. of Saint Andrew's.  and like a butcher he died, & lay 7. months and more unburied, & at last like a carrion buried in a dunghill. an. 1546. Maij vlt. Ex histor. impressa.  
After this David Beaton, succeeded john Hamelton Archbishop of S. Andrew's. an. 1549. who to the intent that he would in no ways appear inferior to his predecessor, 
john Hamelton Archbishop of S. Andrew's.  in augmenting the number of the holy Martyrs of God, in the next year following called a certain poor man to judgement, whose name was Adam Wallace. The order and manner of whose story here followeth.   

The story and martyrdom of Adam Wallace in Scotland. 
john Hamelton a persecutor.   
THere was set upon a scaffold made hard to the Chauncelary wall of the black friars Church in Edinbrough on seats made thereupon, 
Adam Wallace Martyr.  the L. Governor. Above him at his back sat M. Gavin Hamelton Deane of Glasgue, representing the Metropolitan Pastor thereof. 
The condēnat●●n of Adam Wallace ● poor man.  Upon a seat on his right hand sat the Archb. of S. Andrew's. At his back, and aside somewhat stood the Official Lowthaine. Next to the Bishop of S. Andrew's, the Bishop of Dunblane, the Bishop of Murray, the Abbot of Dunfermeling, 
 the Abbot of Glen●uce, with other Churchmen of lower estimation, as the Official of S. Andrew's, & other Doctors of that nest and City. And at the other end of the seat sat master Uchiltrie. On his left hand sat the Earl of Argyle justice, with his deputy Sir john Campbell of Lundy under his feet. Next him the Earl of Huntley. Then the Earl of Anguish, the Bishop of Gallaway, the Prior of S. Andrew's, the bishop of Orkenay, the L. Forbes, Dane john Wynrime Suppriour of S. Andrew's, and behind the seats stood the whole senate, the Clerk of the Register, etc.  
At the further end of the Chauncelary wall in the pulpit was placed M. john Lauder parson of Marbottle accuser, clad in a Surplice, and a red hood, and a great Congregation of the whole people in the body of the church, standing on the ground. After that, Sir john Ker, Prebendary of S. Giles Church was accused, convicted, and condemned, for the false making and giving forth of a sentence of divorce, and thereby falsely divorced and parted a man and his lawful wife in the name of the Dean of Roscalrige and certain other judges appointed by the holy Father the Pope. 
Ba●rab●s let 〈…〉 & crucified.  He granted the falsehood, and that never any such thing was done in deed, nor yet meant nor moved by the foresad judges, and was agreed to be banished the realms of Scotland and England for his life time, and to lose his right hand, if he were found or apprehended therein hereafter, and in the mean time to leave his benefices for ever, and they to be vacant.  
After that was brought in Adam Wallace, a simple poor man in appearance, 
Adam Wal●●ce brought in bef●●● the 〈◊〉 and Pharis●is.  conveyed by john of Cunnoke servant to the B. of S. Andrew's, and set in the midst of the scaffold, who was commanded to look to the accuser: who asked him what was his name. He answered, Adam Wallace. The accuser said, he had another name, which he granted, and said he was commonly called Feane. Then asked he where he was borne? 
joh. Lauder his accuser.  Within two mile of Fail (said he) in Kyle. Then said the accuser, I repent that ever such a poor man as you should put these noble Lords to so great encumbrance this day by your vain speaking, 
Adam Wallace otherwise named john Feane.  And I must speak (said he) as God giveth me grace, and I believe I have said no evil to hurt any body. Would God (said the accuser) ye had never spoken, but you are brought forth for so horrible crimes of heresy, as never was imagined in this country of before, and shall be sufficiently proved, that ye can not deny it: and I forethink that it should be heard, for hurting of weak consciences. Now I will yea thee no more, & thou shalt hear the points that thou art accused of.  
Adam Wallace, aliâs Feane, thou art openly delated and accused for preaching, 
The Sacrament of the Popish 〈◊〉.  saying, and teaching of the blasphemies and abominable heresies underwritten. In the first, thou hast said and taught, that the bread and wine on the altar, after the words of consecration, are not the body and blood of jesus Christ. He turned to the Lord Governor, and Lords aforesaid, saying: I said never, nor taught nothing, but that I found in this book and writ (having there a Bible at his belt, in French, Dutch, and English) which is the word of God, and if you will be content that the Lord God and his word be judge to me and this his holy writ, here it is, and where I have said wrong, 
The doctrine of Adam Wallace touching the Sacrament of the lords body.  I shall take what punishment you will put to me: for I never said nothing concerning this that I am accused of, but that which I found in this writ.  
What didst thou say, said the accuser? I said (quoth he) that after our Lord jesus Christ had eaten the paschal Lamb in his latter Supper with his Apostles, and fulfilled the ceremonies of the old law, he instituted a new Sacrament in remembrance of his death then to come. He took bread, he blessed, and broke it, and gave it to his Disciples, and said: Take ye, eat ye, 
Math. 26.  this is my body, which shall be broken and given for you: And likewise the cup, blessed, and bad them drink all thereof, for that was the cup of the new testament, which should be shed for the forgiving of many. How oft ye do this, do it in my remembrance.  
Then said the B. of S. Andrew's, 
The Archb. of S. Andrew's speaketh. The Earl of Huntly speaketh.  and the Official of Lowthaine, with the Dean of Glasgue, and many other Prelates: we know this well enough. The earl of Huntly said: thou answerest not to that which is laid to thee: say either nay or yea thereto. He answered, if ye will admit God & his word spoken by the mouth of his blessed son jesus Christ our Lord and Saviour, ye will admit that I have said: for I have said or taught nothing, but that the word, which is the trial and touchstone saith, which ought to be judge to me, and to all the world.  
Why (quoth the Earl of Huntley) hast thou not a judge good enough? and trowest thou that we know not God and his word? Answer to that is spoken to thee: and then they made the accuser speak the same thing over again. Thou saidest (quoth the accuser) and hast taught, that the bread and wine in the Sacrament of the altar, after the words of the consecration, are not the body and blood of our Saviour jesus Christ.  
He answered: I said never more than the write saith, nor yet more than I have said before. 
1. Cor. 11.  For I know well by S. Paul when he sayeth: Whosoever eateth this bread, and drinketh of this cup unworthily, receiveth to himself damnation. And therefore when I taught (which was but seldom, and to them only which required and desired me) I said, that if the Sacrament of the altar were truly ministered, and used as the son of the living God did institute it, where that was done, there was God himself by his divine power, by the which he is over all.  
The Bishop of Orkney asked him: Believest thou not (said he) that the bread and wine in the sacrament of the altar, after the words of the consecration, is the very body of God, flesh, blood, and bone?  
He answered: I wots not what that word consecration meaneth. I have not much latin, 
Adam Wallace answereth by his Creed.  but I believe that the son of God was conceived of the holy Ghost, and borne of the Virgin Mary, & hath a natural body with hands feet, and other members, and in the same body he walked up & down in the world, preached, and taught, he suffered death under Pontius Pilate, was crucified, dead and buried, and that by his godly power he raised that same body again the third day: and the same body ascended in to heaven, and sitteth on the right hand of the father, 
Christ's natural body cannot be in two places at once.  which shall come again to judge both the quick and the dead. And that this body is a natural body with hands & feet and cannot be in two places at once, he showeth well himself: For the which everlasting thanks be to him that maketh this matter clear. 
Math. 26.  When the woman broke the ointment on him, answering to some of his Disciples which grudged thereat, he said: The poor shall you have always with you, but me shall you not have always, meaning of his natural body. And likewise at his Ascension said he to the same Disciples that were fleshly, and would ever have had him remaining with them corporally: 
john. 16.  It is needful for you that I pass away, for if I pass not away, the comforter the holy Ghost shall not come to you (meaning that his natural body behoved to be taken away from them) But be stout and be of good cheer, 
Math. 28. john. 16.  for am with you unto the worlds end.  
And that the eating of his very flesh profiteth not, 
The eating of the very flesh of Christ profiteth nothing.  may well be known by his words which he spoke in the 6. of john, where after that he had said: Except ye eat my flesh and drink my blood, ye shall not have life in you: they murmuring thereat, he reproved them for their gross & fleshly taking of his words, and said: What will ye think when ye see the son of man ascend to the place that he came from? It is the spirit that quickeneth, the flesh profiteth nothing, to be eaten as they took it, and even so take ye it. 
john. 6. The B. of Orknay speaketh.   
It is an horrible heresy, said the Bishop of Orknay. When he began to speak again, and bad the Lord Governor judge if he had right by the writ, the accuser cried Ad secundam. Nunc ad secundam, answered the Archbishop of S. Andrew's.  

The 2. article against Adam Wallace.  Then was he bidden to hear the accuser, who propounded the second Article, and said: Thou saidest likewise, and openly didst teach, that the Mass is very Idolatry, and abominable in the sight of God.  

Answer.  He answered and said: I have read the Bible and word of God in three tongues, and have understand them so far as God gave me grace, and yet read I never that word Mass in it all: 
The Mass not found in Scripture.  but I found (said he) that the thing that was highest and most in estimation amongst men, and not in the word of God, was Idolatry, and abominable in the sight of God. And I say the Mass is holden greatly in estimation, 
Argument.  and high amongst men, and is not founded in the word, therefore I said it was Idolatry and abominable in the sight of God. But if any man will find it in the Scripture, and prove it by God's word, I will grant mine error, and that I have failed: otherwise not, and in that case I will submit me to all lawful correction and punishment. Ad tertiam, said the Archbishop.  
Then said the accuser: Thou hast said and openly taught that the God which we worship, is but bread, sown of corn, 
The 3. Article. Answer.  growing of the earth, baked of men's hands, and nothing else.  
He answered, I worship the father, the son, and the holy Ghost, three persons in one Godhead, which made & fashioned the heaven and earth, and all that is therein of nought, but I know not which God you worship: and if you will show me whom you worship, 
The pope's God.  I shall show you what he is, as I can by my judgement.  
Believest thou not (said the accuser) that the sacrament of the altar, after the words of the consecration betwixt the Priest's hands, is the very body and blood of the son of God, and God himself? What the body of God is, said he, and what kind of body he hath, I have showed you, so far as I have found in scripture.  
Then said the accuser, thou hast preached, said, and openly taught divers & sundry other great errors and abominable heresies against all the seven. sacraments, which for shortness of time I pretermit and overpass. Whether dost thou grant thy foresaid Articles that thou art accused of, or no, and thou shalt hear them shortly? and then repeated the accuser the three Articles aforesaid shortly over, and asked him whether he granted or denied them.  
He answered that before he had said of his answers, and that he said nothing, but agreeing to the holy word as he understood, so God judge him, and his own conscience accuse him, and thereby would he abide unto the time he were better instructed by scripture, and the contrary proved, 
The words of Adam Wallace to the L. Governor and the Lords.  even to the death: and said to the Lord Governor and other Lords: if you condemn me for holding by God's word, my innocent blood shall be required at your hands, when ye shall be brought before the judgement seat of Christ, who is mighty to defend my innocent cause, before whom ye shall not deny it, nor yet be able to resist his wrath: 
Heb. 10,  to whom I refer the vengeance, as it is written: Vengeance is mine, and I will reward.  
Then gave they forth sentence, and condemned him by the laws, 
Sentence of condemnation given against Adam Wallace.  and so left him to the secular power, in the hands of Sir john Campbell justice deputy, who delivered him to the Provost of Edenbrough to be burnt on the Castle hill, who incontinent made him to be put in the uppermost house in the town with irons about his legs and neck, 
Sir Hugh Terry an imp of Satan.  and gave charge to Sir Hugh Terry to keep the key of the said house, an ignorant Minister and imp of Satan, and of the Bishops, who by direction, sent to the poor man two Grey Friars to instruct him, with whom he would enter into no communing. Soon after that was sent in two black Friars, an English Friar, and another subtle sophister, 
Friars sent to instruct Adam Wallace.  called Arbirtromy, with the which English Friar he would have reasoned and declared his faith by the scriptures. Who answered, he had no commission to enter in disputation with him, and so departed and left him.  
Then was sent to him a worldly wise man, and not ungodly in the understanding of the truth, 
The Dean of Roscalridge sent to Adam Wallace  the Dean of Roscalrige, who gave him Christian consolation, amongst the which he exhorted him to believe the realty of the sacrament after the consecration. But he would consent to nothing that had not evidence in the holy scripture, & so passed over that night in singing, & landing God to the ears of divers hearers, 
The books of the good man taken from him.  having learned the psalter of David without book, to his consolation: For before they had spoiled him of his Bible, which always till after he was condemned, was with him where ever he went. After that, sir Hugh knew that he had certain books to read & comfort his spirit, who came in a rage & took the same from him, leaving him desolate (to his power) of all consolation, and gave divers ungodly & injurious provocations by his devilish venom, to have perverted him a poor innocent, from the patience & hope he had in Christ his saviour: but God suffered him not to be moved therewith, as plainly appeared to the hearers and seers for the time.  
So all the next morning abode this poor man in irons, and provision was commanded to be made for his burning against the next day. Which day the Lord Governor, and all the principal both spiritual and temporal Lords departed from Edenbrough to their other business.  
After they were departed, 
The Dean cometh again to Adam Wallace.  came the Deane of Roscalrige to him again & reasoned with him after his wit. Who answered as before, he would say nothing concerning his faith but as the scripture testifieth, yea though an Angel came from heaven to persuade him to the same: saving that he confessed himself to have received good consolation of the said Dean in other behalfs as becometh a Christian.  
Then after came in the said Terry again & examined him after his old manner, and said, 
Sir Hugh Terry cometh again to Adam Wallace.  he would garre devils to come forth of him ere even. To whom he answered: you should be a godly man to give me rather consolation in my case. When I knew you were come, I prayed God I might resist your temptations, which I thank him, he hath made me able to do: therefore I pray you let me alone in peace. Then he asked of one of the Officers that stood by, is your fire making ready? Who told him it was. He answered, as it pleaseth God: I am ready soon or late as it shall please him: & then he spoke to one faithful in that company, & bade him commend him to all the faithful, being sure to meet together with them in heaven. From that time to his forth coming to the fire, spoke no man with him.  
At his forth coming, the Provost with great manasing words forbade him to speak to any man, or any to him, 
The Provost of Edenbrough forbiddeth him to speak to any man. The worde● of Adam Wallace to the people.  as belike he had commandment of his superiors. Coming from the town to the Castle hill, the common people said, God have mercy upon him. And on you to (said he.) Being beside the fire, he lifted up his eyen to heaven twice or thrice, and said to the people: Let it not offend you, that I suffer the death this day, for the truths sake, for the Disciple is not above his master. Then was the Provost angry that he spoke. Then looked he to heaven again, and said: They will not let me speak. The cord being about his neck, the fire was lighted, and so departed he to God constantly, and with good countenance to our sights, Ex testimonijs & literis è Scotia petitis. an. 1550.  
The burning of the blessed Martyr Adam Wallace.   

¶ The schism that arose in Scotland for the Pater noster.  
AFter that Richard Mershal Doctor of Divinity and Prior of the black Friars at the new Castle in England, had declared in his preachings of S. Andrew's in Scotland, that the lords Prayer (commonly called the Pater noster) should be done only to God & not to Saints▪ neither to any other creature: 
 the Doctors of the University of S. Andrew's together with the Grey Friars, who had long ago taught the people to pray the Pater noster to Saints, had great indignation that their old doctrine should be repugned, & stirred up a Grey Friar called Friar Toittis', to preach again to the people that they should & might pray the Pater noster to saints. Who finding no part of the Scripture to found his purpose upon, yet came to the Pulpit, the first of November, being the Feast of All hallows, an. 1551. and took the text of the Gospel for that day read in their Mass, written in the 5. of Matthew, containing these words: Blessed are the poor in spirit, for to them pertaineth the kingdom of heaven. 
Math. 5.   
This feeble foundation being laid, the Friar began to reason most impertinently, 
The doctrine of the Papists 〈◊〉 that the Pater noster may be 〈◊〉 to saints. and why?  that the lords Prayer might be offered to Saints: because every petition thereof appertain to them. For if we meet an old man in the street (said he) we will say to him: good day father, and therefore much more may we call the Saints our fathers: and because we grant also that they be in heaven, we may say to every one of them: Our father which art in heaven. Father, God hath made their names holy, and therefore ought we as followers of God to hold their names holy, and so we may say to any of the Saints: 

Blasphemous doctrine against the glory & 〈◊〉 name of God.  
A Fryerly glozing upon 〈◊〉 Pater ●o●ter.   Our father which art in heaven, hallowed be thy name. And for the same cause, said the Friar, as they are in the kingdom of heaven, so that kingdom is theirs by possession: and so praying for the kingdom of heaven, we may say to them and every one of them: Thy kingdom come. And except their will had been the very will of God, they had never come to that kingdom, and therefore seeing their will is God's will, we may say to every one of them: Thy will be done.  
But when the Friar came to the fourth petition touching our daily bread, he began to be astonished and ashamed, so that he did sweat abundantly, partly because his sophistry began to fail him, 
The friars sophistry 〈◊〉 failed 〈◊〉.  not finding such a colour for that part as for the other which went before: and partly because he spoke against his own knowledge and conscience and so was compelled to confess that it was not in the Saints power to give us our daily bread, but that they should pray to God for us (said he) that we may obtain our daily bread by their intercession, and so glossed he the rest to the end. Not standing yet content with this detestable doctrine, he affirmed most blasphemously, that S. Paul's napkin and S. Peter's shadow did miracles, and that the virtue of Eliseus' cloak divided the waters, attributing nothing to the power of God: with many other errors of the Papists, horrible to be heard.  
Upon this, followed incontinent a dangerous schism in the Church of Scotland: for not only the Clergy, but the whole people were divided among themselves, one defending the truth, and an other the Papistry, in such sort, that there rose a Proverb: To whom say you your Pater noster? 
A Scottish proverb.  And although the Papists had the upper hand as then, whose words were almost held for law (so great was the blindness of that age) yet God so inspired the hearts of the common people, that so many as could get the understanding of the bare words of the Lords prayer in english (which was then said in Latin) utterly detested that opinion, holding that it should in no wise be said to Saints: So that the crafts men and their servants in their booths, when the Friar came, exploded him with shame enough, 
Friar Pater noster driven out of S. Andrew's.  crying, Friar Pater noster, Friar Pater noster, who at the last being convict in his own conscience, and ashamed of his former Sermon, was compelled to leave the Town of S. Andrew's.  
In the mean time of this brute, there were two Pasquil's set on the Abbay Church, the one in Latin beating these words.  

Doctores nostri de Collegio▪  
Concludunt idem cum Lucifero,  
Quod Sancti sunt similes altissimo:  
Et se tuentur gravatorio  
De mandato Officialis,  
Ad instantiam fiscalis,  
G●w & ●eruey non varij  
In premissis connotarij.   

M. David ●aw and M. Thomas struy, 〈◊〉 procurators.  The other in English, bearing these words.  
Doctors of Theology, of fourscore of years,  
And old jolle Lupoys the bald grey Friars,  
They would be called Rabbi and Magister noster,  
And wots not to whom they say their Pater noster.  
Shortly, the Christians were so 〈◊〉 offended, and the Papists on the other side so proud and wilful, that necessary it was, to eschew greater inconveniences, that the Clergy at least should be assembled to dispute and conclude the whole matter, that the lay people might be put out of doubt. 

Disputation in Scotland to whom they should say their Pater noster Pater noster to be said to God formaliter & to saints materialiter.  
Vltimatè to god non ultimatè to Saints.  
Principaliter to God minus principaliter to saints.  
Primariè to god secundariè to saints.  
Strictè to God largè to Saints.   Which being done, and the University agreed, whosoever had been present might have heard much subtle sophistry. For some of the popish Doctors affirmed that it should be said to God formaliter, and to Saints, materialiter, Others ultimatè, & non ultimatè. Others said it should be said to God principaliter, and to saints minus principaliter. Others, that it should be said to GOD primariè, and to saints secundariè, Others that it would be said to GOD capiendo strictè, & to saints capiendo largè. Which vain distinctions being heard and considered by the people they that were simple, remained in greater doubtfulness than they were in before: so that a well aged man, and servant to the Suppriour of S. Andrew's called the Suppriours Thome being demanded to whom he said his Pater noster: he answered, to God only. Then they asked again what should be said to the saints, he answered, give them Aves and Credes enough in the devils name, for that may suffice them well enough: albeit they do spoil God of his right. Others making their vaunts of the Doctors, said, that because Christ (who made the Pater noster) never came into the isle of Britain, & so understood not the English tongue therefore it was that the Doctors concluded it should be said in Latin.  
This perturbation and open slander yet depending it was thought good to call a principal Council to decide the matter. Which being assembled at Edenbrough, 
The answer of an old man, to whom they should say their Pater noster. A doctorly reason why the Pater noster should be said in Latin. The Council of Edenbrough could not agree to whom they should say their Pater noster. The Papists maintain their cause with lies and railing, when reason lacketh.  the Papists being destitute of reason, defended their parts with lies, alleging, that the University of Paris had concluded that the lords Prayer should be said to saints. But because that could not be proved, and that they could not prevail by reason, they used their will in place of reason, & sometime despiteful and injurious talk. As Friar Scot being asked of one to whom he should say the Pater noster, he answered, saying: say it to the devil, knave. So the Council perceiving they could profit nothing by reasoning, they were compelled to pass 
* 
That is to the numbering of voices.  
The Friars and Prelates could not agree among themselves about saying the Pater noster.   voting.  
But then incontinent they that were called Churchmen, were found divided and repugnant, among themselves. For some Bishop with the Doctors and Friars, consented that the Pater noster should be said to saints: but the Bishops of S. Andrew's, Caitnesse and Atheins, with other more learned men, refused utterly to subscribe to the same. Finally, with consent of both the parties, Commission was given by the holy church to Dane 
* This Winrame is now become a godly minister in the Church of God, and a married man. Walter Mill▪ Martyr.  john Winrame, then Suppriour of S. Andrew's, to declare to the people how and after what manner they should pray the lords prayer. Who accepting to the commission, declared that it should be said to God, with some other restrictions which are not necessary to be put in memory. And so by little and little, the brute and tumult ceased, Ex testimonio è Scotia allato.   

* The martyrdom of the blessed servant of God, Walter Mille.  
AMong the rest of the Martyrs of Scotland, the marvelous constancy of Walter mill is not to be passed over with silence. Out of whose ashes sprang thousands of his opinion and religion in Scotland, who altogether choose rather to die then to be any longer overtrodden by the tyranny of the foresaid cruel, ignorant, and beastly bishops Abbots, Monks, and Friars, and so began the congregation of Scotland, to debate the true Religion of Christ against the Frenchmen and Papists, who sought always to depress and keep down the same: for it began soon after the martyrdom of Walter mill, of the which the form here after followeth.  
In the year of our Lord. 1558. in the time of mary Duchess of Longawayll Queen Regent of Scotland, & the said john Hamelton being bishop of S. Andrew's, 
Walter Mill contrary to his Popish vow married. Walter Mill first suspected of heresy. Walter Mill taken by two Popish priests George Straqwhen and Sir Hugh Turrye.  and Primate of Scotland, this Walter mill (who in his youth had been a papist) after that he had been in Almain, & had heard the doctrine of the Gospel, he returned again into Scotland, and setting aside all papistry and compelled chastity, married a wife, which thing made him unto the Bishops of Scotland to be suspected of heresy: and after long watching of him he was taken by 2. Popish Priests one called sir George S●raqwhen, and the other sir Hugh Turry servants to the said bishop for the time, within the town of Dysart in Fi●●e, and brought to s. Andrew's and imprisoned in the castle thereof. He being in prison, the Papists earnestly trauay●ed and laboured to have seduced him, and threatened him with death and corporal torments, to the intent they would cause him to recant and forsake the truth. But seeing they could profit nothing thereby, and that he remained still firm and constant, they laboured to persuade him by fair promises, and offered unto him a Monks portion for all the days of his life, in the Abbay of Dunfermeling, so that he would deny the things he had taught, and grant that they were heresy: but he continuing in the truth even unto the end, despised their threatenings and fair promises.  

Concilium malignantium▪  Then assembled together the Bishops of S. Andrew's, Murray, Brechin, Caitnes, and Atheins, the Abbots of Dunfermeling, Landors, Balindrinot, & Towper, with Doctors of Theology of S. Andrew's, as john Greson black Friar, and Dane john Uymame, suppriour of S. Andrew's, William Transton Provost of the old College, with divers others, as sundry Friars black & grey. These being assembled, and having consulted together, he was taken out of prison, & brought to the Metropolitan Church, where he was put in a Pulpit tofore the Bishops to be acused, 
Walter Mill for age could scarce climb to the pulpit. God giveth strength contrary to man's expectation.  the 20. day of April. Being brought unto the Church, and climbing up to the Pulpit, they seeing him so weak & feeble of person, partly by age and travail, & partly by evil entreatment, that without help he could not climb up, they were in despair not to have heard him for weakness of voice. But when he began to speak, he made the Church to ring and sound again, with so great courage & stoutness, that the Christians which were present, were no less rejoiced, 
Andrew Oliphant the Archbishop's Chaplain.  than the adversaries were confounded and ashamed. He being in the Pulpit, and on his knees at Prayer, sir Andrew Oliphant, one of the bishops Priests, commanded him to arise and to answer to his Articles, saying on this manner: Sir Walter mill, arise and answer to the Articles, for you hold my Lord here over long. To whom Walter after he had finished his prayer, answered saying: We ought to obey God more than men, I serve one more mighty, even the omnipotent Lord: and where you call me sir Walter, they call me Walter and not sir Walter, I have been overlong one of the Pope's Knights. Now say what thou hast to say.   

These were the Articles whereof he was accused, with his answers unto the same.  OLiphant. 
What think you of Priest's marriage?  Mille. 

Oliphant. Mill.  I hold it a blessed band, for Christ himself maintained it, and approved the same, and also made it free to all men: but ye think it not free to you: ye abhor it, and in the mean time take other men's wives and daughters, & will not keep the band that God hath made. Ye vow chastity, & break the same. S. Paul had rather marry then burn: the which I have done, for God forbade never marriage to any man, of what state or degree so ever he were.  Olip. 

Oliphant. Mill.  Thou sayest there is not seven sacraments.  Mille. 
give me the Lords supper and Baptism, and take you the rest, & part them among you: For if there be seven. why have you omitted one of them, to wit, marriage, and give yourselves to slanderous and ungodly whoredom.  Oliph. 

Oliphant.  Thou art against the blessed sacrament of the altar, and sayest, that the Mass is wrong, and is Idolatry.  Mille. 

Mill. A similitude aptly applied.  A Lord or a King sendeth & calleth many to a dinner, and when the dinner is in readiness, he causeth to ring a bell, and the men come to the hall, and sit down to be partakers of the dinner, but the Lord turning his back unto them, eateth all himself, and mocked them: so do ye.  Oliph. 
Thou deniest the sacrament of the altar to be the very body of Christ really in flesh and blood. 
Oliphant. Mill. The Sacrament and sacrifice of the Mass.   Mille. 
The scripture of God is not to be taken carnally but spiritually, and standeth in faith only: & as for the Mass, it is wrong, for Christ was once offered on the Cross for man's trespass, and will never be offered again, for than he ended all sacrifice.  Oliph. 
Thou deniest the office of a Bishop.  Mille. 

Oliphant. Mill. bishops no Bishops.  I affirm that they whom ye call Bishops, do no Bishops works, nor use the offices of Bishops, (as Paul biddeth writing to Timothy) but live after their own sensual pleasure, and take no care of the flock, nor yet regard they the word of God, but desire to be honoured and called, my Lords.  Oliph. 

Olyphant.  Thou speakest against pilgrimage, and callest it a pilgrimage to whoredom.  Mille. 
I affirm that, and say that it is not commanded in the scripture, 
Mill.  and that there is no greater whoredom in no places, then at your pilgrimages, except it be in common brothels.  Oliph. 
Thou preachedst quietly and privately in houses, and openly in the fields.  Mille. 
Yea man, and on the sea also sailing in ship.  Oliph. 


Walter Mill constant in the truth.  
Sentence pronounced against Walter Mill.   Wilt thou not recant thine erroneous opinions? and if thou wilt not, I will pronounce sentence against thee.  Mille. 
I am accused of my life: I know I must die once, & therefore as Christ said to judas: Quod facis, fac citius. Ye shall know that I will not recant the truth, for I am corn, 
Patrick Learmon● the Archbyshop● steward 〈◊〉 Provost ●●●fuseth to his temp●●rall iudge● Also the Archbishop's chamberlain refuseth to be his judge. The town● offended w●th the condemnation of Walter Mille. No cord all the town could be bought to tie him to the stake▪ Alexander Symmer●waill the Bishop's servant, made te●●poral iud●● for Walte● Mille. The miraculous we●● king of 〈◊〉 in Walter Mille. W. Mill● denied by the Bishops to speak W. mill permitted by the 〈◊〉 men to speak.  I am no chaff, I will not be blown away with the wind nor burst with the flail, but I will abide both.  
These things rehearsed they of purpose, with other light trifles, to augment their final accusation, and then sir Andrew Oliphant pronounced sentence against him, that he should be delivered to the temporal judge, and punished as an heretic, which was to be burnt. Notwithstanding his boldness and constancy moved so the hearts of many, that the Bishops Stuard of his regality, Provost of the town called Patrick Learmond, refused to be his temporal judge: to whom it appertained if the cause had been just. Also the Bishop's chamberlain being therewith charged, would in no wise take upon him so ungodly an office. Yea the whole town was so offended with his unjust condemnation, that the Bishop's servants could not get for their money so much as one cord to tie him to the stake, or a tar barrel to burn him, but were constrained to cut the cords of their masters own pavilion to serve their turn.  
Nevertheless one servant of the Bishops more ignorant and cruel than the rest, called Alexander Symmerwayll, enterprising the office of a temporal judge in that part, conveyed him to the fire, where against all natural reason of man, his boldness and hardiness did more and more increase: so that the spirit of God working miraculously in him, made it manifest to the people that his cause and Articles were just, and he innocently put down.  
Now when all things were ready for his death, and he conveyed with armed men to the fire, Oliphant had him pass to the stake: and he said, nay, but wilt thou put me up with thy hand and take part of my death, thou shalt see me pass up gladly, for by the law of God I am forbidden to put hands upon myself. Then Oliphant put him up with his hand, and he ascended gladly, saying: Introibo ad altare Dei, and desired that he might have place to speak to the people, the which Oliphant and other of the burners denied, saying that he had spoken over much, for the Bishops were altogether offended that the matter was so long continued. Then some of the young men committed both the burners, and the Bishops their masters to the Devil, saying, that they believed that they should lament that day, and desired the said Walter to speak what he pleased.  
The martyrdom of Walter Mille.  

Epitaphium.  
Non nostra impietas aut actae crimina vitae  
Armarunt hostes in mea fata truces.  
Sola fides Christi sacris signata libellis,  
Quae vitae causa est, est mihi causa necis.   
After this, by the just judgement of God, in the same place where Walter mill was burnt, the Images of the great Church of the Abbey, which passed both in number and costliness, were burnt in time of reformation. Ex fideli testimonio è Scotia misso.  
And thus much concerning such matters as happened, and such Martyrs as suffered in the Realm of Scotland for the faith of Christ jesus, and testimony of his truth.   

¶ Persecution in Kent.  
IN revolving the Registers of William Warrham, Archbishop of Canterbury, I find moreover besides these above comprehended, 
Ex Regist. W. Warrham Archiepisc. Cant.  in the time and reign of king Henry, the names of divers other, whereof some suffered martyrdom for the like testimony of God's word, and some recanted, which albeit here do come a little out of order, and should have been placed before in the beginning of King Henry's reign: yet rather than they should utterly be omitted, I thought here to give them a place, though somewhat out of time, yet not altogether I trust without fruit unto the Reader, being no less worthy to be Registered and preserved from oblivion, than other of their fellows before them.   

¶ A Table of certain true servants of God and Martyrs omitted, which were burned in the Diocese of Cant. under William Warrham Archbishop of Canterbury, with the names of their persecutors and accusers. an. 1511.  
persecutors and judges. Accusers and witnesses. The Martyrs. 

William Warrham Archbishop of Caunterbury.  
D. Cuthbert Tonstall, Doctor of both laws, and chancellor of the Archbishop.  
D. Sylvester, Lawyer.  
D. Wellys.  
Doctor Clement.  
Browne.  
Doctor john Collet, Deane of Paul's.  
Doctor Wodyngton.   


Martyrs in Kent before the time of M. Luther.  William Rich of Benynden.  
Agnes Iue, of Canterbury.  
Robert Hills, of Tenterden.  
Steven Castelyn of Tenterden.  
Io. Grebill of Tenterden, husband to Agnes Grebill the Martyr.  
Christopher Grebill the natural son of Agnes Grebill the Martyr.  
Io. Grebill the younger, the natural son of Agnes Grebill the Martyr.  
Wil Oldbert of Godmersham.  
Laur. Cheterden.  
Tho. Harwood of Rowenden.  
joane Harwood his wife.  
Phill. Hardwod.  
William Baker of Cramebroke.  
Edw. Walker.  
Robert Reinold, of Benynden.   

Williem Carder, of Tenderden, weaver.  
Agnes Grebill, of Tenterden, wife of john Grebill the elder, and mother to john and Christoph. Grebill, who with her own husband accused her to death, being of threescore year of age.  
Rob. Harrison of Halden, of the age of lx. years.  
john Browne, of Ashford.  
Edward Walker of Maidstone, Cutler.     

The Articles whereupon these five blessed Martyrs were accused and condemned by the foresaid judges and witnesses, were these as follow.  
FIrst, 
Ex R●gist. W. Warham.  for holding that the sacrament of the altar was not the very true body o● Christ, but only material bread in substance.  
2. That auricular confession was not to be made to a priest.  
3. That no power is given of God to Priests of minystring sacraments, saying Mass, or other Divine service, 
Their meaning was this: that Priests can claim no more virtue or high estate by their orders, than ca● a lay 〈◊〉.  more than to lay men.  
4. That the solemnisation of Matrimony is not necessary to salvation of soul, neither was instituted of God (for a Sacrament they meant)  
5. That the sacrament of extreme unction is not available, nor necessary to soul's health.  
6. That the Images of the cross, of the crucifix of the blessed virgin and other Saints, are not to be worshipped: & that they which worship them, do commit Idolatry.  
7. That pilgrimages to holy places and holy Relics be not necessary, nor meritorious to soul's health.  
8. That invocation is not to be made to saints, but only to God, and that he only heareth their prayers.  
9 That holy bread and holy water have no more virtue after their consecration, than before.  
10. That they have believed, taught & holden all and every of the same damnable opinions before: as they did at that present.  
11. That where they now have confessed their errors, they would not have so done, but only for fear of manifest proofs brought against them, either else but for fear to be convicted by them, they would never have confessed the same of their own accord.  
12. That they have commoned and talked of the said damnable errors heretofore with divers other persons and have had books concerning the same.   

The order and form of process used against these five Martyrs aforesaid, and first of William Carder. Anno. 1511.  
WIlliam Carder being convented before William Warrhan Archbishop, 
The process of judgement against W. Carder Martyr.  and his Chancellor Cuthbert Tonstal, Doctor Silvester, Doctor Welles, Clement Browen with other more, the Notaries being William Potking and David Cooper, the Articles and interrogatoryes a-above specified were laid unto him. Which articles he there and then denied, affirming that he never did, nor doth hold any such opinions, otherwise then becometh that every Christian man should do, ready to conform himself in all points to their doctrine: & therefore to clear himself the better 'gainst those Interrogatories objected against them he stood in denial of the same. The like also did every of the other four martyrs after him.  
All which notwithstanding, 
The strait dealing of W. Warham Archbishop of Canterbury.  the uncharitable Archbishop seeking all advantage against him that he might, & more than right law would ge●e, brought in against him such witnesses, as before were abjured, whom he knew for fear of relapse, durst do none other but disclose whatsoever they knew, to wit, Christopher Grebyll, William Rich Agnes Iue, john Grebill, Robert hills, 
Witnesses against W. Carder.  & Stephen Castelyn. Whose depositions being taken, and the said Carder being asked what he could lay for himself, he had nothing, he said, to produce against their attestations, but submitted him unto their mercy, saying moreover, that if he had ever any misbelief of the sacrament of the Church, contrary to the common holding of the Catholics, he now was sorry, & repented him thereof. Which being done, the archb. this his submission notwithstanding, & notwithstanding that the Register maketh no mention of any relapse, contrary to good law, at least contrary to all Christian charity proceeded to the reading of his blind sentence, and so condemned him: who neither stood stubbornly to that which he did hold, neither yet did hold any thing contrary to the mind of holy scripture, to the execution of burning.  
Then after him was called for Agnes Grebill, and examined of the said xii. articles above recited, which she in like manner denied, as the other had done before, putting her adversaries to their proof. Then the archbishop calling for john Grebyll her husband, and Christopher and joh. Grebyll her two sons (who before had been abjured) caused them upon their oath to depose against their own natural mother, and so they did.  
First john Grebell the elder her husband, examined by virtue of his oath, to say how Agnes his wife hath and doth believe of the sacrament of the altar, of going in pilgrimage, offerings, and worshipping of Saints, Images etc. and how long she hath so held, thus deposed: that first about the end of king Edward's days the fourth, in his house, by the teaching of john Iue, she was brought to that belief, and so forth from thence daily, till this time of detection, she hath continued.  
And besides that (said he) when my children Christofer and john, being about seven years of age, were then taught of me in my house the said error of the Sacrament of the altar, and by the said Agnes my wife divers times, she was always of one mind in the said misbelief against the Sacrament of the altar, 
The Catholic Clergy of the Papists set the husband against the wife.  that it was not Christ's body, flesh and blood, but only bread. Furthermore, being examined how he knew that she was steadfast in the said error, he said that she always without contradiction affirmed this teaching, and said, the said opinion was good, and was well contented that her children aforesaid, 
The Catholic Papists set the Children to accuse their own mother.  were of the same opinions against the Sacrament of the altar, etc. Ex verbis Registri.  
The Bishop with his Catholic Doctors, not yet contented with this, to set the husband against the wife, proceeding further in their Catholic zeal, caused her two children Christofer and john to be produced, 
Christopher Grebill and john Grebill, witness against Agnes Grebill their mother.  one of the age of xxij. the other of nineteen. against their own natural mother. Who likewise being pressed with their oath, witnessed and said, that the foresaid Agnes their mother held, believed, taught, and defended, that the Sacrament of the altar was but bread, and not the very body of Christ, flesh, and blood: That Baptism was no better in the Fount, than out of the Fount: That confirmation was of no effect: That the solemnisation of Matrimony was no sacrament: That confession to God alone was sufficient: Also that going in pilgrimage and worshipping of Saints and Images was of none effect, etc. Item, that their father and the said Agnes their mother held, taught, and communed of the said errors within their house divers times, by the space of those three years past, as well on holy days, as working days, affirming and teaching that the said opinions were good and lawful, and to be holden and maintained, and agreement was made amongst them, that none of them should discover or bewray either of these beliefs in any wise. Finally, that they never heard their said father and mother, holding nor reaching any other opinions, then be the said errors against the Sacrament of the altar, and pilgrimages, offerings, worshipping of Saints and Images, as far as they could remember, etc. Ex verbis Regist.  
Hear hast thou (Christian reader) before thine eyes, an horrible spectacle of a singular, yea of a double impiety, first of an unnatural husband, 
Example of an unnatural husband, and of unnatural children.  witnessing against his own wife: and of as unnatural children, accusing and witnessing against their own natural mother. Which although they had so done, the cause being of itself just and true (as it was not) yet had they done more than nature would have led them to do. Now the case being such, as which by God's word standeth firm, sound, and perfect, what impiety were it for men to accuse a poor innocent in case of heresy, which is no heresy? Now besides all this, the husband to come in against his own wife, and the children to bring in the knife wherewith to cut the throat of their own natural mother that bore them, that nourished than, that brought them up, what is this, but impiety upon impiety, 
Great impiety of the husband toward the wife.  prodigious and horrible for all Christian ears to hear? And yet the greatest impiety of all resteth in these pretenced Catholics and Clergiemen, which wear the authors and causers of all this mischief.  
The cause why this good woman so stood (as she did) in the denial of these foresaid articles objected, 
Greater impiety in the children against the mother.  was this, for that she never thought that her husband and her own children, who only were privy of her Religion, would testify against her. Whom notwithstanding after she perceived to come in, and to depose this against her, denying still as she did before) that she did ever hold such manner of errors, 
Greatest impiety of all in the Clergy men the authors hereof.  and being now destitute of all friends and comfort, braced out in these words openly (as the register reporteth) that she repented the time that ever she bore those children of her body. And thus the Archb. with his Doctors having now the thing that they sought for, albeit she was ready to deny all errors, 
Ex Regist. W. Warrham. Fol. 177.  and to conform herself to their religion, yet notwithstanding, they refusing her readiness and conformity, proceeded to their sentence, and so condemned her to death.  

Agnes Grebell condemned by the sentence of the Archb. Robert Harrison examined. W. Carder. Agnes Grebyll, Robert Harison Martyrs.  After whose condemnation, next was brought to examination Rob. Harrison, whom in like manner, because, he stood in his denial, contrary witnesses against him were produced: to wit, Christofer Grebyll. W. Rich, W. Olberd Agnes Iue, who a little before had been abjured, and therefore were so much the more apt and appliable to serve the Bishop's humour for danger of relapse. After the deposition & conviction of which witnesses, although he submitted himself to repentance and conformity, yet notwithstanding it would not be received, but sentence was read & he condemned with the other two aforesaid, unto the fire.  
And thus these three were condemned and burned, 
 & certificate given up of them together to the king from Warrham the Archbishop upon the same. An. 1511. Maij. 2. Ex Regist. Cant.  
Over and beside these three godly martyrs above recited. I find in the foresaid Registers of W. Warrham, 
Io. Brow●● Edward Walker Martyrs.  ij. other godly like martyrs also in the same year, and for the same xii. articles above specified, to be condemned upon the depositions of certain witnesses brought in against them, to wit. Tho. Harwod, Philip Harwod, 
Witnesses against these two Martyrs.  Stephen Castelyn, W. Baker, Rob. Reynold, joh. Bampton, Rob. Bright W. Rich. etc. whereupon they were adjudged likewise for heretics to be burned, the year aforesaid. 1511. the names of which two martyrs were john Brown, and Edward Walker. Ex Regist. W. Warrh. fol. 179.  
Now as you have heard the names of these blessed Martyrs, with their articles recited, let us also hear the tenor of the Bishop's sentence, by the which they were condemned one after an other. Their sentence containeth one uniform manner of words in form as followeth.   

* The tenor of the sentence.  
IN nomine Dei. Amen. Nos Willielmus permissione divina Cantuariensis Archiepis. totius Angliae primas & Apostolicae sedis Legatus, 
The 〈◊〉 nation of these 〈◊〉 aforesaid martyrs.  in quodam negotio hereticae pravitatis contra te Willielmum Carder de Tenterden nostrae Cant. Dioceseos laicum ac nostro imperio notoriè subditum & subiectum coram nobis in judicio personaliter comparentem nobis super heretica pravitate huiusmodi detectum & delatum, ac per nostram Diocesim Cantuariae antedictae notoriè & publicè in ea part apud bonos & graves diffamatum, ex officio mero ritè & canonicè precedentes, auditis & intellectis, visis & cognitis, rimatisque ac matura deliberatione discussis & ponderatis dicti negotij meritis, seruatisque in omnibus & per omnia in eodem negotio de iure seruandis, ac quomodo libet requisitis pro tribunali sedentes, Christi nomine invocato & solum Deum prae oculis habentes: Quia per acta actitata, deducta, probata & exhibita coram nobis in eodem negocio invenimus te per probationes legitimas coram nobis in hac part iudicialiter factas, nonnullos & varios errores, haereses, & damnatas opiniones, iuri divino & ecclesiastico obuiantes, contrarios, & repugnantes, contra fidem orthodoxam, determinatam & obseruatam, tenuisse, credidisse, affirmasse, predicasse, & dogmatizasse, & presertim contra Sacramenta altaris, seu eucharistiae, poenitentiae, ordinis, & alia Sacramenta, & sanctae matris Ecclesiae dogmata: Et quamuis nos Christi vestigijs inhaerendo, qui non vult mortem peccatoris, sed magis ut convertatur & vivat, sepenumero conati fuimus te corrigere ac vijs & modis licitis, & canonicis quibus potuimus aut scivimus, ad fidem orthodoxam per universalem Catholicam & Apostolicam Ecclesiam, determinatam & obseruatam, ac ad unitatem eiusdem sanctae matris Ecclesiae reducere, tamen invenimus te adeo durae ceruicis quòd tuos errores & haereses huiusmodi nolueris sponte & incontinenti confiteri, nec ad fidem Catholicam & unitatem sanctae matris Ecclesiae antedictas debitè reverti & redire, sed tanquam iniquitatis & tenebrarum filius in tantum indurasti cor tuum, ut non velis intelligere vocem tui pastoris tibi paterno compacientis affectu, nec velis pijs & paternis monitionibus allici, nec salubribus reduci blanditijs: Nos vero nolentes quod t● qui iniquus es fias nequior, & gregem dominicum in futurum tuae hereticae pravitatis labe (de quo plurimum timemus) inficias, idcirco de consilio jurisperitorum nobis in hac part assistentium cum quibus communicavimus in hac part, te Willielmum Carder predictum de meritis atque culpis per tuam damnabilem pertinatiam aggravatis, de & super huiusmodi detestabili hereticae pravitatis reatu convictum, & ad Ecclesiae unitatem poenitentialiter redire nolentem, haereticum haereticisque credentem ac eorum fautorem & receptatorem praetextu praemissorem fuisse & esse, cum dolore & amaritudine cordis iudicamus & declaramus finaliter & diffinitiuè in his scriptis, relinquentes te ex nunc tanquam haereticum judicio sive curiae seculari, teque Willielmum Carder praedictum (ut praefertur) hereticum nihilominus in maioris excommunicationis, sententiam occasione praemissorum incidisse & incurrisse, nec non excommunicatum fuisse & esse pronuntiamus, decernimus, & declaramus etiam in his scriptis.  
Moreover, besides these fine blessed Saints of God, whom they so cruelly by their sentence did condemn to death, we find also in the same Registers of William Warrham, a great number of other, whom they for the same doctrine and like Articles caused to be apprehended and put to open recantation: the names of which persons in the Catalogue here following, be these.   

¶ Here followeth a Table containing the names of them which were abjured the same time under William Warham Archbishop, in the Diocese of Caunterbury. An. 1511.  

john Grebyll, the elder of Benynden.  

 Christopher Grebyll, his son.  
joh. Grebill, son of john the elder of Benynden.  
W. Rich of Beninden.  
W. Olbert, the elder of Godmersham.  
Agnes Iue of Canterbury.  
Agnes Chytenden of Canterbury. 
  
Thomas Manning of Beninden.  
joane Colyn of Tenterden.  
Rob. Hills of Tenterden.  
Alice Hills his wife.  
Tho. Harwood. of Rowenden  
joane Harwood. his wife. of Rowenden  
Phil. Harwood. of Rowenden.  
Stephen Castelin of Tenderden.  
W. Baker of Cranbroke.  
Margeret Baker his wife.  
W. Olbert the younger, of Godmersham.  
Rob. Reygnolde of Godmersham.  
Agnes Reygnold of Cranbroke.  
Thomas Field, of Boxley.  
joane Olbert, wife to W. Olbert the elder, of Godmersham.  
Elizabeth White of Caunterbury.  
Thomas Church of great chart.  
Vincent Linche, of Halden.  
john Rich of Wyttysham.  
joane Lynche of Tenterden.  
Thom. Browne of Crambroke.  
john Frank of Tenterden.  
joice Bampton, Wife of john Bampton, of Berstede.  
Rich. Bampton of Boxley.  
Robert Bright of Maydstone.  
William Lorkyn of Eastforley.  
john Bannes of Boxley. 1512.  
john Buckherst of Stapleherst.  
joane Dodde, wife of john Dodde.  
john Bennet, of Stapleherst.  
Rebecka Bennet his Wife.  
joane allows, Wife of Tho. allows of Crambroke.  
julian Hills Wife of Robert Hills of Tenterden.  
Robert Francke of Tenterden.    

¶ The Articles laid to these abiurers, appear in the Registers to be the same which before were objected to the other u· Martyrs aforesaid: which was, for believing and defending.  
1. FIrst that the sacrament of the altar was not the very body of Christ, 
 but material bread.  
2. That confession of sins ought not to be made to a priest.  
3. That there is no more power given of God to a priest, then to a lay man.  
4. That the solemnisation of Matrimony is not necessary for the weal of man's soul.  
5. That the sacrament of extern unction, called aneyling, is not profitable nor necessary for man's soul.  
6. That Pilgrimages to holy and devout places be not necessary nor meritorious for man's soul.  
7. That Images of Saints, or of the Crucifix, or of our Lady, are not to be worshipped.  

 8. That a man should pray to no saint, but only to God.  
9 That holy water and holy bread is not better after the benediction made by the Priest. Ex verbis Regist. W. Warrhan. Fol. 176. an. 1511.  

 By these articles & abrueations of the forenamed persons, thou hast to understand Christian Reader, what doctrine of religion was here stirring in this our Realm of England before the time that the name of Martin Luther was ever heard of here amongst us.   

* Three divers sorts of judgements amongst the Papists, against heretics, as they call them.  

 AS touching the penance & penalty enjoined to these aforesaid, as also to all other such like, first here is to be noted, that the Catholic fathers in their processes of heretical pravity, have three divers and distinct kinds of judgements and proceedings.  

 For some they judge to be burned, to the intent that other being brought into terror by them, they might therefore more quietly hold up their kingdom, & reign as they list. And thus condemned they these v. aforesaid, & notwithstanding they were willing to submit themselves to the bosom of the mother Church, yet could they not be received as by the words of the Register, and by the tenor of their sentence above specified, may well appear.  
And this sort of persons thus by them condemned, consists either in such as have been before abjured, and fallen again into relapse: or else such as stand constantly in their doctrine, and refuse to abjure, either else such as they intent to make a terror and example to all other, notwithstanding that they be willing and ready to submit themselves, and yet cannot be received. And of this last sort were these v. Martyrs last named. So was also john Lambert, who submitting himself to the king, could not be accepted: So was likewise Richard Mekins the silly lad, pag. 1174. and the three women of Gernesey, whose submission would not serve to save their lives, with many other in like case. Against this sort of persons, the process which the papists use, is this. First after they begin once to be suspected by some promoter, they are denounced and cited: then by virtue of Inquisition they are taken and clapped fast in Irons and prison: from thence they are brought forth at last to examination, if they be not before killed by famine, cold, or straightness of the prison. Then be articles drawn or rather wrested out of their writings or preachings, & they put to their oath to answer truly to every point and circumstance articulated against them. 
Ex histor. Cochlaei contra Hussitas Lib.  Which Articles if they seem to deny, or to salve by true expounding, them are witnesses called in and admitted, what witnesses soever they are, be they never so much infamous, usurers, ribalds, women, yea and common harlots. Or if no other witnesses can be found, then is the husband brought in and forced to swear against the wife, or the wife against the husband, or the children against the natural mother, as in this example of Agnes Grebyll. Or if no such witness at all can be found, then are they strained upon the rack, or by other bitter torments forced to confess their knowledge, and to peach other. Neither must any be suffered to come to them, what need so ever they have. Neither must any public or quiet audience be given them to speak for themselves: till at last sentence be read against them, to give them up to the secular arm, or to degrade them, if they be Priests, and so to burn them. Ex hist. Cochlaei contra Hussitas.  
And yet the malignity of these Adversaries doth not here cease. For after that the fire hath consumed their bodies, than they fall upon their books and condemn them in like manner to be burned, & no man so hardy to read them, or keep them, under pain of heresy. 
The use and manner how the Papists draw out articles of books after the authors be condemned.  But before they have abolished these books, first they gather articles out of them, such as they list themselves, & so perversely wrest & wring them after their own purpose, falsely, & contrary to the right meaning of the author, as may seem after their putting down, to be most heretical, & execrable. Which being done, & the books then abolished, that no man may confer them with their articles to espy their falsehood: them they divulge and set abroad those articles in such sort as princes & people may see what heretics they were. And this is the rigour of their process and proceeding against these persons, whom thus they purpose to condemn and burn.  
To the second order belongeth that sort of heretics whom these Papists do not condemn to death, but assign them unto Monasteries there to continue, 
The punishment of them whom the Papists condemn to perpetual prison after their submission.  and to fast all their life, In pane doloris & aqua angustiae, that is, with bread of sorrow, and water of affliction: and that they should not remove one mile out of the precinct of the said Monastery, so long as they lived, without they were otherwise by the archbishop himself or his successors dispensed with all. Albeit many times the said persons were so dispensed withal, that their penance of bread and water, was turned for them to wollward Wednesdays and fridays every week, or some other like punishment. etc.  
The third kind of heretics were those whom these Prelates did judge not to perpetual prison, but only enjoined them penance either to stand before the preacher, or else to bear a faggot about the market, or in procession: or else to wear the picture of a faggot bordered on their left sleeves, without any cloak or gown upon the same: 
The punishment of them which be enjoined penance after their recantation.  or else to kneel at the saying of certain masses, or to say so many Pater nosters, Aves, and Creeds to such or such a saint: or to go in pilgrimage to such or such a place: or else to bear a Faggot to the burning of some heretic: either else to fast certain Friday's bread & water: Or if it were a woman to wear no smock on Fridays, but to go wolward. etc., as appeareth Regist. fol. 159.  
And thus much by the way out of the Register of William Warrham aforesaid, like as also out of other bishop's registers many more such like matters and examples might be collected, if either leisure would serve me to search, or if the largeness of this Volume would suffer all to be inserted that might be found. Howbeit, amongst many other things omitted, the story and martyrdom of Lancelot, and his fellows, is not to be forgotten. The story of whom with their names is this.   

¶ The martyrdom of Lancelot one of the kings guard, john a Painter, and Gyles German.  

Lancelot, john a Painter, Gyles German Martyrs.  ABout the year of our Lord. 1539. one john a Painter, and Giles German were accused of heresy, and whilst they were in examination at London, before the Bishop and other judges, by chance there came in one of the kings servants named Lancelot, a very tall man, and of no less godly mind and disposition, then strong & tall of body.  
This man standing by, seemed by his countenance & gesture to favour both the cause & the poor men his friends. Whereupon he being apprehended, was examined and condemned together with them, and the next day at v. of the clock in the morning, was carried with them into S. Giles in the field, and there burned, being but a small concourse or company of people at their death.  

One Style martyr burned in Smithfield with the apocalypse.  In the company and fellowship of these blessed Saints and Martyrs of Christ, which innocently suffered within the time of K. Henry's reign, for the testimony of God's word and truth, an other good man also cometh to mind not to be excluded out of this number, who was with like cruelty oppressed and burned in Smithfield, about the latter end of Cuth. Tonstals time Bishop of London: whose name was called Style, 
Ex testimonio D. Rob. Outradi.  as is credibly reported unto us by a worthy & ancient Knight, named Sir Robert Outred, who was the same time present himself at his burning, and witness of the same. With him there was burned also a book of the apocalypse, which belike he was wont to read upon. This book when he saw fastened unto the stake to be burned with him, lifting up his voice, O blessed apocalypse (said he) how happy am I, that shall be burned with thee? And so this good man, and the blessed apocalypse were both together in the fire consumed.  
ANd thus (through the gracious supportation of Christ our Lord) we have run over these 37. laborious years of king Henry's race. Under whose time and governance, such acts and records, troubles, persecutions, recantations, practices, alterations and reformations as then happened in the church, we have here discoursed, with such statutes, injunctions and proclamations, as by him were set forth in causes & matters to the said church appertaining: Albeit not comprehending all things so fully as might be, yet pretermitting so few things as we could, of such matters as came to our hands: 

Pope Leo his Bull against Luther  
M. Luther's appeal from the Pope to a general Council.   save only, that certain instruments with a few other occurrentes somewhat pertaining to the course of this kings history, have past our hands, as the false lying bull of pope Leo x. against M. Luther: with the form also of the said M. Luther's appeal from the Pope unto a general counsel. All which, with other matters more beside omitted, we have differred by themselves hereafter to be exhibited and declared in the sequel of this present story, as in his due place shall appear.  
In the mean season, amongst other omissions here overpast, 
The sentence definitive of Pope Clement 7. against the divorce of king Henry.  forsomuch as a certain instrument of the pope's sentence definitive against K. Henry's first divorce with Lady Katherine Dowager, hath of late come to our hands, containing matter neither impertinent nor unmeet to be committed to history, I thought here presently to place the same, to the intent that the Reader seeing the arrogant and impudent presumption of the Pope in the said sentence, going about by force & authority so to constrain & compel kings and princes against their wills, & against right & scripture to apply to his imperious purpose, may the better understand thereby, what was the true cause & ground why the king first began to take stomach against the pope and to send him clean packing out of this realm. But before I shall produce this foresaid sentence of the Pope definitive, to make the matter more plain to the reader, it shall not be amiss, first to decipher & rip up the original of such occasions as shall induce the reader to the better understanding of this falling out between the king and the Pope.  
For so I find by the letters of D. Stephen Gardener written to Cardinal Wolsey from Rome, (at what time he & Fox were sent Ambassadors by the king to Pope Clement the 7. about the expedition of the king's divorce. Ann. 1632.) that the said Pope Clement with the counsel of the Cardinal Sanctorum quatuor and other Cardinals, at first was well willing, and very inclinable to the accomplishment and satisfaction of the kings desire in that behalf and that for divers respects.  
As first, for the great benefits received, 
The 〈◊〉 moving 〈◊〉 Pope at 〈◊〉 first to favour the 〈◊〉 cause of 〈◊〉 kings di●uorce.  and the singular devotion of the king toward the sea Apostolic, in taking war for the Church's cause, in surceasing war at the Pope's desire, and especially in procuring the Pope's deliverance, whereby the Pope then thought himself with his whole Sea, much obliged to the king mail respects, to pass by his authority whatsoever reasonable might be granted in gratifying the kings so ample merits and deserts.  
Secondly, for the evident reasons and substantial arguments in the 
* This 〈◊〉 called the kings 〈◊〉 book, 〈◊〉 a certain treatise concerning 〈◊〉 reasons 〈◊〉 argument of divers learned for the la●●full dissociation of the kings marriage, 〈◊〉 aunswer● also to the contrary objection of Abell●● others. And this book the king 〈◊〉 sent to th● Pope. The 〈◊〉 cause. The 〈◊〉 dealing 〈◊〉 the Pope with kin● Henry. The Pop● false, do●●ble and contrary to himself.  kings book contained, which seemed well to satisfy the Pope's liking, and to remove away all scruples.  
Thirdly, for the good opinion & confidence that the pope had in the excellent wisdom, profound learning, and mature judgement of the king, which the Pope (as he said in formal words) would sooner lean unto, then to any other learned man's mind or sentence, so that the kings reasons (he said) must needs be of great efficacy and strength of himself to order and direct this matter.  
The fourth cause moving the Pope to savour the kings, request, was for the quiet and tranquillity of his conscience which otherwise in that unlawful Marriage with his brother's wife could not be settled.  
The fift cause was for the consideration of the perils & dangers, which otherwise might happen to the realm by the pretenced titles of the king of Scots, & other, without an heir male to establish the kings succession: for the avoiding of which perils and also for the other causes above rehearsed, the pope showed himself at that time propense and forward to promote and set forward the kings desired purpose in that behalf.  
And thus much touching this by matter I thought here to suggest, & repeat to the reader, albeit the same is also sufficiently expressed before, pag. 1057. and 1058. to the end that the studious Reader pondering these first proceedings of the Pope, & comparing them with this sentence definitive, which under followeth, may the better understand what inconstant lenity, what false dealing, what crafty packing, and what contrariety in itself, is in this Pope's holy Sea of Rome: as by this case of the Pope may well appear, who in short time after all this, was so clean altered from that he was, that whereas before he pretended to esteem so gratefully the kings travel and benefits exhibited to the sea Apostolic, in his defence against the Emperor and the spaniards, now he joineth utterly with the Cesarians against the king. And where before he so greatly magnified the kings profound learning, & mature judgement, esteeming his mind & Sentence above all other learned men, to be as a judge sufficient in the direction of this case: now turning head to the tail, he utterly refuseth to bring the matter in judicium orbis, but will needs detain it at home. Again, where before he pretended a tender provision for the state of this Realm: now he setteth all other realms against it. 
The Po●● how pre●sūptuous●● he 〈…〉 and comma●●●deth ki●● & Prince  And finally where he before seemed to respect the quiet & tranquillity of the kings conscience: now he goeth about to command & compel the king against his will and conscience to do clean contrary to that, which he himself before in his judgement had allowed, thinking to have the king at his beck, and to do and undo what he lifted and commanded: as by the tenor and true copy of this his Sentence definitive, ye may understand. Which as it came newly to our hands, I thought here to exhibit unto the world, that all men might see what just cause the king had, being so presumptuously provoked by the pope to shake of his proud authority, & utterly to exile him out of his realm. Mark, I pray thee, the manner of the pope's proud Sentence how presumptuously it proceedeth.  

❧ Anglici Matrimonij. ¶ Sententia diffinitiva.  
¶ Lata per Sanctissimum Dominum nostrum D. Clementem Papam seven. in sacro Consistorio, 
 de Reverendissimorum. S. R. E. Cardinalium consilio, super validitate Matrimonij inter Serenissimos Henricum VIII. & Catherinam Angliae Reges contracti.  
PRO 
 Eadem Serenissima Catherina Angliae Regina.  
CONTRA 
 Serenissimum Henricum VIII. Angliae Regem.   
Clemens Papa. 7.  
CHRISTI nomine invocato in Throno justitiae pro tribunali sedentes & solum Deum prae oculis habentes, per hanc nostram diffinitivam sententiam quam de Venerabilium Fratrum nostrorum Sanctae Ro. Ec. Car. Consistorialiter coram nobis congregatorum Consilio & assensu ferimus in his scriptis, 
 pronunciamus, de●ernimus, & declaramus in causa & causis ad nos & Sedem Apostolicam per appellationem, per charissimam in Christo Filiam Catherinam Angliae Reginam Illustrem a nostris & Sedis Apostolicae Legatis in Regno Angliae deputatis interpositam legitimè devolutis, & advocatis, inter praedictam Catherinam Reginam, & Charissimum in Christo Filium Henricum VIII. Angliae Regem Illustrem, super Validitate & Inualiditate Matrimonij inter eosdem Reges contracti & consummati rebusque alijs inactis, causae & causarum huiusmodi latius deductis, & dilecto filio Paulo Capissucho causarum sacri palatij tunc decano, & propter ipsius Pauli absentiam venerabili fratri nostro jacobo Simonetae Episcopo Pisau●ien. unius ex dicti palatij causaurū Auditoribus locum tenenti, audiendis instruendis, & in Consistorio nostro Secreto referendis cómissis, & pereos nobis, & eiusdem Cardinalibus Relatis, & maturè discussis, coram nobis pendentibus, matrimonium inter predictan Catherinan, & Henricum Angliae Reges contractum, & inde secuta quaecumque fuisse & esse validum & canonicum validaque & Canonica, suosque debitos debuisse & debere sortiri effectus, prolemque exinde susceptam & suscipiendam fuisse & fore legitimam, & praefatum Henricum Angliae Regem teneri, & obligatum fuisse & fore ad cohabitandum cum dict● Catherina Regina eius legitima coniuge illamque maritali affectione & Regio honore tractandum, & eundem Henricum Angliae Regem ad praemissa omnia & singula cum effectu adimplendum, condendandun omnibusque juris remedijs cogendum & compellendum fore, prout condemnamus, cogimus, & compellimus, molestationesque & denegationes per eundem Henricum Regem eidem Catherinae Reginae super invaliditate ac foedere dicti matrimonij quomodo libet factas & praest●tas, fuisse & esse illicitas & iniustas, & eidem Henrico Regi super illis ac invaliditate matrimonij huiusmodi perpetuum silentium imponendum fore, & imponimus, eundemque Henricum Angliae Regem in expensis in huiusmodi causa pro part dictae Catherinae Reginae coram nobis, & dictis omnibus legitimè factis condemnandum fore, & condemnamus, quarum expensarum taxationem nobis imposterum reseruamus.  
Ita pronuntiamus. I. Lata fuit Romae in Palatio Apostolico publice in Consistorio die xxiii Martij M.D.XXXIIII. Blosius.  
¶ The effect in English.  
THe effect of this Sentence is as much to mean in english: That Pope Clement the seven. with the consent of his other brethren the Cardinals assembled together in his Consistory, 

The Pope sitteth in the 〈◊〉 of justice, with the 〈◊〉 & same fashion, 〈◊〉 did sit in the seat 〈…〉, & Antichrist 〈◊〉 the Temple of God. And said never a word. 〈◊〉 having no bribes 〈◊〉 in his hands, nor 〈◊〉 the Emperor in 〈◊〉.  
〈◊〉 not this a glorious 〈◊〉 that will have no beg 〈◊〉 his sons, & daugh●●● Emperors, kings 〈◊〉?  
And why then did you 〈…〉 to England 〈◊〉 the same Matri●●●● before as appeareth 〈◊〉 pag. 1●49.   sitting there in the throne of (A) justice, calling upon the name (B) of Christ, and having God only before his (C) eyes, doth pronounce, define, & declare in the cause & causes between his dear daughter Katherine Queen of England appealing to the sea Apostolic, & his beloved (D) son Henry the eight, king of England, concerning the validity & invalidity of the Matrimony heretofore contracted between them, and yet depending in the Consistory court of the said pope Clement: that the said Matrimony always hath (E) and still doth stand firm & Canonical, & that the issue proceeding, or which shall proceed of the same, standeth, and shall stand lawful and legitimate: and that the foresaid Henry king of England, is and shallbe bound and obstrict to the Matrimonial society and cohabitation with the said Lady Katherine his lawful wi●e & Queen, to hold and maintain her with such love and princely honour, as becometh a loving husband, and his kingly honour to do.  
Also that the said Henry king of England, if he shall refuse so to perform and accomplish all and singular the premises, in all effectual manner, is to be condemned and compelled hereunto by all remedies of 
(F) By his own Canon law, ●e meaneth▪ & 〈◊〉 by the law of God.  the law, & enforced, according as we do condemn, compel and enforce him so to do, providing that all molestations and refusals whatsoever, made by the said king Henry against the said Queen Katherine, upon the invalidity of the said Marriage, to have been and to be judged unlawful and unjust: and the said king from henceforth for ever to hold his peace, and not to be heard in any Court hereafter 
(G) Here thou mayst see (good reader) how the Pope may & doth 〈◊〉 like a false Prophet. For where he thought to put the king ●o silence, t●e sa●e silence lighted upon himself, & whereby the Pope is driven himself to stand mute in England, & God grant he may so stand for ever Amen.  to speak touching the invalidity of the said matrimony: like as we also do here will and charge him to hold his peace, and do put him to perpetual silence herein: Willing moreover & adjudging the said king henry to be condemned and presently here do condemn him in the expenses on the said Queen Katherine's behalf here in our Court, exposed & employed in traversing the foresaid cause, the valuation of which expenses, we reserve to ourselves to be limited and taxed, as we shall judge meet hereafter.  
We do so pronounce. I. At Rome in our Apostolical palace publicly in our Consistory. 23. Mart. M.D.XXXIIII. Blosius.  
Now as you have heard the presumptuous and arrogant Sentence of Pope Clement, wherein he taketh upon him, contrary to the ordinance of God in his levitical law (as before is showed pag. 1025.) and contrary to the best learned judgements of Christendom, to command and compel the king against his conscience, to retain in Matrimony his brother's wife: here followeth in like order to be inferred, according to my promise, an other like wicked, blasphemous, 
Pope Leo his Bull against Luther, and the Appellation of M. Luther from the Pope, by way of an Appendix.  and slanderous Bull of Pope Leo against Martin Luther, with the just Appellation also of the said Martin Luther, from the Pope to a general Counsel. Wherein may appear to all men the lying spirit of the pope, both in teaching most heretical doctrine, derogating from the blood of Christ, and also falsely depraving & perverting the sound doctrine of Luther, falsely and untruly charging him with heresy, when he is the greater heretic himself. For what heretic would ever say that the church of Rome was consecrate and sanctified by the blood of Peter, but only the Pope? Or who would call this heresy, to refer all our salvation and sanctification only and totally to the blood of the son of God, unless he were an heretic of all heretics himself?  
After the like dealing we read .3. Reg. 18. of wicked king Achab, 
The Pope playeth with Luther, as Achab played with Elias, saying, that he was the troubler of Israel, when it was he himself and his father's house that so did.  who being only the disturber of Israel himself, crieth out upon Elias, for troubling Israel. So here in semblablewise Pope Leo, with what heap of tragical words and exclamations doth he far and rage against the true servant of God poor Luther, for disturbing the church of God, when it is the Pope only & his father's house that troubleth, and long hath troubled the true Church of the Lord, as by his doings all the world may see enough & to much. In the mean time read, I beseech thee, with judgement this impudent & false slanderous Bull of the Pope, with the appeal also of Luther again from the said pope. The copy whereof because they be rare to be gotten, & hath not been hitherto commonly seen, being before omitted I thought to commit here to history, as I had it out of certain Registers: the manner & tenor whereof is this as followeth.  


A copy of the Bull of Pope Leo x. no less slanderous than barbarous, against Martin Luther and his doctrine. Leo Papa ten  
LEo Episcopus servus servorum Dei ad perpetuam rei memoriam: Exurge Domine & judica causam tuam. 
The Bull of pope Leo against M. Luther.  Memor esto impropriorum eorum quae ab insipientibus fiunt tota die. Inclina aurem tuam ad preces nostras, quoniam surrexerunt vulpes querentes demoliri veneam, cuius tu torcular solus calcasti, & ascensurus ad patrem, eius curam, regimen, 
Que sequntur, vide superiore aeditione Pag. 1459.  & administrationem Petro tanquam capiti, & tuo vicario eiusque successoribus instar triumphantis Ecclesiae commisisti. etc.   

¶ The said slanderous and barbarous Bull of Pope Leo the x. against Luther, in English, with the answer of Luther joined to the same.  
Lo Bishop, servant of the servants of God, for a perpetual memory hereof. Rise up O Lord, & judge thy cause: Remember the rebukes wherewith we are scorned all the day long of foolish rebukers. Incline thy ear to our prayers: 
The Pope's Bull in Engli●he.  for Foxes are risen up, seeking to destroy thy vinyeard, the vinepresse whereof thou only hast trodden, and ascending up to thy Father, hast committed the charge and regiment thereof unto Peter as chief head, and to thy Vicar and his successors. The wild Boar out of the wood seeketh to exterminate and root up thy Uineyard. Rise up Peter, and for this thy pastoral charge committed to thee from above intend to the cause of the holy Church of Rome the mother of all churches, 
Note here and mark good reader how the Church of Rome holdeth by the blood of S. Peter, & not by the blood of Christ.  and of our faith, which thou by the commandment of God didst consecrate with thine own blood: against which (as thou hast foretold us) false liars have risen up, bringing in sects of perdition, to their own speedy destruction. Whose tongue is like fire, full of unquietness, and replenished with deadly poison: who having a wicked zeal, and nourishing contentions in their hearts do brag and lie against the verity.  
Rise up Paul also, we pray thee, which hast illuminate the same Church with thy doctrine and like martyrdom. For now is sprung up a new Porphecy, who, as they said Porphyry then unjustly did slander the holy Apostles, so semblably doth this man now slander, revile, rebuke, bite, and bark against the holy Bishops our predecessors, not in beseeching them, but in rebuking them. And where he distrusteth his cause, there he falleth to opprobrious checks & rebukes, after the wont use of heretics, whose uttermost refuge is this (as Jerome saith) that when they see their cause go to wrack, then like Serpents they cast out their venom with their tongue, and when they see themselves, near to be overcome, they fall to railing. For though heresies (as thou sayest) must needs be, for the exercise of the faithful: yet lest these heresies should further increase and these Foxes gather strength against us, it is needful that by thy means and help, they be suppressed and extinguished at the beginning.  
Finally let all the whole universal Church of God's Saints and Doctors rise up, whose true expounding of holy Scripture being rejected, certain persons (whose hearts the father of lies hath blinded) and wise in their own conceits (as the manner of heretics is) do expound the scriptures otherwise then the holy Ghost doth require following only their own sense of ambition and vainglory: yea rather do wrest and adulterate the Scriptures: so that as Jerome saith, now they make it not the gospel of Christ, but of man, or which is worse of the devil.  
Let all the holy church I say, rise up, & wi●h the blessed Apostles together make intercession to almighty God, that the errors of all schismatics being rooted & stocked up, his holy Church may be conserved in peace and unity.  
For of late (which for sorrow we can not express) by credible information and also by public fame it hath come to our ears, yea we have seen also & read with our eyes, divers and sundry errors, of which some have been condemned by counsels and constitutions of our predecessors containing expressly the heresies of the Greeks & of the Bohemians: 
Respectively.  some again respectively, either heretical or false, or slanderous, or offensive to good ears, or such as may seduce simple minds: newly to be raised up, by certain false pretenced Gospelers: who by curious pride seeking worldly glory against the doctrine of the apostle, would be more wise than becometh them, whose babbling (as S. Jerome calleth it) without authority of the Scriptures, should find no credit, unless they should seem to confirm their false doctrine even with testimonies of the scripture, but yet falsely interpreted. Which worketh us so much the more grief, for that those heresies be sprung in the noble nation of the Germans, unto the which nation we with our predecessors, have always borne special favour and affection. For after the Empire was first translated by the Church of Rome, from the Greeks unto the Germans, the said our predecessors and we, have always had them as special fautors & defenders of this our Church, and they have always showed themselves as most earnest suppressors of heresies: as witness whereof remain yet those laudable constitutions of the German Emperors, set forth and confirmed by our predecessors, for the liberty of the Church, and for expulsing heretics out of all Germany, and that under grievous penalty and loss of all their goods and lands. Which constitutions, if they were observed this present day both we and they should now be free from this disturbance.  

The Germans in old time most addicted to popery above all other nations.  Furthermore, the heresy of the Hussites, Wiclevistes, & of Jerome of prague, being condemned and punished in the Council of Constance, doth witness the same. Moreover doth witness the same, so much blood of the Germans spilled fight against the Bohemians. To conclude, the same also is confirmed & witnessed by the learned & true confutation, reprobation and condemnation set forth by the Universities of Colene and Louane in Germany against the foresaid errors. Many other witnesses also we might allege, which here, lest we should seem to write a story, we pretermit.  
Wherefore we for the charge of our Pastoral office committed unto us, can no longer forbear or wink at the pestiferous poison of the foresaid errors: of the which errors we thought here good to recite certain. The tenor of which is this, as followeth.  
It is an old heresy to say, 
Article● 〈◊〉 Luther.  that the Sacraments of the new 〈◊〉 doth give grace to them, qui non ponunt obicem. i. which have in themselves to the contrary, no let.  
In a child after his Baptism, to deny that sin remaineth, is to tread down Paul and Christ under foot.  
The origen of sin, although no actual sin do follow ●fter, doth stay the soul leaving the body, from the entrance into heaven.  
unperfit charity of a man departing, must needs bring with it great fear, which of itself is enough to deserve the pain of Purgatory, and stoppeth the entrance into the kingdom of heaven.  
To say that penance standeth of three parts, to wit, contrition, confession, and satisfaction, is not founded in holy Scripture nor in ancient, holy and Christian Doctors.  
Contrition, which a man stirreth up in himself, by discussing, remembering, and detesting his sins, in revolving his former years in bitterness of soul, and in pondering the weight, number and filthiness of his sins, the losing of eternal bliss, and getting of eternal damnation: this contrition maketh a man an hypocrite and a great sinner.  
It is an old proverb, & to be preferred before the doctrine of all that have written hitherto of contrition: from henceforth to transgress no more. The chiefest and the best penance is a new life.  
Neither presume to confess the venial sins, nor yet all thy mortal sins, 
Best rep●●●tance i● a new life.  for it is impossible to remember all the mortal sins that thou hast committed, and therefore in the primitive Church they confessed the mortal sins, which only were manifest.  
While we seek to number up all our sins sincerely unto the priest, we mean nothing else herein, but that we will leave nothing to the mercy of God, to be forgiven.  
In confession no man hath his sins forgiven, except he believe, when the priest forgiveth, the same to be remitted: yea otherwise his sin remaineth unforgeven, unless he believe the same to be forgiven. For else remission of the priest, and giving of grace doth not suffice, except belief come on his part that is remitted.  
Think not thy sin to be assoiled, for the worthiness of thy contrition, but for the word of Christ: Whatsoever thou losest. etc. When thou art absolved of the priest, 
Math. 1●.  trust confidently upon these words, and believe firmly thyself to be absolved, & then art thou truly remitted.  
Admit the party that is confessed were not contrite (which is 
* 〈◊〉 because 〈◊〉 can not 〈◊〉 that the faith of 〈◊〉 true 〈◊〉 without contri●i●●  impossible, or that the priest pronounced the words of losing, not in earnest, but in jest: yet if the party believe that he is absolved, he is truly absolved in deed.  
In the sacrament of penance and absolution, the Pope or bishop do no more, than any inferior priest can do. Yea and where a priest is not to be had, there every Christian man, yea or Christian woman standeth in as good stead.  

* He me●●neth thi● because as no 〈◊〉 knoweth his sinn● so no 〈◊〉 can be 〈◊〉 for sufficye●●  None ought to say to the priest, that he is contrite, neither aught the priest to ask any such matter.  
It is a great error of them which come to the holy housel trusting upon this, that they are confessed, that their conscience grudgeth them of no deadly sin, that they have said their prayers, and done such other preparatives before: all those do eat & drink to their own judgement▪ But if they believe there to obtain God's grace, this faith maketh them pure and worthy.  
It were good that the church should determine in a general council, lay men to communicate under both kinds: & the Bohemians so doing, be therein neither heretics, nor schismatics.  
The treasures out of which the Pope doth grant his Indulgences, are not the merits of Christ, nor of the Saints.  
Indulgences and pardons be a devout seducing of the faithful, and hindrance to good works: and are in the number of them which be things 
* This 〈◊〉 correcte● in his Additions of 〈◊〉 Articles saith 〈◊〉 Indulg●●● be neither lawfully expedient And likewise he recteth revoketh the 〈◊〉  lawful, but not expedient.  
Pardons and Indulgences to them which have them, avail not to remission of the punishment due before God, for actual sins committed.  
They which think that Indulgences are wholesome and conducible to the fruit of the spirit, are deceived.  
Indulgences are only necessary for public transgressions, & are only granted to them that are obstinate and impatient.  
Indulgences and pardons are unprofitable to 6. sorts of persons. 1. to them that be dead, or lie in dying. 2. to them that be we●● and infirm. 3. to such as have lawful impediments. 4. to them that have not offended. 5. to such as have offended▪ but not publicly. 6. to those that amend and do well.  
Excommunications be only outward punishments, and do not deprive a man of the public spiritual prayers of the Church. 
  
Christians are to be taught rather to love excommunication, then to dread it.  
The bish. of Rome, successor of Peter, is not the vicar of Christ, ordained by Christ and S. Peter, to have authority over all the churches in the world.  
The words of Christ to Peter, Whatsoever thou losest, etc. Math 16. extend no further, but only to those things, which be bound of Peter himself.  
It is not in the hands either of the church, or of the Pope, to make articles of the faith, yea, or laws either of manners, or good works.  
Albeit the Pope with a great part of the church, teaching so or so, did not err therein: yet is it no sin nor heresy for a man to hold contrary to them, namely in such things, which are not necessary to salvation, so long as it is not otherwise condemned or approved by a general Council.  
We have a way made plain unto us, to infringe the authority of Counsels, and freely to gainstand their doings, and to judge upon their Decrees, and boldly to speak our knowledge whatsoever we judge to be true, whether the same be approved or reproved by any general Council.  
Some of the articles of john Hus condemned in the Council of Constance, are Christian, most true and evangelical, whom the universal Church cannot condemn.  
In every good work the just man sinneth.  

*  Every good work of ours, when it is best done, it is a venial sin.  
To burn heretics, is against the will of the spirit.  

*  To fight against the Turks, is to repugn against God, visiting our iniquities by them.  
free-will after sin, is a title and name only of a thing, and while a man doth that which lieth in him, he sinneth deadly.  
Purgatory cannot be proved out of holy scripture, which is Canonical.  
Souls in Purgatory be not certain of their safety, at lest not all, neither is it proved by reasons or by scriptures, that they be utterly out of the state to deserve, or increase charity.  

*  Souls in Purgatory do sin without intermission, so long as they seek rest, and dread punishment.  
The souls being delivered out of Purgatory by the prayers of the living, be less blessed, then if they had satisfied for themselves.  
Ecclesiastical prelate's & worldly princes should not do amiss, if they would scour away all the bags of begging Friars.  
All which errors there is no man in his right wits, but he knoweth the same in their several respects, how pestilent they be, how pernicious, how much they seduce godly and simple minds, and finally how much they be against all charity, and against the reverence of the holy Church of Rome, the mother of all faithful, and maistreesses of the faith itself, and against the sinews and strength of ecclesiastical discipline, which is obedience, the fountain and wellspring of all virtues, and without the which every man is to be convinced easily to be an Infidel.  
We therefore desiring to proceed in the premises more earnestly, as behoveth in things of most importance and meaning, to cut of the course of this pestiferous and cankered disease, lest it should spread itself further in the Lords field, like hurtful brambles or briars, and using upon the said errors, and every of them diligent trial, debating straight examination, ripe deliberation. And further, weighing and thoroughly sifting all and every of the same together with our reverend brethren, 
 the cardinals of the church of Rome, the prior's of the orders regular, or ministers general, also with divers other professors and masters of Divinity, & of both the laws, and those the best learned: do find the foresaid errors or articles respectively, as is aforesaid, not to be the catholic, nor to be taught as Catholic, but to be against the doctrine or tradition of the catholic Church, a●d against the true interpretation of holy Scripture, received by the same: to whose author Augustine thought we ought so much to lean, that he would not (as he said) have believed the Gospel, if the authority of the Church had not thereto moved him.  
For by these errors, or at least by some of them it followeth consequently, that the same Church which is guided by the holy Ghost, now doth, & ever hath erred, which is utterly against that which Christ at the time of his ascension (as we read in the holy Gospel of Matthew) promised to his Disciples, saying: I am with you until the end of the world, etc. and also against the determination of the holy Fathers, against the express ordinances or Canons of Counsels and head bishops, whom not to obey, hath always been the cause and nurse of all heresies and schisms, as Cyprian doth witness. 
The articles of 〈◊〉 condemned.   
Wherefore by the counsel and assent of the said our reverend brethren, upon due consideration of all and singular the premises, by the authority of almighty God, & of the blessed Apostles of Peter and Paul, and our own, we do condemn, reprove, and utterly reject all and singular the Articles or errors aforesaid respectively, as some to be heretical, some to be slanderous, some offensive to godly ears, or else seducing simple minds, and repugnant to the catholic truth, and by the tenor hereof, we here decree and declare that they ought of all christian people both men and women, to be taken as damned, reproved, and rejected. And therefore forbidding here under pain of the greater curse and excommunication, losing of their dignities, whether they be Ecclesiastical or temporal, and to be deprived and made uncapable of all regular orders & privileges, given and granted by the Sea Apostolic, of what condition so ever they be: also of losing their liberties to hold general schools, to read and profess any science and faculty: of losing also their tenors and feo●ements, and of inability for ever to recover the same again, or any other: moreover, under pain of secluding from christian burial, yea and of treason also, and incurring such pains and punishments expressed in the law, as are due for all heretics and fautors of the same: we charge and command all and singular Christian people, both men and women, as well of the laity, as of the Clergy, both secular & also regular, of what order so ever they be, and briefly all other persons, of what degree or condition so ever they be, or in what dignity so ever they are placed, either ecclesiastical or temporal: as first the cardinals of the holy church of Rome, patriarchs, Primates Archbishops, Bishops, with the prelate's and heads of the churches patriarchal, Metropolitan, 
Behold how kings come after bags and wallets, and begging Friars.  or other cathedral Collegiate, and other small and inferior churches: to all clerks and other persons ecclesiastical, as Abbots, Priors, or ministers general or particular, brethren or religious men, exempt and not exempt: also Universities of schools, and all other, as well secular priests, as regular, and religious persons of all orders, yea of the begging friars also. Item, kings, Electors of the Imperial crown, princes, Dukes, Marquesses, Barons, captains, conductors and servitures, and all Officers, judges, Notaries, whether they be ecclesiastical or secular: commonalties, universities, dominions, cities, castles, lordships, and places, with the inhabiters of the same: and finally all other persons whatsoever, ecclesiastical or regular, dispersed in whatsoever places through the whole 
* Here may be a doubt, whether the man in the Moon be exempted wi●h his bush of thorns on his neck out of this Bull, or not  universal world, or which shall be hereafter dispersed, but especially in high Almany, that they shall not presume publicly or privately under any manner of pretence or colour, colourably or expressly, or how else soever, to hold, maintain, defend, 
The books of M. Luther condemned.  preach, or favour the foresaid errors or any of them, or any such perverse doctrine.  
Over and beside, for so much as the foresaid errors, and many other are contained in the books or writings of the foresaid Martin Luther, therefore we condemn, reprove, and utterly reject, and hold for utterly condemned, reproved, and rejected the foresaid books, and all the writings of the said Martin, with his preachings, in what tongue so ever they are found, wherein the said errors or any of them is contained willing and commanding under the virtue of holy obedience, and incurring the penalties aforesaid, to all and singular christian people, both men and women above rehearsed, that they presume not by any manner of ways, directly, or indirectly, colourably or expressly, privily or apertly, either in their houses, or in other public or private places, to read, hold, preach, print, publish, or defend, either by themselves or by others, but strait ways after the publishing hereof, they do burn or cause to be burned the said errors, by their Ordinaries diligently being searched out, and solemnly presented in the sight of the whole Clergy of the people, under all and singular the penalties aforesaid.  
Now as touching the said Martin, O good lord, what have we left 
* Let us see here what ye have not done: first Luther gently submitted himself: but you rejected him: He than referred him to the judgement of 4. Universities in Germ●nye, it would not be taken: he then appealed from the Cardinal to the Pope, the Pope refused him● than he appealed from the Pope to the Council neither did the pope admit that he required to be convinced by the Scriptures, the Pope neither would nor could so do. And yet the Pope sayeth he left nothing undone.  undone? what have we left unattempted? what fatherly charity have we not showed, whereby to have reduced him from these errors? For after that we did cite him, thinking to proceed with him more favourably, we invited and exhorted him as well by divers tractations had with our Legate, as by our own letters, that he would relinquish the foresaid errors, or else having safe conduct offered to him, with money necessary for his journey, to come to us without any fear or dread, which perfect charity ought to cast out, and so after the example of our saviour, and his Apostle S. Paul, he would speak, not in corners and in secret, but openly to our face. Which if he had done, of truth we think no less, but that reforming himself, he would have recognised his errors, neither should have found so many faults in the court of Rome which he being seduced with the rumours of malicious people, more than he ought, doth so much reprehend. Where we would have taught him to see more clearly than the light day, that the holy fathers of Rome our predecessors (whom he without all modesty, most injuriously doth rail upon) did never err in their Canons and constitutions (which he so much depraveth.) For as saith the prophet: Neither is there Rosine or Physician lacking in Galaao. But he hath always showed himself disobedient, and refused at our Citation to appear, and yet to this present day continuing still in his stubborn mind and heart indurate, hath remained now more than a year under our curse, yea & moreover, adding mischief to mischief (which is worst of all) he hearing of this our Citation, burst out into a presumptuous appellation from us, unto the next general Council, 
jerem. 8.  against the constitution both of Pope Pius the second, and Pope julius the second, our predecessors, which so decreed, that all they which so did appeal, 
Here note good reader, that Luther appealed from the pope to the Council two years before this Bull: which was an. 1518.  should be punished as heretics.  
In vain also he seeketh refuge to the general Council, which professeth himself not greatly to regard such counsels. So that now we might lawfully proceed against him, as against one notoriously suspected of his faith, yea a very heretic in deed, without any further citation or delay, to the condemnation of him, as of an heretic, and to the severity of all and singular pains and censures afore written. Yet we notwithstanding by the counsel of our brethren aforesaid, following the clemency of almighty God, which will not the death of a sinner, but rather that he should convert and live, and forgetting all injuries heretofore done unto us and to the See apostolic, have thought good to use all favourable means toward him that we might, and so to work (as much as in us lieth) that he by this way of mansuetude, might be brought to reformation: so that he forsaking his former errors, might be received as the lost child, and return home again into the lap of his mother the Church.  
Wherefore in most hearty wise we exhort and beseech the said Martin and all his adherents, receivers, and fautors by the bowels of the mercy of our God, 
The Pope's exhortation to Luther.  and by the sprinkling of the blood of our Lord jesus Christ, in whom, and by whom, is made the redemption of mankind, and the edification of holy mother church, that they will cease to disturb the peace, unity, and verity of the said Church, for the which our saviour so instantly prayed to his father, and that they will abstain from such pernicious errors aforesaid. Who in so doing shall find with us (if they shall obey, or shall certify us by lawful witnesses, to have obeyed effectually herein) the affection of fatherly charity, and a full fountain opened of all mercy and clemency: willing and charging the said Martin notwithstanding, from henceforth that he utterly desist in the mean time from all preaching and office of preaching. Or else if the love of justice and virtue shall not restrain the said Martin from sin, neither the hope of our pardon shall reduce him to repentance: to the intent that the terror of punishment and of discipline may bridle him, we require and admonish the said Martin and his adherents, abettors, fautors, and receivers, by the tenor hereof, in the verity of holy obedience, & under incurring all the penalties aforesaid, districtly charging and commanding that within forty days (whereof twenty we assign for the first twenty, for the second, and the other twenty for the third & peremptory term) immediately following after the setting up of these present letters, 
The Pope threateneth M. Luther with punishment.  that the said Martin, his abettors, fautors, adherents and receivers aforesaid, do surcease from the foresaid errors, and from the preaching, publishing, maintaining and defending of the same: also from setting out of book or scriptures upon the said errors or any of them: & furthermore, that they burn, or cause to be burned all and singular such books and scriptures as contain the foresaid errors or any of them by any manner of way.  
Also that the said Martin do utterly revoke those errors and assertions, and so to certify us of the revoking thereof by public testimony in due form of law, signed by the hands of two prelate's, to be sent unto us within the term of other like xl. days, or else to be brought by him unto us, if he himself will come (which would please us much rather) with a full safeconduct above mentioned, which from henceforth we are content to offer unto him, to the intent that no scruple of doubt touching his true obedience, 
The Pope's safe conduct to Luther offered.  should hereafter remain.  
Contrariwise, if the said Martin (which God defend) his abettors, fautors, adherents, and maintainers aforesaid, shall otherwise do, or shall not fulfil to every effect and purpose, all and singular the premises within the term aforesaid, we then following the doctrine of the apostle, which teacheth us to avoid an heretical person, after the first and second correction, as well now as before, and as well before as now, declaring by our authority the said Martin, his abettors, fautors, adherents, maintainers, and receyvere▪ as withered branches not remaining in Christ, but teaching and preaching contrary doctrine, repugnant to the Catholic faith, slanderous and damnable, to the great offence of God's majesty, to the detriment and slander of the universal church and catholic faith, and despising the keys of the church: to be, and to have been notorious and obstinate heretics, do condemn the same for such by the tenor hereof, willing and commanding them to be holden and taken for such of all christian people aforesaid.  
Over and beside, we forbidden under the incurring of all and singular the penalties afore expressed, in so doing, 
All the books of Luther both good and bad condenned 〈◊〉 the Pope.  that no man presume by any manner of way, directly or indirectly, secretly or expressly, privily or apertly, to read, hold, preach, praise, print, publish or defend, either by themselves, or by any other the said books and writings, not only those wherein the errors aforesaid are contained, but also all others whatsoever have been or shall be set forth, written, or made by the said Martin, vehemently suspected as a pernicious enemy of the Catholic faith, to the intent that his memory may utterly be rooted out from the fellowship of all christian people, or rather with fire to consume them as is afore declared.  
We admonish moreover, all and singular Christ's faithful people, under the said pain of the great curse, to avoid or cause to be avoided so much as in them doth lie, the foresaid heretics not obedient to our commandments, and to have no fellowship or any conversation or communion with them or with any of them, neither to minister to them things necessary.  
And moreover, to the more confusion of the said Martin, with his abettors, adherents, and retainers aforesaid, 
Apocal 〈◊〉 And he 〈◊〉 have 〈◊〉 & cōmau●●dement v● every co●●pany, an● people, a tongue, a nation, & ●  thus being declared and condemned as heretics, after the expiring of the term aforesaid, we command all and singular Christ's faithful people, both men and women, as Patriarches, Archbishops, Prelates of Churches, either patriarchal, Metropolitan, and other Cathedral, Collegiate, and other inferior Churches, to Deans & Chapters, and other Ecclesiastical persons secular, and of all other orders, even of the begging Friars also, namely, of that congregation, where the said Martin is professed, 
The Pop● here drea●meth of ● dry Sum●mer, thin●●ing all th● world to subject v●●to him·  or hath his abode: also to regular, exempt, and not exempt. Item, to all and singular Princes, what dignity or calling so ever, either Ecclesiastical or Temporal they be of: to Kings, Princes, Electors, Dukes, Marquesses, Earls, Barons, Captains, Conductors, Servitors, Commonalties, Universities, Dominions, Cities, Lands, Castles and places, or the Citizens and inhabitants thereof: and briefly, to all and singular other aforesaid, through the Universal world dispersed, specially in Almany, that they and every of them, under all and singular penalties aforesaid, do personally apprehend the said Martin, his abettors, adherents, receivers, and fautors, and to retain them being apprehended, at our instance, and to send them unto us (who in so doing, for their good work shall receive of us and the Sea Apostolic, condign reward and recompense) or at least, that they utterly drive them, and every one of them, out of their Metropolitan, cathedral, Collegiate, and other Churches, Houses, Monasteries, convents, Cities, Dominions, Universities, Commonalties, Castles, Lands, and places respectively, as well the Clergy men, as the regular and lay men, all and singular aforesaid.  
Those cities, dominions, lands, castles, villages, commonalties, holds, towns, and places where so ever they be situate respectively, Metropolitan, Cathedral, Collegiate, and other Churches, Monasteries also, Priories, Covents, and religious and devout places, or what order so ever (as is aforesaid) unto the which it shall chance the said Martin to come, so long as he or they shall there remain, and three days after their departing from thence, we here give over to the Ecclesiastical interdiction.  
And that the premises may be known to all men, we command moreover all patriarchs, Archbishops, Bishops, Prelates of patriarchal, Metropolitan, & other cathedral & collegiate churches, to Deans and Chapters, and other persons ecclesiastical, & of what order else soever aforesaid, to regular brethren, religious monks, exempt & not exempt aforesaid, wheresoever they dwell, and especially within Almany, that they and every of them under like censures and pains, do publicly denounce, & cause and command to be denounced of others, the said Martin with all and singular his foresaid adherents, which shall not obey our commandments and monitions, within the term aforesaid, upon every sunday, and other Festival days, within their churches, when as the greatest concourse of people shall resort to divine service, to be declared and condemned for heretics, and that all Christ's faithful people shall avoid them under the said censures and penalties, as be afore expressed, and that they do set up these presents, or cause to be set up, or the transcript of them made under the form hereafter ensuing, in their churches, Monasteries, houses, convents, and other places there openly to be seen and read.  
Item, we do excommunicate and curse, all and singular persons, of whatsoever state, degree, condition, pre-eminence, dignity, or excellency they be, which shall procure or cause to be procured by themselves or other, privily, or apertly, directly or indirectly, secretly or expressly, whereby these presents, or the copies transcript, or the examples of them can not be read, set up, and published in their lands and dominions, etc.  
Let no man therefore be so bold to dare, to infringe, or with rash presumption, to contrary this writing of our damnation, reprobation, rejection, decree, declaration, inhibition, will, commandment, exhortation, beseeching, request, admonition, assignation, grant, condemnation, subjection, excommunication & curse. And if any person & persons dare presume to attempt the same, let him know and be sure, that he shall incur the indignation of almighty God, 
 and of his blessed Apostles Peter and Paul.  
Given at Rome at S. Peter's, an. 1520.17. Calend. julij, and of our Popedom, the viii. year.    
Although it was somewhat long before this Bull aforesaid of Pope Leo, being sent & dispersed through all other places abroad, 
●. Luther answering 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 Pope's 〈◊〉.  could come to the hands of Luther, yet so soon as he by means of his friends, might get a sight thereof, he shaped again an answer to the same: in such sort, as I am sure, the Pope himself will say, that his Bull was never so baited, and so well-favouredly shaken in all his days, 
〈◊〉 Popes ●●bayting.  as by the handling of the matter, and reading of his answer may evidently appear. The contents & copy of the which answer, I thought here next after the said Bull immediately to exhibit to the christian reader, that who so is disposed to confer the one with the other, having than both at hand, 
〈◊〉 Pope ●●scribed in 〈◊〉 colours.  may judge the better of the whole matter & cause, and also may see the true Image of the Pope out of his painted viso appear in his own perfect colours. The answer now to the Bull here followeth.  


JESUS. Martinus Lutherus Christiano Lectori, gratiam Christi in salutem aeternam.  
FAma pervenit ad me, christian Lector, exijsse Bullam quandam adversum me, 
〈◊〉 answer M. 〈◊〉 to the 〈◊〉 Bull 〈◊〉 Latin.  penè in omné terrá, prius quam ad me, in quem unice fuerit, & cui maximè erat inferenda, veniret. Fortè, quod noctis & tenebrarum scilicet filia, timult lucem vultus mei. Hanc tamen ipsam noctuam, vix tandem multum adiwantibus amicis, in imagine sua, datum est videre, etc.   


〈…〉 vide 〈…〉 pag. ●65.  ¶ Here followeth the same answer of Martin Luther against the execrable Bull of Pope Leo, in English.  
MArtin Luther to the christian reader, wisheth the grace of Christ to eternal salvation. 
〈◊〉 copy of 〈◊〉 Luther's answer to 〈◊〉 Bull of ●●pe Leo english.  I heard a fanie a far of (Christian reader) that a certain Bull was passed out against me, and sent almost over all the world before it came to me, against whom it was especially directed, & to whom most chief it appertained. For what cause I cannot tell, except peradventure it was for that the said Bull like unto a nightcrow, and as a bird of darkness hatched in the night, durst not fly in the day, nor abide to come in my sight. Notwithstanding the said night foul after long time, by help of friends was caught at length & brought unto me in his own likeness to behold. Which causeth me yet to be uncertain what to think, whether my papists do dally & jest with me, in setting out such famous libels without any name against me: or whether in truth and earnest they play the mad men so against me at Rome, or no. For first, neither do I see here the style (as it is called) nor the process of the court of Rome observed. And again (which maketh me more to doubt) herein be brought & condemned such articles which it is plain and manifest to be most christian: whereby it seemeth to me most like, the said monster to be hatched by john Eccius, a man wholly compact and framed altogether of lies, dissimulations, errors, & heresies.  

 The said suspicion this also partly confirmeth, for that I hear it so bruited abroad, that the said Eccius is thought and said to be the Apostle of such a goodly Bull. And not unlike, when none could be more meet an Apostle for such an Apostleship than he. And in deed I heard no less long since, that a Bull was in working against me at Rome, partly by the workmanship of Eccius: which because (as the style and composition thereof declareth) it displeased the good and learned men there, was therefore differred and should have been suppressed.  
But whatsoever the matter be, it seemeth to me not unlike wheresoever this apostle Eccius beareth rule, there to be the kingdom of Antichrist, and all kind of madness there to reign. In the mean time I will so deal, that I will not seem to believe Pope Leo the x. with his learned cardinals to be the authors of this furious madness: which I do not so much for the honour of the Sea of Rome, as because I will not be puffed up to much with pride, and seem to myself as one worthy to suffer such, so great, & so glorious things for the verity of God. For if it were so in deed that the bishop of Rome did so furiously rage against me, who were then so happy before God as Luther, to be condemned for so manifest a truth of such a proud Prelate? Wherein what were more to be wished for of me, then that I should never be absolved, reconciled, nor have any part with that so doltish and unlearned, wicked, and furious Antichrist? Happy were that day, happy were that death, and to be received with all joy and thankfulness to God, if it might be my hap at any time in such a cause as this is, to be apprehended and to suffer death. 
M. Luther thinketh himself not worthy to suffer in so good a cause.  But give the honour of this cause unto others, and let this matter find his Martyr worthy for the same: I for my sins am not worthy to come to that honour.  
Let other men therefore think of these Romanists what they list: Thus I think, that whosoever was the author of this bull, he is a very Antichrist, and against Antichrist, these things I writ, to redeem the verity of Christ, so much as in me lieth, which he laboureth to extinguish. And first, that he shall obtain no part of his will in any thing against me, 
M. Luther's protestation.  here I protest before God and our Lord jesus Ehrist, and his holy angels and all the world, that I descent with all my hart from the condemnation of this bull, which Bull I also do curse and execrate as an enemy, a Church robber and blasphemy against Christ the son of god our Lord. Amen.  
Furthermore I hold, defend, and embrace with the full trust of my spirit, those articles in the said Bul condemned and excommunicate, 
Mark here how Luther recanteth.  and affirm that the same oughe to be holden of all faithful christians, under pain of eternal malediction, and that they are to be counted for Antichristes, who so ever have consented to the said Bull, whom I also together with the spirit of all them which purely know, & do utterly shun them according to the precept of our Lord jesus Christ. Amen. And let this stand for thy revocation, O Bulla verè Bullarum filia. i. O thou Bull which art the very daughter of all vain 
Bulla in Latin signifieth as much in English as a bubble in the water.  bubbles.  
This my confession and protestation made (for witness whereof I take all them that shall read these presents) before I proceed to defend & declare these foresaid Articles, I will first begin, with certain arguments for the confutation of the said Bull: whereof the first I will take of the blind ignorance of this blockish Antichrist. 
Titus. 1.  For the Apostle Peter so commandeth, that we should be ready to render a reason of that faith and hope which is in us. And the apostle Paul willeth a bishop to be mighty to exhort in sound doctrine & to refute the gaynesayers. And these things be they, which now 3. years ago, I have desired & looked for out of Rome, or from them which take part with Rome. 
The Papists will not abide the trial of the Scripture.  Which things also we do read to be observed most diligently amongst the ancient fathers, whensoever they condemned heresies. Neither do we read that the apostles did ever decree any thing in their Counsels, but they first alleged the holy Scripture. So I also when I waited that they would answer me with grapes, and to inform me with true testimonies of the scripture, behold they bring to me sour and wild grapes, condemning me with nothing else but bare words, whereas I have fortified my matter with plain scriptures.  
I say unto thee. O thou most unlearned Antichrist, hast thou joined such brain●ike rashness together with such barbarous ignorance, that thou wilt presume to think all men to be turned into stocks & blocks, and to think that thou with thy bare and naked words only canst triumph against the invincible force and power of God's holy word? Hast thou learned this manner of condemning of the magistralities of Colen and Louvain.  
If this be the manner of the Church to damn errors, only to say. I like it not, I deny it, I will not: what fool, what patch, what ass, what block cannot condemn after this manner? Is not thy whorish face ashamed in the public sight of the church, to dare once to set the trifling vanities only of thy naked and bare words against the thunderboirs of Gods eternal word? O impudent condemnation and right seemly for Antichrist, which hath not one jot or title to bring against such evident scriptures inferred against him, but only with one word cometh and saith, I condemn thee. And why then do we not believe the Turk? Why do we not admit the jews? Why do we not honour the heretics which also condemn our writings as well as he, if it be enough only to condemn? unless we do not therefore peradventure give place unto them, because they condemn us not utterly without some scriptures and reasons: but these men after a new found fashion, utterly without all scriptures or reason do condemn us. What then shall I think to be the cause why they proceeded against me with this their Bull condemnatory, 
The pope's vain terrors cannot make M. Luther afraid.  so vain, so ridiculous, so trifling, but only their mere blockishness, whereby they seeing my allegations to be true and not able to abide, nor yet to confute the same, thought to terrify me with the vain rattling of their rotten parchment. But I tell thee Antichrist, that Luther being accustomed to war, will not be terrified with these vain bulls, and hath learned to put a difference between a piece of paper, and the omnipotent word of God.  
Of the like ignorance proceedeth this also, that they against their own conscience, durst not particularly digest all and singular the Articles in their orders: for they feared lest they should note him for an heretic, whom they were not able perhaps to convince either to be erroneous or offensive, 
Respectively.  & therefore they have found out this adverb respectiuè: & after the numbering of the articles, then come they & say that some be respectively heretical, some erroneous, and some offensive, which is as much to say, as we suppose some to be heretical, some erroneous, & some slanderous, but we cannot tell qui, quales, quanti. i. Which, what manner, and how great they are. O dastardly ignorance, how slippery and cowardly art thou? how art thou afraid of the light? how dost thou turn and return all things, lest thou shouldst be taken like a Proteus: and yet for all that thou shalt not so escape, yea in thy wiliness thou shalt the rather be overtaken and subverted. 
Proteus is a certain monster among the poets, which turneth himself into all colours.   
Come out therefore O thou assheaded Antichrist, and show forth thy wisdom, and dispose thy matters in order. Tell us if thou canst, what sayest thou or meanest thou, when thou sayest this article is heretical, this is erroneous, this is offensive. For it becometh such a worshipful condemner to know what he condemneth. And to shameful it is to condemn an article for heretical, and yet cannot name the same. Neither will I be answered herewith respectively, but I look to be taught simply and plainly, for I am one of Occams' faction which contemneth these respectives, and love to have all things simple & absolute.  
Thou seest therefore (good Reader) the ignorant dotage of this Antichrist, 
The dotage of Antichrist.  how craftily, & yet grossly he thinketh to walk in a net under his adverb, respectively, who not only ●oth not teach the truth, and cause of his condemning, but neither also dare prove any error, nor show forth what it is that he condemneth, and yet must he needs condemn. Is not this trow you a proper kind of damning, to damn and cannot tell what he damneth? Is not this a fine manner of locution, passing all Rhetoric, to speak, & yet not to know what he speaketh, what purgatories might we wish sufficient to purge the doltish brains of these Bull bragging bedlams? with such blindness & doltishness are all the adversaries of God's truth worthy to be plagued.  
But I know whereupon all this grief riseth. The origine whereof is this: 
Eccius.  Eccius mine old adversary remembering how he was put to shame enough at Lypsia when he rousing himself upon his stage, and frothing at the mouth like a Boar, with a furious mouth called me 3. hundredth times heretic, for the Articles of hus, and yet afterward was not able to prove the same, whereas the sentence condemnatory of the Council of Constance, alleged by me otherwise then Eccius looked for, noted there, no certain article for heretical: and also the same condemnation much like to this of ours, with the like foolishness called some of his Articles heretical, some erroneous, & some offensive, 
Eccius taken with a lie.  and Eccius hearing this, being confounded in himself for his impudent rashness: perceived that he had called me heretic falsely and untruly: he thought then to heal this his wound again at Rome, and there to 'stablish his false and impudent lying. But the lying sophister shall not prevail by the help (I trust) of Christ, for I ask and require yet still, that they absolutely, not respectively, distinctly, and not confusedly, simply, & not dissemblingly, plainly and not obscurely, particularly & not in general, do show what is, and what is not heretical. But when will they so do? When Christ and belial, or when light and darkness shall agree together.  
And what shall I do then in the mean time? First I will contemn these dastardly dotipoles and unlearned Papists and apostles of Antichrist. 
3. Reg. 1●  And I will scorn them as Helias did, and say: if Baal be God, let him answer, peradventure he is drunk, or busy in his journey, Cry out higher, for he is a God and peradventure heareth. For what other thing do these Bull bragging Asses deserve else, which condemn that they know not, and confess also their own ignorance?  
Secondly, I will not be troubled nor disquieted for the matter, neither am I to be counted heretic, erroneous▪ or offensive, so long as I shall not be proved and plainly convicted with simple and manifest words in what Article I am so judged. Neither do I here charge my Papists, these blockheds, that I will put them to their proofs, but only that they will show me at least my error that is, that they will show me if they know what it is that they themselves do prattle of, or have any feeling of their own doings. For so long as they assign me no heretical Article, I am at free liberty to deny what Article so ever they lay unto me to be heretical, and say it is Catholic.  
Again, what a rudeness is it in this wicked & doltish Antichrist worthy to be laughed at, where as these drummedaries do distinct heretical Articles from those that be erroneous, and the erroneous from offensive, 
The 〈◊〉 distinction 〈◊〉 the Papi●● between 〈◊〉 articles h●●reticall, e●●roneous, slanderous & offensive Luke. 9  and those again from slanderous? By the which subtle distinction of those grosseheaded dolts, this we do gather, that that article which is erroneous, is not heretical, and if it be not heretical, what doth it then appertain to these Ecclesiastical condemners, which ought to condemn those things only, which be heretical. For that which is not heretical, is catholic, as Christ himself saith: He that is not against us is with us. Yea I would wish, that these jolly Sophisters would show me in all the Church an Article that is erroneous, and not heretical: for if it be erroneous, it differeth nothing from heretical, but only in stiffness of defending. For all things be equally either true or false, 
Heretical▪  although affection in some one thing which is true or false, may be greater or lesser. Ye see therefore again, how these men for all their bragging Bulls, are not able to produce me one Article which is erroneous and not heretical, 
Erroneous  and yet like wise brainsike men, they will needs babble they know not themselves what, condemning that which they find erroneous and not heretical: which cannot stand either in matter or in words so that such as are the Articles: such is the condemnation.  
The like wisdom also they show in affirming that to be Scandalous, 
Scandalous  which is neither heretical nor erroneous. That Article I would fain see either in my books or in the words and works of any writer else from the beginning of the world to the latter end. What made my papists then to excogitate these so prodigious monsters, but only their monstrous fury and madness? Unless peradventure they mean those Articles so to be Scandalous, as commonly all true and Catholic Articles are wont to be. For what is more scandalous than verity? Yea only truth and verity is scandalous to all proud and senseless persons, and is said of Christ, 1. Cor. 1. We preach (saith S. Paul) Christ crucified, a stumbling stone to the jews, and to the Gentiles foolishness. And in Luke 2. 
1. Cor. 1▪ Luke. 2.  He is set to be the fall and rising up of many in Israel. Wherefore, where as my Papists do distinguish scandalous Articles from heretical and erroneous, and forasmuch as that which is not heretical or erroneous, must needs be Catholic and true: it followeth thereof, that these scandalous Articles be understanded and condemned of them for such as be very Catholic and sound. O worthy commendation & me●te for the Papists.  
Mark here good Reader, 
Offensi●●  the impiety of these blind Bussards, whether they roll themselves, how they deride and mock themselves, how easily they are taken in their own words, how fond and foolish they are in their studies not only in not proving any error or slander in these Articles, but also in going about only to express them, how they cast out things impossible and most foolishly repugnant to themselves. Where is then thou most presumptuous and shameless Bull, thy doltish respective now become? whether respectedst thou? verily into the bottomless pit of impiety, and thine own brutish stolidity.  
The like also is to be said touching the Articles offensive, which must be neither slanderous, neither erroneous, nor heretical, seeing they are distincted by such great Rabbins. Who will not now marvel at the deep & profound wisdom of these Papists, which could find out that to be offensive in the Church, which is neither false, neither heretical nor slanderous, but true, sound, Catholic and edifying, and yet must that also be condemned? And who would not now desire & covet to be condemned also of such harebrained idiots, who by their own condemning do utter themselves to approve things damnable, and to condemn things justifiable, that is, which openly show themselves, to their own great ignominy and shame, to be more senseless than stocks, rocks, or blocks. Go ye now therefore, O ye impious and brainless Papists, and if ye will needs write: show yourselves more sober: for this Bull (it appeareth) was spewed out in your night feasts amongs other drabs and harlots, or else huddled up in the Caniculare days or mad midsummer Moon: For never were there any dissardes that would show themselves so mad.  
Let us now return this dirt of Antichrist, and cast it in his own teeth, and of his own words let us judge him and condemn him, 
The pope's 〈…〉 own 〈◊〉.  that hereafter he may learn to take better heed, and be better advised in his lying. For as the Proverb saith, a liar had need to have a good memory. If some Articles be offensive, and other heretical, and thou condemnest him which is no heretic, and consequently a true Catholic, although he be six hundredth times offensive. Doth not thy shameless mouth then condemn thyself, not only of heresy, but of extreme impiety, blasphemy and treason against God's holy truth, showing thyself to be the man in deed which is the adversary, and is extolled above all that which is called God, or is worshipped? Art not thou then the man of sin, and the son of perdition, 
● Thes. 2.  which denieth God his redeemer, and taketh away the love of truth, to stablish the setting forth of his error, for men to believe iniquity, as Paul foretold? For if the Article be not heretical, it can not be offensive or slanderous, but only to such heretics as Antichrist is, and Sathanistes of all piety. See theeefore how his shameless and most foolish Bull, whiles it condemneth in me one thing to be heretical, and an other offensive, doth manifestly declare the authors thereof to be true heretics and the enemies of God in deed. 
Proverb. 12  So that now it may appear, that there is no knowledge nor counsel against the Lord, seeing blind impiety is thus caught in the words of his own mouth: so truly it is said, that he which casteth up a stone on high, it falleth down again upon his own pate.  
And (which is chiefest of all) by this their wicked contradiction it cometh to pass, 
●he pope ●●tereth his ●●ne wickedness.  that the cogitations of their own hearts be revealed, and that they themselves chiefly do utter and disclose their own wickedness which they covet most to conceal, that all men may see how ready they are to condemn all verity even at once. For when they affirm such Articles to be heretical, which neither they can, nor know, nor yet dare show or name to be heretical, what have we thereby to understand, but that they are the adversaries of Christ from the bottom of their hearts, and ready to impugn all truth, and yet notwithstanding with their damnable hypocrisy they pretend themselves to be condemners of heresies? Learn, learn, ye beetle headed Asses with your blustering bulls, 
Luke. 2.  learn I say, what it is, Christ to be a sign of contradiction and a stone of offence. How soon and easily is all your inward impiety and your ignominy disclosed with the same covert of words, 
●. Pet. 2.  wherewith in vain ye went about to cloak the same? Thus then have we here proved by this first and manifest argument, that the foresaid Bull proceedeth from none other, then very Antichrist himself, the chiefest adversary of God and of all godliness. And now let either Eckius or the Pope acknowledge if he dare, and then consider what opinion we ought to have of him, or what name to give him: in whom all cursed names, as in one heap, do concur together and agree, as impiety, blasphemy, ignorance, foolishness, hypocrisy, lying, briefly, Satan himself with his Antichrist.  
Neither doth this impiety any thing less appear in that also which I will now say. For this worshipful Bul decreeth in plain and most impudent words, 
●he pope's 〈…〉 Luther's 〈◊〉 have 〈◊〉.  that those Books also of mine ought to be burned, in the which are no errors contained, to the end that the memory of me may be utterly rooted out.  
Canst thou O Christian Reader, now doubt that the great Dragon of hell himself speaketh in this Bull? It is an old Proverb, that the Ass singeth therefore evil favouredly, because he taketh his note to high. So this Bull in like manner should have piped more tunably, if he had not set by his blasphemous throat so open against heaven, so impudently and develishly condemning also the manifest and evident truth. For hitherto Satan when so ever he oppressed the truth, did it under the colour of truth: but this man of sin, the Adversary which is extolled above God, without all colour, not privily but apeartly, and that in the open Church of God, without all shame taketh upon him to condemn, and commandeth to be burned the sincere verity of Christ, 
The papist pretend to know and maintain the verity of Christ, and yet cannot abide it.  known and allowed both of him and of all others. What could be more done amongst the Turks? What place is this worthy off (I pray thee) but the deep dungeon of Hell? And are ye not afraid ye Antichristes, with your brutish Bulls, least stones and trees should swear with blood, at the most horrible sight of this your execrable impiety and blasphemy?  
Where art thou now good Emperor Charles? Where are ye Christian Kings and Princes? Ye have given your name to Christ in Baptism, and can ye now abide these infernal voices of such an antichrist? Where be ye Bishops? Where be ye Doctors? Where be all ye that confess Christ? Can ye hold your peace at these horrible and prodigious monsters of the Papists, O miserable Church of God, which art made now so great a scorn, and a very mocking stock of Satan. O miserable are all they which live in these times. The wrath of God is finally come upon the Papists, enemies to the cross of Christ and verity of God, resisting all men, and forbidding the truth of Christ to be taught and preached, as S. Paul said of the jews. Admit I pray you, that I were such a one in deed, 
The pope condemneth as well the good books of M. Luther as the other without all respect of truth or of the cause.  as that cursed and malicious Bull doth make me to be an heretic, erroneous, schismatical, offensive, scandalous, in certain of my books: yet why should the other books of mine be condemned, which are Catholic, Christian, true, edifying, and peaceable? Where have these wretched Papists learned this religion, that for the persons cause being evil, they should damn and burn the holy and sound verity of God? Can ye not destroy men, but you must also destroy the truth? Will ye pluck up the good wheat also with the cockle? Will ye scatter also the corn away together with the chaff? And why then receive ye Origen in his Catholic books, and do not utterly reject him all together? Yea, why suffer ye wicked Aristotle (in whom is nothing taught but errors) and do not at least in some part condemn him? Why burn ye not and set on fire, the wicked, barbarous, unlearned, and heretical decretals of the Pope? Why do ye not all this, I say, but only for that ye are set in this holy place, for none other cause, but only to be that abomination spoken of in Daniel, which should put down truth and set up lies, 
Dan. 9  and the operation of error. For this thing and none other, becometh the seat of Antichrist.  
Wherefore this I say to thee (Pope Leo the tenth and to you Lord Cardinals, and all other whosoever is in any part or doing in that Court of Rome) and this I speak boldly unto your faces, if this Bull hath come out in your name, and by your knowledge, and if ye will so acknowledge it for your own: then will I likewise use my power, by the which I am made in my Baptism, the son of God, and coheyre with Christ, being founded upon a sure rock which neither feareth the gates of hell, nor heaven, nor earth, and say, monish and exhort you in the Lord that you will reform yourselves and take a better way, 
M. Luther's warning to the Pope.  and refrain heeeafter from those diabolical blasphemies and to much exceeding presumptuous impeties, and this I allege: That unless ye so do, know it for certain, that I with all them that worship Christ, do recount your seat, possessed and oppressed of Satan himself, to be the damned seat of Antichrist, which we not only do not obey, and will not be subject nor concorporate unto, but also do detest and abhor the same, as the principal & chiefest enemy of Christ, being ready in this our sentence and profession, not only to suffer gladly your fond foolish censures, but also do pray you heartily that you will never assoil us again, nor ever number us in your fellowship, and moreover to fulfil your bloody tyranny, do willingly offer ourselves to die for the same. 
M. Luther curseth the pope.  And according the to power & might, that the spirit of Christ, and efficacy of our faith can do in these our writings, if ye shall persist so still in your fury, we condemn you, & together with this Bull, & all the Decretal, we give you to Satan, to the destruction of flesh that your spirit in the day of our Lord may be delivered: in the name which you persecute of jesus Christ our Lord. Amen.  
For our Lord jesus Christ yet liveth and reigneth (in whom I do nothing doubt) who I firmly trust will shortly come and slay with the spirit of his mouth, and destroy with the brightness of his coming, this man of sin, and son of perdition, for as much as I cannot deny, 
The Pope the true Antichrist.  if the pope be the author and doer of these misshapen and monstruous doings, but he is the true, final, most wicked, and that famous Antichrist: that subverteth the whole world by the operation of his delusions, as we see it in all places fulfilled and accomplished.  
But whether doth the burning zeal of charity carry me. Neither am I as yet fully persuaded this to be the pope's Bull, but to proceed from his wicked Apostle Eckius, who with his fathers, 
Eccius.  fariously gaping at me like a gulf, would swallow me clean up: ●inging with the wicked thus: Let us swallow him up quick and whole like hell, and like one descending down into the pit. For little careth this furious ma●braine, 
Proverb. 1.  how the verity of God be extinguished (ye he would count that for a lucre) so he might ●ill his malicious desire with the blood 〈◊〉 his brother. O miserable state of the Church at this time▪ worthy to be bewailed with tears o● blood. But who heareth our groanings, or who comforteth our weepings? The fury of the Lord seemeth to be inoxorable against us.  
Over and beside, what a ridiculous toy, or pretty figment have they invented, whereby belike to sport themselves with some merry matter amongst their earnest business, writing that besides other great friendship, which they have showed unto me: they have also offered to support me with money, 
The Pope lieth in his Bull, where he saith, that he offered money to Luther to come to Rome.  and to bear my charges with their liberality, in my journey to Rome. Will ye see what a charity is newly come upon the City of Rome, which after it hath peeled and polled the whole world of their money, and hath consumed & wasted the same by intolerable tyranny, now cometh, and to me only offereth money? But this impudent lie I know with whose hommer it was coined, Caietanus the Cardinal, a man borne and form to lie for the whetstone after his worshipful Legacy depeached in Germany coming home to Rome, there he forged & feigned that he promised me money, whereas he being at Anspurge, was there in such miserable penury, & so pinching in his house, that it was thought he would have famished his family. But thus it becometh the Bull to be verè Bulla, that is a thing of nought, void of all truth and wit.  
And so these great judges & condemners after all this, yet have authority to command us to believe them to say truth, when they do nothing but lie, and that they are good Catholics, when they be stark heretics, and that they are true Christians, 
The Pope by the virtue of this universal Quodcunque ligaveris, can do all things.  when they play the very Antichrist, and all by the virtue of this universal: Quodcunque ligaveris. etc. i. Whatsoever thing thou bindest. etc. So that where nothing is excepted, they think they may do all things. Who not only do lie most loudly and manifestly, but also (which passeth all impudency) do vaunt and commend their liberality before the people to bring me more in hatred, making men falsely to believe that they offered friendship and money unto me: Whereas these tyrants of Rome, if they had had any truth, goodness, or godliness in them, should have taken some better heed in their doing and speaking, so that no adversary might conceive any suspicion of evil against them. But now if there were no other matter else to bring this Bull out of credit, only this gross & foolish lie were sufficient to declare how light, vain, and false this Bull is. What? would Rome (think ye) offer money to me? And how then cometh this, which I know to be most certain, that out of the bank (as they call it) two or three hundredth crowns were assigned in germany to be disposed and given to ruffians and catchpoles, 
Men hired by the Papists to kill Luther.  to murder Luther: for these be the reasons & arguments, whereby now fighteth, reigneth and triumpheth the holy Apostolic sea, the mistress of faith & mother of all churches, that which long since should have been proved to be the very ●eate of Antichrist, and manifold ways heretical, if she had fought with the sword of the spirit, which is the word of God: whereof she herself is nothing ignorant, & therefore because she would not be brought to that issue, thus she fareth and taketh on like as she were mad, in the Church of Christ, confounding and consuming all things with wars, 
The Pope's Church flieth the trial of the Scripture.  murders, bloodshed, death, and destruction, and yet for all this they must needs be counted most holy fathers in God, & vicar's of Christ, and Pastors of his flock.  
But go to (that I may also dally with them a while) let them, yet send me the money they speak of: for as touching their promise & safeconduct (because I will not overcharge them) that I gladly resign to them again, seeing I have no great need thereof, so that the moni may come to my hands. But here I must require so much as may suffice me: to wit, that I may be furnished with fifty thousand footmen, and ten thousand horsemen, to conduct me safe to Rome, and so for any other promise of safe conduct I will not trouble them. And this I require, because of the danger that is in Rome, 
What safe conduct M. Luther requireth of the Pope.  which devoureth up her inhabitants, neither keepeth, nor ever did keep promise with any: Where these most holy fathers do slay their beloved children in the charity of God, and brethren destroy their brethren to do service to Christ, as the manner is and style of Rome. In the mean time I will keep myself free and sa●● from the Citation of this most reverend Bull. O ye miserable varlets, which are so confounded with the truth and with your own conscience, that neither ye can lie handsomely, neither dare ye speak the truth, and yet neither ca ye so keep yourselves quiet, to your perpetual ignominy and confusion.  
Furthermore, here in this Bull is brought in a strange fashion of style, not heard of before. For where Augustine would have said, that he would not believe the Gospel, except he had been moved by the authority of the church, now cometh in this goodly Bull, and maketh this Catholic church to be a few reverent Cardinals his brethren, & priors of regular orders, Masters of Divinity and doctors of the law, out of whose counsel the said Bull boasteth herself to be borne and brought forth, a blessed babe (forsooth) of such an universal Church, O happy travel (no doubt) of this Catholic church, never seen nor heard of before, 
A new v●●●uersall Church o● the Pope● making.  and such as Augustine the valiant impugner of sects, if he did see, would not doubt to call it the Synagogue of the devil. See therefore the madness of their Papists. The universal Church is a ●ewe Cardinals, priors and Doctors, scarcely perhaps 20. persons in all, when also it is possible enough that never one of them all is the member of one chapel or altar. And whereas the Church is the communion of saints, as we say in the Creed, out of this communion of saints, that is, out of this universal church, all they then must needs be excluded, whosoever be not in the number of these 20. persons: 
The vni●●●●sall Chu●●● bound to 20. people  and so whatsoever these holy men do think or judge, by and by the universal Church must needs hold and believe the same, albeit they be liars, heretics, and Antichristes, thinking and judging nothing but that which is abominable.  
Would there ever any man think such doltishness and madness to be in Rome? Is there any brain in these men's heads think ye, or hart in their bodies? 
What A●●gustine 〈◊〉 the ●●iuersal Church▪  Austen speaketh of the church dispersed through the whole world, confessing the gospel with one consent. Neither would God that any book else should be received with such consent of the whole world as the holy scripture (as the said Augustine in his confessions affirmeth) lest by the receiving of other books, 
No vniu●●●sall Cat●●●licke 〈◊〉 but onel● the scrip●tures.  schisms might take occasion to rise, according as the wicked Sea of Rome hath long sought by her decrees, & hath, for a great part, brought the same to pass already. But yet the universal Church did never agree thereto. For in the East, West, & South there have been christians, which being content only with the gospel, have not regarded how Rome hath gone about of a particular church, to make herself an universal church, & accuseth other churches as schismatical when as she hath cut of herself from the universal Church, and striveth in vain to draw the whole universal church to her, being the mother and fountain of all schisms, and all by the means of this tyranny.  
Let no man therefore ever think that this true Catholic Church aforesaid, 
The Catholic Church, the Chu●●● of Rome are two things.  will believe or maintain those things which this detestable Bull here prattleth, when as neither that which is the very true Church of Rome, indeed doth herself so think, neither taketh that by and by to be Catholic, whatsoever is known to proceed from the Church of Rome. For as I said, there is no book which shall be called Catholic hereafter, as neither it hath been heretofore, besides only the holy scripture. For the church of Rome it may suffice to glory herself to be a little parcel or piece of the universal church, and so let her vex herself only with her own decrees.  
Neither let any man think this to be the Bull of the catholic church, but rather to proceed out of the Court of Rome. For such wisdom and religion may well beseem that seat of Satan, which seeketh to be counted for the whole universal Church, and obtrudeth her foolish and wicked Bulls most arrogantly and vainly to the whole world in the stead of sincere catholic doctrine. 
The pri●● presump●●●on of the Church Rome.  Whose pride and presumption hath grown so far, that she trusting upon her own power, without all learning and holiness of life, taketh upon her to prescribe laws to all men of all their doings and sayings, 
Domini●●●nd pow●● maketh ●he chu●●●  as though for dominion only and loftiness of spirit, she were to be counted the house and church of Christ, where as by this means Satan also the prince of the world, or the Turk might be counted the Church of Christ. Again, neither the Monarchies of the Gentiles can abide mighty Princes to reign over them without wisdom and goodness. Furthermore, 
1. Cor. 2  in the Church the spiritual man only judgeth all things, & is judged of no man, and not the Pope alone or the Court of Rome, unless they be spiritual.  
But against all this their rash presumption, I boldly set the invincible Champion of the Church S. Paul, who 1. Cor. 14. sayeth: If any thing be revealed to an other that sitteth by, let the first man hold his peace. Hear have ye plainly that Pope or any other elder, what so ever he be, aught to keep silence, if any thing be revealed to other in the Church, that is inferior. I therefore upon his authority contemning the presumptuous proceeding of this swelling Bull, do confidently take upon me to defend the Articles, caring nothing for the bare condemnation of any person, yea of the Pope himself with his whole Church, unless he shall inform me by the Scriptures. Whereof the first Article is this.  

The Article.  

1. C●r 14. The 〈◊〉 ●●ticle.  It is an heretical sentence, and also common to say, that Sacraments of the new law do give grace to them, which have no obstacle in themselves to the contrary.  

The Answer.  
I acknowledge this Article to be mine, and I ask of you good masters Respectivistes, which make these Articles respectively, 
 some to be heretical, some erroneous, some slanderous, etc. whether respecteth this article I pray you? To heresy, to error, to slander and offence? Or else whether respected you in condemning the same? To the holy scripture? to the holy fathers? to faith? to the church? To which of these I beseech you tell me. Neither do I here put you to the labour of proving, but only require you to show your judgement what you think, that I may know wherein I say amiss. Will you that I should tell you (you babish infants and noddies) whether this Article respecteth? I will. This article hath ij. respects. Whereof the one respecteth the Papists the condemners hereof, amongst whom it respecteth some to be mules, some to be horses, which have no understanding and be void of all sense, and yet notwithstanding they will needs condemn all things. An other respect it hath to the holy Scripture, which saith. Rom. 14. What so ever is not of faith, is sin. Whereupon consequently it followeth that the Sacraments or the new law can give no grace to the unbelievers (for so much as the sin of infidelity is the greatest obstacle) but only to the believers. For only faith putteth no obstacle: all other things be obstacles, although they put not the same obstacles which the Sophisters understand, meaning only of the actual purpose of external sin. I confess therefore this article not only to be mine, but also to be the article of the Catholic and Christian verity: and the Bull which confesseth the same, to be twice heretical, impious, and blasphemous, with all them which follow the same. Who little regarding the sin of incredulity, foolishly and madly do hold that the obstacle is taken away, if a man cease from suming, although the unbeliever can think no good thing. But these things I have discussed more at large in my books, and will more discuss if those prating Romanists dare at any time prove their opinion and confute mine.    

The 2. Article.  
To deny that sin remaineth in a child after his Baptism, is as much as to tread down Christ & Paul together under foot.  

The Answer.  
I would also require of them to show the cause why this article is condemned, if they were not so blinded in their fantastical respects, that they are not able to perceive why they would have this article condemned. And yet I cannot tell whether it be heretical or erroneous. And no marvel, when as the condemners themselves cannot tell me. I hold therefore this article also by the Apostle. Rom. 7. I myself in my mind do serve the law of God, and in my flesh the law of sin. Hear the Apostle confesseth plainly of himself, that in his flesh he serveth sin. And also 1. Cor. 1. Christ is made to us of God our righteousness, our wisdom, sanctification and redemption. And how then doth he sanctified them that be sanctified already, unless it be as the Apoc. sayeth: He that is holy, let him be holy still? To be sanctified, 
Rom. 7.  is as much as to be purged from sin. But what have these our Respectivists to do with the apostle Paul, seeing they are the whole universal Church, 
●. Cor. 1.  by whose authority Paul either standeth or falleth, being but a member only and a part of the church. 
●poc. 12.  The Lord rebuke thee Satan, and these thy Satanical papists.    

The 3. Article.  
The original root of sin, although no actual sin do follow, stoppeth the soul departing out of the body, from entrance into heaven. 
〈◊〉 answer 〈◊〉 M. 〈◊〉 the ●. article.   

The Answer.  
As touching this matter, I never defined any thing hitherto, but largely & probably I have disputed hereof, neither yet to this day am I fully certain what is done with such a ●oule. But our papists more blind than buzzards, when they are nothing able to perceive what cause this Article hath worthily to be condemned, yet dare they take upon them to pronounce that which the whole universal church is ignorant of. 
 I yet notwithstanding contemning this foolish and fond condemnation aforesaid, do hold this article probably to be true. For seeing this original root which I speak of, is truly sin, as I have proved. Rom. 7. & Gal. 5. and seeing that sin letteth a man from entering into heaven, as it is written: No polluted thing shall enter: I suppose therefore that original sin wythholdeth a man from entering into heaven. Nether do I any thing at all esteem the fantastical dreams of them, whereby they extenuating original sin, do call it only the pain of sin, and imperfections, plainly against the manifest scriptures, which call it sin and teach the same to be cured by grace, which is the medicine of true, and not of feigned sin.    

The 4. Article. 
Answer of M. Luther to the 4 article.   
The imperfect charity of a man departing, necessarily carrieth with it great fear, which of itself is enough to make the pain of Purgatory, and letteth the entrance into the kingdom of heaven.  

The Answer.  
This followeth of the other going before, which in like manner I did not determinately affirm, although very probably I do yet hold the same, ask before a dispensation after mine own arbitrement, even in defiance of the Bull, which is not able to bring forth any other probation but this: We are the highest powers in the Church, yea we are the church itself. Ergo, we are the best learned, most holiest, full of the holy Ghost which cannot err, although we stink like a filthy puddle to the whole world, polluted with all kind of sins, and drowned in ignorance. But all these reasons prevail nothing with me: peradventure they may with them, which fear least if my sentence should prevail, than purgatory should be taken out of the Pope's hands, & then priests and religious men having lost their gainful offices of vexing (of releasing I would have said) of the dead, 
The pope's doctrine gainful to the purse.  should be pinched by the bellies and brought to penury. It was time therefore for their greedy avarice here to wake & look about, and not to suffer these their frivolous opinions, but yet very gainful, to be overcome with truth, and so to be overthrown.    

The 5. article. 
Answer of M. Luther to to the 5. article.   
Where they say penance standeth of three parts, to wit, contrition, confession, and satisfaction it is not founded in holy scripture, nor in ancient, holy, and christian Doctors.  

The answer.  
This article, in what respect it is condemned, I do right well perceive: For the respect thereof is to greedy covetousness, and therefore I know that the probation thereof hath the like respect, which is this: if this article were true than men would give nothing for satisfaction and indulgences, neither should we have any more wherewith to vex them with confessions, cases reserved, restricted, or ampliated for our gain, and so should we become beggars, and gods service should be minished in Uigils and Masses. But it is wicked that God's service should be minished: therefore Luther is an heretic: This consequent holdeth a respectu Bullae ad Papistas. 1. From the Bull to the papists and contrariwise.  
I beseech thee by the Lord jesus, whatsoever grave & learned reader shalt read these things, that thou wilt pardon this my levity, and (as it may seem) my childishness. For thou seest how I have to do with such men as be twice children, and yet do brag themselves to be peers and principal pillars of all men. I assure you, I know it most certainly to be true, that there be many and great governors of people, which this so ridiculous and foolish reason above recited, hath moved to the condemnation of my books. Unless I perceived (with tears I speak it) the anger of God sharp and fierce against us, in bringing us under subjection of such effeminate children, and such dregs of the earth, and vile refuse of all other people of the whole world it would make ●e to burst for very grief and sorrow.  
My sentence is, and hath been this, that that satisfaction which the keys are able to dispense withal, standeth not by the law of God. For if it did, then could it not be dispensed with all by the keys. If these Bull founders do charge me with any other thing beside in this article, they do nothing else but as they are wont to do. For what matter or marvel is it if Antichrist do lie?    

The 6. article.  
Contrition which is gotten by examining, 
The answer of M. Luther to the 6. article.  remembering and detesting our sins, whereby a man calleth to mind his years passed in the bitterness of his soul, in pondering the greatness, the multitude and filthiness of his sins, the losing of eternal bliss, and purchasing of eternal damnation: this contrition maketh an hypocrite, yea rather a man to be more a sinner.  

The Answer.  
O the incredible blindness and brutishness of these Romish bulls. This Article is truly mine, & very christian, which I will not suffer to be wrested from me, for all the Popes and papists in the world. 
The answer of master Luther to the 6. article.  For this I meant by that doctrine, that repentance is of no force, unless it be done in faith and charity, which thing they also teach themselves, but that they do not know nor teach, neither what faith nor charity is. And therefore in condemning my doctrine, they condemn also their own, foolishly repugning against themselves in their own contradiction. I say therefore that he which teacheth repentance in such wise & manner, that he hath not a greater regard to the promised mercy of God and faith in the same, then to this afflicting and vexing of the mind, he teacheth the repentance of judas Iscarioth, he is pestilent, a devil to men's souls, and a tormentor of consciences. Read the books of those sophisters, where they write of repentance, and thou shalt see there no mention made either of promise or faith. For these lively parts of repentance, they clean omit, & only do vex men with these dead contritions. But hereof we have, and will hereafter entreat more at large.  
But what should I here stand upon every Article, seeing my books be abroad, wherein I have given a reason of all sufficiently, and more would have done, if mine adversaries also had brought to light theirs. 
The purpose of Luther in setting forth his articles.  For what foolishness is this, that they think to answer me with this one saying, that they count all my sayings as damned, whereas I did write to this end only, that they should acknowledge their errors, wherewith they have so long bewitched the people of God. Neither did I look that I should be condemned, which understanding & knowing the same right well, have justified those things which they have condemned before with sufficient authority, both of scripture and reason. Neither looked I that they should tell me what they thought (for I knew all that well enough) but that I sought of them was to know whether they thought right therein or not. Here looked I to be taught, and behold, none of them all durst once put forth his head. Wherefore I see these asses nothing to understand either the things that I say, or yet themselves. But they be such blind buzzards, that they perceive not what it is that I seek in my books. For they dream that I have such an opinion of them, as though they had the truth of their side, when there is nothing that I less think to be true. For I foreseeing that they had condemned all these things before, came forth and showed myself, as one not to be condemned, but as already condemned of them, to accuse their condemnation to be wicked, heretical, and blasphemous, and so openly to denounce them as heretics and erroneous, unless they showed some better reason and ground of their doings & doctrine: where as they on the other side, like foolish minstrels harping all on one string, have nothing else in their mouths, 
● Pet. 3.  but we condemn that we have condemned, proving after a new kind of Logic, the same thing by itself. O most idiot huddypeaks, and blockish condemners, where is the saying of Peter? Be always ready to tender a count of that faith and hope which is in you.  
Wherefore seeing these ignorant Papists, being thus confounded, do so fly away, from the face of the manifest verity, that they dare not once open their mouths in defence of themselves, or of their cause, and have blasted out with much ado this timorous Bul of theirs: I being comforted with the flight of these mine adversaries, do account this their dastardly damnation in stead of full allowing and justifying of my cause, and so rebound again their own damnation upon their own heads, for how could they more condemn themselves, then whiles they, (fearing to be found themselves culpable of heresy, if they should be driven to give account of their doctrine) do fly to this miserable and desperate refuge, willingly to shut their eyes and stop their ears, and to say, I will not, I damn thee, I hear thee not, I allow thee not. If I should have played any such mad part, how would they (I pray you) have triumphed against me? This dastardly fear declareth what cowards they are.  
Wherefore, not to burden the reader with any tedious prolixity of matter in prosecuting every Article, I here protest in these presents, that I 
* Note here good reader that amongst these articles, certain there be which because they seemed somewhat to bear with the Pope and his pardons, Luther coming after to more knowledge that the pope was Antichrist, confesseth himself in his 〈◊〉, that he utterly calleth 〈◊〉 the same, not 〈◊〉 king them as the 〈◊〉 would 〈◊〉 had him, but rather aggraua●●● them against the Pope.  confess all these things here condemned by this miserable Bull, for pure, clear and Catholic doctrine: whereof I have sufficiently given account in my books which be extant abroad.  
Furthermore, I will also that the said my books being extant abroad, shallbe taken as a public accusation against these wicked Sophisters & seducers of the people of God: so that unless they shall give a count of their doctrine, and shall convict me with good ground of Scripture, I do here as much as in me lieth, denounce them as guilty of error, heresy, and sacrilege, admonishing, desiring, and in the Lord exhorting all them which truly confess Christ, that they will beware and take heed of their pestiferous doctrine, and not to doubt, but that the true Antichrist reigneth by them in the world amongst us.  
And if any shall contemn this my brotherly admonition, let him know that I am pure and clean from his blood, & excused from the last judgement of Christ. For I have left nothing undone, which Christian charity did bind me to do.  
Finally, if there be no other way whereby I may resist these babbling and trifling condemners, the uttermost and last which I have, I will give and bestow in the quarrel, that is, this life and blood of mine. For better it were for me a thousand times to be slain, then to revoke one syllable of these Articles which they have condemned. And now as they do curse and excommunicate me for their damnable heresy, so I again likewise do curse and excommunicate them for the holy verity of God. Christ which is only the judge of all, judge and determine this matter between us, whether of these two excommunications, his or mine shall stand and prevail before him. Amen.      
In storying the life of Luther, 
Rea● 〈◊〉 pag. 849.  before pag. 849. it was declared, how the said Luther in the beginning, first being rejected of the Cardinal Caietanus, appealed from the cardinal unto the Pope. When that would not serve, neither could not any tolerable submission of Luther to the pope be received, but that the P. with his Cardinals, contrary to all equity and conscience, would needs proceed against him, and against the express truth of God's word, thinking by mere authority to bear down the verity as he had used before to do. Luther following the justness of his cause, 
Read afo●● pag. 812.  was then compelled to appeal from the Pope to the next general council, and so did, as before you may read, pag. 812. Which was 2. years before the Pope's Bull against Luther came out. The tenor of which appellation before omitted, I thought here to exhibit, whereby the reader considering the great change of religion and state of the church which since hath ensued, may also perceive the true original cause and occasion, how it first began, by what order & degrees it after increased, what humility and submission first on Luther's part was showed, and again what insolency, wrong, and violence on the Pope's part was declared. And further, where Pope Leo in his Bull above prefixed, seemeth to pretend certain conditions of favour, charity, and money offered to Luther in the beginning, how false & vain that is, by this present appeal may appear. The copy whereof, as it was drawn by the public notary and exhibited, is this as in form here followeth.   

The tenor and form of the Appeal of Martin Luther, from Pope Leo to the next general Council.  
IN nomine Domini, Amen. 
The appeal of 〈◊〉 Luther 〈◊〉 the pope 〈◊〉 the next ●●●nerall co●●●cell.  Anno a nativitate eiusdem .1518. indictione sexta, die vero solis vigesima octava mensis novemb. Pontificatus sanctissimi in Christo patris & Domini nostri, Domini Leonis, divina providentia Papae, decimi, anno sexto in mea Notarij publici testiumque infra scriptorum ad hoc. specialiter vocatorum & rogatorum praesentia constitutus, etc.   

The effect of the said Appeal of Luther, in English.  
THe effect of the appeal aforesaid, is this: 
Luther's a●●peale from the pope English.  That for somuch as the liberty of appealing is provided for a remedy to relieve the oppressed from injury and violence of the superior, it was therefore lawful for Martin Luther so to do, especially being manifold ways injuried and molested by the See of Rome, and other the Pope's confederates, as he in the said appeal declareth. For at first whereas he modestly disputing of the errors and abuses of the Pope's pardons, did somewhat withstand the impudent raven and blasphemies of them that come about with the Pope's pardons to poll and rob the people, he was therefore openly railed upon, and defamed by them in their public sermons to be an heretic, and consequently upon the same accused to Pope Leo for an heretic, by Marius the Pope's Proctor and others.  
Then was obtained of the Pope a commission to cite up the said Luther to appear at Rome before the Cardinals, by Hieronymus, and Sylvester Prieras, his mortal enemies, where as he could by no way appear without manifest danger of his life, both by the way, and also in the city of Rome.  
For the consideration whereof, Duke Ih. Fridericke, Prince elector, and the Landgrave entreated for him to have his cause indifferently to be heard, and to be committed to two parties that were equal, and not partial: yet notwithstanding the suit of these princes, and the contrary labour of the Cardinals, which were his capital adversaries, 
 so prevailed at Rome, that the cause of Luther was still detained in their own hands, and contrary to all indifferency, was committed to the hearing of the Pope's Legate then in Germany, called Cardinalis Sancti Sixti. Who being no less enemy against Luther, than the other, and notwithstanding that Luther obediently appeared at his call, and with humble protestation submitted himself to be answered by the Scriptures, and referred himself to the judgement of the Sea of Rome, and of four Universities, to wit, basil, Friburge, Louane, and Paris yet contrary to all equity, showing forth no Scripture nor reason, rejecting his gentle protestation, submission, and honest offer, with all other his requests and suits, he would needs forthwith have him to revoke his errors, threatening and menacing him most cruelly, and commanded him no more to come in his sight.  
Whereupon Luther being thus proudly rejected of the Cardinal, 
Luther appeal 〈◊〉 the Cardinal to the pope.  made his appeal from the said Cardinal to Pope Leo being better informed.  
This appellation also being contemned of the Pope, who would neither come to any agreement, nor take any reasonable condition, nor show Luther his errors by the scripture, nor yet refer the matter by learning to be decided, but would needs perforce proceed against him by mere authority, and oppression at Rome, Luther then seeing there was no other refuge or remedy for his own defence, and seeing moreover the truth of God's word to lie under foot by might and authority oppressed, so that none durst almost confess the same, 
M. Luther appealeth from the pope to the next general Council.  and that the poor flock was so misled in errors and vain opinions to the seduction of their souls, for these and other such causes, he being necessarily thereunto compelled, commenced this Appeal from the Pope misinformed to the next general Council that should be, calling for the help of the public notary, and testimony also of sufficient witnesses requisite in that behalf accordingly.   

¶ The death of K. Henry the viii. with the manner thereof.  
ANd thus closing up this eight book with the death of King Henry the 8. I will now (the Lord Christ assisting me with his grace) proceed next to the time & reign of King Edward his son, 
The 〈◊〉 and manner of the king's death.  after that first I shall intermit a few words touching the death of the said King Henry his father, and the manner of the same. Who after long languishing, infirmity growing more and more upon him, lay from S. Stevens day (as is above mentioned) to the latter end of january. His Physicians at length perceiving that he would away: 
Of the Act that ●one should speak of the kings death. Vid. Stat. 〈◊〉 Henr. 8.  and yet not daring to discourage him with death, for fear of the Act passed before in parliament, that none should speak any thing of the King's death (the Act being made only for Soothsayers and talkers of prophecies) moved them that were about the King to put him in remembrance of his mortal state and fatal infirmity. Which when the rest were in dread to do, M. Deny who was specially attendant upon him, boldly coming to the King: told him what case he was in, to man's judgement not like to live, and therefore exhorted him to prepare himself to death, calling himself to remembrance of his former life, and to call upon God in Christ betime for grace and mercy, as becometh every good Christian man to do.  
Although the K. was loath to hear any mention of death, yet perceiving the same to rise upon the judgement of his Physicians and feeling his own weakness, he disposed himself more quietly to hearken to the words of his exhortation, and to consider his life past. Which although he much accused, yet (said he) is the mercy of Christ able to pardon me all my sins, though they were greater than they be. M. Deny being glad to hear him thus speak, required to know his pleasure, whether he would have any learned man sent for to confer withal, and to open his mind unto. 
 To whom the King answered again, that if he had any, he would have D. Cranmer, who was then lying at Croyden. And therefore M. Deny ask the King whether he would have him sent for, I will first said the King take a little sleep, and then as I feel myself, I will advise upon the matter.  

 After an hour or two, the King awaking and feeling feebleness to increase upon him, commanded D. Cranmer to be sent for: but before he could come, the king was speechless, and almost senseless. Notwithstanding perceiving D. Cranmer to be come, he reaching his hand to D. Cranmer, did hold him fast, but could utter no word unto him, and scarce was able to make any sign. Then the Archbishop exhorting him to put his trust in Christ, and to call upon his mercy, desired him, though he could not speak, yet to give some token with his eyes, or with hand, as he trusted in the Lord. Then the King holding him with his hand, did wring his hand in his, as hard as he could, and so shortly after departed, after he had reigned in this land the term of 37. years and 9 months, 
The king's children.  leaving behind him three children, Edward, Mary, and Elizabeth.  
Moreover, for so much as mention is inserted in this place of the good inclination of King Henry in his latter days to the reformation of religion, 
Talk between Thom. Cranmer Archbishop of Cant. and the Duke of Suffolk about. Ste. Gardiner.  by the occasion hereof it cometh also to mind, somewhat likewise to add by way of appendix touching the talk between the Archbishop of Canterbury Thomas Cranmer, and the Duke of Suffolk Charles Branden, as concerning the King's purpose and intent conceived against the Bishop of Winchester Steven Gardiner, in that he could never allow any reformation in religion in this realm, and namely being offended with this that men should use in their talk, The Lord, as well as our Lord. The said Duke said unto the said Archbishop: We of the Counsel had him once at a good lift, and should well have dispatched him from his authority, if the King's Majesty our Master had stayed himself from admitting him to his presence, as than his highness was content that we should thoroughly have sifted and tried him, It was my Lord (quoth the Duke to the Archbishop) at that time, when Gardiner his Secretary was attached and suffered for defending the Pope's authority. For than I and certain of the Counsel having conference with the King's Majesty for that matter, his highness was fully persuaded that the Bishop's Secretary being in such special favour with his Master, would never stand so stiff in defence of the Bishop of Rome's usurped power and authority, 
Stephen Gardiner appointed by the king to to be had to the Tower.  without his said masters both advise, knowledge, and persuasion. For already, quoth the King, he played but a homely part with me, when he was Ambassador to the Pope concerning my cause of divorce. And therefore (quoth the King to me) send for him my Lord incontinently, and by assistance of two or three more of the Counsel whom you think good, let him be committed to the Tower, to answer to such things as may be objected against him. This communication was in the evening: so that we purposed to have executed the kings pleasure and commandment the next morning. How beit our talk was not so secret, but that some of his friends of the privy chamber then, suspecting the matter (where he had many friends) sent him word there of. Who incontinently repaired to the king's presence, 
Ste. Gardiner privily cometh to the king.  and finding some matter to minister unto the king, his highness said to the bish. We do marvel that your secretary hath thus notoriously offended against us & our laws. It is surely though: that you are not all clear in this offence, but that you are of the same opinion with him, & therefore my Lord be plain with me, 
King Henry layeth to Winchester's charge.  and let me know if you be the way infected or no: If you will tell me the truth, I will rather pardon the fault, but if you halt or dissemble with me, look for no favour at my hand.  
With this monition Winchester fell down upon his knees & besought his majesty of mercy and pardon, 
Winchester confesseth his popery to the king.  manifestly confessing that he of long time had been of that opinion with his said secretary: and there bewailing himself, promised from that day forward to reform his opinion, & become a new man. Well (quoth the king) this way you have of me, that which otherwise you should never have obtained. I am content to remit all things past and pardon you upon your amendment.  
The next morning I had word how the matter was handled, whereupon I came to his highness & said: Your Majesty hath prevented our commission, which I and other had from your grace concerning my Lord of winchester's committing to the tower. Wots you what quoth the K.? he hath confessed himself as guilty in this matter as his man, 
K. Henry's nature to pardon them that come to him and confess their fault.  and hath with much sorrow & pensiveness sued for my pardon: And you know what my nature and custom hath been in such matters, evermore to pardon them that will not dissemble but confess their fault.  
Thus wil●ly and politickely he got himself out of our hands. But if I had suspected this, I would have had him in the tower over night and stopped his journey to the court. Well said my Lord of Caunterbury he was evermore to good for you all.  
Moreover as touching this foresaid bishop of Winchester for so much as he in king Edward's time bragged so much of his old master of famous memory king Henr. 8. to the intent that the glorious vanity of this bishop, & of all other like unto him, more notoriously may appear to all men here is to be noted by the testification as well of master Deny, as also of Sir Henry Nevell, who were there present witnesses of the matter, whose record is this, that king Henry before the time of his sickness, taking his horse upon the terrace at Windsor to ride out on hawking, saw standing before him the Lord Wryothesley Lord Chancellor with divers other counsellors, and amongst them the Bishop of Winchester. Whereupon he called the Lord Chancellor and said: 
Winchester commanded no more to come in the king's sight.  Did not I command you he should come no more amongst you (meaning the Bishop?) Whereunto the Lord Chancellor answered, that his coming was to bring his Majesty word of a benevolence given unto him by the Clergy. Whereat the King said: Ah, let him come hither, and so he did his message, and the King went strait away.  
Item, another time the King immediately after his repair to London, fell sick, and caused divers times his whole Counsel to come unto him about his will, and other his grave affairs: 
Winchester though he were excluded yet would seem still to be of the kings Counsel.  At what time, the Bishop also would come up with them into the utter privy Chamber, and there remain until the Counsel came from the King, and then go down with them again, to the end (as then was thought) to blind the world withal.  
Furthermore, as the King grew more in sickness, he considering upon his will and testament made before at his going over to Bullein, willed the same to be drawn out again with leaving out and excluding the Bishop of Winchester by name from amongst his Executors. Which being to him no small corsie, and a cutting off of all their purposes, 
Win●. excluded out of the kings will.  a way was found, that Sir Anthony Browne a principal pillar of Winchester's side, pretending unto the King, as though by the negligence of the writer the bishops name had been left out of the Kings will, kneeled down to the King's Majesty, 
Sir Anthony Browne a great friend to Wint.  lying in his bed, and said: My Lord of Winchester I think by negligence is left out of your majesties will, who hath done your highness most painful, long, and notable service, and one without whom the rest shall not be able to overcome your great and weighty affairs committed unto them.  
Hold your peace (quoth the King) I remembered him well enough, and of good purpose have left him out. For surely, if he were in my testament, and one of you, he would cumber you all, and you should never rule him, he is of so troublesome a nature. Marry, quoth the King, I myself could use him, and rule him to all manner of purposes, as seemed good to me, 
King Henry's opinion of the Bishop of Winchest.  but so shall you never do, and therefore talk no more of him to me in this behalf. Sir Anthony Browne perceiving the king somewhat stiff herein, gave place to the King's words at that time. Howbeit, seeking farther occasion upon more persuasions put into his head, took in hand once again to move the King to have the Bishop one of his Executors. When the King perceived that this instant suit would not cease: have you not yet done (quoth the King) to molest me in this matter? If you will not cease farther to trouble me, by the faith that I own unto God, I will surely dispatch thee out of my will also, and therefore let us hear no more of this matter. All this Sir Anthony Deny was heard to report to the Archbishop of Cant. Thom. Cranmer, 
Witness.  of the said archbishop's Secretary who is yet alive, and witness to the same.  
And thus much touching the end of King Henry, who if he had continued a few months longer (all those obites and Masses, which appear in his will made before he went to Bulleyne notwithstanding) most certain it is, & to be signified to all posterity, that his full purpose was to have repurged the estate of the Church, & to have gone through with the same, 
The purpose of the king if he had lived, was to make a perfect reformation of religion.  so that he would not have left one mass in all England. For the more certain intelligence whereof, two things I have to lead me. The one is, the assured report and testimony of Tho. Cranmer, Archbishop of Caunterbury, hearing the King declare the same out of his own mouth, both to himself, & to Mounsieur de Annebault Lord Admiral the French Ambassador, in the month of August a little before his death, as above may appear more at large, 
Credit of this narration that it is true.  page. 1240. The other cause which leadeth me thereunto, is also of equal credit, grounded upon the declaration of the Kings own mouth after that time, more near to his death, unto Bruno Ambassador of john Fridericke, Duke of Saxony. Unto the which Ambassador of Saxony, the King gave this answer openly, that if the quarrel of the Duke of Saxony were nothing else against the Emperor but for religion, 
The kings answer to the Duke of Saxonies' Ambassador, a little before his death.  he should stand to it strongly, and he would take his part, willing him not to doubt nor fear, and so with this answer dismissed the Ambassador unto the Duke openly in the hearing of these four sufficient witnesses, the L. Scym●r Earl of Harforde, Lord Lisley then Admiral, the Earl of Bedford Lord Privy Seal, and Lord Paget. But the secret working of God's holy providence, which disposeth all things after his own wisdom and purpose, thought it good rather by taking the King away, to reserve the accomplishment of this reformation of his church, to the peaceable time of his son Edward, and Elizabeth his daughter, whose hands were yet undefiled with any blood, and life unspotted with any violence, or cruelty.  
And thus to finish this book, I thought here to close up King Henry's reign. But because a little vacant space of empty paper remaineth behind needful to be filled up, to employ therefore and to replenish the same with some matter or other, I thought to annex here unto one story which happened in this King Henry's reign. Which albeit it serveth not to the purpose of this our matter now in hand, yet nevertheless to supply the room it may stand in some place, either to refresh the travailed mind of the Reader wearied with other stories, or else to disclose the detestable impiety of these counterfeit sects of Monks and Friars, who under the hypocritical viso of pretenced Religion, have so long seduced and deceived the world. Although the deceitful parts and practices of these fantastical orders be so many, and in all places so notorious, that they are not able to be expressed yet amongst many one you shall hear that chanced in this King's days in the City of Orleans in France, by the Grey Friars, about the year of our Lord. 1534. The story is this.   

¶ A tragical story of certain Friars in France in the City of Orleans. an. 1534.  
THe majors wife of the City of Orleans provided in her will to be buried without any pomp or solemnity. 
Ex Com●mentari●● joan. 〈◊〉 Lib. 9  For when any departeth there, in some places the Belmen are hired to go about the City, and in places most frequented to assemble the people with the sound of the bell, & there to declare the names and the titles of those parties deceased, also where and when they shall be buried, 
A story o● certain Friars in Orleanc●  exhorting the people to pray for them. And when the Coarse is carried forth, the most part of the begging friars go withal to the church, with many torches and tapers carried before them, and the more pomp & solemnity is used, the more is the concourse of people. But this woman (as I said) would have none of all this gear done for her. Wherefore her husband which loved her well, followed her mind herein, and gave unto these greedy cormorants the friars, which waiting for their prey (in whose Church she was buried besides her father and her grandfather) six crowns for a reward: whereas they gaped for a great deal more. And afterward when he cut down a wood and sold it, the friars craving to have part thereof freely and without money, he denied them, this took they wonderful grievously, and where as they loved him not before, they devised now a way to be revenged, saying that his wife was damned everlastingly.  
The workers of this Tragedy were Colyman, and Steven of Arras both doctors of Divinity: and the first in deed was a conjuror, and had all his trinkets and furniture concerning such matters, in a readiness, and they used the matter thus. They set a young man which was a Novice above over the vault of the Church, and when they came to mumble up their matins at midnight after their accustomed manner, he made a wonderful noise and shrieking aloft. Then went this Colyman to crossing and conjuring, but the other above would not speak. Being charged to make a sign to declare if he were a dumb spirit, he russeled and made a noise again, and that was the sign and token.  
When they had laid this foundation, they went to certain of the chiefest in all the City, and such as favoured them most, and told them what an heavy case was chanced, yet did they not utter what it was, but entreated them to take the pains to come to their service at nigh. When they were come, and the service was begun, he that was aloft, made a great noise. Being demanded what he would, and what he was, he signified that he might not speak, 
The 〈◊〉 what demand of the spirit.  than was he commanded to answer to their interrogatories by signs and tokens. Now, was there a hole made for the purpose, where by laying to his ear, he might hear and understand what the conjuror said unto them. There was also a table at hand, and when any question was asked, he struck and beat upon the Table, so that he might be heard beneath. Then first the conjuror demanded whether he were any of them that had been buried there. After that, 
Luther's nefresie a 〈…〉 the Friar  reckoning up many of their names in order, whose bodies had been buried there, at the last he named the majors wife. Hear he made a sign that he was the spirit of that woman. Then he asked whether be were damned, and for what desert or offence? Whether it were for covetousness, pride, or lechery, or not doing the works of charity, or else for this new sprung up heresy and Lutheranism? Moreover, what was the cause that he made such a noise, and was so unquiet? Whether it were that the body being buried within holy ground should be digged up again and carried to some other place? To all these things he answered by signs in like case as he was commanded: whereby he affirmed, or denied every thing, striking twice or thrice upon the Table.  
When he had thus signified that Luther's heresy was the cause of her damnation, 
Luther's 〈◊〉 a great 〈…〉 the 〈◊〉.  and that her body must be taken up, the Friars desired the Citizens that were present, to bear witness of such things as they had seen and heard, and set their hands to it in writing. But they taking advisement lest they should both offend the Mayor, and bring themselves in trouble, refused to subscribe. Notwithstanding, the Friars took the pixe with the host and the Lords body (as they call it) and all their Saints relics, and carried them to another place, and there they said their Masses: which they are wont to do by the Pope's Law, when a Church is suspended, and must be hallowed again, and when the Bishops Official heard of this, he came thither to understand the matter better, and associating to him certain honest men, he commanded the Friar to conjure in his presence, and would have appointed certain to go up to the vault, to see if any spirit did there appear. But Steven of Arras was sore against it, and exhorted them earnestly that they should not so do, saying that the spirit ought not to be molested. And albeit the Official did earnestly urge them to conjure before him, 
The Mayor 〈◊〉 to the 〈◊〉 of the 〈◊〉.  yet could they not bring them to it. In the mean time, the Mayor making his friends privy what he would do, went to the King, and informed him of the whole matter. And because the Friars trusting to their immunities and privileges, refused to come in judgement, the King chose certain out of the court of Parliament at Paris, to examine the matter, and gave them full authority so to do. Whereupon they were carried to Paris, and constrained to make answer, but they would confess nothing. Then they were sent again to prison, and kept apart one from another: and the Novice was kept in Fumeus house a Senator, and being oftentimes examined, he would confess nothing, fearing lest he should after be murdered of them for slandering their order. But when the judges promised him that he should have no harm: and should come no more in the friars hands, he declared to them the whole matter in order, and being brought before the others, he avouched the same. But they, albeit they were convicted, and in manner taken with the deed, yet refused they their judges, and bragged of their privileges: but it was altogether in vain, 
The Friars condemned 〈◊〉 prison & 〈◊〉 punishment.  for they were condemned in open judgement, that they should be carried again to orleans, and committed to prison, and afterwards brought openly to the Cathedral Church, and so to the place of punishment where malefactors are executed, and there should make open confession of their wickedness.  
But even at the same time chanced a persecution against the Lutherans, which was the cause that this sentence, albeit it was too gentle for so great offence, was not put in execution. For, because the name of the Lutherans was most odious, they feared least the punishment of these men should not have been so much thought to be due for their offence, 
The Friars ●●caped, and 〈◊〉 Lutherans punished.  as done in reproach of the order: and many thought that whatsoever should be done to them, it would be to the Lutherans a pleasant spectacle, and cause them much to rejoice.  
This order of the franciscans was esteemed of the common people very holy: so that what time they were carried out of Paris, certain women moved with pity, followed them unto the gate of the University with many tears and sighs.  
After they came to Orleans, and were bestowed in several prisons, they began to boast again of their liberties and privileges, and at length, after long imprisonment, they were discharged and set at liberty without any further punishment. Had not these persecutions before mentioned letted the matter, the King had determined, as it was certainly reported, to pluck down their house, and make it even with the ground. Ex Io. Sleid. lib. 9  
But to leave the memory of this Idolatrous generation, not worthy any further to be named, let us occupy the time with some better matter, 
〈◊〉 the 〈…〉 M. 〈◊〉 tyme.  in remembering the story of a good and constant Martyr of the Lord before overpast, which suffered in Kent for the word of God before Luther's time, about the second year of this king's reign, as here in story followeth.   

john Browne a blessed Martyr of Christ jesus burned at Ashford by Archbishop Warrham, and Doct. Fisher Bish. of Rochester, about the 2. year of king Henry the 8. An. 1511.  
persecutors. Martyr. The cause. 

W. Warrh. Archb. of Cant.  
Fisher bishop of Rochester.  
A chantry priest.  
Walter More Gentleman.  
William More his brother.  
Children of Wye, Baily arrant.  
Bear of Wilborough.  
Two servants of Wil Warham.   
I. Browne of Ashford  
At Asheford.  
Ann. 1511.  The first occasion of the trouble of this I. Brown the blessed servant of God, 
The story of john Browne Martyr.  was by a certain Priest: who passing down to graves end in the common Barge (where the said joh. Brown was amongst divers other passengers more) and disdaining that he so saucily should sit so near unto him in the Barge (who belike seemed not much to pass upon the Priest) began to swell in stomach against him. At length bursting forth in his priestly voice and disdainful countenance, he asked him in this manner: Dost thou know (said he) who I am? thou sittest to near me and fittest on my clothes. No sir (said the other) I know not what you are. I tell thee (quoth he) I am a priest. What sir, are you a parson or vicar, 
Talk between john Browne & a proud Priest 〈◊〉 in graves end 〈◊〉 Barge.  or some lady's chaplain? No (quoth he again) I am a soul Priest: I sing for a soul. Do you so sir (quoth the other?) that is well done, I pray you sir (said he) where find you the soul when you go to Mass? I cannot tell thee (said the Priest.) I pray you, where do you leave it sir when the Mass is done? I cannot tell thee (said the priest) Neither can you tell where to find it when you go to Mass, nor where you leave it when the Mass is done, how can you then save the soul, said he? Go thy ways said the priest, I perceive thou art an heretic, and I will be even with thee.  
So at the landing, 
Walter More, William More, Chilten and Bear persecutors.  the priest taking with him Walter More and W. More two Gentlemen and brethren, road straightways to the archbishop, who then was Wil Warham. Whereupon the said john Browne, within 3. days after, was sent for by the archbishop. His bringers up were Chilten of Wye bailie arraunt, and one Bear of Wilseborough, with two of the bishop's servants. Who with certain other being appointed for the same, came suddenly into his house upon him, 
john Browne suddenly taken and carried away.  the same day when his wife was churched, as he was bringing in a mess of pottage to the board serving his gests: and so laying hands upon him, set him upon his own horse, and binding his feet under the horse's belly, carried him away to Canterbury, neither he nor his wife, nor any of his friends knowing whether he went, nor whether he should, and there continuing the space of 40. days, from Lowsonday, till Friday before Whitsonday through the cruel handling of the said Archb. and the B. of Rochest. D. Fisher, he was so piteously entreated, 
His bare 〈◊〉 set upon the hot coals to make him deny the truth.  that his bare feet were set upon the hot burning coals, to make him deny his faith, which notwithstanding he would not do, but patiently abiding the pain continued in the lords quarrel unremovable. At length after all this cruelty sustained his wife yet not knowing where he was become, on Friday before Whitsonday he was sent to Ashford where he dwelled the next day there to be burned.  
In the mean time, 
Brown brought to Ashford to be burned.  as he was brought to the town over night, there to be set in the stocks, it happened as God would, that a young maid of his house coming by and seeing her master, ran home and told her mistress.  
Then she coming to him, and finding him in the stocks appointed to be burned the next morrow, 
Browne set in the stocks at Ashford.  sat by him all the night long. To whom then he declared the whole story or rather tragedy how he was handled and how his feet were burned to the bones, that he could not set them upon the ground, by the two Bishops aforesaid (he thanked God therefore) and all to make me (said he) to deny my Lord, which I will never do, for if I should deny him said he in this world he would deny me hereafter. And therefore I pray thee (said he) good Elizabeth, continue as thou hast begun, & bring up thy children virtuously in the fear of God.  
And so the next day which was on Whitsun even, this godly martyr was burned, where he standing at the stake said this prayer holding up his hands as followeth.  
The prayer of Browne at his death.  
O Lord I yield me to thy grace,  
Grant me mercy for my trespass,  
Let never the fiend my soul chase,  

The prayer of john Browne at his death.  Lord I will bow and thou shalt beat▪  
Let never my soul come in hell heat.  
Into thy hands I commend my spirit: thou hast redeemed me O Lord of truth.  
And so this blessed Martyr ended his life in peace, anno. 1511.  
This story the said Elizabeth Brown his wife did oft times repeat to Alice her daughter, who dwelling yet in the parish of S. Pulchers, testified the narration hereof unto me and certain other, upon whose credible information I have recorded the same. 
Witness to this story.   
Furthermore, it is to be noted, that the said john Browne bore a faggot seven years before this, in the days of King Henry the seventh. Whose son also named Richard Browne for the like cause of Religion, was imprisoned at Caunterbury, 
Rich. Browne escaped burning by the coming in of the Queen Elizabeth.  likewise in the latter time of Queen Mary, and should have been burned with two more besides himself, the next day after the death of Queen Mary, but that by the proclaiming of Queen Elizabeth they escaped.  
Amongst other injunctions and letters of king Henry the eight, written and set forth for reformation of religion, he wrote one letter to Edmund Bonner for abolishing of Images, pilgrimages, shrines, and other monuments of Idolatry. Which letter being before expressed pag. 1229, we should also have annexed to the same the letter or mandate of Bonner, directed in latin to Richard Cloney his Summoner, appertaining to the due execution thereof. Which letter because we have omitted before the defect thereof, I thought here in this vacant space to supply. The letter written to Cloney in latin thus beginneth.  
Bonner's letter to Cloney, keeper of the Coal-house, for the abolishing of Images.  

EDmundus permissione Divina Lond. Episc. Dilecto nobis in Christo Richardo Cloney literato, Apparitori, nostro generali salut. great. & benedictionem. 
〈…〉 Latin 〈◊〉 yet 〈◊〉 read 〈…〉 yet here 〈◊〉 is called 〈◊〉.  Cum nos 13. die mensik instantis Octob. circa noctem, literas serenissimi, etc.   

The same in English.  
FOr as much as the 13. day of this present, we have received the letters of our sovereign Lord, by the grace of God King of England, etc. to us directed and containing in them the commandment of his Majesty, by us to be executed in tenor of words which here I send unto you: we therefore willing and desiring according as our duty bindeth us, to put the same in execution with all diligence possible according to the effect and tenor thereof, 
Had 〈◊〉 none to 〈◊〉 these 〈◊〉 things but 〈◊〉 the keepe● of the 〈◊〉 house.  do charge and straightly command you by the tenor hereof, in the King's behalf, and for the fidelity which we have in you assuredly approved, that you incontinent upon the receit hereof, do effectually warn all and singular Parsons and Vicars of this City of London, and of all our diocese, that they immediately upon the sight and intimation of these present Articles and interrogatories here under written, do cause diligent and effectual inquisition thereof to be made, to wit:  
Whether there be used or continued any superstition, hypocrisy or abuse within any their parishes or Cures, contrary to any ordinance, injunction, or commandment given or set forth by the King's Majesty or by his authority.  
Item, whether they have in their Churches, or within their parishes, any shrines, coverings of shrines, tables of feigned miracles, pilgrimages, Images and bones resorted and offered unto and other monuments and things wherewith the people have been illuded, or any offering or setting up of lights, or candles, other than be permitted by the King's majesties Injunctions, or whether the said Injunctions be duly observed and kept in their Parishes or Cures, or else transgressed and broken, and in what part. And further, after the said Inquisition thus by them and every of them respectively being made, that you do certify us, or our Vicar general, what is done in the premises, upon the even of Simon and Jude, or thereabout, under the peril thereof following. Dat. 14. die Octob. an. 1541. & nostrae translat. 2.    
The end of the eight book.   


Edward 6.  ¶ The Ninth Book containing the Acts and things done in the Reign of King EDWARD the sixth.  

 NExt after the death of K. Henry succeeded king Edward his son, being of the age of 9 years. He began his reign the 28. day of january, 
 and reigned 6. years and 8. months, and 8. days, and deceased, ann. 1553. the 6. day of july.  
Of whose excellent virtues & singular graces wrought in him by the gift of God, although nothing can be said enough to his commendation: yet because the renowned same of such a worthy prince shall not utterly pass our story without some grateful remembrance, I thought in few words to touch some little portion of his praise, taken out of great heaps of matter, which might be inferred. For to stand upon all that might be said of him, it would be to long: and yet to say nothing, it were to much unkind. If kings and Princes which have wisely and virtuously governed, have found in all ages writers to solemnise and celebrate their Acts and memory, such as never knew them, nor were subject unto them, how much then are we English men bond not to forget our duty to K. Edward, a prince although but tender in years, yet for his sage and mature ripeness in wit and all Princely ornaments, as I see but few, to whom he may not be equal, 
Commendation of K. Edward.  so again I see not many, to whom he may not justly be preferred.  
And here to use the example of Plutarch in comparing kings and rulers, the Latins with the Greeks together if I should seek with whom to match this noble Edward, I find not with whom to make my match more aptly, than with good josias. For as the one began his reign at eight years of his age, so the other began at 9 Neither were their acts and zealous proceedings in God's cause much discrepant. For, as mild josias plucked down the hill altars, cut down the groves, 
Anno. 1547.  and destroyed all monuments of Idolatry in the temple: the like corruptions, dross and deformities of Popish Idolatry crept into the Church of Christ or long time, this evangelical josias king Edward removed, 
Comparison between King josias and King Edward. 6.  & purged the true temple of the Lord, josias restored the true worship of God in jerusalem, and destroyed the Idolatrous priests: King Edward in England likewise abolishing Idolatrous Masses and false invocation, reduced again religion to a right sincerity, & more would have brought to perfection if life and time had answered to his godly purpose. And though he killed not: as josias did, the idolatrous sacrifices, yet he put them to silence, and removed them out of their places.  
Moreover, in king josias days the holy Scripture & book of God's word was utterly neglected and cast aside, whi●h he most graciously repaired & restored again. And did not K. Edward the like with the self same book of God's blessed word, and with other wholesome books of Christian doctrine, which before were decayed and extinguished in his father's days by sharp laws & severe punishments here in England? Briefly in all points and respects, 
K. josias and K. Edward only differ in continuance of reign.  between him and this our godly king no odds is to be found but only in length of time and reign▪ Who if he might have reached (by the sufferance of God) to the continuance of josias reign: proceeding in those beginnings, which in his youth appeared, no doubt but of his Acts, & doings some great perfection would have ensued to this Church and Realm. But the manifold iniquities of Englishmen deserved another plague, as after fell amongst us: as in sequel of the story hereafter (God willing) shallbe declared.  
In the mean time, to proceed in the excellent virtues of this christian young josias (as we have begun) although neither do we know, nor will leisure serve us to stand upon a full description of all his Acts: yet will we (God willing) g●ue a little taste of the noble nature and princely qualities of this king, whereby the reader may esteem with himself what is to be thought of the rest of his doings, though they be not here all expressed.  
And first to begin with that which is the chiefest property of all other extern things in a prince to be considered, that is, 
K Edward beloved of his subjects.  to be loved of his subjects: such were the hearts of all English people toward this King inclined, and so toward him still continued, as never came prince in this realm more highly esteemed, more amply magnified, or more dearly & tenderly beloved of all his subjects: but especially of the good & the learned sort, & yet not so much beloved, as also admirable by reason of his rare towardness & hope both of virtue & learning which in him appeared above the capacity of his years. And as he was entirely of his subjects beloved, 
The meek nature of K. Edw.  so with no less good will he loved than again: of nature & disposition meek, and much inclined to ciemency. He always spared and favoured the life of man: as in a certain dissertation of his once appeared, had with Master Cheke in favouring the life of heretics: in so much that when joane Butcher should be burned, all the Council could not move him to put to his hand, but were fain to get Doct. Cranmer to persuade with him, and yet neither could he with much labour induce the king so to do saying: what my Lord? will ye have me to send her quick to the devil in her error? so that D. Cranmer himself confessed that he had never so much to do in all his life, as to cause the king to put to his hand, saying that he would lay all the charge thereof upon Cranmer before God. There wanted in him no promptness of wit, gravity of sentence, ripenesss of judgement. favour and love of religion was in him from his childhood: Such an organ given of God to the Church of England he was, as England had never better. Over and beside these notable excellencies, 
K Edward well ●illed in the tongues,  and other great virtues in him: add moreover skill & knowledge of tongues & other sciences, whereunto he seemed rather borne then brought up.  
Moreover there wanted not in him to this felicity of wit and dexterity of nature, like happiness of institution of good instructors. Neither did there lack again in him any diligence to receive that, 
The readiness of K. Edward to his book.  which they would teach him: in so much that in the midst of all his play and recreation, he would always observe & keep his hour appointed to his study, using the same with much intention, till time called him again from his book to pastime. In this his study, & keeping of his hours he did so profit that D. Cranmer the Archbishop then of Canterbury, beholding his towardness, his readiness in both tongues, in translating from Greek to Latin, from Latin to Greek again, in declaiming with his scholefellowes without help of his teachers, and that ex tempore, 
D. Cox king Edward's schoolmaster  would weep for joy, declaring to D. Cox his schoolmaster, that he would never have thought that to have been in him, except he had seen it himself.  
To recite here his witty sentences, his grave reason● which many times did proceed from him, and how he would sometimes in a matter discoursed by his counsel, add the● unto of his own more reasons & causes touching the 〈◊〉 matter than they themselves had or could devise, it was 〈◊〉 most incredible in the age to see & tedious here to prosecute.  
This in him may seem notorious and admirable, that he in these immature years, could tell & recite all the po●●●, havens and creaks, not within his own realm only, but also in Scotland, and likewise in France, what coming in there was, how the tide served in every haven or creak: moreover, what burden & what wind served the coming into the haven.  
Also of all his justices, magistrates, gentlemen that bore any authority within his realm, he knew the names, 
K. 〈◊〉 knew 〈◊〉 name● 〈◊〉 religion all his 〈◊〉  their housekeping, their religion and conversation what it was. Few sermons or none in his court, especially in the Lord Protectors time, but he would be at them. Again, never was he present at any commonly, but he would excerp them or note them with his own hand.  
Besides and above all other notes and examples of his commendation, as touching the chiefest point which ought most to touch all men, for maintaining, promoting, preferring, embracing, zealing and defending the true cause and quarrel of Christ's holy gospel, what was his study, his zealous fervency, his admirable constancy therein, by this one example following, amongst many other, may notably appear.  
In the days of this K. Edward the sixth, Carolus the Emperor made request to the said king and his counsel to permit Lady Mary (who after succeeded in the crown) to have Mass in her house without prejudice of the law. 
The 〈…〉 of 〈◊〉 Edward in 〈…〉 religion▪  And the counsel on a time, sitting upon matters of policy having that in question, sent Cranmer then Archbishop of Canterbury, and Ridley then bishop of London, to entreat the king for the same: who coming to his grace alleged their reasons and persuasions for the accomplishing thereof. So the king hearing what they could say, replied his answer again out of the Scriptures, so groundedly, grantly, and fully, that they were enforced to give place to his replication, and grant the same to be true. Then they, after long debating in this manner with his majesty, laboured politickely in an other sort, and alleged what dangers the denying thereof might bring to his grace, what breach of amity of the Emperor's part, what troubles, what unkindness, & what occasions sundry ways it would enforce, etc. Unto whom the king answered, willing them to content themselves, for he would (he said) spend his life and all be had, rather than to agree & grant to that he knew certainly to be against the truth. The which when the bishops heard, notwithstanding they urged him still to grant, and would by no means have his nay. Then the good K. seeing their importunate sure, 
The 〈…〉 K. 〈◊〉  that needs they would have his Majesty consent thereto, in the end his tender hart bursting out in bitter weeping and sobbing, desired them to be content. Whereat the Bishops themselves seeing the kings zeal and constancy, wept as fast as he, and took their leave of his grace: and coming from him, the Archbishop took master Cheke his schoolmaster by the hand and said: Ah master Cheke, 
The 〈◊〉 mary's Mass 〈◊〉 by the tears 〈◊〉 Edwar●  you may be glad all the days of your life, that you have such a Scholar, for he hath more Divinity in his little finger, than all we have in all our bodies. Thus the Lady mary's Mass for that time was stayed.  
Over and beside these heavenly graces and virtues, most chief to be required in all faithful and christian magistrates which have governance of Christ's flock, neither was he also unprovided of such outward gifts and knowledge as appertain to the governance of his realm politic. In so much that neither he was in expert or ignorant of the exchange and all the circumstances of the same touching doings beyond the sea, 
K. 〈◊〉 skilful the 〈◊〉  but was as skilful in the practices thereof, and could say as much as the chiefe●● doers in his affairs. Likewise in the entertaining of Ambassadors, to whom he would give answer, and that to every part of their oration, to the great wonder of them that heard, doing that in his tender years by himself, which many Princes at their mature age seldom are wont to do but by other. And as he was a great noter of things the pertained to Princely affairs, so had he a chest severally to himself for every year, for the keeping of such records and matters, as past and were concluded by the Counsel. Of whom also he would require a reason and cause of every thing that should pass their judgements. 
K. 〈◊〉 chest 〈◊〉 keeping Acts 〈◊〉 doing 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉.  And of this chest he would evermore keep the key about him. His notes also ●e ciphred in Greek letters, to the end that those that waited upon him, should not read nor know what he had written.  
He had moreover great respect to justice, and to the dispatch of poor men's suits, would appoint hours & times with master Cox, than master of his Requests, how & by what order they might be sped in their causes without long delays and attendance, and so also debate with him, that their matters might be heard and judged with equity accordingly.  
What Hieronimus Cardanus saith of him concerning his knowledge in liberal sciences, I thought here to express in his own words, both in latin and english, so much the rather, because he speaketh of his own experiment, & upon the present talk which he had with the king himself. The words of Cardanus first in latin be these.  


Hier. Card. de Genituris.  
A Derant enim illi gratiae. Linguas enim multas adhuc puer cal●eba●: Anglicam natalem, Latinam, Gallicam, non expers (ut audio) Graecae, 
 Italicae, & hispanicae, & forsan aliarum. Propriam, Gallicam & Latinan exactè tenebat, & ad omnia docilis erat. Non illi dialectica deerat, non naturalis Philosophiae principia, non Musica. Humanitas mortalitatis nostrae imago, gravitas Regiae maiestatis, indoles tanto principe digna. In universum magno miraculo humanarum rerum, tanti i●genij & tantae expectationis puer educabatur. Non haec Rhetoricè exornata veritatem exedunt, sed sunt minora.  
Decimum quintum adhuc agebat annum. Interrogabat (Latinè non minus quam ego politè & promptè loquebatur) quid continent libri tui de rerum varietate? hos enim nomini Maiestatis suae dedicaveram. Tum ego Cometarum primum causam diu frustra, quaesitam▪ in primo capite ostendo. Quae nam inquit ille? Concursus, ego aio, luminis erraticorum syderum. At Rex, quomodo, cum diversis motibus astra moveantur, non statim dissipaturaut movetur eorum motu. At ego, movetur equidem, sed long celefius illis ob diversitatem aspectus, velut in Cristallo & sole cum iris in pariete relucet. parva enim mutatio magnam facit loci differentiam. At Rex, & quonam pacto absque subiecto illud fieri potest iridi enim paries subiectum est? Tum ego, velut in lactea 〈◊〉, & luminum reflectione, cum plures candelae propè accensae medium quoddam lucidum & candidum efficiunt. Itaque ex ungue Leonem, ut dici solet. Fuit hic in maxima omnium aut bonorum aut eruditorum expectatione ob ingenuitatem atque suavitatem morum. Prius caeperat favere artibus quam nosceret, & noscere antequam uti posset. Conatus quidam humanae conditionis, quem non solum Anglia, sed orbis ereptum immaturè deflere debet. O quam benè dixerat ille.  Immodicis brevis est aetas & rara senectus. 
Specimen virtutis exhibere potuit, non exemplum. Vbi gravit●s Regia requirebatur, senem vidisses: ut blandus erat & comis, aetatem referebat. Cheli pulsabat, publicis negotijs admovebatur, leberalis animo, atque in his patrem emulabatur. etc. Haec Cardanus.   

¶ The same in English.  
THere was in him a towardly disposition & pregnancy apt to all human literature: as who being yet a child had the knowledge of divers tongs, 
The words 〈…〉 the 〈…〉 of king 〈◊〉.  first of the english his own natural tongue, of the latin also & of the french, neither was he ignorant (as I hear) of the greek, Italian, & spanish tongues, and of other languages peradventure more. In his own, in the French & in the Latin tongue singularly perfect, and with the like facility apt to receive all other. Neither was he ignorant in logic, in the principles of natural Philosophy, or in Music. There was in him lacking neither humanity the Image of our mortality, a Princely gravity and majesty, nor any kind of towardness beseeming a noble king. Briefly, it might seem a miracle of nature, to behold the excellent wit & forwardness that appeared in him being yet but a child. This I speak not rethorically, to amplify things or to make them more than truth is, yea the truth is more than I do utter.  
Being▪ yet but 15. years of age he asked of me in Latin (in which tongue he uttered his mind no less readily and eloquently than I could do myself) what my books which I had dedicated to him, De varietate rerum, did contain? I said that in the first chapter was showed the cause of Comets, 
 or blazing stars, which hath been long sought for, & yet hitherto scarce fully found. What cause (said he) is that: The concourse or meeting (said I) of the light of the wandering Planets and Stars. To this the king thus replied again: Forsomuch (said he) as the motion of the stars keepeth not one course but is divers and variable by continual alteration, how is it then that the cause of these Comets either doth not quickly vade & vanish, or that the Comet doth not keep one certain and uniform course & motion with the said Stars and Planets? Whereunto I answered that the Comet hath his course and moving, but much more swifter than they, because of the diversity of aspect, as we see in Crystal, and in the Sun when the form of the rainbow reboundeth on the wall. 
Lactea via is a white and a bright part of the firmament, like a long white causey or way appearing in the night among the thick stars.  For a little mutation maketh a great difference of place. Then said the king and how can that be, having no subject: For of the rainbow the wall is the subject? Like (said I) as in Lactea via, or in reflection of lights, as where many candles he lighted and set near together, in the middle they cause a certain bright and white lightsomeness to appear. etc.  
And so by this little trial a great guess may be given what was in this king. In whom no doubt was a great hope and expectation amongst all good & learned men, both for the ingenious forwardness & amiable sweetness which in his conditions appeared. First he began to love & favour liberal arts & sciences, before he knew them, and to know them before he could use them, whose mortal condition and sudden decease and decay in those tender & unripe years, not only England, but all the world hath cause to lament. O how truly is it said of the Poet.  
Things that be exceeding excellent.  
Be not commonly long permanent.  
A show or sight only of excellency he could give us: example he could not give. Where a kingly majesty required gravity, there you should have seen him a sage and an old man, and yet gentle and pleasant also, according as the condition of his age then required. He played well upon the L●te. He had also to do in handling of weighty affairs of the Realm: He was liberal and bountiful in hart, & therein he imitated his father. etc.  
Flete nefas magnum, 
Carmen Ep●taphium Cardani, in obi●um Reg. Edovardi.  sed toto flebitis orb  
Mortales: vester corruit omnis honour.  
Nam Regum decus. & iwenum flos spesque bonorum.  
Delitiae secli, & gloria gentis erat.  
Dignus Apollineis lachrymis doctaeque Mineruae  
Flosculus heu misero concidit antè diem.  
Te tumulo dabimus Musae, supremaque flentes  
Munera, Melpomene tristia fata canet.  Ex Hier. Cardano.   
Thus after the godly disposition and properties of this king briefly in this wise declared, now (God willing) we will intermeddle something to describe the order & proceedings which he followed in his administration & government of both the states, as well politic as especially ecclesiastic. 
The Lord Edw. Semer made L. Protector.  Who after the decease of his Father coming to the crown, because he was of young & tender age, he was committed to 16. governors. Amongst whom especially the Lord Edward Semer Duke of Somerset his Uncle was assigned and adjoined to him as Protector and over seer of him and of the common wealth, 
Commendation of the Lord Protector.  a man not so highly advanced for his consanguinity, as also for his noble virtues and especially for his favour to God's word, worthy of his vocation and calling. Through the endeavour and industry of which man, first that monstrous Hydra with vj. heads, the six Articles I mean (which devoured up so many men before) was abolished & taken away. By reason whereof the counsels and proceedings of Winchester began to decay, who storming at the same matter, wrote to the Lord Protector in the cause thereof, as by his letters is to be seen.  
The holy scriptures he restored to the mother tongue, masses he extinguished and abolished. Furthermore, 
Reformation by K. Edward.  after softer beginnings, by little & little, greater things followed in the reformation of the Churches. Then such as before were in banishment for the danger of the truth, were again received to their country. To be short, a new face of things began now to appear, as it were in a stage new players coming in, the old being thrust out. For the most part the Bishops of churthes & dioceses were changed. Such as had been dumb prelate's before, were compelled to give place to other then that would preach and take pains.  
Besides other also out of foreign countries, men of learning and notable knowledge were sent for and received, 
Anno 1547.  among whom was Peter Martyr, Martin Bucer, and Paulus Phagius. Of whom the first taught at Oxford: the other two professed at Cambridge, 

Peter Martyr., Marr. Bucer. Paulus Phagius.  
Ed●. Boner B. of London committed to the Marsha●sey. Gardiner and Tons●all committed to the tower.   and that with no small commendation of the whole university. Of the old bishops some were committed to one ward, some to an other Boner Bishop of London was committed to the marshalsea, & eftsoons for his contempt and misdemeanour deposed from his bishopric, as in further process followeth to be seen, Gardiner Bishop of Winchester, with Tonstal Bishop of Duresme was cast into the Tower for his disobedience, where he kept his Christmas three years together, more worthy of some other place without the Tower, if it had pleased god otherwise not to have meant a further plague to this Realm by that man.  
But these meek and gentle times of king Edward under the government of this noble Protector, have this one commendation proper unto them, for that among the whole number of the popish sort, of whom some privily did steal out of the realm, many were crafty dissemblers, some were open and manifest adversaries, yet of all that multitude, there was not one man that lost his life. In sum, during the whole time of the 6. years of this king much tranquillity, and as it were a breathing time was granted to the whole Church of England: So that the rage of persecution ceasing and the sword taken out of the adversaries hand, there was now no danger to the godly, unless it were only by wealth and prosperity, which many times bringeth more damage in corrupting men's minds, than any time of persecution or affliction.  
Briefly, during all this time, neither in smithfield, nor any other quarter of this realm, any was heard to suffer for any matter of religion, either Papist or Protestant, either for one opinion or other, except only two, one an English woman, called joan of Kent, and the other a Dutch man, named George, who died for certain Articles not much necessary here to be rehearsed.  
Besides these two, there was none else in all king Edward's reign, 
Tho. Dobbe inprisoned, and in prison died.  that died in any manner cause of religion, but that one Thom. Dobbe, who in the beginning of this kings reign, was apprehended for speaking against the idolatry of the mass and in the same prison died: as in story here ensueth to be seen.  
This Thomas Dobbe being a student and a master of Art in Cambridge, was brought up in the college, called S. john's College, and fellow of the same, where he increased in the study of good letters, among his equals very forward of nature and disposition simple and modest, of zeal toward God fervent patient in injuries, 
Doves as Philosophers naturally do write have no gall.  injurious to no man, of much like sort & condition, as in Doves which without all bitterness of gall, are more apt to receive injury then to work wrong to any. At length this godly man intending with himself, and addicting his mind to the Christian state of Matrimony, resorted to a certain maiden not far of where he dwelled. For the which cause he was greatly molested, and wickedly abused by iij. of that College, whose names were Hutchinson, Pindare, and Tailor, who with their malicious handling, scornful dealing, opprobries, rebukes, and contumelies, so much vexed the virtuous simplicity of the man, that they never left him, till at length they wearied him out of the College. Who there having no rest nor quietness by reason of the unreasonable and virulent handling of his adversaries, was compelled to seek some other place wherein to settle himself. Up on the occasion whereof coming up to London, it chanced him to pass through Paul's Church, whereas it happened that at the Southside of the Church, at the same time there was a Priest at Mass, more busy than well occupied being at the elevation as he passed by. The young man replete with godly zeal, pitying the ignorance and idolatry of the people, in honouring that so devoutly which the priest lifted up, was not able to forbear, but opening his mouth & turning to the people, he exhorted them not to honour the visible bread as God, which neither was God, nor yet ordained of God to be honoured. etc. with such other words more of christian information. For which cause strait way he was apprehended by the Mayor, and after accused to the Bishop of Caunterbury, was committed to the Counter them in Breadstreet, where he not long continued, but falling into a sickness, how, or whereupon I can not tell, shortly up on the same changed this mortal life. Whose pardon notwithstanding was obtained of the Lord Protector and should have been brought him, if he had continued. And thus much concerning Thomas Dobbe and other.  
Over and beside, I find, that in the first year of the reign of King Edward, which was an. 1547. there was one john Hume, servant to Master Lewnax of Wresell apprehended, accused, and sent up to the Archbish. of Caunterbury, by the said M. Lewnax his Master & Margaret Lewnax his mistress, for these Articles.  
1 First, for denying the Sacrament (as it was then called of the altar) to be the real flesh and blood of Christ.  
2 For saying that he would never vale his bonnet unto it, to be burned therefore.  
3 For saying that if he should hear Mass, he should be damned,  
For this was he sent up by his master and mistress aforesaid, with special letters unto the Archbishop, requiring him severally to be punished by the law for the same. But because I find no execution following thereupon, I therefore pass over this story of him.  
These things premissed, when this virtuous & godly young prince (endued as you have heard with special graces from God) was now peaceably established in his kingdom, and had a counsel about him, grave, wise, and zealous in God's cause, especially his uncle the duke of Somerset▪ he then most earnestly likewise desired, as well the advancement of the true honour of almighty God, and the planting of his sincere religion: as also the utter suppression and extirpation of all idolatry, superstition, hypocrisy, and other enormities and abuses, throughout his realms and dominions, & therefore following, as is afore expressed, the good example of king josias, he determined forthwith to enter into some reformation of Religion in the Church of England.  
And forasmuch as at his first entry (notwithstanding his father's good beginning in abolishing the usurped power of Antichrist) he yet found most of his laws greatly repugning against this his zealous enterprise, he therefore purposed by the advise of his said wise & honourable Counsel, of his own regal power and authority, somewhat to prosecute his godly purpose, until such time as by consent of the whole estate of parliament, he might establish a more free, perfect, and uniform order therein.  
Whereupon intending first a general visitation over all the bishoprics within his realm (thereby as well to understand, 
Order 〈◊〉 by K. 〈◊〉 for 〈…〉 religion.  as also to redress the abuses in the same) he chose out certain wise, learned, discrete, and worshipful personages to be his Commissioners in that behalf: and so dividing them into several companies, 
Learne● preache● appoyn●●● by King Edwar●  assigned unto them several Dioceses to be visited: appointing likewise unto every company, one or two godly learned preachers, which at every Session should in their preaching, both instruct the people in the true doctrine of the Gospel of Christ, & in all love and obedience to the same, and also earnestly dehor●e them from their old superstition and wont idolatry. And that they might be more orderly directed in this their Commission, there were delivered unto them certain Injunctions & ecclesiastical orders drawn out by the king's learned counsel, the which they should both inquire of, & also command in his majesties behalf, to be thenceforth observed of every person, to whom they did severally appertain within their sundry circuits.  
In the which, amongst other things, it was first enjoined that all Ecclesiastical persons should themselves observe, and cause to be observed of other, 
Ecclesia●●●●call 〈◊〉 must 〈◊〉 against 〈◊〉 Popes 〈…〉  all such Statutes as were made for the abolishing of the Bishop of Rome's usurped power, and establishing of the kings supreme authority, and that they should every one four times in the year at the least, in their public sermons declare unto the people, that the one being most arrogantly usurped against the word of God, was now justly taken away, and the other (according to the very true meaning of the same word) was of most loyal duty only to be obeyed of all his grace's subjects.  
And again, that every the aforesaid ecclesiastical person (having cure) should preach, 
Sermon● quarter●● be made  or cause to be preached with in their several cures, one sermon every quarter of the year. In the which they should sincerely set forth the word of God, & exhort the people unto the works of faith & mercy prescribed in the same word, 
Differe●● between wor●●s commanded God, 〈◊〉 works 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉  and not unto works devised by man's fantasy, as going on pilgrimages and other like idolatrous superstitions: the which they should also to the uttermost of their powers reprove and speak against, declaring that all grace & goodness ought only to be sought for at god's hand (as the alone giver thereof) & not at any other creature: And that they should not only forthwith take down and destroy all such Images as had been thertofore abused by pilgrimage or offerings within their said cures: 
Images abused 〈◊〉 Pilgrim●●● to be de●stroyed.  but also should not thenceforth suffer any lights or other idolatrous oblation to be made or set up before any other image, than was yet suffered in the Church.  
Also that every holy day (having no Sermon in their Church) they should immediately after the gospel distinctly read in the Pulpit the lords prayer, 
Ann● 154●  the belief and the x. commandments of almighty God in the english tongue: 
The 〈…〉 & the 〈◊〉 prayer 〈◊〉 English be read Parent● master charged trading of their childre● Sacram●●●● to be 〈…〉.  exhorting the people not only to learn them theirselves, but also to teach them to their children & families, & also should charge all Parents and governors of households to bring up their youth in some good exercise or occupation whereby they might afterwards serve the common wealth, and not run, and like vagabonds and idle loiterers, & thereby encur the danger of the laws.  
And furthermore that the said persons (having cure) should see the holy Sacraments of Christ reverently ministered within their cures: & that if any of them (by special licence or other cases expressed in the Statutes of this realm) should be at any time absent from their benefices▪ that then they should leave in their rooms some Godly learned and discreet Curate that were able to instruct the people in all truth and godliness not seeking themselves, but rather the profit of their flock.  
And likewise, that they should see provided and set up some most convenient and open place of every their several Churches, one great Bibe in english, & one book of the Paraphrases of Erasmus upon the gospels, 
 both in English, that the people might reverently without any argument or contention, read & hear the same at such times as they listed: and not to be inhibited therefrom by the Parson or Curate, but rather to be the more encouraged and provoked thereto.  
And that the said Parsons and Curates should not at any time (but for necessary causes) haunt any Tavern or Ale house, neither should spend their time idly in unlawful games, but at all their convenient leisures should give themselves to the reading or hearing of the holy scriptures.  
Moreover, that in the time of confession every Lent, they should examine their parishners whether they could say the lords prayer, the ten commandments, and the articles of the Christian faith: and that if they could not, they should then reprove them, declaring further unto than that, they ought not to presume to come unto the Lords table without the true knowledge thereof, and earnest desire to fulfil the same.  
Also that they should not admit any man to preach within their cures, but such as were lawfully licenced thereunto: 
None to preach 〈◊〉 sufficiently 〈◊〉.  and that they having at any time before extolled and praised any Idolatrous Pilgrimage, or other superstition, should now openly recant the same before the people.  

That all hinderers of God's word, and favourers of the contrary proceed should 〈◊〉 detected. Ecclesiastical and beneficed persons, what they must 〈◊〉 to the 〈…〉 bene●●● of a 〈◊〉, pound, to find a scholar at the university.  And if there were any open hinderer or disturber of the reading or preaching of the word of God within their parishes, that then they should forthwith detect the same unto the kings counsel, or unto some justice of peace to them next inhabiting.  
And further, that learning and knowledge might be the better maintained, it was also ordained herein, that every beneficed person that inought yearly dispend twenty pounds or upward (and not resident upon their cures) should pay towards the relief of the poor within their parishes every year, the forty part of their fruits and profits: & likewise that every such as might dispend one hundredth pounds yearly or more, should for every hundredth pound give a competent exhibition unto some poor scholar within one of the universities of Oxford or Cambridge or else in some other grammar school of the realm.  
And also that every priest being under the degree of a Bachelor of Divinity should have of his own, one new Testament in English and Latin, with the Paraphrases of Erasmus upon the same, and should diligently read and study thereupon, and should collect and keep in memory all such comfortable places of the scripture, as do set forth the mercy, benefits, and goodness of almighty God towards all penitent & believing persons, that they might thereby comfort their flock in all danger of death, 
Certain things to ●e provided 〈◊〉 of the ●●●rchmen.  despair or trouble of conscience: and that therefore every bishop in their visitations should from time to time try and examine them how they had profited in these their studies.  
And although the Mass was then still by the Law retained, yet was it enjoined, that at every high mass the sayer or singer thereof should openly and distinctly read the Gospel and Epistle in English, in the Pulpit or in some other convenient place that the people mought hear the same. 
The Gospel 〈◊〉 epistle to 〈◊〉 read in 〈…〉.  And in like place and manner should read every holy day and Sunday at Matins one chapter of the new Testament in English, omitting therefore three of their 9 Latin Lessons with their Respondes: and at Evensong like wise immediately after Magnificat, one chapter of the old Testament in stead of their wonted Respondes and Memories.  
Furthermore, because of the vain contention that often fall among the people for going on Procession, it was ordained that thenceforth the Priests and Clerks should kneel in the midst of the Church, & there distinctly sing or read the Litany in English set forth by the authority of K. Henry the eight: 
 and that no person should departed the church in the time of reading the Scripture or the Litany, or during the time of any Sermon, without just and urgent cause.  
Likewise that the people should spend the holidays in hearing the word of God, in private and public prayers, in knowledging their offences unto God and amendment of the same, 
 in reconciling themselves charitably to their neighbours where displeasure hath been, in often receiving the Communnion of the body and blood of Christ, in visiting the poor & sick, & in all sober and godly conversation: and not in vanity, idleness, or drunkenness, neither yet in any bodily labour, otherwise then in the time of harvest, to save the fruits of the earth, if necessity so required: and that no curate should admit unto the receiving of the holy communion, 
Diligent preparation to be had before the coming to the Communion.  any person who had maliciously and openly contended with his neighbours, unless the same did first also openly reconcile himself again, and remit all rancour and malice whatsoever.  
Moreover it was ordained that every Dean, 
A godly charge given to every beneficed minister to preach personally twice at least in the year and what to preach.  Archdeacon master of Collegiat Churches or Hospitals, and Prebendaries (being Priest) should himself personally preach twice every year at the least, in some such place where he had jurisdiction and living: and that they and all other curates should teach the people that as no man of any private affection ought maliciously to violate any ceremony in the Church, than not abrogated by the kings authority: so likewise they ought not on the other side to use them superstitiously or idolatrously, 
All monuments of Idolatry to be taken away out of Churches, houses, & windows.  in attributing to them remission of sins, driving away of evil spirits, & other such like dreams & fantasies of men, or else in putting any confidence of salvation or health in them. And farther that they should utterly take away and destroy all Shrines and Monuments of feigned Miracles, Pilgrimages, and other Idolatrous superstition, as well in their Churches, as within their private houses.  
Also that they should see provided within their churches a strong and fit chest for the safe keeping of the people's benevolence given towards the relief of the poor, 
A chest to be provided upon public charge to receive the alms of the poor, & the Curates to call upon their parishioners to give to the same chest.  and that the said Curates should earnestly exhort and move their Parishioners (especially at the making of their Testaments) that as they had been thertofore willing to bestow much of their substance upon vain superstitious & blind devotions contrary to god's word, so now they would be much more readier to give some portion thereof unto their poor & needy brethren, knowing the same to be not only commanded in the word of God, but also promised to be rewarded. And for the better relief of the poor it was also appointed that all money & profits rising upon Fraternities, guilds, stocks of Churches or given to the finding of Idolatrous lights should be converted for that present unto the same use. Last of all, for the want of learned Curates & other good preachers, it was enjoined that the Curates (having no sermon) should every sunday read unto the people in their churches one of the homilies which should be shortly set forth for the same purpose by the kings authority: 
Homilies to be read every sunday when there is no sermon.  & that when any homily or sermon should be preached or read, than the Prime and Hours should be omitted.  
There were also divers other articles in the same Injunctions appointed for comeliness & due order in the churches: as for repairing of Chancels and Priests houses, for keeping of a Register book of weddings, christenings and burials, for reading of these Injunctions every quarter for due paying of tithes for forbidding of any other alteration of service in the Church, or fasting days, for making of comely Pulpits for the preachers, for avoiding of simony in buying and selling of benefices of the charitable using of Priests, for praying only upon the English and Latin primmers set forth by K. Henry the eight for the teaching of his grammar in the common schools. 
Read the former edition of the book of Acts and Monuments, pag. 684.  At last that the Chantry Priests should teach young children, either to write and read, or else some other good and profitable exercises: as it doth more fully and amply appear in the same Injunctions at large set forth in the 684. page of the first book of the Acts and Monuments of the church heretofore imprinted.  
Besides these general Injunctions for the whole estate of the Realm, there were also certain others particularly appointed for the Bishops only, which being delivered unto the Commissioners, were likewise by their visitations committed unto the said bishops with charge to be inviolably observed and kept upon pain of the kings majesties displeasure: the effect whereof is as in manner followeth.  
First that they should to the uttermost of their wit and understanding, 
Anno 1547.  see & cause all and every singular the king's Injunctions theretofore given, or after to be given from time to time, in and through our Diocese, duly, faithfully and truly to be kept, abserued and accomplished, and that they should personally preach within their Diocese, 
Injunctions given to the Bishops.  every quarter of a year once at the least, that is to say once in their Cathedral Churches, and thrice in other several places of their Dioceses, whereas they should see it most convenient and necessary, except they had a reasonable excuse to the contrary. Likewise, that they should not retain into their service or household, any chaplain but such as were learned, or able to preach the word of God, and those they should also cause to exercise the same.  
Moreover, that they should not give orders to any person, but such as were learned in holy Scripture: neither should deny them that were learned in the same, being of honest conversation and living. And last, that they should not at any time or place preach or set forth unto the people any doctrine contrary or repugnant to the effect and intent contained and set forth in the king's highness homilies, neither yet should admit or give licence to preach to any within their dioceses, but to such as they should know (or at the least assuredly trust) would do the same. And if at any time by hearing, or by report proved, they should perceive the contrary, they should then incontinent not only inhibit that person so offending, but also punish him and revoke their licence.  
Now during the time that the Commissioners were occupied abroad in their circuits about the speedy and diligent execution of these godly & zealous orders and decrees of the king and his counsel, his majesty (with the advise of the same) yet still desiring a farther reformation as well in this case of religion, as also in some others of his Civil government, appointed a parliament of the three estates of his Realm to be summoned against the 4. day of November, in the first year of his reign and the year of our Lord. 1547. which continued unto the 24. day of December than next following. 
A Parliament called in the first year of king Edward.  In the which Session, for as much as his highness minded the governance and order of his people to be in perfect unity & concord in all things, and especially in the true faith and religion of God, and therewithal also duly weighed the great danger that his loving Subjects were in for confessing the gospel of Christ, through many and divers cruel statutes made by sundry his predecessors, against the same (which being still left in force mought both cause the obstinate to contemn his graces godly proceedings, and also the weak to be fearful of their christianlike profession) he therefore caused it among other things by the authority of the same parliament to be enacted, 
Statut. an. 1. Reg. Edwardi. 6. Cap. 12.  that all Acts of Parliament & Statutes, touching, mentioning, or in any wise concerning religion or opinions, that is to say (as well the statute made in the first year of the reign of king Rich. the second, 

The statute made An· 1. Reg. Rich. 2. An. Reg Hen 5. An. 25. Reg. Hen. 8. Item An. 31. Henr. ●. An. 34. Henr. 8. An. 35. Henr. 8. repealed.  
Item note for the statute, An. 2. Reg. Hen. 4. cp. 15. because that statute was repealed by an statute made 25. an. Henr. 8. therefore the same is here omitted.  
The bloody statute of the 6. articles repealed..   and the statute made in the second year of the reign of King Henry the fift, and the statute made in the 25. year of the reign of K. Henry .8. concerning punishment and reformation of heretics and Lollards and every provision therein contained, and the Statutes made for the abolishment of diversity of opinions in certain Articles concerning Christian religion commonly called the 6. Articles, made in the 31. year of the reign of K. Henry 8. & also the statute made in the Parliament begon the 16. day of january in the 33. year of the reign of the said K. Henry the 8. and after prorogued unto the 21. day of january in the 24. year of his said reign, touching, mentioning, or in any wise concerning books of the old and new Testament in English, & the printing, uttering, selling, giving, or delivering of books or writings, and retaining of english books or writings, and reading preaching, teaching, or expounding the scriptures, or in any wise touching, mentioning or concerning any of the said matters: And also one other statute made in the 35 year of the Reign of the said K. Henry 8. concerning the qualification of the Statute of the six Articles, and all and every other act or acts, of parliament concerning doctrine or matters of religion, and all and every branch, article, sentence, matter, pains, or forfeitures contained, mentioned, or in any wise declared many of the same Acts or Statutes) should from thenceforth be utterly repealed, made void, and of none effect.  
By occasion whereof, as well all such his godly subjects as were then still abiding within this Realm, had free liberty publicly to profess the Gospel: as also many learned & zealous preachers (before banished) were now both licenced freely to return home again, & also encouraged boldly and faithfully to travel in their function and calling, so that God was much glorified, and the people in many places greatly edified.  
Moreover in the same Session his Majesty with the Lords spiritual and temporal, and the Commons in the same Parliament assembled, thoroughly understanding by the judgement of the best learned, that it was more agreeable unto the first institution of the sacrament of the most precious body and blood of our Saviour Christ, and also more conformable to the common use and practice both of the Apostles, and of the primative Church, by the space of five hundredth years and more after Christ's Ascension, that the said holy Sacrament should be ministered unto all Christian people under both the kinds of bread and wine, then under the form of bread only, and also that it was more agreeable unto the said first institution of Christ and the usage of the Apostles and primative Church, that the people being present should receive the same with the priest then that the priest should receive it alone: did by their authority moreover enact, that the said holy Sacrament should be from thenceforth commonly delivered and ministered unto the people throughout the churches of Englad and Ireland and other the kings dominions under both the kinds of bread and of wine, 
The asse●●bly o● By●shop● 〈◊〉 others at Windsor  except necessity otherwise required: and also, that the Priest that should minister the same, should at the least one day before, exhort all persons which should be present, likewise to resort & prepare themselves to receive the same. And at the day prefixed, after some godly exhortation made by the minister (wherein should be further expressed the benefit and comfort promised to them which worthily receive this holy Sacrament, & the danger and indignation of God threatened to them which presume to receive the same unworthily, to the end that every man might try and examine his own conscience before he should come thereunto) the said Minister should not without a lawful cause deny the same to any person that would devoutly and humbly desire it: any Law, Statute, 
The assem●bly of Bishops and others 〈◊〉 Windsor  ordinance, or custom, contrary thereunto in any wise notwithstanding.  
After which most godly consent of the parliament, the king being no less desirous to have the form of administration of the Sacrament truly reduced to the right rule of the scriptures and first use of the primative church, than he was to establish the same by the authority of his own regal laws appointed certain of the most grave and best learned Bishops and others of his Realm, to assemble together at his Castle of Windsor, there to argue and entreat upon this matter, and conclude upon and set forth one perfect and uniform order according to the rule and use aforesaid.  
And in the mean while that the learned were thus occupied about their conferences, the Lord Protector and the rest of the kings Council, farther remembering that that time of the year did then approach, wherein were practised many superstitious abuses and blasphemous ceremonies against the glory of God, and truth of his word (determining the utter abolishing thereof) directed their letters unto the godly and reverend father Thomas Cranmer, then Archbishop of Caunterbury, & Metropolitan of England, requiring him that upon the receipt thereof he should will every Bishop within his Province, forthwith to give in charge unto all the Curates of their Dioceses, that neither candles should be any more borne upon Candlemas day, neither yet ashes used in Lent, 
Candle●●● to be 〈◊〉 on Cand●●●mas day.  nor Palms upon palm Sunday.  
Whereupon the Archbishop zealously favouring thee good and Christianlike purpose of the king and his Counsel, 
Ashes for bidden on Ash-wednesday, 〈◊〉 Edm. Bo●●●  did immediately in that behalf writ bnto all the rest of the Bishops of that province, and amongst them unto Edmund Boner then Bishop of London. Of whose rebellious and obstinate contumacy, for that we have hereafter more to say, I thought not to stand long hereupon, but only by the way somewhat to note his former dissimulation and cloaked hypocrisy in that he outwardly at the first consented as well unto this, as also unto all other the kings proceedings (but whether of fear or of any other subtle fetch, I know not, howbeit most like, rather for one of them or both, then for any true love.) And therefore receiving the Archbishop's letters as one of them seeming to allow the contents thereof, he did presently write unto the Bishop of Westminster, & to others, to whom he was appointed, requiring them to give such knowledge thereof in their dioceses, as thereunto appertained: as more plainly appeareth by these his own letters here inserted which here do follow.  

¶ A Letter missive of Edmund Boner sent to the Bishop of Westminster, with the tenor of the Archbishop's Letter for abolishing of candles, Ashes, Palms, and other Ceremonies.  
MY very good Lord, after most hearty commendations these be to advertise your good Lordship that my Lord of Canterburyes grace this present 28. day of january sent unto me his letters missive, conteing this in effect: 
Boners' 〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉 abolish●● Ashes, Palms  that my Lord Protectors Grace with the advise of other the kings majesties most honourable Counsel, for certain considerations them moving, 
Ann● 154●  are fully resolved that no candles shall be borne upon Candlemas day, nor also from henceforth Ashes or Palms used any longer, requiring me thereupon by his said letters, to cause admonition and knowledge thereof to be given unto your Lordship and other Bishops with celerity accordingly. In consideration whereof I do send at this present these letters unto your said Lordship, that you thereupon may give knowledge & advertisement thereof within your Diocese as appertaineth: Thus committing your good Lordship to almighty God, as well to fa●e as your good hart can best desire.  
Written in haste at my house in London, the said 18 day of january. 1548. Your good Lordships to command, Edmund London.   
Now about that present time credible and certain report was made unto the Lords of the counsel, 
 that great contention and strife did daily arise among the common people in divers parts of this Realm, for the pulling down and taking away of such Images out of the churches, as had been idolatrously abused by pilgrimage, offerings, or otherwise (according to the tenure of one of the Injunctions given by the king in his late visitation) some affirming that that Image was abused, others that this, and most, that neither of them both: so that if speedy remedy were not had therein, it might turn to further inconvenience. Wherefore they, by one advise thinking it best (of good experience) for the avoiding of all discord and tumult, that all manner Images should be clean taken out of all Churches, and none suffered to remain, did thereupon again write their letters unto the Archbishop of Caunterbury, requiring his ready aid therein: in manner following.  

Another Letter of the Counsel sent to the Archbishop of Caunterbury for the abolishing of Images.  
AFter our right hearty commendations to your good Lordship where now of late in the King's majesties visitations, among other godly Injunctions commanded to be generally observed through all parts of this his highness Realm, 
Letters from the Council for abolishing of Images, 〈◊〉 the Archb. of Cant.  one was set forth for the taking down of all such Images as had at any time been abused with Pilgrimages, offerings or censings: albeit that this said Injunction hath in many parts of the realm been quietly obeyed and executed, yet in many other places much strife and contention hath risen, and daily riseth, and more and more increaseth about the execution of the same: some men being so superstitious, or rather wilful, as they would (by their good wills) retain all such Images still, although they have been most manifestly abused. And in some places also the Images which by the said Injunctions were taken down, be now restored and set up again. And almost in every place is contention for Images, whether they have been abused or not. And whiles these men go on both sides contentiously to obtain their minds, contending whether this Image or that Image hath been offered unto, kissed, censed, or otherwise abused, parts have in some places been taken, in such sort, as further inconveniencies be like to ensue, if remedy be not found in tyme. Considering therefore, that almost in no place of this realm is any sure quietness, but where all Images be clean taken away, and pulled down already, to the intent that all contention in every part of the Realm for this matter, may be clearly taken away, and that the lively Image of Christ should not contend for the dead Images, which be things not necessary, and without the which the Churches of Christ continued most godly many years, we have thought good to signify unto you that his highness pleasure, with the advise & consent of us the Lord Protector and the rest of the Counsel, is, that immediately upon the sight hereof, with as convenient diligence as you may, you shall not only give order that all the Images remaining in any Church or Chapel within your Diocese be removed and taken away, but also by your letters signify unto the rest of the bishops within your Province, this his highness pleasure for the like order to be given by them, and every of them within their several Diocese. And in the execution hereof, we require both you and the rest of the said Bishops, to use such foresight as the same may be quietly done, with as good satisfaction of the people as may be. Thus far your good Lordship heartily well. From Somerset place, the xi. of Febr. 1541.  
Your Lordship's assured loving friends. 

Edw. Somerset.  
Hen. Arundel.  
Anth. Wingfield.  
john russel.  
Tho. Semer.  
Wil Paget.     
When the Archb. had received these letters, he forthwith directed his precept unto Boner B. of London, requiring, 
〈◊〉 Archbishop wri●●th to Bo●er.  and in the king's majesties name commanding him, that with all speed he should as well give in charge unto the rest of the bishops within the province of Caunterbury, to look immediately without delay unto the diligent and careful execution of the contents of the said letter throughout all places of their Diocese: as also that he himself should do the like within his own city & diocese of London. Whereupon he seeming then with like outward consent as before, to allow these doings, presently (by virtue of the said precept) did send out his Mandatum as well unto the rest of the bishops, as also again unto the B, of Westminster, in form following.  

¶ The Letter of Edmund Boner, sent with the Archbishop's Mandate, to the bishop of Westminster for abolishing of Images.  
EDmundus permissione divina London. Episcopus per illustrissimum in Christo principem & dominum nostrum, Dominum Edwardum sextum, Dei gratia, Angliae, Franciae, 
Boners' letter to the Bishop at Westminster, for abolishing of Images.  & Hyberniae Regem, fidei defensorem & in terra Ecclesiae Anglicanae & Hybernicae supremum caput, sufficienter & legitimae autorisatus Reverendo in Christo confratri nostro domino Thomae eadem permissione Westm. Episcopo, salutem & fraternam in Domino charitatem. Literas reverendissimi in Christo patris & domini D. Thomae, permissione divina Cantuar. Archiepiscopi totius Angliae primatis & Metropolitani, tenorem literarum miss●●ū clarissimorum & prudentissimorum dominorum de privatis consilijs dicti illustrissimi domini Regis in se continen▪ nuper cum ea qua decuit reverentia humiliter recepimus exequend. in haec verba. Thomas permissione divina Cant. etc. And then making a full recital as well of the Archbishop's precept, as also of the Counsels letters above specified, he concluded with these words. Quocirca nos Edmund. Episc. antedictus, Literis praedictis, pro nostro officio obtemperare, uti decet, summopere cupientes, vestrae fraternitati tam ex part dicti excellentissimi Domini nostri Regis, ac praefato●um clarissimorum dominorum de privatis suis consilijs, quàm praedicti Rever. patris domini Cant. Archiepiscopi, tenore praesentium committimus & mandamus, quatenus attentis & per vos diligenter consideratis Literarum huiusmodi tenoribus, eos in omnibus & per omnia, juxta vim, formam, & effectum earundem cum omni qua poteris celeritate accommoda, per totam Diocese. vestram West. debit & effectualiter exequi faciatis & procuretis. Datum in aedibus nostris London. vicesimo die Febr. An. Dom. 1548. Et regni dicti illustrissimi domini nostri Regis. Anno secundo.   
Now by the time that these things were thus determined, the learned men which the king had appointed (as ye have heard before) to assemble together for the true and right manner of administering the Sacrament of the body and blood of Christ, 
An uniform order of the Communion.  according to the rule of the Scriptures of God, and first usage of the primative Church, after their long, learned, wise, and deliberate advises, did finally conclude and agree upon one godly and uniform order of receiving the same, not much differing from the manner at this present used & authorised within this realm and church of England, commonly called the Communion. Which agreement being by them exhibited unto the king, and of him most gladly accepted, was thereupon publicly imprinted, and by his majesties Council particularly divided and sent unto every bishop of the realm, requiring and commanding them by their letters on the king's majesties behalf, that both they in their own persons, should forthwith have diligent and careful respect to the due execution thereof, and also should with all diligence cause the books which they then sent them, to be delivered unto every Parson, vicar, and Curate within their Diocese, that they likewise might well and sufficiently advise themselves for the better distribution of the said communion, according to the tenor of the said▪ book) against the feast of Easter than next ensuing, as more fully appeareth by these their letters here following.  

¶ Letters Missive from the Counsel, to the Bishops of the Realm, concerning the Communion to be ministered in both kinds. 
Anno 1548.   
AFter our most hearty commendations to your Lordship, where in the Parliament late holden at Westminster, 
The Communion in both kinds to be ministered.  it was amongst other things most godly established, that according to the first institution and use of the primative church, the most holy sacrament of the body and blood of our Saviour jesus Christ, should be distributed to the people under the kinds of bread & wine (according to the effect whereof, the kings majesty minding, with the advice and consent of the Lord Protectors grace & the rest of the Counsel, to have the said Statute well executed in such sort, or like as it is agreeable with the word of God, so the same may be also faithfully and reverently received of his most loving subjects, to their comforts and wealth) hath caused sundry of his majesties most grave and well learned Prelates, and other learned men in the Scriptures, to assemble themselves for this matter: who after long conference together, have with deliberate advise, finally agreed upon such an order to be used in all places of the king's majesties dominions, in the distribution of the said most holy sacrament, as may appear to you by the book thereof, which we send herewith unto you. Albeit knowing your Lordship's knowledge in the Scriptures, and earnest good will & zeal to the setting forth of all things according to the truth thereof, we be well assured, you will of your own good will, and upon respect to your duty, diligently set forth this most godly order here agreed upon, and commanded to be used by the authority of the kings majesty: yet remembering the crafty pratise of the devil, who ceaseth not by his members to work by all ways and means, the hindrance of all godliness. And considering furthermore, that a great number of the Curates of the Realm, either for lack of knowledge can not, or for want of good mind will not be so ready to set forth the same, as we would wish, and as the importance of the matter, and their own bounden duties requireth, we have thought good to pray and require your Lordship, and nevertheless in the king's majesties our most dread Lords name, to command you to have an earnest diligence and careful respect both in your own person, and by all your officers and Ministers, also to cause these books to be delivered to every Person, Vicar, and Curate within your Diocese, with such diligence as they may have sufficient time well to instruct and advise themselves, for the distribution of the most holy Communion, according to the order of this book, before this Easter time, and that they may by your good means be well directed to use such good, gentle, and charitable instruction of their simple and unlearned parishioners, as may be to all their good satisfactions as much as may be, praying you to consider, that this order is set forth, to the intent there should be in all parts of the Realm, and among all men one uniform manner quietly used. The execution whereof, like as it shall stand very much in the diligence of you and others of your vocation: so do we eftsoons require you to have a diligent respect thereunto, as ye tender the king's majesties pleasure, and will answer for the contrary. And thus we bid your Lordship right heartily farewell. From Westminster the 13. of March. 1548.  
Your Lordship's loving friends 

Tho. Canterbury.  
R. Rich.  
W. Saint john.  
john russel.  
Hen. Arundel.  
Anth. Wingfield.  
W. Peter.  
Edward North.  
Ed. Wootton.     
By means as well of this letter, and the godly order of the learned, as also of the statute and act of parliament before mentioned, made for the stablishing thereof all private blasphemous Masses were now, by just authority fully abolished throughout this realm of England, and the right use of the Sacrament of the most precious body & blood of our saviour jesus Christ, truly restored in stead of the same. But nevertheless, as at no time any thing can be so well done of the godly, but that the wicked will find some means subtly to deface the same: so likewise at this present through the perverse obstinacy & dissembling frowardness of many the inferior priests and ministers of the cathedral and other churches of this realm, 
Privy hinderers of the Gospel.  there did arise a marvelous schism and variety of fashions in celebrating the common service and administration of the Sacraments, 
Division among the Priests about the kings proceedings.  and other rites and ceremonies of the church. For some zealously allowing the kings proceed, did gladly follow the order thereof, and others, though not so willingly admitting them, did yet dissemblingly and patchingly use some part of them: but many carelessly contemning all: would still exercise their old wont popery.  
Whereof the king and his Counsel having good intelligence, and fearing the great inconveniences & dangers that might happen through this division, and being therewithal loath at the first to use any great severity towards his subjects, but rather desirous by some quiet and godly order, to bring them to some conformity, did by their prudent advises again, appoint the Archbishop of Caunterbury, with certain of the best learned and discrete bishops and other learned men, diligently to consider and ponder the premises: and thereupon having as well an eye and respect unto the most sincere and pure Christian religion taught by the holy scriptures, as also to the usages of the primative church, to draw and make one convenient and meet order, rite, and fashion of common prayer, & administration of the Sacraments, to be had and used within this his realm of England, 
One uniform order of common prayer.  and the dominions of the same. Who after most godly and learned conferences, through the aid of the holy Ghost, with one uniform agreement, did conclude, set forth, and deliver unto the king's highness, a book in English entitled: A book of the common prayer and administration of the Sacraments, and other rites and ceremonies of the Church, after the use of the Church of England. The which his highness receiving with great comfort and quietness of mind, did forthwith exhibit unto the Lords and Commons of the parliament then assembled at Westminster, about the 4. of November, 
 in the second year of his reign, and in the year of our Lord, 1548. and continuing unto the 14. day of March, than next ensuing.  
Whereupon the Lords spiritual and temporal, and the Commons of the said Parliament assembled, well, and thoroughly considering as well the most godly travail of the king's highness, of the Lord Protector, 
Anno 1548.  and other of his majesties Counsel, in gathering together the said Archbishop, bishops, and other learned men, as the godly prayers, orders, rites, and ceremonies in the said book mentioned, with the consideration of altering those things which were altered, and retaining those things which were retained in the same book: as also the honour of God, and great quietness, which by the grace of God should ensue upon that one and uniform rite, and order in such common prayer, rites, and extern ceremonies to be used throughout England, Wales, Calais, and the marches of the same, did first give unto his highness most lowly and hearty thanks for the same, 
Statut. 〈◊〉. 3. Reg. Ed●. cap. ●.  and then most humbly prayed him that it might be ordained and enacted by his Majesty with the assent of the said Lords and Commons in that parliament assembled, and by the authority of the same, that not only all and singular person and persons that had thertofore offended concerning the premises (others than such as were then remaining in Ward in the Tower of London, or in the Fleet) might be pardoned thereof, but also that all and singular ministers in any Cathedral or parish Churches or other places within the Realm of England, Wales, Calais, and the Marches of the same, or other the king's dominions, should from and after the feast of Pentecost next coming, be bounden to say and use the Matins, Evensong, celebration of the Lords supper, and administration of each of the Sacraments, 
Petition 〈◊〉 the Lorde● & 〈◊〉 in the Pa●●liament to the king.  and all other common and open prayer, in such order & form as was mentioned in the said book, and none other or otherwise. And albeit that they were so godly and good, that they gave occasion unto every honest and conformable man most willingly to embrace them, yet lest any obstinate persons who willingly would disturb so godly an order and quiet in this realm, should not go unpunished, they further requested, that it might be ordained and enacted by the authority aforesaid, that if any manner of Person, vicar, or other what so ever minister that ought or should say or sing common prayer, mentioned in the said book, or minister the Sacraments, should after the said feast of Pentecost than next coming, refuse to use the said common prayer, or to minister the Sacraments in such cathedral or parish churches, or other places as he should use or minister the same, in such order & form as they were mentioned, & set forth in the said book: or should use wilfully & obstinately standing in the same, any other rite, ceremony, order, form, or manner of mass, openly, or privily, or Mattinnes, Evensong, administration of the Sacraments, or other open prayer than was mentioned and set forth in the said book: or should preach, declare, or speak any thing in the derogation or depraving of the said book, or any thing therein contained, or of any part thereof, and should be thereof lawfully convicted according to the laws of this Realm by verdict of twelve men, or by his own confession, or by the notorious evidence of the fact, should lose and forfeit unto the Kings highness his heirs & successors, for his first offence one whole years profit of such one of his benefices or spiritual promotions as it should please the king's highness to assign & appoint and also for the same offence should suffer imprisonment by the space of six months, without bail or mainprize. 
Anno 1549.  But if any such person, after his first conviction, 
penalty.  should eftsoon offend again, and be thereof in form aforesaid lawfully convicted, than he should for his second offence suffer imprisonment by the space of one whole year, & should also be deprived Ipso facto, of all his spiritual promotions for ever, so that it should be lawful for the patrons & Doners thereof to give the same again unto any other learned man, in like manner as if the said party so offending were dead. And if any the said person or persons should again the third time offend, and be thereof in form aforesaid lawfully convicted, than he should for the same 3. offence suffer imprisonment during his life. If any such person or persons aforesaid, so offending, had not any benefice or spiritual promotion, that than he should for his first offence suffer imprisonment by the space of vi. months without bail or mainprize, and for his second offence, imprisonment during his life. Which request or rather actual agreement of the lords and commons of the Parliament being once understood of the king, was also soon ratified and confirmed by his regal consent and authority, and thereupon the said book of common prayer was presently imprinted, and commanded to be exercised throughout the whole Realm and dominions thereof, according to the tenure and effect of the said Statute.  
Moreover, in the same Session of the said Parliament, it was enacted and established by the authority thereof: that for as much as great, horrible, and not to be rehearsed inconveniences had from time to time risen amongst the priests, ministers, and other officers of the clergy through their compelled chastity, 
Laws and 〈…〉 against 〈…〉.  and by such laws as prohibited them the godly and lawful use of marriage: that therefore all and every law and laws positive, canons, constitutions and ordinances theretofore made by the authority of man only, which did prohibit or forbid marriage to any ecclesiastical or spiritual person or persons, of what estate, condition or degree so ever they were, or by what name or names they were called, which by god's law may lawfully marry, in all and every article, branch and sentence concerning only the prohibition for the marriage of the persons aforesaid, should be utterly void and of none effect. And that all manner of forfeitures, pains, penalties crimes or actions, 
Marriage of priests ●et ●ree.  which were in the said laws contained, and of the same did follow, concerning the prohibition for the marriage of the said Ecclesiastical persons, should be thenceforth also clearly and utterly void, frustrate, and of none effect. By occasion whereof, it was thenceafter right lawful for any Ecclesiastical person, not having the gift of chastity, most godly to live in the pure and holy estate of matrimony, according to the laws & word of God.  
But if the first Injunctions, statutes, and decrees of the Prince were of many but slenderly regarded, with much less good affection were these (especially the book of common prayer) of divers now received: yea, and that of some of them, 
Edmund Boner B. of London.  which had always before in outward show willingly allowed the former doings, as appeareth most plainly (amongst others) by Boner the B. of London. Who although by his former letters & other mandates, he seemed hitherto to favour all the kings proceed: yet did he at that present (notwithstanding both the first statute for the stablishing of the Communion, and the abolishing of all private masses, and also this Statute of the ratifying and confirming of the book of Common prayer) still suffer sundry idolatrous private masses of peculiar names (as the Apostles mass, the Lady mass and such like) to be daily solemnly sung within certain particular chapels of his cathedral church of Paul's, cloaking them with the names of the apostles communion, and our Lady's communion, not once finding any fault therewith, until such time as the Lords of the Counsel having intelligence thereof, were fain by their letters to command him to look better thereunto. And then being therewith somewhat pricked forwards (perhaps by fear) he was content to direct his letters unto the Dean and Chapter of his cathedral church of Paul's, thereby requesting them forthwith to take such order therein, as the tenure of the Counsels said letters therewithal sent unto them, did import. Which both two letters I have, for the more credit, here following inserted.  

¶ A Letter directed from the King's Counsel, to Edmund Boner B. of London, for abrogating of private Masses, namely, the Apostles Mass, within the church of S. Paul, used under the name of the Apostles Communion.  

〈◊〉 other 〈…〉 progating private Masses.  AFter hearty commendations: Having very credible notice that within that your cathedral church, there be as yet the Apostles mass, and our Lady's mass, and other masses of such peculiar name, under the defence & nomination of our Lady's communion, and the Apostles communion, used in private chapels and other remote places of the same, and not in the Chancel, 
The Apostles 〈…〉 Paul.  contrary unto the king's majesties proceed, the same being for the misuse, displeasing to God, for the place of Paul's, in example not tolerable, for the fondness of the name, a scorn to the reverence of the communion of the Lords body and blood: we for the augmentation of god's glory and honour and the consonance of his majesties laws, and the avoiding of murmur, have thought good to will & command you that from henceforth no such masses in this manner be in your church any longer used, but that the holy blessed communion according to the act of Parliament, be ministered at the high altar of the church, and in no other places of the same, & only at such time as your high masses were wont to be used, except some number of people desire for their necessary business to have a communion in the morning, and yet the same to be executed in the Chancel at the high altar, as it is appointed in the book of the public service, without cautel or digression from the common order. And herein you shall not only satisfy our expectation of your conformity in all lawful things, but also avoid the murmur of sundry that be therewith justly offended. And so we bid your Lordship heartily farewell. From Richmond, the 24. of june, an. 1549.  
Your loving friends 

E. Somerset.  
W. Saint john.  
Ed. Montague.  
R. Rich. Chan.  
Fra. Shrewsbury.  
W. Cecil.     

¶ To my right worshipful friends, and most loving good brethren, M. Deane of Paul's, with all the Canons, Residentaries, Prebendaries, Subdeanes and Ministers of the same, and every of them with speed.  
RIght worshipful, with most hearty commendations. So it is this Wednesday the xxvi. of june, going to dinner, 
Boners' letter to the Dean and Chapter of Paul's.  I received letters from the kings Counsel by a pursuivant, and the same I do send now herewith unto you, to the intent you may peruse them well, and proceed accordingly: praying you in case all be not present, yet those that be now resident and supplying the places, may in their absence call the company together of the Church, and make declaration hereof unto them: Thus committing you to God, right well to far.  
Written with speed this xxvi. of june, at one of the clock. Your loving brother Ed. London.   
Over and beside all this, the Lord Protector, with the residue of the kings privy and learned Counsel assembling together in the Star chamber about the same matter, that is, for the advancement and setting forward of the kings so godly proceed, called before them all the justices of peace, where was uttered unto them by the Lord Rich, than Lord Chancellor, an eloquent and learned admonition, the tenor whereof ensueth.  
IT hath been used and accustomed before this time to call at certain times the justices of peace before the King's majesties Counsel, 
An exhortation or admonition unto the justices of peace.  to give unto them admonition or warning, diligently (as is their duty) to look to the observing of such things as be committed to their charges, according to the trust which the kings Majesty hath in them. Howbeit, now at this time we call you before us, not only of custom, but rather of necessity. For hearing daily, and perceiving of necessity as we do, the great negligence, and the little heed which is taken and given to the observing of the good and wholesome laws and orders in this realm, whereupon much disorder doth daily ensue, and the king's majesties proclamations and orders taken by the Counsel (as we are advertised) not executed, the people are brought to disobedience, and in a manner all his majesties study and ours, in setting a good and most godly stay, to the honour of God, and the quiet of the Realm, is spent in vain, and come to nothing, The which as we have great hope and trust, not to be altogether so, yet so much as it is, and so much as it lacketh of keeping the Realm in a most godly order and stay, we must needs impute and lay the fault thereof in you which are the justices of peace in every Shire, to whom we are wont to direct our writings, and to whose trust and charge, the King's Majesty hath committed the execution of all his Proclamations, of his acts of Parliament, and of his laws.  
We are informed that many of you are so negligent and so slack herein, that it doth appear you do look rather, 
justices slack in furthering of Religion.  as it were, through your fingers, then diligently see to the execution of the said laws and Proclamations. For if you would, according to your duties, to your oath, to the trust which the kings Majesty hath in you, give your diligence and care toward the execution of the same most godly Statutes and Injunctions, there should no disobedience, nor disorder, nor evil rule be begun or arise in any part of the realm, but it should by and by be repressed, kept down, & reform. But it is feared, and the thing itself giveth occasion thereto, that divers of you do not only not set forth, but rather hinder, so much as lieth in you, the King's majesties procedings, and are content that there should arise some disobedience, and that men should repine against godly orders set forth by his majesty: you do so slackly look to the execution of the same: So that in some shires which be further off, it may appear that the people have never heard of divers of his majesties proclamations, or if they have heard, you are content to wink at it & to neglect it, so that it is all one as though it were never commanded. But if you do consider and remember your duties first to almighty God, and then to the King's majesty, the wealth of the whole realm, the safeguard of your own selves: you must needs see that except such orders as the king's Majesty hath set, and hereafter shall appoint, be kept, neither can the realm be defended, if the enemy should invade, nor in peace it cannot stand: but upon the contempt of good and wholesome laws all disorder and inconveniences should come, the people should be wild and savage, and no man sure of his own.  
If at any time there was occasion and cause to be circumspect and diligent about the same, there was never more time than now. How we stand in Scotland you know, & that their foreign power maketh great preparation to aid them, and in deed doth come to their aid: whereof we are surely informed and certified. 
The fruit of obedience in a Realm.  Wherefore if there should not be good order and obedience kept in the realm, the realm were like utterly to be destroyed. Never foreign power could yet hurt, or in any part prevail in this realm, but by disobedience and misorder within ourselves. That is the way wherewith God will plague us, if he mind to punish us. And so long as we do agree among ourselves, and be obedient to our prince, and to his godly orders and laws, we may be sure that God is with us, & that foreign power shall not prevail against us, nor hurt us.  
Wherefore once again, and still we must and do lay this charge upon you that are the better of the shire, and justices of the peace, that with so convenient speed as you can, you do repair down into your Countries, and you shall give warning to the gentlemen of the shire which have not necessary business here, that they repair down each man to his country, 
Orders taken for justices.  and there both you and they who be reckoned the stay of every shire, to see good order and rule kept: You that your Sessions of jail delivery and quarter Sessions be well kept, and therein your meetyngs be such, that justice may be well and truly ministered, the offenders and malefactors punished according to the laws of this Realm, without any fear of any man, or that for favour you should suffer those to escape, which with their evil example might bring other to the like mishap: & that all vagabonds and lewd and light tale tellers and seditious bearers of false news of the king's majesty, or of his counsel, or such as will preach without licence, be immediately by you repressed and punished.  
And if there should chance any lewd or light fellows to make any routs or riotes, or unlawful assemblies, any seditious meetings, 
Provision against privy conspiracy & rebellion.  uproars, or uprisings in any place by the seditious and devilish motion of some privy Traitors, that you and they appease them at the first, and apprehend the first authors and causers thereof, and certify us with speed. The lightness of the rude and ignorant people must be repressed and ordered by your gravity & wisdom. And here you may not (if any such thing chance) dissemble with those such lewd men, and hide yourselves, for it shall be required of you if such misorder be, and surely without your aid and help, or your dissembling, such misorder can not be. Nor we do not say that we fear any such thing or that there is any such thing likely to chance: but we give you warning before, lest it should chance.  
We have to much experience in this realm, what inconvenience cometh of such matters. And though some light persons in their rage do not consider it, yet we do not doubt but you way it and know it well enough. 
Provision against foreign power.  And if it should chance our enemies (who are maintained by other foreign power, and the bishop of Rome) should suddenly arrive in some place of England, either driven by tempest, or of purpose to do hurt, ye should see such order kept by firing of their beacons, as hath already been written unto you by our letters to repulse the same in so good array as you can, as we do not doubt but you will for the safeguard of your country, so that the enemy shall have little joy of his coming: and for that purpose you shall see diligently that men have horse, harness, and other furniture of weapon ready, according to the Statutes and good orders of the realm, and the king's majesties commandments. And so for this time ye may departed.  
What zealous care was in this young king, and in the L. Protector his uncle, 
T●e singular zeal of king Edward and his Uncle, in reforming religion.  concerning reformation of Christ's Church and sincere religion, by these Injunctions, letters precepts, and exhortations, as well to the bishops, as to the justices of the realm above premised, it may right well appear. Whereby we have to note, not so much the careful diligence of the king and his learned counsel: as the linger slackness and drawing back on the other side, of divers the said justices and Lawyers, but especially of Bishops, 
The slackness of Popish Curates in furthering the kings proceedings.  and old popish curates, by whose cloaked contempt, wilful winking and stubborn disobedience the book of common prayer was long after the publishing thereof, either not known at all, or else very irreverently used throughout many places of this realm. Which when the king by complaint of divers, perfectly understood, being not a little aggrieved, to see the godly agreement of the learned, the willing consent of the Parliament, and his graces own zealous desire to take so small effect among his subjects: decreed presently, with the advise of his whole Counsel, again to write unto all the bishops of his realm, for speedy and diligent redress therein: willing and commanding them thereby, that as well they themselves should thenceforth have a more special regard to the due execution of the premises, as also that all others within their several precincts and jurisdiction should by their good instructions & willing example, be the more oftener and with better devotion, moved to use and frequent the same. As further appeareth by the contents of his letter here ensuing.  

¶ Another letter directed by the King and his Counsel, to Boner Bish. of London, partly rebuking him of negligence, partly charging him to see to the better setting out of the service book within his Diocese.  
RIght reverend father in God: right trusty and well-beloved, we greet you well: 
another letter to Boner Bishop of London.  and where as after great and serious debating and long conference of the bishops, and other grave and well learned men in the holy Scriptures, one uniform order for common prayers and administration of the Sacraments, hath been and is most godly set forth, not only by the common agreement and full assent of the nobility and Commons of the late Session of our late Parliament, but also by the like assent of the bishops in the same Parliament, and of all others the learned m● of this our realm in their Synods and convocations provincial. Like as it was much to our comfort to understand the godly travail then diligently & willingly taken for the true opening of things mentioned in the said book, whereby the true service and honour of almighty God, and the right ministration of the Sacraments being well and sincerely set forth according to the Scriptures & use of the primative church, much idolatry, vain superstition, & great and slanderous abuses be taken away: so it is no small occasion of sorrow unto us, to understand by the complaints of many, that our said book so much traveled for, & also sincerely set forth (as is aforesaid) remaineth in many places of this our realm, either not known at all, or not used, or at the least if it be used, very seldom, 
The kings book neglected.  and that in such light and irreverent sort, as the people in many places either have herd nothing, or if they hear, they neither understand, nor have that spiritual delectation in the same, that to good christians appertaineth. The fault whereof, like as we must of reason impute to you and other of your vocation, called by God through our appointment to have due respect to this and such like matters: so considering that by these and such like occasions, our loving subjects remain yet still in their old blindness, and superstitious errors, and in some places in an irreligious forgetfulness of God, whereby his wrath may be provoked upon us and them, and remembering with all, that amongst other cures committed to our princely charge, we think this the greatest, to see the glory and true service of him maintained & extolled, by whose clemency we knowledge ourselves to have all that we have, we could not, but by advise and consent of our dearest uncle Edward duke of Somerset, governor of our person, and protector of our realm, dominions, and subjects, and the rest of our privy counsel, 
Anno 1549.  admonish you of the premises. Wherein, as it had been your office to have used an earnest diligence, and to have preferred the same in all places within your Diocese, as the case required: so have we thought good to pray and require you, 
Boners' ne●●ligence noted.  and nevertheless straightly to charge and command you, that from henceforth ye have an earnest and special regard to the reduce of these things, so as the Curates may do their duties more often and in more reverent sort, & the people be occasioned by the good advises and examples of yourself, your Chancellor, Archdeacon's, and other inferior ministers, to come with oftener and more devotion to their said common prayers, to give thanks to God, and to be partakers of the most holy Communion. Wherein showing yourself diligent, and giving good example in your own person, you shall both discharge your duty to the great pastor, to whom we all have to account, and also do us good service: and on the other side, if we shall hereafter (these our letters and commandment notwithstanding) have eftsoons complaint, and find the like faults in your diocese, we shall have just cause to impute the fault thereof, and of all that ensue thereof unto you, and consequently be occasioned thereby to see otherwise to the redress of these things: whereof we would be sorry. And therefore we do eftsoons charge and command you upon your allegiance, to look well upon your duty herein, as ye tender our pleasure.  
Given under our signet at our Manor of Richmond, the 23. of july, the 3. year of our reign. 1549.   
The B. of London among the rest of the bishops, receiving these letters, did (as always tofore) in outward show willingly accept the same: and therefore immediately (with the said letters) directed this his precept unto the Dean and Chapter of his cathedral Church of Paul's, commanding them to look to the due accomplishing thereof accordingly.  

¶ A letter of Boner to the Dean and Chapter of Paul's.  
EDmund by the grace of God, etc. To my well-beloved brethren the Dean and Chapter of the Cathedral church of S. Paul in London, 
A letter of 〈…〉 Deane of Paul's.  and to the other Ministers there and every of them do send greeting. And where it is so, that of late I have received the said sovereign Lord the king's majesties letter, of such tenure as is hereunto annexed, and according to my most bounden duty, am right well willing and desiring, that the said letters should be in all points duly executed and observed according to the tenure and purport of the same, as appertaineth: these therefore are to require, and also straightly to charge you and every of you on his majesties behalf, etc. that you do admonish and command or cause to be admonished or commanded, all and singular Persons, Vicars, and Curates of your jurisdiction, to observe and accomplish the same from time to time accordingly: Furthermore requiring and likewise charging you, and every of you to make certificate herein to me, my Chancellor or other my officers in this behalf, with such convenient celerity as appertaineth both of your proceedings in the execution hereof, and also the persons and names of all such, as from henceforth shall be found negligent in doing their duties in the premises or any of them.  
Given at my house at Fulham, the 26. of july, in the year of our lord. 1549. and in the third year of our said sovereign Lord the king's majesties reign.   
Moreover, for so much as the king at that instant hearing the muttering of certain rebellion them stirring (whereof more shall be said the Lord willing hereafter) & also being credibly informed by divers, 
Slackness of Boner in ●●●thering good proceedings,  that through the evil example, slackness of preaching and administering the sacraments, and careless contempt of Boner B. of London, not only many of the people within the city of London, & other places of his Diocese, were very negligent and forgetful of their duties to God in frequenting the divine service then established and set forth by the authority of parliament: but also that divers other utterly despising the same, 
Popish Mass pri●●ly frequented in places against the law.  did in secret places of his Diocese, often frequent the popish mass and other foreign rites not allowed by the laws of this realm, he thought it therefore good (having thereby just cause to suspect his former dissembling doubleness) to appoint the L. Protector and the rest of his privy counsel to call the said B. before them, and according to their wise and discrete judgements, to deal with him for the same.  

Anno 1549.  Whereupon the xj. day of August (an. 1549.) they sent a messenger for him, and upon his appearance, made first declaration of such informations and complaints, as had been theretofore made against him. 
Boner called before ●he Counsel.  And then after sharp admonitions and reproofs for his evil demeanours in the premises, they delivered unto him from the king (for his better reformation and amendment) certain private Injunctions to be necessarily followed and observed of himself. 
Certain ●●l●ate Injunctions ●euen to ●oner by 〈◊〉 Counsel ●oner ●●signed by 〈◊〉 Counsel to ●●each at ●aules Crosse.  And where as in the first branch of the said Injunctions, he was personally assigned to preach at Paul's cross, the sunday three weeks then next ensuing (because both the dangerous and fickle estate of the time, and also partly his own suspicious behaviour so required) they farther delivered unto him in writing such articles to entreat upon in his Sermon, as they thought then most meet and necessary for the time and causes aforesaid. All which Injunctions and Articles, for the farther manifestation thereof, I have here inserted, as followeth.  

Certain private Injunctions and Articles given to Boner by the Counsel.  
FOrasmuch as we are advertised, that amongst other disorders of our subjects, 
admonition given to ●oner by 〈◊〉 Countable.  at this present there be divers of our city of London, and other places within your Diocese which being very negligent and forgetful of their duty to almighty God, of whom all good things are to be looked for, do assemble themselves very seldom & fewer times than they were heretofore accustomed, unto common prayer and to the holy Communion, being now a time when it were more needful with hart and mind to pray to our heavenly father for his aid and secure: whereof as we be right sorry, so we do understand, that through your evil example and the slackness of your preaching, and instructing our said people to do their duties, this offence to God is most generally committed: for where heretofore upon all principal feasts, and such as were called Maius duplex, you yourself were wont to execute in person, now since the time that we by the advise of our whole Parliament have set a most godly and devout order in our Church of England and Ireland, ye have very seldom or never executed upon such or other days, to the contempt of our proceedings & evil example of others: & forasmuch as it is also brought to our knowledge, that divers as well in London as in other places of your Diocese, do frequent and haunt foreign rites of masses, and such as be not allowed by the orders of our realm, 
Boner restrained to execute all principal feasts, contrary to his wont manner.  & contemneth and forbeareth to praise and laud God, and pray unto his majesty after such rites and ceremonies, as in this realm are approved & set out by our authority: and further that adultery and fornication is maintained and kept openly and commonly in the said city of London & other places of your Diocese, whereby the wrath of god is provoked against our people: of the which things, you being heretofore admonished, 
Boner noted of slackness in his duty, & of contempt of public laws.  yet hitherto have made no redress, as to the pastoral office, authority, & cure of a bishop doth appertain: We therefore, to whom the supreme cure and charge of this Church doth appertain, to avoid from us the high indignation of almighty God, by the advise of our most entirely beloved Uncle the L. Protector and the rest of our privy Counsel, have thought it no less than our most bound duty, now at this present, and eftsoons peremptorily to admonish, charge, & warn you, that you do most straightly look upon the premises and see them so reform, that there may appear no negligence on your behalf, upon such pain as by our laws Ecclesiastical and temporal, we may inflict upon you, unto deprivation or otherwise, as shall seem to us for quality of the offence reasonable. And to the intent you should the better see to the reformation of the said abuses, we have thought good to give you these Injunctions following.  
1 First, ye shall preach at Paul's Cross in London, 
Certain private Articles enjoined to Bone● by the Counsel. Boner admonished to preach every qua●ter at Paul's Crosse.  in proper person, the Sunday after the date hereof iij. weeks, and in the same Sermon declare and set forth the Articles hereunto annexed: and ye shall preach hereafter once every quarter of the year there, exhorting in your Sermon the people to obedience, prayer, and godly living: and ye shall be present at every sermon hereafter made at Paul's Cross, if sickness or some other reasonable cause do not let you.  
2 Secondly, you yourself in person shall from henceforth every day which heeetofore was accounted in this Church of England, principal feast, or Maius duplex, and at all such times as the Bishops of London your predecessors were wont to celebrate and sing high mass, now celebrate and execute the Communion at the high aultare in Paul's, for the better example of all other, except sickness do let.  
3 Thirdly, ye shall yourself according to your duty & the office of a bishop, call before you all such as do not come unto and frequent the Common prayer and service in the Church, or do not come unto god's board, and receive the Communion at the lest once a year, or whosoever do frequent or go unto any other rite or service, then is appointed by our book, either of Matins, Evensong, or mass in any church, Chapel, or other private places within your Diocese, and ye shall see all such offenders convented before you and punished according unto the Ecclesiastical laws, with severe and straight punishment therefore. Likewise ye shall see one only order used in your Diocese according to our said book and none other.  
4 Fourthly, ye shall both by yourself and all your officers under you, search out & convent before you more diligently than heretofore ye have done (as appertaineth to your office) all adulterers, and see the same punished according to the ecclesiastical laws, and to the authority given you in that behalf.  
5 We have heard also complaints, that the Church of Paul's and other Churches of London are of late more neglected, as well in reparation of the glass, as other buildings and ordinances of the same, than they were heretofore wont, and that divers and many persons in the city, of malice denieth the payment of their due tith to their Curates, whereby the Curates are both injured and made not so well able and in manner discouraged to do their duties. The which thing also our will and commandment is, ye shall diligently look unto, and see redressed as appertaineth.  
6 And forasmuch as all these complaints be made as most done & committed in London, 
Boner Bishop of London commanded to keep his own house.  to the intent you may look more earnestly, better and more diligently to the reformation of them, our pleasure is that you shall abide and keep residence in your house there, as in the city, sea, and principal place of your Diocese, and none other where for a certain time, until you shallbe otherwise licenced by us.  
And thus having brought B. Boner home to his own house, there to leave him a while to take his ease in his own lodging, till we return to him again, we will in the mean time make a little intercourse into Cornwall and Devonshire to discourse some part of the disordered and disloyal doings of those men against their so meek and excellent a prince, 
The rebels in Cornwall and devonshire.  having no cause ministered thereunto: yea having cause rather to yield praise and thanks to the lord for such a quiet and peaceable prince in his mercy given unto them. But such is the condition of unquiet natures, that they cannot skill of peace. And where due discretion lacketh, there lewd disposed persons cannot tell when they be well, again some be so crooked and so perversely given, that the more courteously they be entreated, the worse they are: and when by honest diligence they lift not to get their living, by public disturbance of common weals they think to thrive. And so seemed it to far with this seditious people of Cornwall and Devonshire, who having so good and virtuous a king, that if they should have sought him as Diogenes (they say) did seek for a man with a candle, a meeker and better sovereign they could not have found, a crueler they well deserved: yet were they not with him contented, but contrary to all order, reason, nature and loyalty, advanced themselves in a rebellious conspiracy against him, and against his proceed through the pernicious instigation, first (as it seemeth) of certain popish priests, who grudging and disdaining against the Injunctions and godly order of reformation set forward by the king, 
Popish priests first stirrers of this rebellion.  and specially mourning to see their old popish Church of Rome to decay, ceased not by all sinister & subtle means, first under God's name and the kings, & under colour of religion to persuade the people, then to gather sides and to assemble in companies, to gather Captains, 
All wickedness first beginneth under fair pretences.  and at last to braced out in rank rebellion. Neither lacked there amongst the lay sort some as seditiously disposed as they to mischief and madness, as well Gentlemen as other.  
Of whom the chief Gentlemen Captains were, Humphrey Arundel Esquire, governor of the Mount, james Rosogan, john Rosogan, john pain, Thomas Underhil, 
Captains of the rebels in devonshire.  john Soleman, William Segar. Of priests which were principal stirrers, and some of them governors of the Camps, and after executed, were to the number of 8. whose names were Rob. Bochim, john Tompson, Roger Barret, 
priests rebels and traitors against the king.  john Wolcoke, Wil Asa, james Mourton, john Barow, Rich. Benet, besides a multitude of other popish priests, which to the same faction were adjoined. The number of the whole rebellion, speaking with the lest mounted little less than to the sum of ten thousand stout traitors.  
These hearing first of the commotions which began about the same time in other parts to broil, as in Oxfordshire, 
divers Commotions in K. Edward's time suppressed.  Yorkshire, and especially in Norfolk & Suffolk, began to take therein some courage, hoping that they should have well fortified the same with quarrel. But afterward perceiving how the mischievous mutterings and enterprises of their conspiracy did suddenly fail, either being prevented by time, or repressed by power, or that their cause being but only about plucking down of enclosures and enlarging of commons, was divided from theirs, so that either they would not or could not join their aid together, then began they again to quail, and their courage to debate. Notwithstanding, for so much as they had gone so far, that they thought there was no shrinking back, they fell to new devices and inventions, for the best furtherance of their desperate purposes.  
Their first intent was, after they had spoiled their own country most miserably, to invade the City of Exeter, & so consequently all other parts of the realm. But first for Exeter they gaped, 
The city of Exeter invaded by the rebels.  the gates whereof twice they burned, but gained nothing saving only gunshot, whereof they lacked no plenty. Being put from Exeter, they fell on spoiling and robbing, where or whatsoever they might catch. At length laying their traitorous heads together, they consulted upon certain articles to be sent up. 
diversity of wits amongst the rebels.  But herein such diversity of heads and wits was amongst them, that for every kind of brain there was one manner of Article: so that neither appeared any consent in their diversity, nor yet any constancy in their agreement. Some seemed more tolerable. Other altogether unreasonable. Some would have no justice. Some would have no state of gentlemen. The priests ever harped of one string to ring in the Bishop of Rome into England again, and to hollow home Cardinal Poole their countryman.  
After much ado and little to the purpose, at last a few sorry Articles were agreed upon to be directed unto the king, with the names of certain set thereunto, the copy whereof here ensueth.   

¶ The Articles of the Commons of Devonshire and Cornwall sent to the king, with answer afterward following unto the same.  
FIrst, 
The Articles of 〈◊〉 men, to 〈◊〉 ●ing and 〈◊〉 Counsel▪  forasmuch as man except he be borne of water and the holy Ghost, cannot enter into the kingdom of God, and forasmuch as the gates of heaven be not opened without this blessed Sacrament of Baptism, therefore we will that our Curates shall minister this Sacrament at all times of need, as well in the week days, as on the holy days. 
1. Sacrament of Baptis●●   
Item, we will have our children confirmed of the bishop whensoever we shall within the Diocese resort unto him. 
2. Confirmat●●on.   
Item, forasmuch as we constantly believe that after the Priest hath spoken the words of consecration being at Mass, there celebrating and consecrating the same, there is very really the body & blood of our saviour jesus Christ God and man, 
3. Consecra●●●on of the Lords bod●  and that no substance of bread and wine remaineth after, but the very self same body that was borne of the virgin Mary, and was given upon the Cross for our redemption: therefore we will have mass celebrated as it hath been in times past, without any man communicating with the Priests, forasmuch as many rudely presuming unworthily to receive the same, put no difference between the lords body and other kind of meat, some saying that it is bread before and after, some saying that it is profitable to no man except he receive it, with many other abused terms.  
Item, we will have in our church's reservation.  
Item, we will have holy bread and holy water in the remembrance of Christ's precious body and blood. 
4. Reservation of the Lor● body cons●●crated.   
Item, we will that our Priests shall sing or say with an audible voice, God's service in the Quire of the parish churches, 
5. Holy bre●● and holy-water.  & not God's service to be set forth like a Christmas play.  
Item, forasmuch as Priests be men dedicated to God, for ministering and celebrating the blessed sacraments and preaching of God's word, 
6. The single 〈◊〉 of priests.  we will that they shall live chaste without Marriage, as S. Paul did, being the elect and chosen vessel of God, saying unto all honest priests, be ye followers of me.  
Item, we will that the vj. Articles, which our sovereign Lord king Henry the 8. set forth in his latter days, shall be used and so taken as they were at that tyme. 
7. 〈◊〉 6. 〈…〉 to be 〈◊〉.   
Item, we pray God save king Edward, for we be his, both body and goods.   

¶ A Message sent by the King's Majesty, to certain of his people assembled in Devonshire.  
ALthough knowledge hath been given to us & our dearest uncle Edward Duke of Somerset, 
The answer of 〈…〉 the Articles 〈◊〉 the rebels 〈…〉.  Governor of our person, and Protector of all our Realms, dominions and subjects, and to the rest of our privy Counsel, of divers assemblies made by you, which ought of duty to be our loving subjects, against all order, law, & otherwise than ever any loving or kind subjects hath attempted against their natural & liege sovereign lord: yet we have thought it meet at this very first time not to condemn or reject you as we might justly do, but to use you as our subjects, 
Anno 1549.  thinking that the devil hath not that power in you, to make you of natural borne Englishmen, so suddenly become enemies to your own native country, or of our subjects, to make you traitors, or under pretence to relieve yourselves, to destroy yourselves, your wives, children, lands, houses, and all other commodities of this your life. This we say, we trust that although ye be by ignorance seduced, ye will not be upon knowledge obstinate. And though some amongst you (as ever there is some cockle amongst good corn) forget God, neglect their prince, esteem not the state of the Realm, but as careless desperate men delight in sedition, tumult, and wars: yet nevertheless the greater part of you will hear the voice of us your natural prince and will by wisdom and counsel be warned, and cease your evils in the beginning, whose ends will be even by almighty gods order, your own destruction. Wherefore, as to you our subjects by ignorance seduced, we speak & be content ●o use our princely authority like a father to his children for this time, to admonish you of your faults, not to punish them, to put you in remembrance of your duties not to avenge your forgetfulness.  
First, your disorder to rise in multitudes, to assemble yourselves against other our loving subjects, 
 to aray● yourselves to the war, who amongst you all can answer for the same to almighty God, charging you to obey us in all things? Or how can any English good hart answer us, our laws, and the rest of our very loving & faithful subjects, who in deed ●y their obedience, make our honour, estate, 
Anno 1549.  and degree.  
Ye use our name in your writings, and abuse the same against ourself. 
 What injury herein do you us, to call those which love us, to your evil purposes, by the authority of our name? God hath made us your king by his ordinance and providence, by our blood & inheritance, by lawful succession and our coronation: but not to this end, as you use our name. We are your most natural sovereign Lord and king, Edward the sixth, to rule you, to preserve you, to save you from all your outward enemies, to see our laws well ministered, every man to have his own, to suppress disordered people, to correct traitors, thieves, pirates, robbers, and such like, yea, to keep our realms from foreign princes, from the malice of the Scots, of French men, of the B. of Rome. Thus good subjects, our name is written, thus it is honoured & obeyed, this majesty it hath by God's ordinance, not by man's. So that of this your offence we can not write to much: And yet doubt not, but this is enough from a prince to all reasonable people, from a king to all kind hearted and loving subjects, from a puissant king of England, to every natural English man.  
Your pretences which you say month you to do thus, & wherewith ye seek to excuse this disorder, we assure you, be either all false, 
The 〈…〉 causes.  or so vain, that we doubt not, but after ye shall hereby understand the truth thereof, ye will all with one noise knowledge yourselves ignorantly led, & by error seduced, and if there be any that will not, assure you the same be rank traitors, enemies of our crown, seditious people, heretics, Papists, or such as care not what cause they seek to provoke an insurrection, so they may do it, nor in deed can wax so rich with their own labours, & with peace as they can do with spoils, with wars, with robberies, & such like, yea, with the spoil of your own goods, with the living of your labours, the sweat of your bodies, the food of your own households, wives, children. such they be, as for a time use pleasant persuasions to you, & in the end will cut your throats for your own goods.  
You be borne in hand, that your children, though necessity chance, shall not be christened but upon the holy days. How false this is, learn you of us. Our book which we have set forth by the free consent of our Parliament, 
1. Baptism.  in the English tongue, teacheth you the contrary, even in the first leaf, yea the first side of the first leaf of that part which entreateth of Baptism. Good subjects (for to others we speak not) look and be not deceived. They which have put this false opinion into your ears, they mean not the christening of children, but the destruction of you our Christened subjects. Be this known unto you, our honour is so much that we may not be found faulty of our word. 
 Prove it, if by our laws ye may not christian your children upon necessity every day or hour in the week, then might you be offended: but seeing you may do it, how can you believe them which teach you the contrary? What think you they mean in the rest, which move you to break your obedience against us your king & sovereign, upon these so falls tales and persuasions in so evident a matter? Therefore you all which will knowledge us your sovereign Lord, & which will hear the voice of us your natural king, may easily perceive how ye be deceived, and how subtly traitors and papists with their falsehood seek to achieve and bring their purpose to pass with your help. Every traitor will be glad to dissemble his treason and feed it secretly, every papist his Popery, & nourish it inwardly, and in the end make you our subjects partakers of treason and popery, which in the beginning was pretended a common wealth and holiness.  
And how are you seduced by them, which put in your heads the blessed sacrament of Christ's body, should not differ from other common bread? 
 If our laws, proclamations, and statutes be all to the contrary, why shall any private man persuade you against them? We do ourself in our own heart, our counsel in all their profession, our laws & statutes in all purposes, our good subjects in all their doings, most highly esteem that sacrament, & use the communion thereof to our most comfort. We make so much difference thereof from other common bread, that we think no profit of other bread, but to maintain our bodies. But of this blessed bread we take very food of our souls to everlasting life. How think you good subjects, shall not we being your prince, your Lord, your king by God's appointment, 
 with truth more prevail, then certain evil persons with open falsehood: Shall any seditious person persuade you, that the Sacrament is despised, which is by our laws, by ourself, by our Counsel, by all our good subjects, esteemed, used, participated, and daily received? If ever ye were seduced, if ever deceived, if ever traitors were believed, if ever papists poisoned good subjects, it is now. It is not the Christening of children, not the reverence of the sacrament, not the health of your soul's that they shoot at, good subjects. It is sedition, it is high treason, it is your destruction they seek, how craftily, now piteously, how cunningly soever they do it. With one rule judge ye the end, which o● force must come of your purposes. Almighty God forbiddeth upon pain of everlasting damnation, disobedience to us your king: and in his place we rule in earth. If we should be slow, would God err? If your offence be towards God, think you it pardoned without repentance? Is God's judgement mutable? Your pain is damnation, your judge is incorruptible, your fault is most evident.  
Likewise are ye evil informed in divers other Articles, as for Confirmation of your children, for the Mass, for the manner of your service of Matins and evensong▪ Whatsoever is therein ordered, hath been long debated and consulted by many learned Bishops, Doctors, and other men of great learning, in this realm concluded: in nothing so much labour and time spent of late time, nothing so fully ended.  
As for the service in the English tongue, hath manifest reasons for it. And yet perchance seemeth to you a new service, and in deed is none other but the old. 
3. Matins and service in English.  The self same words in English which were in Latin, saving a few things taken out, so fond, that it had been a shame to have heard them in English, as all they can judge which list to report the truth. The difference is, we meant godly, that you our subjects should understand in English, being our natural country tongue, that which was heretofore spoken in Latin, then serving only for them which understood Latin, and now for all you which be borne English. How can this with reason offend any reasonable man, that he shall understand what any other saith, & so to consent with the speaker. If the service in the Church was good in Latin, it remaineth good in English, for nothing is altered, but to speak with knowledge that was spoken with ignorance, and to let you understand what is said for you, to the intent you may further it with your own devotion: An alteration to the better, except knowledge be worse than ignorance. So that who soever ●ath moved you to mislike this order, can give you no reason, 
Alteration of service from an unknown tongue to a known tong●●.  nor answer yours, if ye understood it.  
Wherefore you our subjects remember, we speak to you, being ordained your Prince and King by almighty God: if any wise we could advance God's honour, more than we do, we would do it: and see that ye become subjects to God's ordinances, obeying us your Prince, and learn of them which have authority to teach you, which have power to rule you, and will execute our justice, if we be provoked. Learn not of them, whose fruits be nothing but wilfulness, disobedience, obstinacy, dissimulation, and destruction of the realm.  
For the mass, we assure you, no small study nor travel hath been spent by all the learned Clergy therein, 
4. The Mass.  and to avoid all contention, it is brought even to the very use as Christ left it, as the apostles used it, as holy fathers delivered it, in deed somewhat altered from that the Popes of Rome, for their lucre brought to it. And although ye may hear the contrary of some Popish evil men, yet our majesty, which for our honour may not be blemished nor stained, assureth you, that they deceive you, abuse you, and blow these opinions into your heads, for to finish their own purposes.  
And so likewise judge you of confirmation of children: and let them answer you this one question. Think they that a child christened, 
Confirmation.  is damned because it dieth before bishopping? They be confirmed at the time of discretion, to learn that they professed in the lack thereof, by Baptism: taught in age, that which they received in infancy, 
Baptism 〈◊〉 without any Bishoping.  and yet no doubt but they be saved by Baptism, not by confirmation, & made Christ's by Christening, and taught how to continue by Confirmation. Wherefore in the whole, mark good subjects, how our doctrine is founded upon true learning, and theirs upon shameless errors.  
To conclude, beside our gentle manner of information to you, what soever is contained in our book, either for baptism, sacrament, Mass, Confirmation, and service in the church, is by our parliament established, by the whole clergy agreed, yea by the bishops of the realm devised, & further, by God's word confirmed. And how dare ye trust, yea how dare ye give care, without trembling, to any singular person, to disallow a Parliament, a subject to persuade against our majesty, a man of his single arrogancy, against the determination of the Bishops, and all the clergy, any invented argument against the word of God.  
But now you our subjects, we resort to a greater matter of your blindness, of your unkindness, a great unnaturalness, & such an evil, that if we thought it had not begun of ignorance, and continued by persuasion of certain traitors amongst you, which we think few in number, but in their doings busy, 
Anno 1549.  we could not be persuaded, but to use our sword, and do justice, and as we be ordained by God, that is, to redress your errors, by avengement: but love and zeal yet overcometh our just anger, but how long that will be, God knoweth, in whose hand our hart is: and rather for your own causes, being our Christened subjects, we would ye were persuaded then vanquished, informed then forced, taught then overthrown, quietly pacified then rigorously persecuted.  

The rebels require the 6. Articles.  Ye require to have the statute of the 6. articles revived: and know ye what ye require? or know ye what ease ye have with the loss of them? They were laws made, but quickly repent, too bloody they were to be borne of our people, and yet at the first in deed made of some necessity. Oh subjects? how are ye trapped by subtle persons? we of pity, because they were bloody, took them away, and you now of ignorance will ask them again. You know full well, that they helped us to extend rigour, and gave us cause to draw our sword very often: they were as a whetstone to our sword, & for your causes we left to use them. And since our mercy moved us to write our laws with milk & equity: how be ye blinded to ask them in blood?  
But leaving this manner of reasoning, and resorting to the truth of our authority, we let you wit, the same hath been annulled by our parliament, 
The 6. Articles taken away by Parliament.  with great rejoice of our subjects, and not now to be called by subjects in question. Dare then any of you with the name of a subject, stand against an act of parliament, a law of the whole realm? What is our power, if laws should be thus neglected? Yea, what is your surety, if laws be not kept? Assure you most surely, that we of no earthly thing under the heaven, make such a reputation, as we do of this one thing, to have our law obeyed, and this cause of God which we have taken in hand, to be thoroughly maintained, from the which we will never remove a hears breadth, 
A notaple zeal and a princely word of a king.  nor give place to any creature living, much less to any subject, but therein will spend our own royal person, our crown, treasure, realm, and all our state: whereof we assure you of our high honour. For herein in deed resteth our honour, herein standeth our kingdom, herein do all kings knowledge us a king. And shall any of you dare breath or think against our honour, our kingdom, or crown?  
In the end of this your request (as we be given to understand) ye would have them stand in force until our full age. 
The kings age.  To this we think, if ye knew what ye spoke, ye would never have uttered the motion, nor ever given breath to such a thought. For what think you of our kingdom? Be we of less authority for our age? Be we not your king now, as we shallbe? or shall ye be subjects hereafter, and now are ye not? Have not we the right we shall have? If ye would suspend and hang our doings in doubt until our full age, ye must first know, as a king we have no difference of years nor time, but as a natural man and creature of God, we have youth, & by his sufferance shall have age: we are your rightful king, your liege Lord, your king anointed, your king crowned, the sovereign king of England, not by our age, but by God's ordinance, not only when we shall be 21. of years, 
A king possesseth his crown not by years but by God's ordinance.  but when we were of 10. years. We possess our crown, not by years, but by the blood and discente, from our father king Henry the eight. You are our subjects because we be your king, and rule we will, because God hath willed. It is as great a fault in us, not to rule, as in a subject not to obey.  
If it be considered, they which move this matter, if they durst utter themselves, would deny our kingdom. But our good subjects know their prince, and will increase, not diminish his honour, enlarge, not abate his power, knowledge, not defer his kingdom to certain years: all is one, to speak against our crown, and to deny our kingdom, as to require that our laws may be broken unto 21. years. Be we not your crowned, anointed, and established king? wherein then be we of less majesty, of less authority, or less state, than our progenitors kings of this realm? except your unkindness, our unnaturalness will diminish our estimation. We have hitherto, since the death of our father, by the good advise and counsel of our dear and entirely beloved uncle, kept our state, maintained our realm, preserved our honour, defended our people from all enemies: we have hitherto been feared and dread of our enemies: yea, of princes, kings, and nations: yea, herein we be nothing inferiors to any our progenitors (which grace we knowledge to be given us from God) and how else, but by good obedience of our people, good counsel of our magistrates, due execution of our laws. By authority of our kingdom, England hitherto hath gained honour, during our reign, it hath won of the enemy, and not lost.  
It hath been marveled, that we ●f so young years have reigned so nobly, so royally, so quietly. 
Young years by 〈…〉 the 〈…〉.  And how chanceth it, that you our subjects, of that our country of Devonshire, will give the first occasion to slander this our realm of England, to give courage to the enemy, to note our Realm of the evil of rebellion, to make it a pray to our old enemies, to diminish our honour, which God hath given, our father left, our good uncle and Counsel preserved unto us? What greater evil could ye commit, than even now when our foreign enemy in Scotland and upon the sea seeketh to invade us, to arise in this manner against our law, to provoke our wrath, to ask our vengeance, and to give us an occasion to spend that force upon you, which we meant to bestow upon our enemies, to begin to slay you with that sword which we drew forth against the Scots and other enemies: to make a conquest of our own people, which otherwise should have been of the whole Realm of Scotland?  
Thus far ye see we have descended from our high majesty for love, to consider you in your base and simple ignorance, and have been content to send you an instruction like a fatherly Prince, who of justice might have sent you your destruction like a king to rebels, & now let you know, that as you see our mercy abundant, so if ye provoke us further, we swear to you by the living God, by whom we reign, ye shall feel the power of the same God in our sword: which how mighty it is, no subject knoweth, how puissant it is, no private man can judge, how mortal it is, no English heart dare think. But surely surely, as your Lord and Prince, your only king and master, we say to you, repent yourselves, & take our mercy without delay, or else we will forth with extend our princely power, & execute our sharp sword against you, as against very Infidels and Turks, and rather adventure our own royal person, state and power, than the same shall not be executed.  
And if you will prove the example of our mercy, learn of certain which lately did arise, pretending some grief's, and yet acknowledging their offences, have not only received most humbly their pardon, but feel also by our order, to whom all public order only pertaineth, redress devised for their griefs. In the end we admonish you of your duties to God, whom ye shall answer in the day of the Lord, and of your duties toward us, whom ye shall answer by our order, & take our mercy whilst God so inclineth us, lest when ye shall be constrained to ask, we shall be too much hardened in heart to grant it you: and where ye shall now hear of mercy, mercy and life, ye shall then hear of justice, justice and death.  
Given at Richmond, the 8. day of july, the third year of our reign.  
Besides the Articles of these Devonshire men above mentioned, the said rebels sent up also not long after a supplication to the king, 
 whereunto answer again was made by the king's learned Counsel, which here to make short, leisure serveth not to rehearse.  
Over and beside, to behold the malicious working of those popish Priests, to kindle more the spark of sedition in the people's hearts, what bruits and rumours did they raise up against the king and his Counsel, making the vulgar multitude to believe, that they should be made to pay first for their sheep, 
 then for their geese and pigs also, and such other things like: and what soever they had in store, or should put in their mouths, they must fine therefore to the king? Of all which matter never a word was either thought or meant. But this seemed matter fit for such priests whereby to set the Prince and his subjects together by the ears.  
Against this seditious company of rebels was appointed and sent by the king and his counsel, Sir john Russel knight, Lord privy Seal, as Lieutenant general of the king's army, of whom chief depended the charge and achivaunce of that voyage in the West parts. To him also were adjoined as in part of ordinary counsel in those affairs under him, sir William Harbert, sir john Pawlet, Sir Hugh Pawlet, Sir Thom. Speck, with the Lord Grace, and other beside. 
  
Thus the said Lord privy Seal accompanied with the Lord Grace, advancing his power against the rebels, although in number of soldiers not equally furnished like to the other, yet through the gracious assistance of the Lords help fight in his cause, and giving the adventure against the enemy, about the latter end of july. Anno 1549. gave them the repulse. Who notwithstanding recovering themselves again with such stomachs as they had, encountered the second time with the foresaid Lord privy Seal, about the beginning of August following, of whom, through the Lords mighty power, they with their whole cause of false religion were utterly vanquished and overthrown.  
In the which victory a great work of God's mighty power undoubtedly did appear. For although the number of the rebels did surmount in great quantity, the power and strength of the Lord privy Seal, and their stomachs were so fiercely set upon all desperate adventures, and though the power of Sir W. Harbert (being the same time at Bristol) was not yet presently come, which should have joined with the Lord privy Seal: yet all this notwithstanding, the goodness of the Lord so wrought on the king's behalf, more than any industry of man (which in all respects in handling that matter was very raw and far behind) that the victory fell to the king's part, under the valiant guiding of the aforesaid L. privy Seal: so that the popish rebels not only lost the field, 
The great goodness of God in the 〈…〉 the ●●bells.  but a great part of them also lost their lives, lying there slain miserably in the chase to the compass of 2. mile's space. Where also were taken and apprehended the chieftains and ringleaders of that mischievous dance: whereof the principal were Humphrey Arundel, Berry, Thomas Underhil, john Soleman, W. Segar, 
The laudable service of the 〈…〉 Seal.  Tempson, and Barret two Priests, henry Bray and henry Lee, two Majors, with divers other more above specified: all which accordingly afterward were executed.  
These rebels to make their part more sure by the help and presence of their consecrated God and maker, 
False trust of the Devonshire men in their Popish Idols disappointed. The Sacrament in the 〈◊〉 brought to the battle in a Cart.  brought with them into the battle the Pixe under his Canopy, and in steed of an altar, where he was hanging before, set him now riding in a Cart. Neither was there lacking masses, crosses, banners, candlesticks, with holy bread also, and holy water plenty, to defend them from devils and all adversary power, which in the end neither could help their friends, nor yet could save themselves from the hands of their enemies, but eftsoons both the consecrated God and all the trumpery about him, was taken in the cart, and there lay all in the dust, leaving to them a notable lesson o● better experience how to put their confidence hereafter in no such vain Idols, but only in the true living God, and immortal maker, to be served according to his prescribed word, and that only in the faith of his son, and not after their own dreaming fantasies.  
The story whereof putteth me also in remembrance of an other like popish field, (called Muscleborough field) ●ought in Scotland the year before this, where the Scots likewise encamping themselves against the Lord Protector, 
Muscleborough field in Scotland.  and the kings power sent into scotland, did in semblable wise bring with them to the battle the consecrated gods of their altars, with Masses, Crosses, banners, and all their Popish stuff of Idolatry, having great affiance, by virtue thereof to have a great day against the English army, as in deed to man's judgement might seem not unlike. For the number of the Scots army so far exceeded ours, 
 and they were so appointed with their pikes in the first front against our horsemen (which gave the first onset) that our men were feign to recoil, not without the loss of divers Gentlemen. notwithstanding, the mighty arm of the Lord so turned the victory, that the Scots in the end with all their Masses, Pixes, and Idolatrous trinkets were put to the worse. Of whom in that field were slain between 13. and 14. thousand, and not passing an hundredth English men. 
 The cause of this was the promise of the Scots made before to king Henry, for the marriage of the young Scottish Queen to King Edward, which promise the said Scots afterward broke and paid thereafter.  
In the which victory this is also to be noted, that the same day and hour when the images were burned openly in London, the Scots were put to flight in Muscleborough, as is credibly noted in Records.  
During this hurley burley amongst the popish rebels in Cornwall and Devonshire, the like commotion at the same time, by such like popish priests, as Homes and his fellows, began to gender in the parties of Oxford & Buckingham, but that was soon appeased by the Lord Grace, who coming down that way into Devonshire, chased the rebels to their houses. Of whom 200. were taken, and a dozen of the ringleaders delivered unto him, whereof certain were after executed.  
In Norfolk and parties thereabout, all be it the original of their tumultuous stirring was not for the like cause, 
 yet the obstinate hearts of that unruly multitude seemed no less bend upon mischief, to disturb public peace, which was also in the month of july, the year abovesaid. For repression of which rebellion, first was sent the Lord Marquis of Northampton, 
〈…〉 to the 〈◊〉 Marques  with special instruction to avoid the fight, and so by order was appointed with a number of horse to keep the field and passages, whereby they being stopped from victual, might the sooner be brought to acknowledge their folly, and to seek their pardon. Who then following other policy, then by order was given, came and pinned himself within the City of Norwiche, which afterward they were feign to abandon, the rebels pressing upon the City so on every side, that at length they obtained the same. Nevertheless, in all that conflict there was but an hundredth on both sides slain, and otherwise no great 〈◊〉, but only the loss of the Lord Sheefielde.  
Then was sent down▪ against them the Earl of Warwick with sufficient force and number of soldiers, besides the convey of 2000 Almains, 
The ●. Shefield slain at Norwich.  by whom the rude and confused rabble was there overthrown and slain, to the number, as is supposed at the least of 4000 And in fine, both the Kettes chief stirrers and authors of that commotion were taken and put to execution, 
The rebels of Norfolk suppressed.  and one of them hanged up in chains.  
Moreover, besides these inordinate uproars and insurrections above mentioned, about the latter end of the said month of july, the same year, which was 1549. an other like stir or Commotion began at Semer, in the Northriding of Yorkshire, 
another rebel●lion or tumult began in Yorkshire.  and continued in the Eastriding of the same, and there ended. The principal doers and raisers up whereof was one W. Ombler of Easthes●erton yeoman, and Tho. Dale parish clerk of Semer, with one Stevenson of Semer, neighbour to Dale, and nephew to Ombler. 
The chief stirrers of this rebellion in the North.  Which Stevenson was a mean or messenger between the said Ombler and Dale, being afore not acquainted together, and dwelling seven miles one from the other. Who at last by the travail of the said Stevenson and their own evil dispositions inclined to ungraciousness & mischief, knowing before one the others mind by secret conference, were brought to talk together on S. james day. An. 1549.  
The causes moving them to raise this rebellion, were these, first and principally their traitorous hearts grudging at the kings most godly proceed, 
The causes ●●●uing the Yorkeshiremen to rebellion.  in advancing and reforming the true honour of God, and his religion. another cause also was, for trusting to a blind and a fantastical prophecy, wherewith they were seduced, thinking the same prophecy should shortly come to pass, by hearing the rebellions of Norfolk, of Devonshire, and other places.  
The tenor of which prophesy & purpose, together of the traitors was, that there should no king reign in England the noblemen and gentlemen to be destroyed: and the realm to be ruled by 4. governors, 
A blind prophesy amongst the ●ortheren men.  to be elected & appointed by the commons holding a parliament in commotion, to begin at the south, and north seas of England. etc. supposing that this their rebellion in the North, and the other of the Devonshire men in the west, meeting (as they intended) at one place, to be the mean how to compass this their traitorous devilish devise.  
And therefore laying their studies together, how they might find out more company to join with them in that detestable purpose, and so set forward to stir, 
The devise of the rebels how to compass their purpose.  this devise they framed, to stir in two places, the one distant seven miles from the other, and at the first rush to kill and destroy such gentlemen and men of substance about them as were favourers of the kings proceedings, or which would resist them. But first of all, for the more speedy raising of men, they devised to burn Beacons, and thereby to bring the people together, as though it were to defend the Sea coasts, and having the ignorant people assembled, 
Anno 1549.  then to pour out their poison: first beginning with the rudest and poorest sort such as they thought were pricked with poverty, and were unwilling to labour, and therefore the more ready to follow the spoil of rich men's goods, blowing into their heads, that God's service was laid aside, and new inventions neither good nor godly put in place, and so feeding them with fair promises, 
False lies forged of God's true religion.  to reduce into the Church again their old ignorance and Idolatry, thought by that means soon to allure them to rage & run with them in this commotion. And furthermore to the intent they would give the more terror to the gentlemen at their first rising, lest they should be resisted, they devised that some should be murdered in Churches, some in their houses, some in serving the king in commission, & other as they might be caught, and to pick quarrels to them by alteration of service on the holy days. And thus was the platform cast of their device, according as afterward by their confession at their examinations was testified and remaineth in true record.  
Thus they being together agreed, Ombler and Dale, and other by their secret appointment, so laboured the matter in the parish of Semer, Wintringeham, & the towns about, that they were enfected with the poison of this confederacy, in such sort, that it was easy to understand whereunto they would incline, if a commotion were begun. The accomplishment whereof did shortly follow. For although by the words of one drunken fellow of that conspiracy named Caluered, 
The conspiracy of the rebels uttered in drunkenness.  at the alehouse in Wintringham, some suspicion of that rebellion began to be smelled before by the Lord President and Gentlemen of those parties, and so prevented in that place where the rebels thought to begin: yet they gave not over so, but drew to another place at Semer by the Sea coast, and there by night road to the Beacon at Staxton, and set it on fire: and so gathering together a rude rout of rascals out of the towns near about being on a stir, Ombler, Thomas Dale, Barton, and Robert Dale hasted forthwith with the rebels to master Whytes house, to take him, who notwithstanding being on horseback, minding to have escaped their hands, Dale, Ombler, and the rest of the rebels took him, and Clopton his wives brother, 
Four men cruelly murdered by the rebels in the North,  one Savage a merchant of York, and one Bery servant to sir Walter Mildmay, which four without cause or quarrel, saving to fulfil their seditious Prophecy in some part, and to give a terror to other gentlemen, they cruelly murdered after they had carried them one mile from Semer towards the Would, and there after they had stripped them of their clothes and purses, left them naked behind them in the plain fields for crows to feed on, until Whites wife, and Savages wife then at Semer caused them to be buried.  
Long it were and tedious to recite what revel these Rebels kept in their raging madness, who ranging about the country from town to town, to enlarge their ungracious and rebellious band, taking those with force which were not willing to go, and leaving in no town where they came, 
The rebels in Yorkshire gathered to three thousand persons.  any man above the age of 16. years, so increased this number, that in short time they had gathered three thousand to favour their wicked attempts, and had like to have gathered more, had not the lords goodness through prudent circumspection have interrupted the course of their furious beginning.  
For first came the kings gracious and free pardon, discharging and pardoning them and the rest of the Rebels of all treasons, 
The kings free pardon sent to the rebels.  murders, felonies, and other offences done to his Majesty, before the 21. of August, Anno 1549. Which pardon although Ombler contemptuously refused, 
Ombler refused the kings pardon.  persisting still in his wilful obstinacy, dissuading also the rest from the humble accepting the kings so loving and liberal pardon, yet notwithstanding with some it did good.  

Ombler captain of the rebels taken.  To make short, it was not long after this, but Ombler, as he was riding from town to town, twelve miles from Hummanby, to charge all the Constables and inhabitants where he came, in the king's name to resort to Hunmanby, by the way he was espied, and by the circumspect diligence of John Word the younger, 
The names of the rebels taken and executed at York.  james Aslaby, Ralph Twinge, and Thomas Constable Gentlemen, he was had in chase, and at last by them apprehended, and brought in the night in sure custody unto the City of York, to answer to his demerits.  
After whom within short time, Thomas Dale, henry Barton, the first chieftains and ringleaders of the former commotion, with john Dale, Robert Wright, W. Peacock, Wetherell, & Edin. Buttery, busy stirrers in this sedition, as they travailed from place to place, to draw people to their faction, were likewise apprehended, committed to ward, 
Ex actis iudiciarijs registro exceptis & notatis.  lawfully convicted, and lastly executed at York the 21. of Septemb. An. 1549. Ex actis judicij publici registro receptis & notatis.  
To these pestiferous commotions raised up against king Edward by his own subjects in this year aforesaid within the Realm, 
The stirring and rising of the French King against King Edward.  I might also adjoin the busy stirring and raging of the French king, against our young and innocent Prince, without the Realm. Who hearing of these tumults and violent insurrections of the kings subjects, in divers and sundry quarters of the Realm, supposing to take the time for his most advantage, thought likewise for his part not to be unoccupied. Who after he had by his ambassador made open breach with the king, immediately after the revocation of the said ambassador from hence, intending to annoy the king, and make his first invasion against the Isles of jersey and Gernsey, thought to have surprised our ships and the said Isles with a certain number of his ships and Galleys. In the which his assault, he was so hotly saluted by the kings ships and the Island, that by the confession of them that saw it, and by the report written unto the Lord Protector, the French men at least lost a thousand men, their ships and galleys so spoiled, as being forced to return home, they were not able then to set out again.  

Ex literis D. Protectoris.  Furthermore, out of France creadible word was brought to the Lord Protectoure (which yet in letters appeareth) that into one town in one vessel were brought at least three score Gentlemen to be buried: and also an ●●hibition special given out by the king, not to speak of 〈◊〉 success in that journey. This was about the beginning of August. 1549.  
The like also might be noted of the losses of the said French king at Bullenburgh, the eight day of August, 
 the same year, as by the Lord Clinton's letters may well appear: but for spending of time I pass it over: What the meaning of the French king was in these voyages, 
The 〈…〉 King Edward.  or how he intended further to proceed, I have not herein to deal. This is certain and evident, that the mighty arm of God mercifully fought for king Edward his servant, to defend and deliver him from so many hard dangers, so dangerous and sundry commotions stirred up in so many quarters within this Realm, and also without the Realm, and all within the compass of one year, and yet the Lord above fight for his true servant, dispatched them all, as in story here ye have heard declared, and is no less worthy of all posterity to be noted.   

Matter concerning Edmund Boner Bishop of London, with declaration of the Acts and process entered against him in king Edward's time.  
ANd thus much hitherto having discoursed touching the manifold troubles and tumults raised up on every side against king Edward, by his unkind and unnatural subjects, and yet notwithstanding, the gracious goodness of the Lord ever giving him the victory: now let us return again to Boner Bishop of London, where we left him before, that is, in his own house, where he was by the Counsel commanded to remain, as is above signified.  
And now for so much as we have to enter into the story of the said Boner, for the better understanding of the whole order thereof, it shallbe requisite to rip up the matter with the circumstances and occasions thereof from the first beginning of king Edward's time. Where is to be understanded, 
Sitting o● the king's Commissioners in Paul's Church▪  that king Edward in the first year of his reign, an. 1547. the first day of September, for the order of his Visitation, directed out certain Commissioners, as sir Anthony Cook, sir john Godsaule Knights, Master john Godsaule, Christopher Nevinson Doctors of the Law, and john Madew Doctor of Divinity. Who sitting in Paul's church upon their commission, the day and year aforesaid, there being present at the same time Edmund Bishop of London, john Royston, Polidore Virgil, Peter Uan, and others of the said cathedral Church, 
An 〈◊〉 ●●●nystred t● Boner to 〈◊〉 ●he Pop●  after the sermone made, and the Commission being read, ministered an oath unto the said B. of London, to renounce and deny the bishop of Rome with his usurped authority, and to swear obedience unto the king, according to the effect and form of the statute made in the 31. year of king Henry the eight: also that he should present and redress all and singular such things as were needful within the said Church to be reform.  
Whereupon the said Bishop humbly and instantly desired them that he might see their commission, 
 only for this purpose & intent (as he said) that he might the better fulfil & put in execution the things, wherein he was charged by them in their commission. Unto whom the commissioners answering, said, they would deliberat more upon the matter, & so they called the other ministers of the said Church before them, and ministered the like oath unto them, as they did to the bishop before. 
Ann● 1549  To whom moreover there & then certain interrogatories and articles of inquisition were read by Peter lily the public Notary. Which done, after their oaths taken, 
 the said Commissioners delivered unto the Bishop aforesaid certain Injunctions as well in print as written, and Homilies set forth by the king. All which things the said Bishop received under the words of this protestation, as followeth.  
I Do receive these Injunctions and Homilies with this protestation, that I will observe them, 
 if they be not contrary and repugnant to God's law, and the statutes and ordinance of the Church, and immediately added with an oath, that he never read the said Homilies and Injunctions.  
The which Protestation being made in manner and form aforesaid, the said Edmund Bishop of London instantly desired and required Peter Lily the register aforesaid, there and then to register and enact the same. And so the said Commissioners delivering the Injunctions and Homilies to Master Bellasiere Archdeacon of Colchester, and to Gilberte Bourne archdeacon of London, Essex, and Middlesexe, and enjoining them in most effectuous manner, under pains therein contained, to put the same in speedy execution, and also reserving other new injunctions to be ministered afterward, as well to the bishop, as to the Archdeacon's aforesaid, according as they should see cause. etc. did so continue the visitation till 3. of the clock the same day in the afternoon.  
At the which hour and place assigned, the Commissioners being set, and the Canons and Priests of the said Church appearing before them, and being examined upon virtue of their oath, for their doctrine and conversation of life: first one john Painter, one of the Canons of the said Cathedral church, there and then openly confessed, that he viciously and carnally had often the company of a certain married man's wife, 
〈◊〉 the ●●●rupt life of these 〈◊〉 Priests & Popish 〈◊〉.  whose name he denied to declare. In the which crime divers other Canons and Priests of the said church, confessed in like manner, & could not deny themselves to be culpable.  
And then after the Commissioners aforesaid had delivered to Master Royston Prebendary, and to the proctor of the Dean and of the Chapter of the said Cathedral Church of saint Paul, the kings Injunctions, and the book of Homilies, enjoining them to see the execution thereof, under pain therein specified, they prorogued their said visitation until seven of the clock the next day following.  
By this visitation above specified, it appeareth, gentle Reader, first how Boner made his Protestation after the receiving of the king's Injunctions, and also how he after required the same to be put in public record. 
Things in this visitation to be noted.  Furthermore, thou hast to note the unchaste life and conversation of these popish votaries and priests of Paul's. Now what followed after this protestation of the Bishop made, remaineth further in the sequel of the story to be declared, wherein first thou shalt understand that the said B. shortly after his Protestation, whether for fear or for conscience, repenting himself, went unto the King, where he submitting himself and recantinge his former protestation, 
Boner repenteth his evil demeanour in his protestation.  craved pardon of the king for his inordinate demeanour toward his grace's Commissioners, in the former visitation. Which pardon, notwithstanding it was granted unto him by the King, for the acknowledging of his fault, yet for the evil example of the fact, 
Boner sent to the Fleet.  it was thought good that he should be committed to the Fleet, as by the tenor of the Counsels letter sent to the Commissioners, may appear, which together with the form also of the bishops protestation and of his recantation, here under followeth.  
To our very loving friends Sir Anthony Cook Knight, and the rest of the Commissioners, for the visitation at London, 
The kings letter to the Commissioners concerning the recantation and pardoning of Boner.  in haste.  
AFter our hearty commendations: This shallbe to signify unto you, that we have received your letters, and in the same enclosed the copy of the protestation made by the Bishop of London, in the time of your visitation at Paul's: your wise proceed wherein and advertisements from you, we take in very thankful part towards us. And because the said Bishop which being here before us, hath acknowledged his indiscrete demeanour, did at that time at Paul's require the Register of your visitation to make record and enter of his protestation, 
Boner recanteth his protestation. Boner 〈◊〉 his recantation 〈…〉.  and now upon better consideration of his duty, maketh means to have the same revoked, as shall appear unto you by the true copy of his writing enclosed, the original whereof remaining with us he hath subscribed: we pray you to cause the Register to make enter of this his revocation, according unto the tenor of this his said writing: Further signifying unto you, that in respect of his offence, and the evil ensample that might thereupon ensue, we have thought meet to send him to the prison of the Fleet, 
The Copy of Boners' recantation.  whether he hath been conveyed by master Vicechamberlaine. And whereas sundry things for the kings majesties service do now occur here, which require the present attendance of you Sir john Godsaule, as well for your office of the Signet, as of the Protonoriship: we pray you, that leaving the execution of the visitation to the rest of your colleages, you make your repair hither with convenient diligence. Thus far you right heartily well.  
From Hampton Court the 12 of Septemb. 1547. Your assured loving friends. 

though Canterbury.  
William S. john.  
john Russel.  
Tho. Semer.  
William Paget.  
Anthony Browne.  
William Peter.  
Anthony Denny.  
Edward North.    
The form of Boners' recantation,  
WHere as I edmund Bishop of London, at such time as I received the king's majesties Injunctions and Homilies of my most dread sovereign Lord, at the hands of his highness visitors, did unadvisedly make such protestation, as now upon better consideration of my duty of obedience, and of the evil ensample that might ensue unto others thereof, appeareth to me neither reasonable, nor such as might well stand with the duty of an humble subject: for so much as the same protestation at my request was then by the Register of that visitation enacted & put in Record, I have thought it my duty, not only to declare before your Lordships, that I do now upon better consideration of my duty, renounce and revoke my said protestation, but also most humbly beseech your Lordships, that this my revocation of the same may be in likewise put in the same records for a perpetual memory of the truth, most humbly beseeching your good Lordships, both to take order that it may take effect, and also that my former and unadvised doings may be by your good mediations pardoned of the king's majesty.  
Edmund London.  
The Registers of these affairs of Boners, 
Ex registro Petri Lilij.  remaineth in the hands of Peter Lillie, then being Register to the foresaid Commissioners.  
Thus far thou haste heard (loving Reader) first the popish protestation of Boner, 
The order of Boners doings in the beginning of king Edward.  then how he calling himself home again, solemnly recanted the same, requiring further the said his revocation to be committed to public Record, for a perpetual remembrance. Also how he upon his humble submission received his pardon of the king, and yet for examples sake was commanded to the Flete. Where he nevertheless did not long continue, but according to the effect of the kings pardon afore granted, was restored both to house and living again: Which was in the first year of the king. An. 1547.  
After this ye have heard also in the story above, in the second year, and a great part of the third year of the king, how he demeaned himself, although not most forward in advancing the kings proceed, yet in such sort, as no great advantage by any law could be taken against him, both in swearing his obedience to the king, and in receiving his Injunctions: also in professing his assent and consent touching the state of Religion then: and furthermore in directing out his letters, according to the Archbishop of Canterburyes Precepts, to Cloney his Sumner, to the Bishop of Westminster and other Bishops, for abolishing of Images, for abrogation of the Mass, for Bibles to be set up, and for ministering in both kinds, with such other matters of reformation like: till at length he hearing of the death of the Lord Admiral the Lord Protectors brother, 
Boner beginneth to slack in his diligence.  and after that of the stirring and rising of the kings subjects in sundry tumults against the king, began somewhat, as he durst to draw back and slack his pastoral diligence, so that in many places of his Diocese, and in London the people not only were negligent in resorting to divine service, but also did frequent and haunt foreign rites of masses and other orders, then in this Realm appointed, 
Anno 1549.  and he also himself contrary to his wont manner upon principal feasts refused in his own person to execute. Whereupon he being suspected and complained of, and convented before the kings Counsel (as ye heard before) after sharp admonitions and reproofs, had certain private Injunctions to him enjoined.  
1. First, that he should personally preach within three weeks after at Paul's cross. 
Matters put to Boner to redress.   
2. That according as his predecessors were wont to celebrate Mass, he at such wont times should execute and administer the Communion.  
3. That he should call before him and correct more diligently such transgressors as absented themselves from the order of service and ministration of the lords board, appointed then in Churches by the kings ordinance.  
4. That he should see more carefully and vigilantly to the punishment of adulterers and fornicators.  
5. That he in the mean while should be resident within his own house, 
Boner enjoined to preach at Paul's Crosse.  during the time while he should make his sermon at Paul's above mentioned, which was an. 1549. In the which sermon certain special points were prefixed unto him, whereupon he should entreat, which here in order follow, and are these.   

Special points and articles to be entreated of of Boner Bishop of London, in his Sermon.  
2. THat all such as rebel against their prince, get unto them damnation, and those that resist the higher power, resist the ordinances of God, and he that dieth therefore in rebellion, by the word of God is utterly damned, and so looseth both body and soul. And therefore those Rebels in Devonshire and Cornwall, in Norfolk, or else where, who taking upon them to assemble a power & force against their king and Prince, against the laws and statutes of the Realm, and go about to subvert the state and order of the common wealth, not only do deserve therefore death, as traitors & rebels, but do accumulate to themselves eternal damnation, even to be in the burning fire of hell, with Lucifer the father and first author of pride, disobedience, and rebellion, what pretence so ever they have, and what Masses or holy water so ever they pretend, or go about to make among themselves, as Chore, Dathan, and Abiron, for rebellion against Moses, were swallowed down alive into hell, although they pretended to sacrifice unto God.  

What things be necessary to be joined in all God's service.  2 Likewise in the order of the Church and extern rites and ceremonies of divine service, for so much as God requireth humility of heart, innocency of living, knowledge of him, charity and love to our neighbours, and obedience to his word, and to his Ministers and superioure powers, these we must bring to all our prayers, to all our service, 
Extern rites & ceremonies how far they serve.  & this is the sacrifice that Christ requireth, and these be those that make all things pleasant unto God. The extern rites and ceremonies be but exercises of our religion, & appointable by superior powers, in choosing whereof we must obey the magistrates: the which things also we do see ever hath been and shallbe (as the time and place is) divers, 
Ceremonies made nought by disobedience.  and yet all hath pleased God so long as these before spoken inward things be there. If any man shall use the old rites, and thereby disobey the superior power, the devotion of his ceremonies is made nought by his disobedience: so that, which else (so long as the law did so stand) might be good, by pride and disobedience now is made nought: as saul's sacrifice, Chore, Dathan, and Abiron, and Aaron's 2. children were. But who that joineth to devotion obedience, he winneth the garland. For else it is a zeal, sed non secundum scientiam, a will, desire, zeal, and devotion, 
Foolish devotion.  but not after wisdom, that is a foolish devotion which can require no thanks or praise. And yet again, where ye obey, ye must have devotion, for God requireth the heart more than the outward doings, and therefore who that taketh the Communion, or saith or heareth the service appointed by the king's majesty, 
The hart maketh true devotion.  must bring devotion and inward prayer with him, or else his prayers are but vain, lacking that which God requireth, that is, the heart and mind to pray to him.  
3 Further, ye shall for example on sunday come seventh night after the aforesaid date, celebrate the Communion at Paul's Church.  
4 Ye shall also set forth in your sermon, that our authority of royal power, is (as of truth it is) of no less authority and force in this our young age, then is, or was of any of our predecessors, though the same were much elder, as may appear by example of josias, and other young kings in scripture: and therefore all our subjects to be no less bound to the obedience of our precepts, laws, and statutes, then if we were of 30. or 40. years of age.  
The delivery of these Injunctions & articles unto the Bishop (with the time of his appointed preaching) was soon after known abroad amongst the citizens and other the Commons within the city of London, 
Boners preaching much looked for of the people.  so that every man expecteth the time thereof, wishing to hear the same. Which being once come, the B. according to the tenor of the Injunctions, publicly preached at the Cross of Paul's, the 1. day of September. Howbeit as hypocrisy never lurketh so secretly in the hearts of the wicked, but that at one time or other, God in his most righteous judgement maketh it open unto the world: so at this present was the long coloured perverse obstinacy, and infestred hatred of this double faced dissembler, against the king's godly proceedings, most plainly manifested by his disobedient demeanour in this his sermon.  

The disobedient stubbornness of Boner in his Sermon at Paul's Crosse.  For where as he was only commanded to entreat upon such special points as were mentioned in his articles: he yet, both besides the counsels commandment, to the withdrawing of the minds of the common people, in as much as in him lay, from the right and true understanding of the holy Sacrament ministered in the holy Communion than set forth by the authority of the kings majesty, (according to the true sense of the holy scripture) did spend most part of his sermon about the gross, carnal, and papistical presence of Christ's body and blood in the sacrament of the altar, and also contrary thereunto, did not only slenderly touch the rest of his articles, but of a rebellious and wilful carelessness, did utterly leave out unspoken the whole last article, concerning the as effectual and as lawful authority of the king's highness during his young age, as if he were 30. or 40. years old: notwithstanding the same (because it was the traitorous opinion of the popish rebels) was by special commandment chief appointed him to entreat upon.  
This contemptuous & disobedient dealing, as it greatly offended most of the kings faithful and loving subjects there present, so did it much mislike the minds, 
W. Lati●●● and john Hoope● against Boner.  and was far from the good expectation, as well of that faithful and godly preacher master john Hooper, afterwards bishop of Worcester & Gloucester, and lastly a most constant martyr for the Gospel of Christ: as also of M. William Latimer, Bachelor of Divinity, and therefore they well weighing the fullness of the fact, and their bounden alegeances unto their Prince, did thereupon exhibit unto the king's highness under both their names, a bill of complaint or denunciation against the said bishop in form following.   

The denunciation of john Hooper and William Latimer against Boner, to the king's majesty, for leaving undone the points afore mentioned, which he was charged to preach upon.  
IN most humble wise showeth unto your Majesty, William Latimer and john Hooper, that where of late, 
The denunciation of W. Latim●● and john Hooper d●●nounce●●●●gaynst Boner▪  as we be certainly informed from your majesty, by the hand of the right high and noble Prince Edward Duke of Somerset, Governor of your Royal person, and Protector of all your highness realms, dominions and subjects, and the rest of your privy Counsel, there was certain Injunctions given to the Bishop of London that now is, with Articles to be insinuated and preached unto your subjects at a certain day limited, the which Injunctions and articles did only tend to the honour of GOD, and the better instructions of your highness people, to obedience and hatred of rebellion and mutiny, wherewith of late this your majesties Realm hath been marvelously vexed, to the danger of your highness person, and the state of the whole Realm, and therefore a thing at this time most necessary to be taught unto the people, that they might know their duty unto your majesty, and unto almighty God, and especially to acknowledge your Majesty in these years & age to be a perfect, high, and sovereign Lord and king, and supreme head, whose laws, proclamations, and commandments we are bound to obey, as well as any prince's subjects are bound to obey the laws, proclamations, and commandments of their natural and sovereign Lord, notwithstanding that nature hath not yet given unto your person such age as we trust he shall, nor so many years, which we wish to be so many as any Prince ever had, the which years do not make you King or Prince, but the right of your birth, 
Years an● age do 〈◊〉 make a kin● but the right of succession▪  and lawful succession what soever it be, so that we all must as well acknowledge your majesty to be our King and Prince, at these years, as if you were of the age of 30. or 40. years, and your laws and statutes no less to be feared & obeyed, than if your highness were 50. or 100 years old, (the which thing not only is most certainly true, but also at this time most necessarily to be taught, especially when divers rebels have openly declared, that they would not obey your highness laws, nor acknowledge the Statutes made by your Majesty to be available till ye come to the age of 20. years) and this not only being so, 
Anno 1549.  but the same thing being commanded by your said Majesty amongst other Injunctions & Articles given in writing to the said Edmund Boner, to be preached in his last sermon, as by the same Injunctions may appear, of the which the true copy we have when need is to be showed: yet all this notwithstanding, the said Boner, of what zeal or mind we cannot tell, whether favouring the opinion of the said rebels, or contemning your highness commandment declared to him, 
Boner left out of his Sermon 〈◊〉 article of the kings authority▪  hath not only left out to declare the said Article, which we most & chief expected and looked for, but also in all the rest of his Sermons did not so fully and apertly declare the said Injunctions and Articles as to our judgement did appear, they ought to have been declared, and was of no light ground looked for, entreating of other far distant and divers from the Articles upon the which he was commanded to entreat, and such as most should move and stir up the people to disorder and dissension, willingly leaving out those things which should have made quiet & obedience. Wherefore not moved of any malice, grudge, envy, or evil will to the person of the bishop, but constrained by the love & zeal which we bear towards your highness, & of our duty and allegiance to your majesty, whose honour and safety with tranquility, quietness and good governance of this your Realm, we do most desire, and for the discharge of our most bounden duties, to avoid all the dangers that might ensue of the concealment thereof, we most humbly do denounce and declare the same to your highness, to the intent that your Majesty by the advise aforesaid, may, if it please your highness, at this our humble denunciation, call the said Bishop to answer to the premises, the which we are ready to avow and prove, and then your highness to take further order herein, as to your Princely wisdom shall seem most convenient: whose long life, and most prosperous government, God almighty long continue, for the which we shall pray during our lives.  
The King's Majesty having thus by the information of these two credible persons, perfect intelligence of the contemptuous & perverse negligence of this Bishop, in not accomplishing his highness commandment given him by Injunction, thought it most necessary with all convenient speed (for the avoiding of farther inconveniences) to look more severely unto the due punishment of such dangerous rebellious obstinacy, and therefore by the advise of the Lord Protector, 
Commission directed down by the King against Bonner.  and the rest of his honourable Counsel, immediately he directed forth his commission under his broad Seal, unto the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Bishop of Rochester, and to other grave and trusty personages and Counsellors, appointing & authorising all them, or certain of them, by virtue of the same, to call before them, as well the Bishop of London, 
Commissioners appointed.  as also the foresaid denouncers, & upon due examination & proof of the premises, or any other matter otherwise to be objected, farther to proceed against him su●●arely & de plano, according to law and justice, either to suspension, excommunication, committing to prison, or deprivation (if the quality of the offence so required) or otherwise to use any other censure Ecclesiastical, which for the better hearing and determining of that cause, might to their wisdoms seem more pertinent, as appeareth more amply by the tenor of the Commission here ensuing.  

* The copy of the King's Commission sent down upon the denunciation aforesaid, for the examination of Boner Bishop of London.  
EDward the sixth, etc. To the most reverent father in God Thomas Archbishop of Canterbury, Metropolitan and Primate of all England, 
The Copy of the King's Commission for Bonner's examination.  the right reverend father in God Nicholas Bishop of Rochester, our trusty and right well-beloved Counsellors Sir William Peter, and Sir Thomas Smith Knights, our two principal Secretaries, and William May Doctor of the Law Civil and Dean of Paul's, greeting. It is come to our knowledge, that where we by the advise of our most entirely beloved Uncle Edward Duke of Somerset, governor of our person, and Protector of all our Realms, dominions and subjects, and the rest of our privy Counsel, did give to the right reverend father in God Edmund Bishop of London, upon certain complaints before made unto us and other great considerations, certain Injunctions to be followed, done, and executed, and in a Sermon appointed to him to preach by us with certain articles, and for the more sure knowledge, keeping, and observing, did exhibit the same in writing unto him by the hands of our said Uncle, in the fulfilling of our Counsel: all this notwithstanding the said Bishop hath in contempt of us (as it may appear) overslipped and not observed certain of the said things so by us enjoined, and other so perversely and negligently done that the things minded of us to reformation & for a good quiet of our subjects and our whole realm, be converted by the wilful negligence or perversity of him, to a great occasion of slander, tumult and grudge amongst our people, as it hath been denounced to us in writing by certain honest and discrete persons & otherwise called. The which things if they be so, we tendering the wealth, quietness, good order and government of our people, have not thought convenient to be let past unpunished and unreformed, and therefore by the advise aforesaid, have appointed you five, four, or three, upon whose fidelities, wisdoms, dexterities and circumspections, we have full confidence, to call before you, as well the denouncers of the said faults, as also the said Bishop, and with due examinations and process, according to the law and justice, to hear the said matter and all other matters of what kind, nature, or condition so ever they shall be, that shall be objected against the said Bishop, summarely [& de plano,] or otherwise as to your discretions shall be thought most meet, with full power and authority to suspend, excommunicate, commit to prison, or deprive the said Bishop, if the offence shall so appear to merit, or to use any other censure Ecclesiastical, which for the better hearing and determining of the cause, shall be requisite and appertain, any law, statute, or act to the contrary notwithstanding. In witness whereof, we have caused these our letters to be made patents.  
Witness ourself at Westminster the viii. of September, in the third year of our reign.   
This commission being sealed with the kings broad seal, 
The Commission delivered.  was by his highness Counsel forthwith delivered at the Court unto the archb. of Caunterbury, and the rest of the Commissioners mentioned in the same, being there all together present. Who upon the receipt thereof determined by virtue of the same, to sit at the archbishops house at Lambeth the Wednesday th●n next ensuing. Which was the tenth day of that present month of September, and therefore appointed the Bishop o● London to be summoned to appear before them as at that time and place. The manner of whose behaviour at his appearance, because it both declareth the froward nature and stubborn condition of the person, and also what estimation and authority he thought the commissioners to be of, I thought not unmeet first, before I enter into the process, somewhat to note and describe unto you.  
At his first entry into the place within the Archbishop's house at Lambeth, 
The stubborn behaviour of Boner before the Commissioners.  where the Archbishop and other of the Commissioners sat, he passed forth directly by them with his cap upon his head (making as though he saw them not) until one plucking him by the sleeve, willed him to do reverence unto the Commissioners. Whereat he laughingly turned himself, & spoke unto the archb. on this wise: what my Lord, are you here? By my truth I saw you not. No said the Archbishop, you would not see. Well (quoth he) you sent for me: have you any thing to say to me? Yea said the Commissioners, we have here authority from the kings highness to call you to account for your Sermon you made lately at Paul's cross, for that you did not there publish unto the people the article which you were commanded then to preach upon. At which words the bish. either for that he did not greatly delight to hear of this matter, or else because he would make his friends believe that he was called to account only for his opinion in religion (as afterwards in the sequel of this process it more plainly appeareth) began to turn his talk unto other matters, and said unto the archbishop. 
Boner speaketh for the Mass.  In good faith my Lord, I would one thing were had in more reverence, the● it is? What is it said the Archbishop? The blessed mass, ●●oth he. 
The Archbishop.  You have written very well of the sacrament: I marvel you do no more honour it? The Archbishop of Cant. therewith perceiving his subtlety: and seeing his gross blindness to commend that which was utterly contrary to his opinion, said unto him again: 
Boner.  If you think it well, it is because you understand it not. The other then adding unto his former gross ignorance an obstinate impudency, answered: 
The Archbishop.  I think I understand it better than you that wrote it. Unto which words the Archbishop replied: truly I will easily make a child that is but ten years old understand therein as much as you: but what is this to the matter? 
Anno 1549.   
Moreover at what time as they began to enter the judicial prosecuting of their commission, and had called forth the denouncers to propound such matter as they had to object against him, he hearing them speak, 
Boner falleth to scorning and taunting of his denouncer●.  fell to scorning and taunting of them, saying to the one, that he spoke like a Goose, and to the other, that he spoke like a Woodcock, utterly denying their accusations to be true. Whereupon the Archbishop (seeing his peenish malice against the denouncers) asked him if he would not believe them, whether he would credit the people there present, and therewithal (because many of them were also at the Bishop's Sermon at Paul's) he stood up and read the article of the kings authority during his young age, saying unto them, 
Boners' judgement of the people.  how say you my masters, did my Lord of London preach this Article? Whereunto they answered no, no. At which words the Bishop turning himself about, deriding said: will you believe this fond people?  
Besides this, 
Boner full of his pretences, Daws, Woodcocks, Fools, and such like▪  at all his appearings he used many irreverent, uncomely, obstinate and froward words and behaviours towards the Commissioners and others (in defacing their authority with the terms of pretenced Commissioners, pretenced witnesses and unjust unlawful and pretenced proceedings, with recusation of some, and terming others Daws, Woodcocks, fools, and such like) which I will here omit, for they do more manifestly appear in the sequel of the story in the time and place, as they happened: Adding yet this much by the way, that although such stoutness of hart and will (if it had been in a cause true and rightful) might have perchance seemed in some men's judgement to be somewhat sufferable: 
Boners demeanour not tolerable for his calling though meet for his birth.  yet to say the truth, in what cause so ever it be, being unmoderate as this shall appear, it beseemed no wise man, and therefore much less one of his calling. For if his cause had been good, why did he not take the wrong patiently and meekly, as the true Canon law of the Gospel doth teach him? If it were (as it was in deed) nought and wrong, whereto served so bold sturdy stoutness, but to show the impudence of the person and to make the cause worse which was bad enough before? 
Boners frivolous shifts.  But belike he was disposed to declare, if need were, what he was able to do in the law, in shifting off the matter by subtle delatories, and frivolous cavilling about the law. And if that would not help, yet with facing and brasing, and railing upon the denouncers, with furious words, and irreverent behaviour towards the King's Commissioners, he thought to countenance out the matter before the people, that some thing might seem yet to be in him, whatsoever was in the cause. For to conclude, for all his crafty cautels and tergiversations alleged out of the law, yet neither his cause could be so defended, nor his behaviour so excused, but that he was therefore both justly imprisoned, and also in the end most lawfully deprived: as by the sequel of this process may well appear, the manner whereof is as followeth.   

¶ The first Action or Session against Boner.  

The first appearance of Boner before the kings Commissioners the 10. day of September.  Upon Wednesday the x. day of September in the year of our Lord 1549. and in the third year of the reign of King Edward the vj. Thomas Cranmer Archbishop of Canterbury, Metropolitan and Primate of all England, associate with Nicholas Ridley then Bishop of Rochester, sir William Peter Knight, one of the kings two principal Secretaries, and William May Doctor of the Civil law and Dean of Paul's, by virtue of the kings Commission, 
The judges delegate, the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Bishop of Rochester, Sir W. Peter, Doct. Moy Deane of Paul's.  sat judicially upon the examination of Edmund Boner Bishop of London, within the archbishop's chamber of presence at his house in Lambeth, before whom there then also personally appeared the said Bishop: at which time the Commissioners first showing forth their Commission, requested sir William Peter that he would openly publish and read the same. Which done, the Archbishop in the name of the rest, declared unto the Bishop that a grievous complaint had been theretofore made and exhibited against him in writing unto the king's Majesty, and his honourable Counsel, and that therefore his highness, 
Sir Thomas Smyth then absent.  with their advise, had committed the examination thereof unto him and other his Colleges there present, as also unto sir Thomas Smith Knight, the other of his majesties two principal Secretaries though then absent, and therewithal showed also forth a Bill of complaint exhibited unto the King by William Latymer and john Hoper Ministers, which they likewise requested sir William Peter to read.  
These things ended, the Bishop like a subtle Lawyer, having most like some secret intelligence before of these matters, (whatsoever he pretended to the contrary) pulled out of his bosom a solemn protestation ready written: which he then exhibited unto the Commissioners, requesting that the same might be there openly read: the copy whereof is this in tenor and form as followeth.   

The tenor and form of Edmund Boner Bishop of London his protestation, exhibited to the King's Commissioners at his first appearing.  
EDmundus Lond. Episcopus primò & ante omnia protestor quòd per hanc meam comparitionem seu per aliqua per me hic dicta seu dicenda, 
The form and copy of Boners' Protestation.  allegata seu alleganda, proposita seu proponenda, exhibita seu exhibenda, gesta seu gerenda, obiecta seu obijcienda, exercita seu exercenda, facta seu fienda, petita seu petenda, non intendo in vos dominos judices praesentes tanquam in judices mihi in hac part competentes & idoneos aliquò modo consentire vestram jurisdictionem praesentem in hac part aliquatenus prorogare, nisi prout ac quatenus de iure ad hoc tenear & astringar rationique consonum videatur: & sub protestatione praedicta & ea semper mihi salva (a qua recedere non intendo, sed eandem in omnibus & singulis deinceps in hoc negotio praetenso per me agendis, pro repetita haberi volo) dico & allego quòd literae commissionales pretensae vobis (ut dicitur) in hac part directae, seu earum vera & legitima copia nunquam ante hac mihi ostensae aut monstratae fuerunt, nec a me aliquo modo visae, lectae aut cognitae, vel mihi traditae. Itaque contra formam & tenorem earundem, vel contra personas aliquorum vestrum, ea quae de iure ac naturali ratione mihi competunt in hac part, cum reverentia (qua decet) obijcere, ac in debita juris forma proponere non possum in praesenti ut deberem. Quare ut defensio congrua quae nulli hominum deneganda est, mihi reseruetur liquidòque sciam cuiusmodi exceptiones mihi in hac part competere possint ac debeant, utque eas suis loco & tempore juxta juris exigentiam, pro necessaria defensione mea proponam contra vel pretensas literas commissionales huiusmodi, vel contra personas aliquorum vestrum, quatenus liceat & expediat sub protestatione praedicta, facultatem dictas praetensas litteras commissionales in forma originali inspiciendi, ac earum veram, integram, & fidelem copiam debitè exinde mihi fieri humiliter peto & postulo prout juris est in hac part, tenore praesentium: nihilominus ●estatum manifestè relinquens, quòd obseruantiam & reverentiam, ac obedientiam & honorem, ac caetera quaecunque serenissimae Regiae Mayest. Domino meo supremo has literas praetensas vobis (ut dicitur) committenti qualitercunque decet in omnibus & per omnia perpetuò humillimè recogniturus sum, habiturus & praestiturus, & his exceptionibus, & defensionibus legitimis mihi de iure & natura competentibus ad defensionem meam necessariam & legitimam ac non aliter in hac part usurus.  
This Protestation being read, he requested the Commissioners that he might have the Bill of complaint delivered him: which when he had well perused, he said that the same was very general, and so general, as that he could not directly answer thereunto. 
Boner inveigheth against his denounce▪  Whereunto the Archbishop answered, that the special cause of the complaint against him was, for that he had transgressed the King's commandment, given unto him by his Counsel, in that he in his late Sermon made at Paul's cross, did not set forth unto the people the King's highness royal power in his minority, according to the tenor of the Article delivered unto him by them for that purpose: and for proof thereof called forth William Latimer and john Hoper preachers, who before that time had put up the bill of complaint unto the King against him.  
Upon whom, when the Bishop had earnestly looked, (and well beheld them) he said: as for this Merchant Latimer, I know him very well, and have borne with him, & winked at his evil doings a great while, but I have more to say to him hereafter. But as touching this other Merchant Hooper, I have not seen him before, howbeit I have heard much of his naughty preaching: and then turning himself again to the Archbishop (of purpose most like to make his friends think that he was not called thither to answer his contemptuous disobedience, 
Boner 〈◊〉 slateth his cause to th● matter of the Sacrament.  but for matters of Religion) said unto him: Ah my Lord, now I see that the cause of my trouble is not for the matter that you pretend against me, but it is for that I did preach and set forth in my late Sermon, the true presence of the most blessed body and blood of our Saviour jesus Christ to be in the Sacrament of the altar. For, 
Boner maketh exception of his accusers▪  as for these my accusers, as they be evil, infamed, and notorious criminous persons, so are they manifest and notable heretics, and seducers of the people, especially touching the Sacrament of the altar: and most of all this Hooper.  
For where in my late Sermon at Paul's cross I preached that in the blessed Sacrament of the altar, 
Boners gro●●e opinion of the Sacrament of the Aul●tar.  after the words of consecration, there is the true body and blood of our Saviour jesus Christ, the selfsame in substance that was hanged and shed upon the Cross: he the same day at after noon, having a great rabblement with him of his damnable sect, openly in the Pulpit within my Diocese, did preach erroneously to the people against it: 
Anno 1549.  and maliciously inveighing against my Sermon, denied the verity and presence of Christ's true body and blood to be in the same Sacrament, and also falsely and untruly interpreted and expounded my words. And specially, 
Boner raileth against M. Hoope●▪  where I preached and affirmed the very true body and blood of our Saviour jesus Christ to be in the said Sacrament, the selfsame in substance that was hanged and shed upon the Cross: he like an Ass (as he is an Ass in deed) falsely changed and turned the word that into as, like an Ass, saying that I had said, as it hanged, and as it was shed upon the Crosse.  
The Archbishop hereupon perceiving the bishops drift, and hearing him talk so much of the presence of Christ's body and blood in the Sacrament, 
Talk between th● Archb. 〈◊〉 Boner about the Sacrament▪  said unto him: My Lord of London, ye speak much of a presence in the Sacrament: what presence is there, and of what presence do you mean? Wherewith the Bishop being somewhat stirred and moved in mind (as appeared by his choleric countenance) spoke again to the Archbishop very earnestly, and said: What presence my Lord? I say and believe that there is the very true presence of the body and blood of Christ. What believe you, and how do you believe my Lord? Upon which words the Archbishop, 
A questi●● to Boner.  because he saw his answer dark and subtle, and minding somewhat to nip the gross absurdity of the Papists, asked him farther whether he were there, face, nose, mouth, eyes, arms, and lips, with other lineaments of his body? Whereat the Bishop shaking his head, said: Oh, I am right sorry to hear your grace speak these words, and therewith boldly urged the Archbishop to show his mind therein. Who wisely weighing the fond presumption of the party, with the place and occasion of their assembly, refused then so to do, saying: that their being there at that time, was not to dispute of those matters, but to prosecute their Commission committed to them by their Prince, and therefore willed him to answer them unto such things as were objected against him.  
Whereupon under his Protestation, he requested to have a copy both of the Commission, 
〈…〉 Boner to answer for himself.  and also of the denounciation given unto him, with time to answer thereunto. Which the Commissioners willingly granted, assigning him there to appear again before them upon Friday at eight of the clock before noon, than next following, and then to answer the tenor of the denounciation. And so for that day (he complaining somewhat of the shortness of his time to answer) they all departed.   

¶ The second appearance of Boner in the Chapel of Lambeth, before the Archbishop, and other four Commissioners, the Bishop of Rochester, Secretary Peter, Secretary Smyth, and the Dean of Paul's.  
Upon Friday the xiii. of September aforenamed, four Commissioners, associated then also with Sir Thomas Smith Knight, the other of the Kings two principal Secretaries, 
The second appearance 〈◊〉 Boner before the king's Commissioners. Boners answer to the Archb. of Canterbury. A precise point of the law, whether any new Commissioner may sit afterward, which sat not at the beginning.  and joint Commissioners with them, sat judicially in the archbishop's Chapel within his house at Lambeth. Before whom (according to their former assignment) there and then appeared the Bishop of London. To whom the Archbishop in the name of the rest, first said: My Lord of London, the last time you were before us, we laid certain Articles and matter to your charge touching your disobedience to the King's Majesty, and you have this day to make your answer thereunto: wherefore now show us what you have to say for your defence.  
Whereunto the Bishop first ask the Archbishop if he had all said and done, and he again saying yea, made this answer: My Lord, the last day that I appeared before you, I remember there sat in the King's majesties commission, your Grace, you my Lord of Rochester, you M. Secretary Peter, and you M. Deane of Paul's: but now I perceive there sitteth also M. Secretary Smyth. Who because he sat not at the beginning, nor took there the Commission upon him, ought not so to do: for by the law, they which begin, must continue the commission.  
Whereupon the Archbishop first answered, that he was no lawyer, and therefore could not certainly show what the law willeth in that case, but (saith he) if the law be so in deed, surely I take it to be an unreasonable law.  
Well, said the Bishop, there be here that knoweth the law: and yet I say not this to the intent to stand or stick much in this point with you, but to tell it you as it were by the way: for I have here mine answer ready.  
Then said Master Secretary Peter to the Bishop: my Lord in good sooth I must say unto you, that although I have professed the law, yet by discontinuance and disuse thereof, 
The words of Secretary Peter to Boner.  and having been occupied a long time in other matters from study of the law, I have perhaps forgotten what the law will do precisely in this point: but admit the law were so as you say, yet yourself knoweth my Lord, that this is our certain rule in law, Quòd consuetudo est juris interpres optimus, and I am sure you will not, nor can not deny, but that the custom is commonly in this realm in all judgements and Commissions used to the contrary: and in very deed altogether at the Court, having the Com●●●●ion presented unto us, take it upon us: and therefore for you to stick in such trifling matters, you shall rather in my judgement hurt yourself and your matter, than otherwise.  
Truly Master Secretary (said the Bishop) I have also of long while been disused in the study of the law, but having occasion (partly by reason of this matter) to turn my books, I find the law to be as I say: and yet (as I said) I tell you hereof by the way, 
The answer of Boner to Secretarye Peter.  not minding to stick much with you in that point.  
At which words Master Secretary Smyth said also unto the Bishop: well my Lord of London, as cunning as you make yourself in the law, there be here that knoweth the law as well as you: and for my part I have studied the law to, and I promise you, these be but quiddites and quirks invented to delay matters, but our Commission is to proceed summarily, 

The words of Secretary Smyth to Boner.  
The answer of Boner to Secretary Smyth.  
The words of Secretary Peter.   & de plano, and to cut off such frivolous allegations.  
Well (said the Bishop again) look well on your commission, and you shall find therein these words: to proceed according to the law and justice, and I ask both law and justice at your hands.  
Then Master Secretary Peter willed him to stand no more thereupon, but to proceed unto his answer. Whereupon he took forth a writing, wherein was contained his answer to the denunciation exhibited the day before by Latimer and Hooper, and delivering it unto the Archbishop, said, that it was of his own hand writing, and for lack of sufficient time written so hastily & coursely, that it could scarcely be read of any other, and therefore he desired to read it himself: and so taking it again read it openly, the copy whereof here followeth.   

* The answer of the said Bishop, made to the denunciation aforesaid.  
I Edmond bishop of London, concerning William Latimer & john Hooper, the pretenced denunciators of this matter here now before you, and for answer unto the unlawful, untrue and uncharitable pretenced denunciation of them, lately in deed contrary to justice and good reason, exhibited here and read before you under protestation heretofore made by me and red unto you, remaining in the acts of this court, to which I refer me, and have the same here again for repeated and rehearsed to all purposes agreeable to the law, do for my necessary defence and help allege and say as followeth.  
First I do allege and say, that the said William Latimer and john Hooper, 
Allegations o● rather cavillations of Boner against his denunciators.  or either of them were not nor now are to be admitted in any wise by virtue of this or any other commission, as denunciators against me their Bishop specially, for that they and either of them have aswell before the time of this pretenced denunciation and also then and since been and be vile, and infamed, notorious, criminous persons and also open and manifest notable heretics, especially concerning the sacraments of the catholic Church, and namely concerning the blessed Sacrament of the altar, 
How fain would thi● man find a fault, if he could tell how?  by reason of which their heresies they were and be by the order of the said Catholic Church here in this realm of England justly and duly, excommunicated and accursed, and have divided themselves thereby from the untie and integrity of Christ's Catholic church and for such persons they have been and are named, reputed and taken, openly notoriously and commonly amongst the catholic people of this Realm of England, and especially of this City of London, familiarly haunting and conversant with sacramentaries and openly known condemned heretics and favourers and Abettors of the same, and their detestable & pestilent doctrine & heresy. 2. Item that the said john Hooper amongs other his poisoned and venomous doctrine, and amongs other his erroneous, detestable, and abominable errors and heresies taught and spread abroad here within this realm infecting and poisoning the kings subjects therewith hath before the time of the said pretenced denunciation, damnably and detestably made divers erroneous, and heretical books, especially one entitled a declaration of Christ and of his offcie, printed (as he falsely surmiseth) in Zurick by Augustine Friars, where he in many places, heretically and damnably denieth the true presence of Christ's body in the blessed sacrament of the altar, and also in effect denieth the verity of Christ's blessed body upon the cross, calling it Mathematticall and excluding thereby the true and very substance thereof. 3. 
This term Mathematical is referred of Hooper, not to the substance of the body upon the cross but to Papistical accidence without substance upon the altar.  Item that the said john Hooper doth persever and continueth still in his said poisoned and wicked venomous doctrine in all points maintaining and defending the same and every part thereof, all the ways he can, especially against the presence of Christ's blessed body in the sacrament of the altar, and his said books, especially the said declaration of Christ and of his office, he doth yet allow and maintain as good and Catholic, where in deed it is heretical, wicked and damnable, the contents of which doctrine and books so entitled, the said Latimer especially touching the heresy against the verity of Christ's body and his true presence in the sacrament of the altar hath heard, taught, read, preached, believed, holden, maintained and kept, and so at this present doth yet believe, hold, 
If all truth were away he had spoken mor● truly.  maintain, and keep, contrary to the faith of Christ's Catholic church, and the unity of the same observed amongst all true christian people, incurring thereby heresy excommunication and Schism to the loss both of their souls and of their believers. 4. Item that the said Latimer and Hooper, and either of them, being of these vile and detestable qualities and consequently by the ordinance of the catholic Church of Christ, aswell of this Realm, as also throughout all Christendom, being so excommunicate & cast out thereby, from the said Church, are not to this pretenced denunciation, against me their Bishop, nor to any judicial act to be admitted, ne yet to be accompanied with all, or answered unto, but are by scripture and the order of Christ's Catholic Church here in this Realm utterly and clearly, to be excluded avoided, detested, eschewed and abhorred in all manner of wise, of all faithful and true christian people, fearing God, and desiring the advancement of the truth. 5. Item, that where the said Latimer and Hoper in their said pretenced denunciation, amongst other things do untruly deduce, that they have made their said pretenced denunciation not moved of any malice or evil will, but for the good tranquility and governance of this Realm, which as they pretend in their gay and glorious proheme, they would beseem to have a great care and solicitude of, where in very deed, they and such as they are by sundry ways, and specially by their corrupt doctrine, and heretical naughty preaching and infecting of the King's majesties people, have disturbed and greatly inquieted the good tranquility and governance of this Realm as evidently and notoriously it is well known, the truth is that this their saying is evident and plain false, for notorious it is, and lawfully shall be proved, that the said Hooper conspiring with the said Latimer and other Heretics of their factions, sect, and damnable opinion, did the first day of September last passed, after that I the said Bishop of London had made the sermon at Paul's cross, assemble maliciously, uncharitably and unlawfully, a great rabblement of such as himself is, within my diocese and jurisdiction, and under the colour of reading, did openly and manifestly rail and inveigh against me the said Bishop for my said Sermon, not for any such matter, pretence or cause, as is falsely and untruly surmised in the said pretenced denunciation, but only and chief for that I the said Bishop, as became a christian man, and especially him that had and hath cure and charge of his flock, faithfully, and truly to teach them, did taking occasion of the communion not frequented nor reverenced, but neglected and contemned, confess and declare my faith and belief openly before my audience, touching the blessed Sacrament of the altar ministered in the same Communion, affirming as the catholic Church affirmeth and teacheth. That in the blessed sacrament of the altar, there is the very true body of our saviour Christ, the selfsame in substance that hanged upon the cross, and the very true blood of our saviour Christ: 
But what and where were your proves?  the selfsame in substance that was shed upon the cross. Against which affirmation and assertion, being Catholic and true, the said john Hooper (albeit now colourably and falsely and foolishly pretendeth another matter more plausible in his opinion and judgement in sundry places of the City of London and suburbs of the same) hath since that time maliciously inveighed and taught, learning and teaching his audience heretically (being many in number, and assembling in great routs) to reprove, 
As though he could not both confute your error then: and also say the truth now without all malice or affection.  contemn and despise the said blessed Sacrament of the altar, and not to have a true and faithful belief of it, as hitherto always the catholic Church hath ever had, the said William Latimer, and the rabblement of his complices, conspiring and agreeing in points therein, and inducing other to do the same, not making any such pretence at all (as they in their said pretenced denunciation, do falsely surmise and deduce, but only and chief offended for my said assertion, 
Ever that is since Pope Innocentius 3. his time 400. years ago.  and affirmation of the verity of Christ's body and blood in the sacrament of the altar.  
Item, that where the said William Latimer and john Hooper in their said pretenced denunciation, do further deduce and falsely surmise that I the said Bishop of London had delivered to me from the King's majesty, by the hands of the Lord Protectors grace, and the rest of the kings majesties Counsel certain Injunctions with articles to be insinuated and preached to the King's majesties subjects at a certain day limited, and after such sort, form, and manner, as is in the said pretenced denunciation surmised untruly and deduced. It is notorious and evident, as well by the tenor and continue of that writing which was to me the said Bishop of London delivered by the hands of Sir Thomas Smith Knight, one of the two principal Secretaries to the King's Majesty, as otherwise, 
Though the bill of articles bore no seal or signet: yet you be but a cavillere, knowing that you were sent for, and in the presence of the Lord Protector in the council chamber, received the copy of the injunctions, with the articles promised to be sent unto you in writing, as they 〈…〉.  that the said surmise in such sort and fashion as it is deduced and made, is not true in this behalf, referring me to the tenor of the said writing, which neither was signed with the King's majesties hand, nor sealed with any his majesties seal or signet, ne yet subscribed by any of the said Counsel, or delivered after such sort, as is alleged and pretended, as more evidently hereafter shall appear, and sufficiently be proved for my lawful and necessary defence in this behalf.  
Item, that in case any such Injunctions with articles, after such form and fashion, had so been delivered unto me as is surmised and pretended, yet false and untrue it is, that I the said Bishop either left out, or refused to declare the same for any such cause or causes, falsely and untruly surmised in the said pretenced denunciation or else so perversely and negligently did, as likewise in the said pretenced denunciation is deduced, which thing may well appear in the discourse of my said Sermon, where in substance and effect, I declared faithfully & truly these points specially following: it is to wit, that all such as rebel against their prince, get unto them damnation, and those that refuseth the high power, resisteth the ordinance o● God, and he that dieth therefore in Rebellion, is by the word of God utterly damned, and so loseth both body and soul, alleging for this purpose the xiii. Chapter of S. Paul to the Romans, and it at large declaring unto the audience, furthermore, speaking of the Rebels in Devonshire, cornwall, Norfolk, and elsewhere within this Realm, standing in doubt, whether I might put them in the place of those that put trust in themselves and despised all other, or in the place of both, doing as they did forgetting God, not duly considering the King's Majesty their supreme head, next and immediately under God, forgetting their wives, their children, their kinsfolk, their alliance, acquaintance, and friends, yea themselves and their native Country, and most unnaturally rebelling against their sovereign Lord and King, whom by God's law they were bound to love, serve, and faithfully obey, I did to the best of my power to dissuade Rebellion, and exhort the audience unto true obedience, say, that obedience being thus commanded, and all rebellion forbidden under pain of eternal damnation, all these Rebels in Cornewal, Devonshire, Norfolk, or elsewhere, who take upon them to assemble a power and force against their King and Prince, against the laws and statutes of the Realm, and went about to subvert the order of the common wealth, did not only deserve therefore death, as Rebels and Traitors, but also did accumulate unto themselves eternal damnation, even to be in the burning fire of hell, with Lucifer the father, and first author of pride, disobedience and rebellion. And here I did ask who had induced the said Rebels thus to do, to which I answered by another question, demanding who moved and induced Eve to eat the apple and break her obedience against God's commandment, who moved also and induced Cain to kill his brother Abel, yea who moved judas the Apostle to betray his master Christ, was it not the Devil? yes truly, and he it is said I, that of his great malice and hatred to man and good order, hath moved and induced these Rebels to this unnatural Rebellion against their Prince and sovereign Lord, whereupon I asked what pretences they had, and answering thereto, said: that amongst other they had Masses and holy water, upon which I exclaiming against them, said, good Lord: is not this a marvelous thing to palliate, colour, excuse, and maintain rebellion and inobedience, to pretend mass or holy-water, as who saith, that these things had been instituted and ordained to defend, maintain, and excuse rebellion, treason, and inobedience, which I told the audience they could not do. And thereupon I brought four texts of scripture to prove this thing that I said, alleging the xuj. Chapter of the book of Numbers, the xv. Chapter of the first book of Kings, the x. Chapter of Leuit. and the iiij. that myself added also the xiii. of S. Luke, joined with the v. of the Acts, setting them forth the best I could, as one not much exercised in preaching, but restrained therefrom. And here I concluded, that whatsoever pretences these rebels had of masses, holy water, or such other, it could not in any wise excuse or defend their rebellion and inobedience, referring myself herein to the indifferent hearers in the said audience. And here pulling out a writing, sent from the King's majesties privy counsel unto me touching the victory against the said rebels, which for brevity of time, my memory would not serve to declare without book, did rehearse it in writing word by word. In doing whereof it well appeared, that I did not favour the opinion of the said Rebels, nor maintain their enterprise, but contrariwise did detest them, and all their doings, declaring obedience to be better than sacrifice. And that in disobedience and rebellion nothing could nor did please Almighty God. Further, taking occasion of the proud Pharisey and the humble Publican ascending into the temple to pray, and noting the outward and extern doing of them both, with the success thereof, I declared to the audience touching the order of the Church, and the extern rites and ceremonies of the divine service, that for as much as God requireth humility of hart, innocency of living, knowledge of him, charity and love to our neighbour, and obedience to his word, to his Ministers, and to the superior powers, we must bring all these things to all our prayers, to all our service, and that this is the sacrifice that Christ requireth, and that these be such that make all things pleasant to almighty God, further saying: that the extern rites are but exercises of Religion, and appointable by superior powers, and that in the choosing thereof, we must obey the Magistrates, and that we also do see that those things ever hath been, and shall be divers, as the time and place is, and yet all hath pleased God, so long as humility or hart, innocency of living, knowing of God, charity and love to our neighbour, with obedience to God's word, Gods Ministers, and superior powers, ar● concurrent and pre●ent therewith.  
Moreover I then said, that if any man should use rites, and disobey thereby the superior powers, the devotion of his ceremony was made evil, by his disobedience. In so much that that which standing the law, might be good, was by pride, disobedience, and rebellion, made evil and unprofitable, putting example in the fact of Saul, reserving the fat Sheep for Sacrifice, and in Chore, Dathan, and Abyron, and also in Nadab and Abbihu, Aaron's two children, and in the Galileans, whose blood Pilate did mix with their sacrifices. And thereupon I told the audience that they must do herein especially two things, the first they must join to, and with their devotion, faithful obedience, and then they shall win the garland, and otherwise have but a zeal. Sed non secundum scientiam, deserving no thank or praise of God, and also they must with and to their obedience, join devotion, knowing that God more doth require and consider the hart, than the outward doing. And thereupon I exhorted the audience, that when they came to take the Communion, or to hear or say the service, appointed by the King's Majesty, they must bring devotion and inward prayer with them, for else their prayers shall he but vain, as wanting and lacking that thing, which God requireth, that is, the hart and mind to pray to him. And herein because I marveled that the Communion was no more frequented now adays, and lamenting the unreverent coming to it, and using of it, fearing that it proceeded of any evil opinion and belief touching the Sacrament of the altar, ministered and distributed at the said Communion, and to the intent to make the people have better opinion of it then they seemed to have, I did faithfully, 
But where was any mention made of the king's power in his minority● as it was enjoined you to entreat of  truly, and plainly declare my belief of the said Sacrament, wherewith the said Latimer and Hooper with their complices were so much offended and agree●ed eight Item, that where the said William Latimer and john Hooper, do further in the said pretenced denunciation, untruly, and uncharitably, deduce and allege, that I in my said Sermon, did entreat of such things, as most should move and stir up the people to disorder and dissension, it doth evidently and clearly appear, that either the said pretenced denunciatours do take a declaration faithfully made of the obedience of the subjects, to the King's Majesty, the supreme and sovereign Lord, and the great peril and danger of Rebellion committed by subjects against their King and Princes, and sovereign Lord, to be a moving and stirring up of people to discord and dissension: or else that the affirmation and assertion Catholic of the verity of Christ's body and blood, and in the blessed Sacrament of the Aultare, set forth by me as afore, doth work such disorder and dissension: for evident it is to all those which indifferently heard my said Sermon, that I grounding myself upon Scripture, and taking occasion of the Sunday then occurrent, did speak specially and earnestly of these two things, without taxing of any man specially by name, or other circumstance, to slander them thereby, and I did both set forth the obedience and duty of all Subjects, generally to their Kings, and specially of subjects of this Realm, to the kings Majesty that now is, whose minority to all people of this Realm is more than manifest, 
If ye did be 〈◊〉 it, why did ye not fully approve and declare the same to the people.  and is evidently also known to all the whole world beside. And also did then declare the danger and peril of Rebellion of Subjects against the high powers, and also specially of the Rebellion late committed by them of devonshire, Cornwall, Norfolk, and elsewhere, against the kings Majesty that now is, which I would not have done, except I both had believed that all the Kings Subjects without exception, were bound to obey the King's Majesty even as he now is, was, and shall be, during his life, which our Lord long preserve to all our comforts and wealth, and also that the Rebellion of late so committed against his Majesty, was damnable, and utterly detestable and condemned by God's Law, and herein I refer me to the indifferent hearers of this my Sermon, wishing that this Latymer and Hooper, with all the rest of these now Preachers, did mean as faithfully, truly, obediently and catholicly, as I always have done toward the kings majesty, his honour, authority rial power and surety of his person and realm, and did not move, encourage, and stir the kings majesties subjects to sedition tumult, and inobedience by their erroneous doctrine and teaching, than I did at any time encourage or stir any of them in any wise, or give occasion unto any of the same ix Item where the said William Latimer and john Hooper, do falsely surmise in their pretenced denunciation, that it was of no light ground looked for, that I the said Bishop of London, should more apertly have declared the Injunctions and articles aforesaid, and that it did so appear unto their judgements. I do say, that their judgements are corrupted and only set to slander and picking of quarrels in this behalf being well assured, and so credibly informed that all the worshipful and honest Catholic persons of my said audience were fully satisfied both as touching obedience to the king's majesty in his tender age and minority, 
Ergo, by yo●● own confession it appeareth that these injunctions were given you by my L. Protectors own mouth though not with his own hands, which article you will not grant.  and also touching the penalty and great peril of punishments for the rebellion so lately committed against his said majesty by the foresaid rebels. And moreover I do say that before my Lord Protectors grace and the rest of the kings majesties most honourable counsel then present I made my excuse and alleged many impediments, for my not preaching at the cross, and did not further promise but do the best I could, which of my fidelity and conscience I did, not omitting any thing of purpose or evil will, that might be to the satisfaction of all people both good and bad in every condition, point, specially in this behalf, collecting and gathering together with all diligent study, all that might make in my judgement and opinion, for the better setting forth of the same.  
Wherein first he alleged (or rather shameless & slanderously cavilled) that those his denouncers were vile, infamed and notorious criminous persons, 
Boners writing exhibited to the commissioners answering to 〈◊〉 the denunciati●  and also open & manifest heretics, aswell against the rest of the Sacraments of the Church, as chief against the Sacrament of the altar: and were for the same by the orders of the Church excommunicated and accursed, and were so taken of all the Catholics of this realm, and especially Hooper: who besides other his poisoned doctrine and heresy amongst the people, 
Exceptions laid by Boner against M. Hooper his denouncer.  had also before the time of the denunciation, made divers erroneous and heretical books against the true presence of Christ's body in the sacrament of the altar, & did also continue in the same, allowing & maintaining it as good & catholic which books and doctrine (chief against the sacrament of the altar) W. Latymer had and then likewise did allow, believe, & teach, to the loss of both their own souls and also their believers, & therefore were not now nor ought at any time to be admitted either in this their denunciation against him, or in any other judicial act: and that rather also, because that although they pretended in their denunciation, that they made not the same of any malice or evil will towards him, but for the good tranquility and quiet governance of this Realm: yet was it notoriously known, that aswell the same day at after noon in which he the said bishop preached at the Cross of Paul's, as also at sundry other times, 
The frivolous quarreling of Boner against his denouncers.  they two conspiring with other of their faction, did maliciously and unlawful within his Diocese assemble together a great rabblement of such as themselves were, & there under the colour of reading, did openly rail and inveigh against him, nor for any the causes pretended in their denunciation, but because he had in his Sermon declared (as the Catholic Church taught) that in the Sacrament of the altar there was the very true body and blood of Christ, the same in substance that was hanged and shed upon the Crosse.  
Then after these vain and frivolous allegations against the denouncers, he cometh and answereth to the substance of their denunciation, and saith, that where they in the same do falsely surmise that there were delivered unto him from the kings Majesty by the hands of the lord Protector and the rest of his highness Counsel, 
Boner put to a ba●e shift.  certain Injunctions and articles to be published and declared unto the people at a day limited in the same, their information in such sort as it was deduced, was most false & untrue, for that the articles delivered unto him by Sir Thomas Smith one of the kings secretaries, were neither signed with the kings own hand, neither sealed with his highness seal or signet, nor yet subscribed by any of his Counsel. etc.  
Where mark, I beseech you, the subtlety of a disloyal Papist, 
Boners ●ayne cavillation to no purpose.  who because the articles were not sealed or signed by the king and his Counsel, would make them therefore not to be of any such force, as that the breach thereof should cause him to incur the danger of contemptuous disobedience. But admit they were not signed nor sealed (of which thing by the way in the denunciation there is no mention yea or nay) yet is it manifest by the second Bill of Articles ministered unto him by the Commissioners in the fourth Act of this process, 
Anno 1549.  that at such time as he was before the Counsel, those Articles were by the commandment of the Lord Protector, openly there read unto him by one of the Secretaries, and after addition of the Article concerning the King's lawful power and authority during his young years, were also delivered unto him by the hands of the Lord Protector, in the presence of the rest of the Counsel: who thus receiving them, promised there faithfully to accomplish all the contents thereof. After which, they were again delivered unto Secretary Smith, to amend such things therein as the Lord Protector and the rest of the Counsel had there appointed. Which being accordingly done (as the Bishop himself at the last receipt thereof confessed, were finally delivered unto him by the Secretary: and therefore was this but a poor shift.  
Now after this, he maketh a supposition: that in case it were true, 
Boners' supposition.  that the Injunctions were delivered him according to their information: yet was it untrue that he did omit or refuse to declare the same for any such causes as they had alleged against him, and that did well appear in the discourse of his Sermon, which tended principally (as he said) to the disallowing and condemnation of all rebels, and chief of the rebels in Norfolk, Southfolke, devonshire, & Cornwall, or elsewhere within this Realm of England: who forgetting their allegiance and duty unto their Prince, assigned them by God's word as their supreme head, their natural love and care for their country, wives, 
Boner against the rebels.  children, and kinsfolk, did both deserve death bodily as traitors, & also accumulate unto themselves damnation of body and soul, eternally with Satan the father and first mover of all rebellion and disobedience: and herewithal farther exclaiming against the pretences of those rebels, who amongst other things pretended the Mass and holy-water, with such like, which were never ordained for the purpose, to colour and maintain rebellion (as he said he then proved out of the 16. of Numbers 1. Reg. 15. levit. 10. and 4. Luke 13. and Acts 5. in best manner that he could, as one not exercised greatly in preaching, but restrained therefrom) but having humility of hart, innocency of living, knowledge of God, love to our neighbours, with obedience to God's word, Ministers and superior powers concurrent with them, they being external rites and ceremonies of the Church, 
external rites and ceremonies.  were exercises of Religion, and appointable by superior powers: and yet that, which (standing the law) might be good, was by pride and disobedience made evil and unprofitable.  
And here he farther said, because he saw the people slack in coming to the Communion and divine service set forth by the king's Majesty, 
As justly they might, the same being heretical & blasphemous against the humanity of Christ.  and to the intent he would make them have a better opinion in the Sacrament than he thought they had, he then faithfully did declare his belief therein. Wherewith his denouncers being offended, they uncharitably and untruly deduced in their pretenced denounciation, that in his Sermon he did entreat of such things as most should stir up unto dissension & tumult: whereby it appeared unto him, that his denouncers either took his Catholic assertion of the verity of Christ's body and blood in the Sacrament of the altar, 
Boner flieth still to the Sacrament of the altar.  or else his faithful declaration made of the obedience of subjects unto the King's Majesty their supreme and sovereign Lord, with the peril and danger of rebellion committed against him, 
Boners' purgation of himelfe for his Sermon.  to be the cause of disorder and dissension: for that (saith he) of these two points he chief spoke, and especially of obedience to the king: whose minority was more than manifestly known, as well amongst the people of this realm, as elsewhere throughout the world beside: which he would not have done, except he had believed, that both all his subjects were bounden to obey him, even as he then was and should be during his life, and also that the rebellion of late committed against him, was detestable and condemned by God's word: and therefore he wished that his two denouncers, with all the rest of the new Preachers, did mean as faithfully, obediently, and Catholickely towards the King's honour, royal power, and surety of person, as he did & had not more moved the people to tumults & disobedience by their erroneous doctrine and teaching, than he had at any time given any occasion thereunto.  
Then finally he concluded and said, that where his denouncers surmise that it was of no light ground looked for, as it appeared in their judgements, that he should more apertly have declared the contents of the Injunctions and Articles than he did, that their judgements were in that behalf corrupted and set to slander and picking of quarrels: for he was well assured and credibly informed, that all his honest and Catholic audience were fully satisfied, both touching their obedience to the King's Majesty in his tender age, & also concerning the great penalty and peril that the late Rebels incurred by their disobedience. And besides that, when he was before the Lord Protector and the rest of the Counsel, after he had made his excuse, and alleged many impediments for his not preaching at the Cross, he did not then further promise, but to do the best he could●: which he hath of his fidelity and conscience accomplished, not omitting any thing of purpose or evil will, that might satisfy the people in any point concerning the premises.  
Whilst he was thus reading these answers, 
 objecting against his denouncers such causes and quarrels as be afore alleged, for which he would have earnestly had the denouncers to be repelled of the Commissioners, the Archbishop of Caunterbury replied, that if there were such a law, he thought it not to be a good or godly law, 
 but a law of the Bishop of Rome. For said he, if my matter and case be good, what should I care who accuse me, yea, although he were the Devil of Hell.  
No sir, said the Bishop of London, 
 it is the King's law used in the Realm.  
Well, my Lord (said the Archbishop) ye be too full of your law. I would wish you had less knowledge in that law, and more knowledge in God's law, & of your duty.  
Well, answered the Bishop again, seeing your grace falleth to wishing, I can also wish many things to be in your person. 
Boner.   
Then spoke Secretary Peter to the Bishop as touching these denouncers: 
Secreta●● Peter.  we are not so straited in this matter, but that we may proceed against you, either at their promotion, or without them at our pleasure.  
A God's name (than said Boner) put them by, 
Boner.  and then do as your pleasure shall be, so you do me right, for I ask but right.  
Nay, said Secretary Smith, you ask you wots not what: you would have us follow your mind in these quiddities and quirks: 
Secretary Smyth.  and all is nothing else but to delay justice. And you do herein as thieves, murderers, and traitors, not to have the truth known.  
Say you so to me, quoth the Bishop? I thank you. Well, I could say somewhat to you also, were it not in the place ye be: but let it pass. As for my matter, 
Boner.  I fear it not: it is not so evil as you make it, for I have your own handwriting for my discharge, which when I shall see time, I shall show forth.  
My hand? quoth the Secretary, Let me see it, 
Secretary Smyth. Boner. Secretary Smyth. Boner. 〈◊〉 M. Boner Articles ●●●liuered 〈◊〉 against Boner.  & let it be read openly. So it shall, said the Bishop, when I see tyme.  
Then said M. Smith: you do use us thus to be seen a cunning Lawyer.  
In deed quoth the Bishop, I knew the law, ere you could read it.  
With that Secretary Peter willed the Bishop to proceed in reading of his answers: who so did, and when he had finished, Latymer delivered up a writing in paper unto the Archbishop and the rest of the Commissioners: who then said unto the Bishop of London, here be certain Articles which we intent to minister unto you.  
The Bishop therewith said, do you minister them of your office, or at the promotion of these men? 
Boner.  (pointing to Latimer & Hoper) for I perceive they gave them unto you. 
Secretary Peter.   
Nay, said Secretary Peter, we will minister them unto you, ex officio mero, and thereupon took an oath of the Bishop de fideliter respondendo. 
Boner requires ●espite to answer▪  Who desiring a copy of the Articles, required also a competent time to be given unto him to make answer thereunto.  
To whom Secretary Peter replied, saying: My Lord, here be certain of the Articles touching your own fact, which you may answer unto forthwith: 
Secretary Peter.  as whether you wrote your Sermon or not before you preached it.  
Whereunto the Bishop answered, 
Boner.  that he wrote it not, but he drew certain notes of it.  
Then whose counsel (said he) and advise used you in making your Sermon? 
Secretary Peter.   
To which he also answered, that he had therein used his own counsel & books, 
Boner.  and yet my Chapleins (quoth he) be much suspected for my doings in many things, and sometimes I for theirs, when there is no cause why.  
These words ended, the Commissioners assigned him Monday the 16. of September than next, to appear before them, and to make his full answers unto all the Articles ministered unto him by them this day: the contents whereof are as followeth.   

¶ The form and tenor of the Articles ministered unto the Bishop of London, by the kings Commissioners.  
MOnday the xuj. of September, the Archbish. associated with the Bishop of Rochester, 
 Secretary Smith▪ and Doctor May Deane of Paul's, sat judicially▪ within his Chappill at Lambeth: before whom there and then appeared the Bishop of London according as he was assigned in the last Session; at which time he exhibited unto the Commissioners in 〈…〉 his answers unto the last former Articles. 
  
But before the same were there read, the Archbishop said unto him, that his 〈◊〉 answers made the 13. of September unto the denunc●a●●●●, were very obscure, & therewith also contained much matter▪ of slander against Latimer and Hooper, and much untruth, and therefore they desired there to purge themselves. Whereupon Latimer first obe●●ing leave to speak, said, that the Bishop of London had most falsely, untruly, and uncharitably accused him, ●aying to his charge many feigned and untrue matters in his former answers to the denunciation, and such as he should never be able to prove. For wherein his said answer he alleged that Hugh Latimer and john Hooper with other heretics conspiring against him, did the first day of September after the bishops Sermon assemble themselves together unlawfully against the said Bishop, that saying of his was most untrue. 
 For neither that day, nor yet before that day, nor until certain days after, he ever knew or spoke with Hooper. And as touching his own preaching there openly accused by the bishop, he said he never held, 
 taught; or preached any thing concerning the blessed Sacrament, otherwise than he ought to do, nor otherwise then according to the Scriptures, & true Catholic faith of Christ's Church: and therefore offered▪ himself to be tried by the Archbishop or other such learned men as it should please the King's Majesty, or the said Commissioners to appoint: and farther to suffer to be hanged, drawn, and quartered, if the bishop could justly prove true the things that he had there shamefully laid to his charge. Then M. Hooper upon like 〈◊〉 obtained, said to this effect.  

 This ungodly man (pointing to the Bishop) hath most uncharitably and ungodly accused me before your grace & this audience, and hath laid to my charge that I am an heretic. Whereas I take God to record, I never spoke, read, taught, or preached any heresy, but only the most true and pure word of God. And where he saith I frequent the company of heretics, I do much marvel of his so saying, for it hath pleased my Lord Protectors Grace, my singular good Lord and Master, and my ladies Grace to have me with them, and I have preached before them, and much used their company, 
 with divers other worshipful persons, and therefore I suppose this man meaneth them. And farther, where as he saith that I have made heretical books against the blessed Sacrament of the body and blood of Christ, calling it Mathematical, I perceive that this man knoweth not what this word Mathematical there meaneth, and therefore understandeth not my book: which I take God to my judge, I have made truly and sincerely, and according to his holy word: and by the same his holy word and Scriptures I am always & shall be ready to submit myself to your Grace's judgement and the superior powers to be tried: with many such more words of like importance.  
Which ended, the Archbishop to shorten this matter, asked the bishop how he could prove that Hooper and Latimer assembled together against him the first of September, as he had alleged, seeing they now denied it, and therefore willed him to answer forthwith thereunto.  
The Bishop than answered that he would duly prove it, 
 so that he might be admitted to do it according to law, and with that he pulled out of his sleeve certain books, saying: I have this Uarlets books which he made against the blessed sacrament, which you shall hear. Then as he was turning certain leaves thereof, Hooper began again to speak, 
 but the Bishop turning himself towards him, tauntingly said, put up your pipes, you have spoken for your part, I will meddle no more with you, and therewith read a certain sentence upon the book. W●ich done, he said: Lo here you may see his opinion, and what it is.  
At which words the people standing behind, and seeing his unreverent and unseemly demeanour and railing, 
〈◊〉 people 〈…〉 to 〈◊〉.  fell suddenly into great laughing. Whereat the Bishop being moved, and perceiving not the cause wherefore they did so laugh, turned him towards them in a great rage saying: ah Woodcocks, woodcocks.  

 Then said one of the Commissioners, why say you so my Lord marry (quoth he) I may well call them Woodcocks that thus will laugh, and know not whereat, nor yet heard what I said or read.  
Well my Lord of London, said the Archbishop, than I perceive you would persuade this audience that you were called hither for preaching of your belief in the Sacrament of the altar, and therefore you lay to these men's charge (meaning Hooper and Latimer) that they have accused you of that. Howbeit, there is no such thing laid to your charge, and therefore this audience shall hear openly read the denunciation that is put up against you, to the intent they may the better perceive your dealing herein. And therewithal he said unto the people: My Lord of London would make you believe that he is called hither for declaring and preaching his opinion touching the sacrament of the altar, 
The words of the Archb. to the people.  but to the intent you may perceive how he goeth about to deceive you, you shall hear the denunciation that is laid in against him read unto you, 
Sir john Mason readeth the denunciation unto the people.  and therupon he delivered the denunciation unto Sir john Mason knight who there read it openly. Which done, the Archbishop said again unto the audience: Lo, here you hear how the bishop of London is called for no such matter as he would persuade you.  
With this the Bishop being in a raging heat, as one clean void of all humanity, 
Boner in a rage. Boner for his contumacy not suffered to speak to the people.  turned himself about unto the people saying: Well, now hear what the Bishop of London saith for his part. But the Commissioners seeing his inordinate contumacy, denied him to speak any more, saying that he used himself very disobediently: with more like words.  
Notwithstanding he still persisting in his unreverent manner of dealing with the Commissioners, 
Boner chargeth the Archb. with contrariety in his own books.  pulled out of his sleeve an other book, and then said unto the Archbishop: My Lord of Caunterbury, I have here a note out of your books that you made touching the blessed Sacrament, wherein you do affirm the verity of the body and blood of Christ to be in the sacrament, and I have an other book also of yours of the contrary opinion: which is a marvelous matter.  
To which the Archbishop answered, that he made no books contrary one to another, 
The Archb purgeth himself & his books.  and that he would defend his books, how be it he thought the Bishop understood them not: For I promise you, quoth he, I will find a boy of ten years old, that shall be more apt to understand that matter than you my L. of London be.  
Thus after much multiplying of like words, the Commissioners thinking not good to spend any more waste time with him, willed him to show forth his answers unto the Articles objected the last day against him. Whereupon he having them ready, did read the same openly unto them. 
Boner commanded to answer to the Articles.  Wherein after many words of his former Protestation recited, with a marvelous lamentation, to see that one of his vocation, at the malicious denunciation of vile heretics, should be used after such a strange sort, having nevertheless done the best he could to declare his obedience unto the kings Majesty for the repressing and discouraging of rebellion and all Rebels, and also for the advancement of the verity of Christ's true body and his presence in the Sacrament of the altar, for which only the malicious denouncers with their complices had studied to molest and trouble him, 
Boner' answereth to the Articles.  he than cometh to answering the Articles and saith, that to the first, second, and fourth he hath already in his former answers to the denounciation sufficiently answered, and therefore was not bound by law to answer any further.  
As to the third and fift he said, he began to write his Sermon, but being soon weary, did only make certain notes thereof without help of any other, saving that he showed them to his chaplains requiring them to put him in remembrance thereof: amongst the which for the better setting forth of the kings majesties power and authority in his minority, he had collected aswell out of histories, as also out of the Scriptures, the names of divers young kings, who notwithstanding their minority, 
Examples of kings that were young, and yet sufficient kings▪  were faithfully & obediently honoured & reputed for very true & lawful kings. As Henry 3. being but 9 years old, Edw. 3. being but 13, years, Rich. 2. being but 11. years. Henry 6. being not fully one year, Edw. 5. being but 11. years. Hen 8. being but 18. years of age. And out of the old Testament, Osias & Achas, who were but 16. years old, 
Boner, excuseth his oblivion. A good Prelate that had lost his memory for lack of Preaching.  Solomon & Manasses being but 12. years, josias, joachim & joas, being but 8. years of age when they entered their reigns. All which notes with many other he had purposed to declare if they had come unto his memory, as indeed they did not because the same was disturbed partly for lack of use of preaching, & partly by reason of a bill that was delivered him from the kings counsel, 
Boners' book of notes fell from him at his Sermon, as he excuseth·  to declare the victory than had against the rebels in Norfolk & devonshire, which being of some good length confounded his memory: & partly also for that his book in his Sermon time fell away from him, wherein were divers of his notes which he had collected for that purpose: So that he could not remember what he would, but yet in generality he persuaded the people to obedience to the kings Majesty, whose minority was manifestly known to them and all other.  
Then as to the 6. he said he knew not the rebels opinion, 
Boner knew not the rebels opinion if ye will believe him.  and therefore could not answer thereunto. And as for answer to the 7.8.9. and 11. Articles which touched his pastoral office, he said that notwithstanding his manifold and great troubles, aswell by his own business and his family's sickness, as also by uncharitable informations made against him, yet he hath not failed to give order unto his officers straightly to look unto such matters, and such as he hath known, which were very few or none, he caused to be punished according to the laws. All which answers with other, written with his own hand here under follow.   

¶ The answers of Boner unto the Articles objected to him by the kings Commissioners the first time.  
I Edmond Bishop of London, under protestation heretofore by me made, exhibited and repeated before you, which in all my sayings and doings, I intend to have for repeated & rehearsed again to all lawful effects and purposes, for my honest and necessary defence with protestation also of the nullity and iniquity of your process I had made in this behalf, and likewise of the generality, incerteynety, obscurity, contrariety, repugnance, variety, insufficience, and invadility of the things alleged and deduced before you, 
He meaneth the B, of Cant.  against me aswell in the commission, and denounciation in divers parts, as also touching the Articles and Interrogatoryes so ministered unto me. Lamenting not a little, that one of my vocation, at the malicious denounciation of vile heretical and detestable persons, should be used after this strange sort, having done the best I could to declare mine obedience unto the Kings most excellent Majesty, for the repressing and discouraging of Rebellion, and Rebellious Persons, and for the advancement of the verity of Christ's true body and his presence in the most blessed sacrament of the Altar, for which only the malicious denounciatours with their complices have studied to molest and trouble me. Albeit colourably they would be seen to pretend other causes, especially the good and tranquillity of this Realm, which our Lord GOD knoweth they care nothing for, but contrariwise do let and impeach the same, corrupting and infecting with their poisoned & false doctrine, & teaching the King's Subjects in this Realm, to the great peril and danger thereof many ways: 
After his long Period well blown up with much waste wind of words at length he beginneth to answer to the articles before objected-  do answer unto certain pretenced Articles and Interogatoryes ministered by you in deed unto me the said bishop the xiii. day of September 1540 as followeth.  
To the first Article beginning thus: first it is reported. etc. and ending thus: to observe and follow the same. I do say and for answer do refer me unto my former answers heretofore, that is to wit the said xiii. day of September made and exhibited by me before you unto the said pretenced denounciation, touching this matter, alleging with all, that a Report of things doth not absolutely prove, nor necessary infer things to be in very deed true after such a sort, fashion, manner and form, as sometimes they be reported and rehearsed.  
To the second beginning thus. Item, whether that you. 
Answer to the 2. article.  etc. and ending thus: as they were put unto you. I do answer and say, that this Article doth depend on the first Article, next before, which after such sort, fashion, manner and form, as it is deduced, was justly by me in my answer made unto the same, denied, and I therefore now not bounden by the law eftsoons to make other answer thereunto.  
To the third, being an Interrogatory and beginning thus. 
Answer to th● 3. article.  Item, whether. etc. And ending thus, ye did preach. I do answer and say that I began to write a piece of my Sermon, and being soon weary thereof, I did leave off and did make only certain notes of my said sermon and put the same notes in writing of mine own hand without help or Counsel of any other, and the same notes did show unto my chaplains Master Gylbert bourn, and Master john Harpsfielde, both before and also since my said Sermon only desiring them to put me in remembrance of my said notes, and process to be made thereupon and also to search out for me the names of such kings as were in their minority, when they began to reign.  
To the fourth Article beginning thus. Item, that ye have not declared. etc. 
Answer to the 4. article.  And ending thus, as it is in your Article. I do answer and say that this Article doth dedepend upon the first and second Articles here before denied, deduced in such sort, manner, and form, as is expressed in the same, and moreover I say that already answer is made hereunto by me, in my former answers made to the said pretenced denunciation.  
To the fifth article beginning thus. Item that ye have not. etc. And ending thus, declared it. I do answer and say, 
To the article▪  that this Article also doth depend upon the first and second Articles, and that answer is made thereunto by me already in my former answers, made unto the said pretenced denounciation, and moreover I do say, that for the better advancement and setting forth of the king's Majesties royal power and authority, even in his mynority, and for the due obedience of his majesties Subjects unto his highness even during the said minority, I had collected together aswell out of histories, as also out of the Scripture of the old Testament, the names of divers kings being in minority, who notwithstanding their said minority, faithfully, duly and reueren●●y obeyed, honoured, served, taken and reputed, for very true and lawful kings, as Henry the third, being but nine years old when he entered to reign and govern as king, Edward the third being but thirteen years of age. Richard the second being but eleven years of age. henry the sixth being not fully one year of age. Edward the 〈◊〉 being but eleven year old. Henry the eight being about eighteen year old, and so all these Kings being in their minority as the kings Majesty that now is, and yet having authority and power regal, as appertaineth, and in the old Testament Osias and Achaz, were very true kings in their minority, being but sixteen years of age. Solomon and Manasses being but xii. years of age. josias and joachim being but eight years of age, and I ●as being but eight years old, all which things I say I had collected, in notes communicating the same with my said two chaplains, and praying them to put me in remembrance, if in numbering of them, or in setting forth my other notes at the time of my Sermon, I did fail, 
Boner 〈…〉.  or have default of memory in any wise, and all these things I would have specially set forth in my said Sermon if they had come to my memory, as in deed they did not partly for disturbance of my memory not accustomed to preach in that place, partly also by reason of a certain writing, that was sent to me from the kings Majesties privy Counsel being of good length to declare to the people, touching the victory against the rebels, specially in Norfolk, devonshire, and Cornwall, confounding my memory in things which before I had set in good order, and partly also for the falling away of my book in the time of my said Sermon, in which were contained divers of my said notes, touching the kings majesties minority, as is aforesaid, having yet nevertheless, otherwise in generality, and speciality, persuaded the people to obedience, unto the kings said Majesty, whose minority to them and all other, is notoriously and manifestly known, and his Majesty saving of these late Rebels, faithfully, truly, and reverently obeyed of all the rest of his Subjects.  
To the sixth, which beginneth, whether ye will. etc. And ending, the opinion or no. I do answer and say, that not knowing certainly of which Rebels the Articles meaneth, 
To the article. To the article▪  ne yet what their opinion is in deed I ought not to be driven to make answer hereunto, ne yet can make good and perfect answer therein though I would.  
To the seventh Article being thus. Item that ye know etc. And ending thus. The kings majesties book. I do answer and say that albeit I have by the space of these 5. weeks, last passed and more, been in manner continually in business and trouble, aswell in providing for my said Sermon, as otherwise, specially by reason of my family, much vexed with sickness, to my great disquietness and charge, and also by reason that I have been so much troubled and cumbered, by informations and complaints unjustly and uncharitably made against me, over & beside the having of divers and sundry persons, which daily resort and come unto me for their suits and business, both in matters of justice & otherwise, yet I have not omitted to send forth to my Archdeacon's and other my Offcers, to inquire and search diligently in this behalf, and to certify me accordingly, and yet I can not hear certainly of any that have heard, been at, or celebrate Masses, or Evensong in the Latin tongue, after the old rite and manner except it be in the house of my Lady mary's Grace▪ or in the houses of the Ambassadors, ne yet there nor in any of them, but by flying & not assured report, & without knowing the names & people that so have heard, been at, or celebrate the same, and in this behalf how far I can and aught to proceed and after what sort, 
Ann● 154●  I do refer me unto the statute, late made in that behalf.  
To the seventh Article beginning thus. Item that ye have. etc. And ending thus: punishment unto them, I do answer and say that this Article doth depend of the next Article going before, 
 and so consequently answer is already thereunto made.  
To the ninth Article beginning thus. Item, that ye know. etc. And ending thus: nor see them punished. I do answer and say that touching such as either hath been denounced or detected for such crimynous and culpable persons to me or my office there hath been process already made before my said offices as it appeareth in my Register, 
 and the Acts of my Court, and moreover I have given express Commandment to my said Officers, to inquire and search for more such Offenders, and to cer●●y me thereof, that I may proc●ede against them accordingly.  
To the tenth Article beginning thus. Item ye were etc. And ending thus. The kings majesties authority in his minority. 
●o the 1●. 〈◊〉.  I do answer and say, that as touching the time mentioned in the Article, and the declaration to be made by Doctor Cox. I do not well remember, neither the said time nor yet the special points, & substance of the said Doctor Coxes declaration, truth it is, I was at a Sermon made at Paul's Cross by the said Doctor Cox, wherein he inveighed against my Lord of Winchester, and as far as I can now call to my remembrance, it was touching disobedience, wherewith my Lord of Winchester by the said Doctor Cox seemed to be charged, and for a Sermon also that my Lord of Winchester was seemed to have made before the kings Majesty in the Court of Westminster.  
To the eleventh Article being by itself delivered unto me the 14. of this present September. 1549. in the night at my house at London beginning thus. 
●o the 11. ●●ticle.  Item that the rites. etc. and ending thus. The misuses thereof. I do answer and say that I have already given commandment to mine officers to make diligent search and inquiry herein and to certify accordingly, to the intent I may proceed therein as appertaineth, and would before this time myself have also inquired, and proceeded, had I not been so of all sides oppressed and postred, with multitude of other necessary business as I have been to my great disquietness & trouble.  
When he had ended the reading of these answers, the Commissioners said unto him that he had in the same very obscurely answered unto the 5. Article ministered the 13 of September: 
The 5. article insufficiently answered o● Boner.  wherefore they willed him there expressly to answer by mouth, whether he had according to the Injunctions delivered unto him, declared the Article beginning thus: You shall also set forth in your Sermon that our authority. etc. Whereunto he again answered, that he had already made a full and sufficient answer in writing, as he was bound to make by law.  

Boners' 〈◊〉 and 〈…〉.  The judges than replied, that the answers already made in that part were obscure and insufficient, so that it appeared not certainly whether he had preached in deed according to the same Injunction or not: and therefore they eftsoons willed him (as before) directly to answer whether he had so accordingly preached or no, the Bishop still yet answering as before.  
The judges again demanded of him, whether he would otherwise answer or no. 
Boners 〈…〉.  To the which he said no, unless the law did compel him. Then they asked him whether he thought the law did compel him to answer more fully or no? He answered no: adding farther that he was not bound to make answer to such positions.  
The Commissioners then seeing his froward contumacy, told him plainly that if he persisted thus in his frowardness, and would not otherwise answer, they would according to law, take him pro confesso, and ex abundanti receive witness against him, & therewithal did again recite unto him 6. of the first and principal articles, demanding his final answer thereunto. Who said (as before) that he had already fully answered them by writing, but where they requested to have his notes, which he said he had made of his sermon, they should have them if they would sand for them. And whereas in his answer to the 6. Article he doubted what the opinion of the rebels was, the judges declared unto him that their opinion was: That the kings majesty before his grace came to the age of 21. years, had not so full authority to make laws and statutes, 
 as when he came to farther years: and that his subjects were not bound to obey the laws and statutes made in his young age. Whereunto the bishop answered that he was not of the opinion of the Rebels mentioned in that Article, as did well appear by his answers aswell unto the denunciation, as also unto the 5. Article objected against him.  
Which ended they perceiving his scornful carelessness, presently did admit for witness upon the Articles objected against him, Master john Cheke, Henry Markehan, 
Witnesses against Boner.  john joseph, john Dowglas, and Richard Chambers, whom also they onerated with a corporal oath upon the holy Evangelists, tru●ly to answer and depose upon the same Articles in the presence of the Bishop, who under his former Protestation, like a wily Lawyer, protested of the nullity of the receiving, admitting, and swearing of those witnesses, with Protestation also to object against the persons & sayings of the witnesses for the time and place convenient: 
Protestation and objections of Boner against the Witnesses.  demanding also a competent and lawful time to minister Interrogatories against them, with a copy of all the Acts to that day. Wherewith the delegates were well pleased, and assigned him to minister his Interrogations, against Master Cheek on that present day, and against the rest the next day before noon.  
All which Interrogatories who so listeth to peruse, may here under read the same as followeth.   

¶ Certain Interrogatories exhibited by Boner to be ministered against the foresaid witnesses, upon the Articles above mentioned 18. September.  
I Edmund Bishop of London under my Protestations heretofore made, before you, do minister these interrogatoryes ensuring, against all and singular the pretenced Witnesses already received and sworn as hereafter to be received and sworn against me the said bishop in this matter, requiring and desiring under the said Protestation, that all and singular the said pretenced Witnesses may be examined in vyrtue of their oath upon the said Interrogatoryes, and every part and percill of them.  
1. First that all and singular the said Witnesses in vyrtue of their oath be examined generally and specially of all and singular Interrogatories, commonly used and accustomed to be made in such matters, especially touching their age, their condition their dwelling place, now and heretofore. by the space of these 12. years last passed, with whom all this time they have also dwelled, and been familiar or conversant with all, with the names of the places and persons and other circumstances expedient in this behalf, and by whom they have been found and maintained, and for what purpose. Et interrogetur coniunctim, divisim, & de quolibet.  
2. Item, touching the pretenced Articles made in this behalf, and Injunctions mentioned in the same, that they and every of them in virtue of their said oath, may be examined whether they know the said Articles and Injunctions to be true in all parts, how they know them to be true, by whom, when, and in what place deposing the formal words of the said pretenced Articles and Injunctions in especially as they are deduced. The first Article. And therein let them depose, 
Boners' interrogatoryes concerning the first article.  how he or they knew the said Articles and Injunctions to be received from the kings Majesty, how also he or they knew that I the said bishop received the said Injunctions at the hands of the Lord Protectors Grace. How also they were sitting in the Counsel Chamber, moreover which were the rest of the Counsel then sitting, specifiing their names and surnames, or titles. Also whether the x. of August this present year, or of the last year, moreover whether the Articles or injunctions were joined together, or apart, whether the tenor thereof, and the form and manner of the doing and following, touching me the said Bishop and also touching the preaching thereunto, as is deduced in the first Article, declaring moreover, when, where, and how I the said Bishop accepted the said Injunctions or promised to observe and follow the same, and by what express words. & interrog. ut supra.  
3. Item, whether they or any of them, were present at my last sermon, made at Paul's Cross, where they than stood, by whom, when they came to it, and at what part of the said Sermon, how long they tarried thereat, at what part thereof or in all they were offended, what were the formal words, or at the least wise in substance that I the said Bishop then uttered, or wherewith they were offended, and by what occasion, and who with him or then did hear it, & in what place their contests did stand how long they tarried, and at what part they came thither or departed thence. & interrog. ut supra.  
4. Item, whether the said witness or any of them, were desired or required, by any person or persons, to be witness in this matter, and by whom, when where and how the same was done, and in whose presence. & interrogetur ut supra.  
5. Item, whether they or any of them had consulted with other to come unto my said sermon, for what purpose, by whom they were induced and moved and how they agreed, and what they did after my said sermon for the impugnation or depraving thereof & interrog. ut supra.  
6. Item, whether they or any of them have been or be conversant or familiar, with any that hath been known, noted, or reputed, for a sacramentary, in denying the verity of Christ's true and corporal presence in the sacrament of the altar, and whether he and they detest and abhor & abstain from the company of all such persons, as be unknown, noted, or suspected, for sacramentaryes in that be half, and what opinion he and they have with their contests touching the said presence. & interrog. ut supra.  
7. Item, whether they or any of them, have wished me the said Bishop to be deprived or put in prison, and whether they or any of them, have reported and said that I shall be deprived or imprisoned, rejoicing thereof, and for what cause they have so wished or reported, or any of their contests. & interrog. ut supra.  
8. Item, whether they or any of them have been in times past, a Friar, Preacher minorite, Augustine, or Carmelite, Monk, Canon observant, or religious person, professing solemnly poverty, chastity, and obedience, according to the laws, customs, or ordinances of this Realm, then used and observed. & interrog. ut supra.  
9 Item, whether they or any of them, being so professed have been or be since that time married to any person, having likewise or otherwise been professed or lose, or been a widow and how oft they have been married, and whether any of their wives been yet alive. & interrog. ut supra.  
10. Item, whether they or any of them have read the commission in this matter, and whether they or any of them do know or think, that the commission, Injunctions, Articles, and denunciation do agree togethers or no, & wherein they think or know discrepantes, or diversities to be between them in this behalf. & interrog. ut supra.  
11. Item, if they or any of them do depose, that I have not sincerely and wholly declared as is contained in the second article, 
Interrogatoryes concerning th' 2. article.  let him and every of them be examined in virtue of their oath, how they do know it, and by what means, declaring how they think to have knowledge therein with them. & interrogetur ut supra.  
12. Item, if they or any of them do depose that I have trangressed and offended in the fourth article beginning thus. Item that ye have not declared. 
Interrogatoryes concerning the 4. article.  etc. Let them and every of them be examined in virtue of their oath, whether they know that these words following, as Matins, Masses, now said after that sort in this Realm: were and be put in the Injunction pretended to be ministered unto me the said Bishop or no. & interrogetur ut supra.  
13. Item, if they or any of them do depose that I have trangressed and offended touching the 5. Article, let them and every of them be examined in virtue of their oath, 
Interrogatoryes concerning the 5. article.  whether the Injunctions pretended in this behalf were signed with the kings usual signet, or rather at all, whether it was sealed with any seal, whether it was subscribed by the L. Protectors grace, or any of the privy Counsel, whether it was in full Counsel sitting delivered unto me by the Lord protector, whether it was delivered to me, the rest of the kings Majesties privy Counsel there then sitting, whether the said days as is contained in the first Article, by whom it was written when and where. & interrogetur ut supra.  
14. Item, if they or any of them do depose, that I do defend the opinion of the rebels, 
Interrogatoryes concerning the 6. article.  let them be examined, & every of them what rebels they be, what is their opinion, & how the law of this Realm doth determine therein, declaring by what words & facts I the said Bishop did speak & do, and at what time and place, and in whose presence, such words or act was spoken or done. & interrog. ut supra.  

Interrogatoryes concerning the 7. article.  15. Item, if they or any of them do depose that I know or have heard say credibly that since the time of the said pretenced Injunctions certain persons within my dioceses have heard, been at, or celebrate Mass or Evensong in the latin tongue, and after the old rite and manner, other then according to the kings majesties book, let them and every of them be examined in virtue of his said oath, how they know that I so know, or have heard say, and of the name or names, of the party or parties, and of the time and place when, and where it was, and whether any denunciation or detection were according to the statutes and ordinances of this Realm, made unto me or no. & interrog. ut supra.  
16. Item, if they or any of them do say, that I know or have heard say, 
Interrogatoryes concerning the 9 article.  of such notable adulterers, & offences mentioned in the 9 article, let them and every of them be examined in virtue of his and their oath, that they do know, that I do know, or have heard say, and who be the people▪ where they dwell, who hath denounced or detected them▪ and how I could and ought to have cited them & punished them in this behalf. & interrog. ut supra.  
17. Item if they or any of them do say that I know certainly now, 
 what Doctor Cox declared in his Sermon at Paul's Cross, as is deduced in the 10. Article, let them be inquired and every of them in virtue of their oath, how they can prove it, by whom, and after what sort. & interrog. ut supra.  
18. Item, if they or any of them do say, that I do know, or hear certainly of the diversity of the rites of the common service of the church, now set forth, and of the ministers▪ 
 parsons transgressing therein, let them and every of them in virtue of their oath be examined, whether there hath been any detection, or denunciation made to me thereupon, and how they know or can prove, that I have been culpable and negligent herein. & interrog. ut supra.  
19 Item, whether they or any of them, have been spoken unto, or solicited herein to testify and after what sorte●, by whom, when, and where, and what was their conference and communication therein. & interrog. supra.  
20. Item that they and every of them declare and show the true and sufficient cause of their testimony in all and singular the premises.  
After this the judges delegate assigned the Bishop to appear again before them upon Wednesday the next ensuing, between the hours of 7. and 8. of the clock before noon, in the Hall of the Archbishop's manor of Lambet●, 
Boner orgayne 〈…〉 ●●gaynst 〈◊〉 witnes●●  there to show the cause why he should not be declared pro confesso, upon all the Articles whereunto he had not then fully answered, and to see farther process done in the matter: and so (he still protesting of the nullity and invadility of all their procedings) they did for that present depart.  
In this mean while the Commissioners certified the kings Majesty and his Counsel of the Bishop's demeanour towards them, 
The C●●●missio● certyfi●● king of 〈…〉.  and what objections he had made against their procedings, making doubts and ambiguities whether by the tenor of his majesties Commission the Commissioners might proceed not only at the denunciation, but also of their mere office: and also whether they mought aswell determine, as hear the cause. Whereupon his Majesty by advise aforesaid, for the better understanding thereof, did the 17. of September send unto the Commissioners a full and perfect declaration and interpretation of his will and pleasure in the foresaid Commission, giving them hereby full authority to proceed at their own discretions, as appeareth more at large by the tenor thereof ensuing.   

¶ A certain declaration or interpretation of the king touching certain points and doubts in his former Commission, with licence given to the Commissioners, as well to determine as to hear in the case of Boner.  
EDward the 6. by the grace of God king of England, France, 
Leave 〈◊〉 by the 〈◊〉 to the C●●●mission●● to dete●●mine against 〈◊〉.  and Ireland, defender of the faith and of the Church of England and also of Ireland in earth the supreme head, to the most reverend father in God Thomas Archbishop of Canterbury, Metropolitan and Primate of England, the right reverend Father i● God Nicholas Bishop of Rochester, our trusty and right well-beloved counsellors Sir William Peter, and Sir Thomas Smyth Knights or two principal Secretaries, and William May Doctor of law Civil and Dean of Paul's greeting. Where we of late, by the advise of our most entirely beloved Uncle Edward Duke of Somerset, Governor of our Person, and Protector of our Realms, Dominions and subjects, and the rest of our privy Counsel, have addressed unto you. 5.4.3. of you our letters patents of Commission bearing date at Westminster the 8. day of September in the third year of our reign, willing you by force thereof to hear the matters and cause of contempt therein expressed, and calling before you, aswell the denouncers thereof, as also the right reverend Father in God, Edmund Bishop of London, against whom such denunciation is made as in our said letters of Commission more at large doth appear, we be now credibly informed that upon the said Commission divers doubts & ambiguities hath and may arise.  
As whether you by the tenor of the said Commission may proceed not only at the denunciation, but also of mere office.  
And also whether ye may aswell determine as hear the said cause.  
For further declaration whereof, we do now interpret and declare that our full mind and pleasure, by the advise aforesaid▪ was by our Commission and now is, that you should proceed a●well by mere office, as also by the way of denunciation & by either of them, or any other ways or means at your discretions, whereby the truth and merits of the cause may be most speedily and b●st known, and that ye might and may aswell finally determine as hear the said matters in all your orders and doings, cutting away all vain and superfluous delays, & having respect to the only truth of the matter. And this our declaration we send unto you of our sure knowledge and mere motion by the advise aforesaid, supplying all default, ceremony and point of the law, which hath, shall, or may arise of your doings by reason of any default of words in our said former Commission or any part thereof, any law, statute, or act to the contrary notwithstanding, and therefore we will and command you to proceed in the said matters accordingly, aswell to our foresaid Commission, as this our declaration, and so fail ye not. In witness whereof we have made these our letters patents. At Hampton Court, the xvij. day of September.   

¶ The fourth Session against Boner Bishop of London before the kings Commissioners in the great Hall at Lambeth the eight of September.  
AFter this declaration being sent down and received from the King, the Bishop of London (according to the Commissioners assignment the Monday before.) appeared again before them upon Wednesday, the xviij. of September, in the great Hall at Lambeth. Where under his wont Protestation, 
The 4. appearing 〈…〉 ●oner ●●●●ore the king's Commissioners.  first he declared that although he had already sufficiently answered all things: yet further to satisfy the term assigned unto him, to show cause why he ought not to be declared pro confesso, upon the Articles theretofore ministered against him, and to the which he had not fully answered, he had then a matter in writing to exhibit unto them, 
Boner 〈…〉, why brought ●ut to be declare● pro confesso▪ Causes alleged of Boner why he ought not to obey the Commissioners assignation.  why he ought not so to be declared, which he read there openly. Wherein first under his accustomed unreverent terms of pretenced, unjust, & unlawful process and assignation, he said he was not bound by the law (for good & reasonable causes) to obey the same, especially their assignation.  
And first, for that the same was only pronounced by Sir Thomas Smith, one of the pretenced Commissioners, without the consent of his pretenced Colleagues? or at the least he as a Commissioner did prescribe the Actuary what to write, which he ought not to have done, because by law he ought not to have intermeddled therein, for that his Colleagues did the first day begin to sit as judges against him the Bishop, without the presence of the said Sir Thomas Smith.  
And secondly because his answers, aswell unto the pretenced denounciation, 
The sec●nd cause.  as also unto all the articles theretofore objected against him, were as full and sufficient, as the law required (or at least wise there was nothing good in law apparent to the contrary) and therefore he was not enforced by law farther to answer without farther allegation.  

The third cause.  And because also, that all their proceedings thereto were so extraordinarily done, that they had confounded all manner of lawful process, sometimes proceeding ad denunciandum sometimes ex officio mero, 
The Pope's 〈◊〉.  and sometimes ex officio mixto, contrary unto the kings Ecclesiastical laws, and contrary also unto their Commission in that behalf.  
And likewise because divers of the Articles pretenced were superfluous and impertinent, not revealing though they were proved, 
The fourth cause.  containing in them untruth and falsity, some obscure and uncertain, some depending upon other articles, either denied, or at the least qualified, some captious and deceitful to bring the answer into a snare, and some also being Articles of the law, in such sort, as by the Ecclesiastical laws of this Realm the kings subjects were not bound to make answer thereunto. 
The Pope's law.   
And lastly, because that Sir Thomas Smith Secretary to the kings Majesty, 
The fift cause.  when that the Bishop was last with the Counsel in the Counsel Chamber at White Hall, after the departure of the Lord Protector and the rest of the counsel, did himself alone (without any other) writ certain Articles or Injunctions (amongst the which was that of the kings authority in his minority) and afterward did copy the same at a table within the said counsel Chamber, and so himself did deliver them unto him. By reason whereof that is not true, which in the Commission, denunciation and Articles was deduced and objected against him. 
The intolerable 〈…〉 Boner 〈…〉.   
When these fond and frivolous objections were thus read, the archbishop seeing his inordinate and untolerable contempt towards them, charged him very sharply saying: My Lord of London, if I had sitten here only as Archbishop of Canterbury, it had been your part to have used yourself more lowly, obediently & reverently towards me than ye have: but seeing that I with my Colleagues sit here now as Delegates from the kings Majesty, I must tell you plain, you have behaved yourself to to much inordinately. For at every time that we have sitten in commission, you have used such unseemly fashions without all reverence and obedience, giving taunts and checks, aswell unto us, with divers of the servants and chaplains, as also unto certain of the ancientest that be here, 
The words of the Archbishop to Boner.  calling them fools and Daws, with such like, as that you have given to the multitude an intolerable example of disobedience. And I ensure you my Lord, there is you and one other Bishop whom I could name, that have used yourselves so contemptuously & disobediently, as the like I think hath not before been heard of or seen: whereby ye have done much harm.  
At which words, 
Boners scornful answer to the Archbishop.  the gross Bishop (a Beast a man might justly term him) said scornfully to the Archbishop you show yourself to be a meet judge.  
The Archbishop then proceeding, ●ayde to his charge how undiscreetly the last day in the Chapel he had called all the the people Woodcocks. 
The Archbishop.   
Whereunto he answered, that the last Session William Latimer one of the denouncers being there present, 
Boner.  had practised with the audience that when he lifted up his hand to them, they should (and did as it were by a token given them) say as he said, and do as he did: as one time upon the lifting up of his hand, they cried nay, nay, and at an other time yea, yea, & laughed they could not tell whereat, with such like fashions.  
Unto which words Latimer seeing his vain suspicion, replied, 
The value suspicion of Boner.  saying that he lifted not up his hand at any time but only to cause them hold their peace.  
Then Secretary Smith said to the Bishop, that in all his writings and answers that he had hitherto laid in, 
The words of Secretary Smith to Boner.  he would not once acknowledge them as the king's Commissioners, but used always Protestations with divers ink horn and naughty terms, calling them pretenced Commissioners, pretenced Delegates, 
All things pretenced with Boner that made against him.  pretenced Commission, pretenced articles, pretenced proceedings, so that all things were pretenced with him. In deed (said he) such terms the Proctors of churches use, to delay matters for their Clientes when they will not have the truth known▪ But you my Lord to use us the kings majesties commissioners with such terms, you do therein very lewdly & naughtily. And I pray you what other thing did the rebels.  
For when Letters or Pardons were brought them from the King and his Counsel, 
Boner and the rebels compared together.  they would not credit them, but said they were none of the kings or his Counsels, but gentlemen's doings, and made under a bush, with such like terms. But now my Lord, because hitherto we can not make you confess whether in your Sermon that you preached, ye omitted the Article touching the kings majesties authority in his tender age or not, but still have said that ye will not otherwise answer than ye have done, and that ye have already sufficiently answered (with many such like delays) so as we can by no means induce you to confess plainly what you did, yea or nay: therefore I say, to the intent we may come to the truth, we have dilated the matter more at large, and have drawn out other Articles whereunto you shall be sworn, and then I trust you will dally with us no more as you have done. For although you make your answers in writing, yet you shall be examined by us and make your answers by mouth to the same Articles, or else you shall do worse. In deed I do not (as I said) discommend your Protestations and terms of law, if it were in a young Proctor that would help his Clientes cause: but in you it may not be suffered so to use the kings Commissioners.  
Then did the Delegates minister unto him certain new Articles and Injunctions, 
New articles, & Injunctions ministered to Boner.  and did there onerate him with a corporal oath in form of law to make a full & true answer thereunto. The Bishop notwithstanding still (according to his wont manner) under his former Protestation protested of the nullity and invadility of these articles, Injunctions, & process, desiring also a Copy thereof, with a competent time to answer thereunto. 
Boner again assigned the next day to appear.  To whom the judges decreed a Copy, commanding him to come to his examination to the Archbishop the next day at 8. of the clock before noon.  
Then the Commissioners did receive for witness, 
New witnesses against Boner.  upon those new Articles now ministered unto the Bishop, Sir john Mason, Sir Thomas Chalenor Knights, Master William Cicill, Armygell Wade, and William Hunninges Clerks to the kings majesties Counsel, whom they onerated with a corporal oath in the presence of the Bishop, who still protested of the nullity of their receiving and swearing, objecting against them and their sayings: and therewith repeating his Interrogatories already ministered, said he had more to minister by to morrow at 8. of the clock.  
The same day and time likewise the Bishop exhibited unto the Commissioners an information, or rather cavillation against William Latimer, for that he, notwithstanding that he had in all his talk pretended the great tranquillity of this Realm, 
Boners' information against M. William Latimer Preacher.  which was greatly impeached and hindered when that any the kings subjects should think that his majesty hath not as full power and authority royal in his minority, as when his Majesty came to perfect age, or should think that his subjects were not bound to obey the same, yet hath of late there in open audience reported, that he hath heard with his cares divers persons unreverently speak of the king's Majesty saying: tush the king is but a babe or child, what laws can he make? or what can he do in his minority? let him have a tossed & butter or bread and milk, & that is more metre for him than to make laws or statutes or bind us to obey them: we are not bound to obey till he be passed his minority, & come to his full and perfect age: with the hearing of which words the bishop also charged the Commissioners, and that because Latymer at the recital of the same in their presence, was neither by them controlled, nor yet caused to bring forth the same persons, but was let pass in silence, saving that he the said bishop did speak against him in that behalf, saying that he would detect him, because that, as it appeared he had of long time concealed the words and not opened the same in such place and to such people as he ought to have done, but had kept the person and sayings of them secret, 
W. Latimer impeached of Boner for concealing of treason.  either not taking the matter of such importance as he pretended, or else thereby unfaithfully behaving himself, towards his Prince, and therefore was worthy with his aiders, favourers, and cousellers to be punished.  
These vain cavillations ended, the Commissioners for that day finished their Session, assigning the Bishop to appear in that same place again upon monday then next following between the hours of 6. and 9 in the forenoon, 
A new term assigned to Boner to appear.  then and there to show a final cause why he should not be declared pro confesso. And so delivering him a copy of the articles, they departed: the contents whereof ensue.   

¶ Articles and positions given by the kings Commissioners to the Bishop of London, to be answered by him jointly and severally in every point the second time.  
1. THat ye were sent for to the Lord Protectors Grace, and the rest of the Counsel, 
Articles against Boner ministered the second time.  and came thither into the Court at Westminster the x. of August, or some other day of the same month.  
2. Item, that at the same time the Lord Protector and divers other of the kings majesties privy Counsel, sitting in Counsel, ye were called in, and there the said Lord Protector did on the kings majesties behalf declare unto you divers faults & abuses the which were found in you, and gave you straight charge to amend them, adding and threatening that else you should be otherwise looked unto.  
3. Item, that the said Lord Protectors Grace did declare unto you for better admonition & amendment of you, that ye should have from the kings Majesty by his advise and the rest of the privy Counsel, certain Articles, and Injunctions to observe and follow given you in writing.  
4. Item, that there and then the said Lord Protector commanded Sir Thomas Smith Knight, Secretary to the kings Majesty, to read a certain proper book of Injunctions and Articles unto you, the said Secretarye standing at the Counsel tables end, and you standing by, and hearing the same.  
5. Item, that the said Lord Protector there and then willed to be reform certain things in the said book of Injunctions, as where ye were appointed to preach sooner, at your request it was appointed unto you to preach the Sunday three weeks after the date of the said writing.  
6. Item, that in the said Articles the Lord Protectors Grace found fault because an Article or commandment unto you set forth and declared of the Kings majesties authority now in his young age, of his laws and statutes in the same time was omitted, and therefore either immediately before you came into the Counsel Chamber, or you being present and standing by, commanded the said Secretary Smith to put it in writing and annex it to the rest of the Articles.  
7. Item, that the said Secretary Smith, then and there did immediately upon commandment, writ into the said book or paper, wherein the rest of the Articles were written, the said article: videlicet, you shall also set forth in your sermon, that the authority of our royal power is (as truth it is) of no less authority and force in this our young age, than was of any of our Predecessors, though the same were much elder, as may appear by example of josias & other young kings in the scripture, and therefore all our subjects to be no less bound to the obedience of our precepts, laws, and statutes, then if we were of 30. or 4●. years of age.  
8. Item, that the Lord Protector did so deliver you the book or paper, willing first the said Secretary Smyth to amend all things as he had appointed.  
9 Item, that ye then and there did promise to the Lord Protectors grace, that ye would observe & fulfil all in the said Injunctions and articles contained.  
10. Item, that all things in the said book, put in and mentioned by the said Secretary Smith, and the same▪ so read unto you by him & you first agreeing that all that was by him so written, was by the L. Protectors appointment, the said book was so delivered unto you then and there by the said Secretary Smith in the Council Chamber.  
11. Item, that you have the said book in your possession, or else know where it is, the true copy whereof in effect is annexed to these articles.  
12. Item, that ye were commanded in the said Injunctions to preach the Sunday three weeks after the delivery thereof at Paul's, & there to entreat upon certain articles, as is specified in the said book of Injunctions, and specially the said article beginning. Ye shall also set forth, & ending. 30. or 40. years of age.  
13. Item, that for the accomplishment of part of the said Injunctions & commandment, you did preach the first day of September last passed at Paul's Crosse.  
14. Item, that at the said sermon, contrary to your Injunctions, ye omitted & left out the said article beginning: Ye shall also set forth in your sermon. etc. and ending 30. or 40. years of age.  
15. Ye shall also answer whether ye think and believe that the kings majesties subjects be bound to obey as well the laws, statutes, proclamations, and other ordinances made now in this young age of the kings majesty, as the laws, statutes, proclamations, & ordinances made by his highness Progenitors.  
These Articles being thus ministered to the said Bishop of London, the next day being Thursday and the 19 of September, the afore named Commissioners sat in the Archbishop's chamber of presence at Lambeth, attending the coming of the B. of London. Before whom there appeared Rob. johnson the Bishop's Register, and there did declare unto the Commissioners that the bishop his master could not at that time personally appear before them without great danger of his bodily health, because that he feared to fall into a fever by reason of a cold that he had taken by to much overwatching himself the last night before, whereby he was compelled to keep his bed: nevertheless, if he could without danger of his bodily health, 
Boner 〈◊〉 fear of 〈◊〉 fever 〈◊〉 could 〈◊〉 or durst 〈◊〉 appear.  he would appear before them the same day at after noon. This excuse the judges were content to take it in good part. Yet said M. Secretary Smyth, that if he were sick in deed the excuse was reasonable and to be allowed: but (quoth he) I promise you my Lord hath so dallied with us, & used hitherto such delays, that we may mistrust that this is but a feigned excuse: howbeit upon your faithful declaration we are content to tarry until one of the clock at afternoon, and so they did, willing M. johnson to signify then unto them, whether the Bishop could appear or not.  
At which hour Robert johnson and Richard Roger's gentleman of the Bishop's chamber appeared again before the Commissioners, 
Boner p●●●tendet●●●gayne 〈◊〉 fever.  declaring that (for the causes afore alleged) their master could not appear at that time neither. Whereupon M. Secretary Smith said unto them, my Lord of London your master hath used us very homely, and sought delays hitherto, and now perhaps perceiving these last Articles to touch the quick, and therefore loath to come to his answer, he feigneth himself sick. 
Boners ●●●cuse of 〈◊〉 not 〈◊〉 taken 〈…〉.  But because he shall not so deceive us any more, we will send the Knight Martial unto him, willing him, if he be sick in deed, to let him alone, for that is a reasonable excuse, but if he be not sick, then to bring him forth with unto us: for I promise you he shall not use us as he hath done, we will not take it at his hands: and therefore M. johnson (said he) you do the part of a trusty servant as becometh you, but it is also your part to show my Lord of his stubborn hart and disobedience, which doth him more harm than be is aware of. What, thinketh he to stand with a king in his own Realms? Is this the part of a subject? nay, 
A goo● 〈◊〉 sent to 〈◊〉 by S●●cretary Smyth▪  I ween we shall have a new Tho. Becket. Let him take heed, for if he play these parts, he may fortune to be made shorter by the head. He may appeal if he think good: but whither? to the Bishop of Rome? So he may help himself forwards. I say he can not appeal but to the same king who hath made us his judges, and to the Bench of his counsel: and how they will take this matter when they hear of it, I doubt not. He would make men believe that he were called before us for preaching his opinion of the sacrament, wherein I assure you he did both falsely & naughtily, yea & lewdly, and more than became him, and more than he had in commandment to do, for he was not willed to speak of that matter, & perhaps he may hear more of that hereafter: but yet he will say no such thing to his charge, and therefore we will not have him to delay us as he doth. Which ended, the delegates notwithstanding decreed to tarry again for him until two of the clock at after noon the next day, being Friday, and the twenty of September.   

The v. Action or process the xx. of September, against Boner Bishop of London, before the king's Commissioners.  
AT which day and time the Bishop appeared himself personally before them in the same chamber of presence. 
The 5. 〈…〉 against Boner Bishop of London.  Where first he did exhibit his answers unto the last Articles ministered unto him the 18. of September. The contents whereof here under follow.   

¶ The answer of the said Bishop of London, made unto the Articles ministered unto him the second tyme.  
THe answers of me Edmund bishop of London, under mine accustomed protestation given unto the Articles of late ministered and exhibited against me here in this court, with special protestation also, that I do not intend in any wise to make answer to any of the said articles, otherwise then the law of this Realm doth bind me to do, nor to speak or say contrary to any thing that in my former answers I have said or done, and that if so chance me to do, it is not nor shall not be with my good will, or full consent, and that so soon as I shall perceive it, I intent to revoke it, and so now as than, and then as now, do so in that case revoke, to all honest and lawful purposes.  
To the first Article I do answer and say, that there was a Messenger whose name I know not, 
Boner answereth to the first article.  that came unto me to Fulham as I now remember, but I do not remember the day thereof, and he said that my Lord Protectors grace required me to come by and by to speak with him. And thereupon having made the said messenger to break his fast, I repaired to the Court at Westminster, but not (upon the tenth day of August, but some other day of the said month.  
To the second Article I do say, that it is obscure, incertain and over general, 
Answer to the 2. article.  especially in those at the same time, which may be referred to the tenth of August, and than answer already is made thereunto, and it may be referred to some other day of the said month of August, either before the x. of August or after. And because it remaineth undeclared, I am not bound in law to answer unto it, neither yet to those words and sentence in the said Article (it is to wit) then and there, for they without declaration, are incertain, obscure and general, and I before the specification, and declaration thereof, not bound herein to make an answer, specially having already made full and sufficient answer in this matter, according to the commission as I do take it, and according unto the law which also willeth that if a certain answer be looked for, the position and Article must before be certain.  
To the 3.4.5.6.7.8.9.10.11.12.13. and 14, Article, he answereth all after one manner and sort, 
He answereth in a general.  as thus. That it doth depend of the former Articles, to which for causes aforesaid, he saith, he is not bound in law to make answer unto, especially having already made.  
Saving that in the sixth he addeth thereunto, that he at no time heard the L. Protector find fault, nor commanded as is deduced in the said Article, so far as he doth find.  
Also saving the 7. Article where he addeth nevertheless confessing and knowledging with heart and mouth, the king's majesties authority, and regal power in his minority, as well and full as in his majority.  
Also saving the 8.9.10. and 11. articles, where he addeth as they be deduced, they are not true, as appeareth in conserving one with other.  
To the 12. and 14. Articles, he addeth, as they be deduced they are not true. Confessing nevertheless, the King's majesties authority and power regal, as before is ex●resse●.  
To the 15. Article he answereth and saith, that it is a position of law, and that yet both now, 
Answer to the 15. article.  and heretofore he hath made answer thereunto in effect and substance, as appeareth in his former answers, and so shall do always according to the law and his bounden duty, knowledging as he hath already done, the king's majesties regal power in his minority, to be no less then in his majority. And the subjects bound to obey unto his grace, his laws, statutes, and ordinances, and his said authority, as well in his minority, as in his majority, not allowing, but expressly condemning the opinion of all rebels holding the contrary.  
After this perceiving that M. Secretary Smith was somewhat more quick with him then others of the Commissioners, and that he would not suffer him any longer to dally out the matter with his vain quiddities and subtleties in law, but ever earnestly urged him to go directly to his matter, 
Boner refuseth Secretary Smith to be his judge.  and therewithal sometimes sharply rebuking him for his evil and stubborn behaviour towards them: he to deface his authority (as he thought) did also then exhibit in writing a recusation of the Secretary's judgement against him. The form and manner whereof, as he exhibited it unto the judges, I thought here also to exhibit unto the Reader as here under followeth.   

¶ The recusation of the judgement of Sir Thomas Smith, made by the B. of London the first tyme.  
IN the name of God, Amen. Forasmuch as equity, 
Causes alleged by Boner why he refused Secretary Smyth.  natural reason, and all good laws do require, that judges shall be of that integrity, wisdom, circumspection, learning and indifferency, that exercising the office and room of a judge, they may & shall do it, without hatred, malice o● grudge against any person convented or called before them uprightly, sincerely, and duly executing and doing their office unto them in any wise committed: and for as much also as all judgements and process ought to have their due course, and proceed without suspicion or corruption in any wise: and finally, for as much as very dangerous it is to appear and make defence before an incompetent judge, who commonly and accustomably of private & unlawful corrupt affection to the one side, & for malice, hatred and envy borne against the other side, rather serveth his carnal, corrupt, and wilful appetite, 
Boner layeth exceptions against Sir Thomas Smyth.  than any thing is moved to obedience and keeping of good order, law, or reason, touching him that is convented and compelled to make answer against his will: I therefore Edmond Bishop of London, having perceived and felt by all the sayings, proceed and doings of you sir Thomas Smith Knight, one of the two principal Secretaries to the king's Majesty in this matter attempted and moved against me, that ye have been, and yet continually are a notorious and manifest enemy of me the said Edmond, and much offended that I should in any wise allege and say, or use, any such things for my most defence, as the law giveth me licence and liberty to do, yea hearing most favourably and effectually my denouncers and enemies with both ears in any thing that they shall allege, purpose, attempt, or do against me, though their persons in law are not in any wise to be heard or admitted, ne yet their sayings true, and not hearing me so much as with one ear in my lawful saiengs and doings in this behalf, but contrariwise opening your mouth at large, ye have sundry times, against good wisdom and reason outraged in words and deeds against me the said Edmond, saying among other words, that I did as thieves, murderers and traitors are wont to do, being myself as ye untruly did say, inward in deed, culpable, and yet outward otherwise, unable to defend the matter against me, but only by taking exceptions, and making frivolous allegations against my judges and Commissioners, and that I have been and am as sturdy, wilful, and disobedient, as may be in your judgement and opinion, maintaining and upholding the rebels and their opinions, and that I shall answer by mouth, or else smart and do worse, or else ye will send me to the Tower, there to sit and be joined with Kette and Humfrey Arundel the Rebels: over and beside divers other threatenings and comminatory words by you pronounced and uttered unseemly, and far unmeet to proceed out of the mouth of you that are in such room and place as ye be in.  
And moreover, increasing your malice, evil will, and grudge borne against me▪ ye have amongst other things untruly surmised, written, alleged, and said, that a certain book of Articles and Injunctions by the Lord Protectors Grace in the full counsel after a certain prescribed fashion and form in the denunciation, commission, and Articles, which [de facto] were induced, brought in and objected against me, 
Here Boner most proudly shamet● not to belie the kings Secretary and one of his majesties Counsel, charging him with altering, & adding unto the Counsels Injunctions.  was delivered unto me: and moreover of an evil will and ungodly intent & purpose, contrary to the truth, ye have withdrawn, added, altered, and qualified divers things in the same, otherwise than they were spoken or done, and yet ye are not ashamed to allege, writ, and say, that all is true, and one consonant and agreeable in all points with the other, where in deed it is not so. And ye have further [de facto] against the law, and against the Commission to you directed, and against my just and lawful allegations & saiengs, proceeded unlawfully & unjustly against me, attempting many things against me unlawfully & unjustly as appeareth ni the acts of this matter, to the which I do refer me so far forth as they make for me, 
Anno 1550.  and be expedient by me and for me to be alleged and referred unto yourself also unlawfully and unjustly [de facto] with your Colleagues, the which without you had begun the said matters, proceeding, where by the law ye so ought not to have done in deed, but abstained there from, as heretofore sundry times I have alleged, appearing in the acts of this Court, do upon these just and reasonable causes, according to the order of the King's majesties Ecclesiastical laws, refuse, 
The pope's laws termed by the name of the kings Ecclesiastical laws.  decline, and recuse you the said Sir Thomas Smith, as an uncompetent, unmeet, and suspect judge, against me in this behalf, and decline your pretenced jurisdiction in this matter for causes aforesaid, desiring nothing but justice, and offering myself prompt and ready to prove them so far as I am bound, and according to the order of the King's majesties Ecclesiastical laws of this Realm in this behalf, as time, place, and otherwise shall require.  
This recusation ended, the Secretary told him plain, that that notwithstanding he would proceed in his Commission and would be still his judge, 
The reply of Secretary Smith to Boners allegations.  until he were otherwise inhibited, and said unto him farther: My Lord, where as you say in your recusation that I said, that you did like thieves, murderers, and traitors, in deed I said it, and may and will so say again, since we perceive it by your doings.  
Whereunto the Bishop in a great and stout rage replied, 
Boner.  saying: Well sir, because you sit here by virtue of the King's Commission, and for that ye be Secretary to his majesty, and also one of his highness counsel, I must and do honour and reverence you: but as you be but sir Thomas Smith, & say as ye have said, that I do like thieves, murderers, 

Boner in a pelting chafe against Sir Tho. Smyth.  
The Archb.   and traitors, I say ye lie upon me, & in that case I defy you: and do what ye can to me, I fear you not, and therefore quod facis, fac citius.  
Whereat the Archbishop with the other Commissioners said unto him, that for such his unreverent behaviour he was worthy imprisonment.  

Boner.  Then the Bishop in more mad fury then before, said again unto them: A Gods name ye may do de facto, send me whether you will, and I must obey you, and so will, except ye send me to the devil, for thither I will not go 
* I pray God ye g●e not for yourself.  for you. Three things I have (to wit) a small portion of goods, a poor carcase, and mine own soul: the two first ye may take (though unjustly) to you, but as for my soul ye get not, quia anima mea in manibus meis semper.  

Secretary Smyth.  Well, said then the Secretary, ye shall know that there is a king.  
Yea Sir (saith the Bishop) but that is not you, neither I am sure, 
Boner.  will you take it upon you.  
No Sir, said again the Secretary, but we will make you know who it is: 
Secretary Smyth.  and with that the Commissioners commanded the bishop and all the rest to departed the chamber until they called for him again.  
Now, in the mean while that the Commissioners were in consultation, the Bishop with Gilbert Bourne his chaplain, Rob. Warnington his Commissary, & Rob. johnson his Register were tarrying in a quadrant void place before the door of the same chamber. Where the Bishop leaning on a cupboard, and seeing his Chapleins very sad, 
Boners talk to his Chapleins in the quadrant place before the chamber of presence at Lambeth.  said unto them in effect as followeth. Sirs, what mean you? Why show you yourselves to be so sad & heavy in mind, as appeareth to me by your outward gestures and countenances? I would wish you, and I require you to be as merry as I am (laying therewith his hand upon his breast) for afore God I am not sad nor heavy, but merry and of good comfort, and am right glad & joyful of this my trouble, which is for gods cause, and it grieveth me nothing at all.  
But the great matter that grieveth me, & pierceth my hart, is for that this Hooper and such other vile heretics and beasts be suffered and licensed to preach at Paul's cross, & in other places within my Diocese & Cure, most detestably preaching and railing at the blessed Sacrament of the altar, & denying the verity and presence of Christ's true body and blood to be there, & so infecteth and betrayeth my flock. But I say it is there in very deed, & in that opinion I will live and die, and am ready to suffer death for the same. Wherefore ye being christian men, I do require you, and also charge and command you in the name of God and on his behalf, as ye will answer him for the contrary, that ye go to the Mayor of London and to his brethren the Aldermen, praying and also requiring them earnestly in God's name and mine, and for mine own discharge on that behalf, that from henceforth, 
Here Boners 〈…〉.  when any such detestable and abominable preachers (and especially those which hold opinion against the blessed Sacrament of the altar) do come to preach unto them, they forth with depart out of their presence and do not hear them, lest that they tarrying with such Preachers, 
 should not only hurt themselves in receiving their poisoned doctrine, but also give a visage to the encouragement of others, which thereby mought take an occasion to think and believe that their erroneous and damnable doctrine is true and good: and this eftsoons I require and command you to do.  
And then turning himself about and beholding two of the Archbishop's Gentlemen, which in the same place kept the Chamber door where the Commissioners were in consultation, and perceiving that they had heard all his talk, he spoke unto them also and said: And Sirs, 
Boners 〈…〉 to two of the Archb●●shops ge●●tlemen.  ye be my Lord of Caunterburies' Gentlemen, I know ye very well: and therefore I also require and charge you in God's behalf, and in his name, that ye do the like for your parts in places where ye shall chance to see and hear such corrupt and erroneous Preachers, and also advertise my Lord your master of the same, and of these my sayings that I have now spoken here before you, as ye are Christian men, and shall answer before God for the contrary.  
With this the Commissioners called for the Bishop again. Who did read unto them an instrument containing a provocation to the king, which he made in manner and form here following.   

The first appellation intimated by Edmund Boner Bishop of London.  
IN the name of God, Amen. It shall appear to all men by this public instrument, that the year of our Lord, 
Boner appealeth to the king because he could not to the pop●●  1549. the xx. day of September, the third year of the reign of our most high and renowned Prince Edward the sixth by the grace of GOD King of England, France and Ireland, defender of the faith, and in earth the supreme head of the Church of England and Ireland, in a chamber within the Palace of the said Bishop situated in London▪ and in the presence of me the Notary public, and of the witnesses hereafter named, the foresaid Bishop did personally appear, and there did show forth in writing a certain Protestation and Appellation, the tenor whereof ensueth.  
In the name of God. Amen. I Edmund Bishop of London, say, allege, and propound before you being a public Notary, and these credible witnesses here present, that although I the foresaid Edmund have attained the Bishopric aforesaid by the benevolence of the famous Prince of memory King Henry the eight, and was lawfully elected and translated to the same, with his rites and appurtenances, have of long time possessed peaceably and quietly the same, and presently do possess, being taken as Bishop and lawful possessor of the said bishopric, and am lawfully called, taken, and reputed, notoriously and publicly: and moreover do keep residence and hospitality on the same, according to the order, state, person and dignity, and as the revenues of the same would permit, and have exercised and done all things appertaining to my pastoral office as the laws do require, as hereafter I trust by God's grace to do and observe, a man of good name and fame, neither suspended, excommunicate nor interdicted, neither convict of any notable crime or fact, always obeying readily the commandment of the Church, and other my superiors in all lawful causes, nevertheless fearing upon certain probable causes, likely conjectures, threatenings and assertions of certain injurious men my enemies, or at the least, such as little favour me, that great damage may come to me hereafter about the premises or part of them: and lest any man by any authority, commandment, denunciation, inquisition, office, or at the request of any person, or persons, may attempt, prejudice, or hurt to me or my said dignity, either by my excommunication, interdiction, sequestration, spoiling, vexing, and perturbing by any manner of means: do appeal to the most high and mighty Prince our sovereign Lord Edw. the 6. by the grace of God king of England, France etc. & in these my writings do provoke & appeal to his regal majesty. I do also require the Apostles so much as in this case they are to be required the first, second, & third time, earnestly, more earnestly, and most earnestly of all, that there may be given to me the protection, tuition, and defence of my foresaid most dread sovereign Lord, for the safeguard of me, my dignity, title, 
Apostles a term o● Canon 〈◊〉 & signify as much 〈◊〉 letters reverential 〈◊〉  and possession in the premises, and to all that will cleave to me in this behalf, I do also protest that I will be contented to correct, reform, and amend this my present protestation, and to the same to add, to take away, and to bring the same into the best form and state that may be devised, by the counsel of learned men, or as the case shall require, and the same to intimate according to time and place and the order of the law, 
Anno 1559.  and still shall require, Upon all the which premises, the foresaid Edmund B. of London did require the Notary public here under written, to make unto him, and the witnesses hereafter named, one, two, or more copies of this protestation.  
These things were done the year, day, and time above-written, there being present Gilbert Bourne Bachelor of Divinity, john Harpesfield, and Robert Colen, Masters of Art, john Wakeling, and Richard Roger's learned men, being of the Diocese of Worcester, Westminster, Coventrie, Lichfield, and Gloucester, and specially requested to be witness of the same. And I Frances Harward of the Diocese of Worcester, and public Notary by the King's regal authority, forsomuch as I was present when the foresaid Protestation, Appellation, and other the premises were done, the year of our Lord, the year of the reign of the king, the day of the month and place aforesaid, the witnesses abovenamed being present, 
 and for so much as I did enact the same, therefore to this present public instrument, written faithfully with mine own hand, I have put to my mark, being specially requested unto the same.  
Which thing after he had read, he did under his protestation first intimate unto the Archbishop, 
Boner requireth his appeal, recusation, & protestation to be entered in Register.  the Bishop of Rochester, and Doctor May, and then protesting also not to recede from his recusation, did likewise intimate the same unto Master Secretarye Smyth, requiring the Register to make an Instrument as well thereupon, as also upon his recusation, with witness to testify the same.  
Then the Delegates did again proceed to the examination of the last answers, 
The last answer of Boner to the articles examined, and found unperfect.  and finding the same imperfect, they demanded of him (according to the first Article) what special day of August, he was sent for by the L. Protector? To whom he obstinately answered, that he was not bound to make other answer, than he had already made, unless they did put their Articles more certain: neither would he otherwise answer as long as Master Secretary Smith was there present, whom he had before recused, and therefore would not recede from his recusation.  

Boner commanded to the marshalsea.  The Secretary seeing him so wilful and perverse, said sharply unto him. My L. come of and make a full & perfect answer unto these Articles, or else we will take other order with you to your pain.  
In faith Sir, than said the Bishop again, I have thought ye had been learned, but now before God, I perceive well that either ye be not learned in deed, or else ye have forgotten it: for I have so often answered lawfully & sufficiently, and have so oft showed causes sufficient & reasonable, why thereunto I ought not by law to be compelled (you showing nothing to the contrary but sensuality and will) that I must needs judge that you are ignorant herein.  
Well said M. Secretary, ye will not then otherwise answer?  
No, said the B. except the law compel me.  
Then said the Secretary, call for the knight Marshal, that he may be had to Ward.  
With that all the rest of the Commissioners charged the B. that he had at that time sundry ways very outrageously and irreverently behaved himself towards them sitting on the King's majesties Commission, and specially towards Sir Thomas Smith his grace's Secretary, & therefore and for divers other contumelious words which he had spoken, they declared they would commit him to the marshalsea.  
By this time the Marshal's deputy came before them, whom M. Secretary commanded to take the B. as prisoner, and so to keep him that no man might come unto him, for if he did, he should sit by him himself.  
When the Secretary had ended his talk, the B. said unto him: Well sir, it might have becomed you right well that my lords grace here present, being first in commission, and your better, should have done it.  
Then the Commissioners assigning him to be brought before them on monday next before noon, between 7. and 9 of the clock in the Hall of that place, there to make full answer to these last Articles, or else to show cause why he should not be declared pro confesso, did for that present break up that Session.  

〈…〉 hart 〈◊〉 not 〈◊〉, but 〈…〉 utter 〈…〉.  Now as the Bishop was departing with the undermarshal, he in a great fury turned himself again towards the Commissioners, and said to Sir Thomas Smyth: Sir, where ye have committed me to prison, ye shall understand that I will require no favour at your hands, but shall willingly suffer what shall be put unto me, as bolts on my heels, yea, and if ye will, irons about my middle, or where ye will,  
Then departing again, he yet returned once more, & foaming out his poison, said unto the Archbishop: 
Boner threateneth to accuse the Archbishop before God.  Well my Lord, I am sorry that I being a Bishop am thus handled at your grace's hand: but more sorry that you suffer abominable heretics to practise as they do in London and else where, infecting and disquieting the King's liege people: and therefore I do require you, as you will answer to God and to the king, that ye will from henceforth abstain thus to do: for if ye do not, I will accuse you before God & the King's Majesty: answer to it as well as ye can. And so he departed, using many reproachful words against sundry of the common people, which stood and spoke to him by the way as he went.   

¶ The sixth Action or process upon Monday, the 23. of September, had against Boner Bishop of London, before the Commissioners, in the great hall at Lambeth.  
IT was assigned as ye heard in the 4. Act prosecuted the 18. of September, 
The 6. Session or appearance of Boner.  that upon Monday than next following, being the 23. of the same month, the B. should again appear before the Commissioners, within the great Hall at Lambeth, then to show a final cause why he should not be declared pro confesso, upon all the Articles whereunto he had not fully answered.  
According to which assignment, the same 23. day of September, the B. was brought before them by the Undermarshall (to whom for his disobedient and obstinate behaviour he was before that time committed) and there did first declare unto them, that his appearance at that time and place was not voluntary, but coacted, for that he was against his will brought thither by the keeper of the marshalsea, and therewithal also under his former protestation, recusation and appeal, did then again intimate a general recusation of all the Commissioners, alleging in the same, that because the Archbishop with all his Colleagues had neither observed the order of their Commission, 
A general recusation of Boner against all the Commissioners.  neither yet proceeded against him after any laudable or good fashion of judgement, but contrariwise, had sundry times as well in his absence, as in his presence, attempted many things unlawfully against his person, dignity, and estate, especially, in committing him to straight prison, and yet commanding him to make answer: & further, because that he with the rest had proceeded in Commission with Sir Thomas Smith Knight, supporting and maintaining all his evil doings (notwithstanding that he the same Bishop had before justly recused and declined from him) he therefore did also there refuse & decline from the judgement of the said Archbishop and his Colleagues, and did except against their jurisdiction as suspect, and they thereby unmeet persons to proceed against him, and therefore according to his former appeal, he intended to submit himself under the tuition, protection, & defence of the King's Majesty, for whose honour and reverence sake (he said) they ought not to proceed any further against him, 
Boner still sticketh to his former protestations & provocations.  but quietly suffer him to use the benefit of all his recusations, provocations, and other lawful remedies before alleged, with other superfluous words at large, to be read and seen as followeth.   

The second recusation made by Edmund Boner Bishop of London.  
IN the name of God, Amen. For as much as both natural reason and all good policies of laws, especially of this Realm of England do admit and suffer him that is convented before an uncompetent and suspect judge, to refuse him and to decline his jurisdiction, in as much as the law and reason on the one side, willeth process to run uprightly and justly, and that in corruption and malice, and the other side earnestly laboureth to the contrary, and needeth therefore to be bridled. And for because ye my Lord of Caunterbury with your Colleagues in this behalf (deputed as ye say Commissioners against me) neither have observed your said Commission, neither yet proceeded hitherto against me, after any laudable, lawful, or any good fashion of judgement, but contrariwise, contrary to your Commission, and against the law, good reason, and order, have at sundry times, and in sundry acts attempted and done many things against me, unlawfully, unseemly, and unjustly, and suffer the like to be attempted and done by other not reforming and amending the same, as appeareth in divers and sundry things remaining in your acts.  
And moreover because you my said Lord, with your said Colleagues, both have in mine absence, being let with just causes of impediment, which according to the laws of this realm I have fully alleged, 
Anno 1550.  and very sufficiently and justly proved, according to the order of the kings Ecclesiastical laws injuriously, and much to the hindrance of my name, person, title, dignity, and state, and also otherwise, specially in my presence, against all laws, good order, and reason, without good cause or ground attempted and done many things against me, especially touching mine imprisonment, sending me to straight ward, and yet commanding me to make answer, as appeareth in your unlawful acts.  
I for these causes, and also for that ye my said Lord and your said Colleagues proceeding with Sir Thomas Smith Knight, whom upon just and lawful causes I have refused, recused and declined, and favoured, ye have maintained, supported, and borne, in his unlawful and evil doings, do also refuse, recuse and decline you my said Lord, with the rest of your said Colleagues, agreeing and joining with you, and do accept against your proceedings, doings, and jurisdiction as suspect, and thereby unmeet persons to proceed herein against me.  
And further do allege, that having been provoked to the Kings most excellent Majesty, as appeareth by the tenor of my provocation, remaining in your acts, wherein I do protest, that I intent to adhere and cleave unto, submitting myself unto the tuition, protection, and defence of his said Majesty in this behalf, ye in any wise ought not (if ye regard the person and authority of his graces royal power, as ye ought to do) to proceed here in against me, especially for the honour and reverence, ye ought to have unto his Majesty in this behalf. And because it appeareth that ye do not duly and circumspectly consider the same, as ye ought to do, but more and more do grieve me, that not considered, I both here to all purposes repeat my former recusation, provocation, and all other remedies that heretofore I have used and mentioned in your said acts.  
And also do by these presents, refuse, recuse, and decline you my said Lord, and your said Colleagues, and your jurisdiction upon causes aforesaid, offering myself prompt and ready to prove all the same, afore an arbiter and arbitors, according to the tenure and form of the law herein to be chosen, requiring you all, for that honour and reverence ye ought to bear to our said sovereign Lord, and his laws allowed and approved in this behalf, that ye do not attempt or do, ne yet suffer to be attempted or done, any things in any wise against me, or unto my prejudice, but suffer me to use and enjoy the benefit of my said former, and this recusation, provocation, allegation, and other lawful remedies mentioned in your said acts. And in case ye do de facto, where ye ought not to deiure, attempt or suffer any things to be attempted or done against me in any wise herein, I protest herewith, and hereby of my great grief and hurt in that behalf, & that not only I do intend to appeal from you, but also according to the kings Ecclesiastical laws to accuse and complain upon you, as justly and truly I both may and aught to do.  
notwithstanding these recusations and former appellation, the Archbishop with the rest told him plain that they would be still his judges, and proceed against him according to the King's Commission, until they did receive a Supersedeas, which if he did obtain, they would gladly obey.  
Then the bishop seeing that they would still proceed against him, 
another appellation of Boner to the king.  did there likewise intimate an other appellation unto the King's Majesty, expressing therein in effect, no other matter, but such as is already alleged in the two former recusations and appeal: saving that he requireth, that letters dimissories or appellatories might be given him according to law, 
Boner standing upon his recusations and appellations denieth to make answer.  and that for his better safeguard he did submit himself under the protection of the king.  
The Commissioners for all this, stuck still unto their Commission, and would not in any case defer, but urged him straightly to make a more full answer to his Articles, than he had done.  
To whom the Bishop said, that he would stand unto his recusations and appellations before made, and would not make other answer.  
Then the Delegates demanded of him what cause he had to allege why he ought not to be declared pro confesso, upon the Articles whereunto he had not fully answered: the B. still answering (as before) that he would adhere unto his appellation and recusation.  
Whereupon the Archb. with consent of the rest, seeing his pertinacy, pronounced him Contumax, 
Boner declared C●●●tuma● & pro con●e●●so, that 〈◊〉 guilty.  and in pain thereof declared him pro confesso, upon all the articles which he had not answered.  
This done, Master Secretary Smith showed forth a Letter, which the bishop of London had before that time sent unto the Lord Mayor and the Aldermen of the City of London, the tenor whereof ensueth as followeth.  

¶ To the right honourable and my very good Lord, the Mayor of London, with all his worshipful brethren, my very dear and worshipful friends, with speed.  
RIght honourable, with my very humble recommendations, where I have perceived of late and heard with mine ears, what vile beasts and heretics have preached unto you, 
Boners let●ter to the Lord 〈◊〉 and Alde●●men of Lō●don.  or rather like themselves prated and railed against the most blessed Sacrament of the aultare, denying the verity and presence of Christ's true body and blood to be there, giving you and the people liberty to believe what ye list, teaching you detestably that faith in this behalf, must not be coacted, but every man to believe as he will, by reason whereof, lest my presence and silence might unto some have been seen to have allowed their heretical doctrine, and giving credit unto them, betraying my flock of the Catholic sort, ye know I departed yesterday from the heretic praters uncharitable charity, and so could have wished that you and all other that be Catholic, should have done, 
Boner would no● tarry M. Hooper● Sermon.  leaving those there with him that be already cast away, and will not be recovered. For your tarrying with him still, shall not only hurt yourself in receiving his poisoned doctrine, but also shall give a visage that their doctrine is tolerable, by reason that ye are contented to hear it, and say nothing against it. And because I cannot tell when I shall speak with you to advertise you hereof, therefore I thought good for mine own discharge and yours, thus much to write unto you, requiring and praying you again and again, in God's behalf, for mine own discharge, that ye suffer not yourselves to be abused with such naughty Preachers and teachers, in hearing their evil doctrine that ye shall perceive them to go about to sow. And thus our blessed Lord long and well preserve you all with this noble City, in all good rest, godliness, & prosperity. Written in haste this Monday morning, the xvi. of September. 1549.  
Your faithful Beads man and poor Bishop Edmund Boner.   
This Letter being read, the Secretary demanded of him whether he wrote it not. To whom he would not otherwise answer, but that he would still adhere and stand unto his former recusations and appeals. 
Boner dif●ferred till the next Friday, 〈◊〉 from that till tewsd●● after.  Which the commissioners seeing, determined to continue this case in state as it was until Friday than next following, between the hours of viii. and ix. of the clock before noon, assigning the bishop to be there at the same time and place then to hear a final decree of this matter, he still protesting as before.   

¶ The seventh Session or appearance of Boner upon Tuesday the first of October, before the Kings Commissioners at Lambeth.  
Upon Friday the Commissioners for divers urgent causes letting them, 
The 7. S●●●sion or ap●pearaun●● of Bone●  did not sit in Commission according to their appointment, but deferred it until Tuesday the first of October than next following. Upon which day the Bishop appearing before them, the Archbishop declared unto him, that although as upon Friday last, they had appointed to pronounce their final Decree and Sentence in this matter, yet forasmuch as they thought that that Sentence (although they had just cause to give it) should have been very sore against him, they had not only deferred the same until this day, but minding to be more friendly to him than he was to himself, 
The 〈◊〉 words 〈◊〉 the Co●●missione● to Bone●  and to use more easy and gentle reformation towards him, had also made such suit and means for him, that although he had grievously offended the kings Majesty, and very disobediently behaved himself, yet if he would in the mean while have acknowledged his fault, and have been contented to make some part of amends in submitting himself according to his bounden duty, he should have found much favour: so the Sentence should not have been so sore and extreme against him, as it was like now to be: for which they were very sorry, especially to see the continuance of such stubborn disobedience, whereby they were then more enforced to give such sentence against him. 
Anno 1549.   
The Bishop nothing at all regarding this gentle and friendly admonition and favour, but persisting still in his wonted contumacy, drew forth a paper, whereon he read these words following.  
I Edmund bishop of London brought in as a prisoner by his keeper, 
 one of the marshalsea, here before you my Lord of Canterbury and your pretenced Colleagues, do under my former Protestations heretofore by me made before you and remaining in your Act, declare that this my presence here at this time is not voluntary, nor of mine own free will and consent, but utterly coacted and against my will, and that being otherwise sent for, or brought before you then I am (that is as a prisoner) I would not being at liberty, have come or appeared before you, but would have declined and refused to make any appearance at all, but would have absented myself from you, as lawfully and well I might have done, standing to, using, and enjoying all and singular my lawful remedies and defences heretofore used, exercised, and enjoyed, especially my provocation and appellation heretofore interponed and made unto the kings most excellent Majesty, to whom eftsoons Ex abundanti, I have both provoked and appealed, and also made Supplication unto, as appeareth in these writings, which under Protestation aforesaid, I do exhibit and leave here with the Actuary of this cause, requiring him to make an Instrument thereupon, and the persons here present to bear record in that behalf▪ especially to the intent it may appear, I do better acknowledge the king's majesties authority even in his tender and young age, provoking and appealing to his Majesty as my most gracious sovereign and supreme head, 
〈…〉 king.  with submission to his highness (as appeareth in my appellation and other remedies) for my tuition and defence, than other some, I do mean you my Lord of Caunterbury and your said pretenced Colleagues, which by law and good reason ought to have deferred and given place unto such provocation, appellation, and Supplication, as heretofore lawfully have been by me interponed and made unto his majesties most royal person and authority in this behalf.  
As soon as the B. had read these words, he did deliver as well that paper, as also two other, unto the Actuary, the one containing an appellation, and the other a supplication unto the king's Majesty: which appellation beginneth thus: In the name of God. Amen.  
Wherein first he showed how naturally every creature declineth gladly from that thing which goeth about to hurt it, and also seeketh help & remedy to withstand such hurts and injuries.  
Further he showed that it is found by experience to be hurtful and dangerous to trust him that once hath hurt and beguiled, lest he might add more, rather than to take aught from.  
Moreover he showed that he had found heretofore at the hands of the B. of Caunterbury and the rest of the Colleagues in this matter, much extremity and cruelty, injuries, losses and griefs, contrary to God's law, and the laws and statutes of this Realm, and against justice, charity, and good order, being well assured if they were not stayed but proceeded, they would add more evil to evil, loss to loss, displeasure to displeasure, as (said he) their servants have reported, and they agreeable do show the same.  
Again in the said appeal he showed that the Bishop of Canterbury and the other Commissioners ought to have considered and done better in that matter, for honour and obedience to the King's Majesty, which hitherto they have not done (said he) in that they have not given place to his provocations and appellations heretofore made unto his grace, justly and lawfully, and upon good and just causes, namely, for the unjust griefs they did against him, which he said to appear in the Acts of that matter: as in pronouncing him contumacem unreasonably without good cause, and further in assigning the term ad audiendum finale decretum, and in committing him to strait prison, as appeareth in their Acts. Therefore he did not only Ex abundanti, ad omnem juris cautelam, decline and refuse their pretenced jurisdiction as before: but also by these presents here showed, he did appeal from the said Bishop of Caunterbury and the rest, unto the kings Majesty, asking also those Letters of Appeal, which the law doth admit, saying, he did not intend to go from his former provocations and appellations, 
 but to join and cleave unto them in every part and parcel, submitting himself to the protection and defence of the kings Majesty, and he therein made intimation to the bishop of Caunterbury, and the said Colleagues, to all intentes and purposes that might come thereof.  
Furthermore, as touching the Supplication above mentioned, which Boner (as we said) put up in writing to the Commissioners, the Copy thereof here under likewise ensueth.  

¶ The Supplication of Boner to the Chancellor of England, with all the rest of the King's Majesties most honourable privy Counsel.  
PLease i● your most honourable good Lordships with my most humble recommendations, to understand, 
The copy of Boners' supplication.  that albeit I have according to the laws, statutes, and ordinances of this realm, made supplication▪ provocation and appellation unto the kings most excellent Majesty from the unlawful and wicked process of the Archbishop of Caunterbury, the bishop of Rochester, Master Secretary Smith, and the Dean of Paul's, as also as well from their unjust interlocutory, as also their definitive sentence whereby in law I ought to have liberty to come abroad and prosecute the same yet such is the malignity of the judges against me, with bearing and maintenance of other, which sundry and many ways have sought my ruin and destruction, that I am here penned and locked up, used very extremely at their pleasure, and for the contentation of the said Master Smith, and not suffered to find sureties, or to go abroad to prosecute and sue my said appellation.  
In consideration whereof, it may please your said good Lordships, to take some order and redress herein, especially for that it is now the time that the King's subsidy now due, aught to be called upon, and justice also ministered unto his majesties subjects which being as I now am, I cannot be suffered to do. And thus without further extending my letter therein, considering that your great wisdoms, experience and goodness can gather of a little what is expedient and necessary for the whole. I do beseech almighty God to preserve and keep well all your honourable good Lordships.  
Written in haste this 7. of October, 1549. in the marshalsea. Your honourable lordship's poor Orator & most bounden Bedes man, Edmund London.   
These things ended, the Archbishop said unto him: My Lord, where you say that you come coacted, 
The Archbishop answered to the words of Boner  or else ye would not have appeared, I do much marvel of you. For you would thereby make us and this audience here believe, that because you are a prisoner, ye ought not therefore to answer. Which if it were true, were enough to confound the whole state of this Realm. For I dare say, that of the greatest prisoners and rebels that ever your keeper there (meaning the Undermarshall) hath had under him, he cannot show me one that hath used such defence, as you here have done.  
Well quoth the B. if my keeper were learned in the laws I could show him my mind therein. 
Boner.   
Well, said the Archbishop, I have read over all the Laws as well as you, 
The archbishop. Secretary Smith.  but to an other end and purpose than you did, and yet I can find no such privilege in this matter.  
Then M. Secretary Smith did very sore burden and charge him, how disobediently and rebelliously he had always behaved himself towards the King's Majesty and his authority.  
Whereupon, the B. under his protestation answered again, 
Boner.  that he was the king's majesties lawful and true subject, and did acknowledge his highness to be his gracious sovereign Lord, or else he would not have appealed unto him, as he had, yea & would gladly lay his hands and his neck also under his grace's feet, and therefore he desired that his highness laws and justice might be ministered unto him.  
Yea (quoth Master Secretary) you say well my Lord, 
Secretary Smith. Boner compared to the rebels of Devonshire.  but I pray you what others have all these rebels both in Norfolk, Devonshire, and Cornwall, and other places done? Have they not said thus? We be the king's true Subjects, we acknowledge him for our King, and we will obey his laws, with such like, and yet when either Commandment, Letter or Pardon was brought unto them from his Majesty, they believed it not, but said it was forged and made under a hedge, and was gentlemen's doings, so that in deed they would not, nor did obey any thing.  
Ah sir, said the B. I perceive your meaning: 
Boner.  as who should say, that the bishop of London is a rebel like them. Yea by my troth (quoth the Secretary. 

The people laughing at Boner.  
D. May.  ) Whereat the people laughed.  
Then the Dean of Paul's said unto him, that he marveled much, and was very sorry to see him so untractable, that he would not suffer the judges to speak.  
To whom the B. disdainfully answered▪ Well M. Deane, 
Boner with his taunts.  you must say somewhat. And likewise at an other time as the Deane was speaking, he interrupted him, and said, You may speak when your turn cometh.  

Secretary Smith.  Then said Secretary Smith, I would you knew your duty.  
I would (quoth he again) you knew it as well as I, with an infinite more of other such stubborn and contemptuous talk and behaviour towards them, 
Boner.  which the Commissioners weighing, and perceiving no likelihood of any tractable reason in him, determined that the Archbishop with their whole consent, should at that pre●●nt there openly read and publish their final 〈◊〉 or Sentence definitive against him. Which he did, pronouncing him thereby, to be clean deprived from the Bishopric of London, and further as in the same appeareth▪ in tenor as followeth.  

¶ Sententia deprivationis ●ata contra Edmundum London. Episcopum.  

The contemptuous talk of Boner.  IN Dei nomine, Amen. Nos Thomas miseratione divina Cantuar. Archiepiscopus, totius Angliae Primas & Metropolitanus Nicholaus eadem miseratione Roffensis Episcopus, Thom. Smith Miles, illustrissimi in Christo principis & Domini nostri, Domini Edwardi sexti, Dei gratia, Angliae, Franciae, & Hyberniae Regis, fidei defensoris, & in terris Ecclesiae Anglicanae, & supremi capitis, Secretariorum principalium alter, & Wilhelmus May juris civilis Doctor Ecclesiae cathedralis divi Paul● Decanus dicti illustrissimi principis, & domini nostri Regis ad infra scripta una cum eximio viro Domino Wilhelmo Petro Milite, ●iuidem serenissimae Regiae maiestatis, etiam Secretariorum principalium altero, commissarij sive judices delegati cum ista clausa, videlicet. Deputamus vos quinque, quatuor vel tres vestrum, etc. Rectè & legittimè deputati contra te Edmundum permissione divina London. episcopum in causa & causis, in literis commissionalibus dictae serenissimae Regiae maiestatis express. & specificat. rirè & legitimè procedentes, & iudicialiter in quirentes, auditis que per nos, & intellectis ac primo examine debit. mature discussis, meritis & circumstantijs, causae & causarum inquisitionis huiusmodi, seruatisque ulterius per nos, de iure in hac part seruandis in praesentia tui Episcopi; antedicti, iudicialiter coram nobis constituti, ac protestantis de coactione, & de caeteris, prout in ultima protestatione hody per te facta continetur, ad definitionem causae & causarum huiusmodi, prolationemque sententiae nostrae, sive nostri finalis decreti, super eisdem ferend▪ sic duximus procedendum, & procedimus in hunc qui sequitur modum. Quia tam per acta inactitata, deducta, proposira, exhibita, allegata, probata, par●ter & confessata in causa & causis huiusmodi, facta▪ habita, & gest●, quam per confessionem tuam propriam, factique notorietatem & alia legitima documenta, evidentem invenimus, & compertum habemus te praefatum Episcop● London▪ inter caetera, pro meliori, officij tui pastoralis administratione▪ in mandatis habuisse, ut de his qui duas aut tres uxores ut maritos in unum haberent aut qui externos & non probatos Ecclessae ri●us in hoc regno sequerentur, quibus rebus, tua Diocesis & Londinens. praecipue erat infamatum, inquireres teque ea facere omnino neglexisse. Item express tibi per Regiam Maiestatem praescriptum fuisse ut ipse Episcopus adesses conc●o●●bus ad crucem Pauli habitis, tam ut eas honestares tua praesentia, quam ut possis ●as accusare, (si qui male ibidem concionarentur) te tamen contra non solum abijsse, sed etiam scriptis litteris, Maiorem London. & Aldermannos, ut inde recederent admonuisse & exhortatum fuisse. Item inter alia quoque per Regiam Maiestatem tibi iniuncta in mandatis tibi datum fuisse, quod articulum quendam, statum reipubl. tunc perniciosissima rebellione, & proditorum contra illum articulum sentientium gravissime perturbatae praecipue concernend. & propterea supremum necessarium & specialiter tibi iniunctum videlicet.  
Ye shall also set forth in your Sermon, that our authority of our Royal power is (as of truth it is) of no less authority and force in this our younger age, then is and was of any of our predecessors, though the same were much elder, as may appear by example of josias and other young Kings in Scripture. And therefore all our Subjects to be no less bound to the obedience of our precepts, laws, and statutes, then if we were thirty. or xl. years of age.  
Apud crucem sive suggestum divi Pauli London. certo die tibi in ea part praefixo, & limitato in publica tua conc●one, tunc & ibidem populo recitares, & explicares, teque modo & forma premissa eundem articulum juxta mandatum, & officij tui debitum recitare & explicare minime curasse, sed contumaciter & inobedienter omisisse, in maximum Regiae Maiestatis contemptum, ac in eius regni praeiudicium non modicum, necnon in subditorum suorum malum & perniciosum exemplum, contumatiamque & inobedientiam multiplicem tam in hac nostra inquisitione, quam alias perperrasse, commisisse & contra●isse. I● ci●●o nos Thomas Cantuariens. Archiepiscopus Primas & ●etropolitanus, indexque delegatus ante dictus Christi non 〈◊〉 primitus invocato, ac ipsum solum D●●●oculis nostris p●●ponentes, de & cum expresso consensu pariter & assensu Collegarum nostrorum praedictorum una nobiscum assidentium, deque & cum concilio jurisperitorum, cum quibus communicamus in hac part. Te Edmundum London. Episcopum antedictum a tuo Episcopatu London. una cum suis iuribus & pertin●ntibus commoditatibus, & ●eteris emolumentis quibuscunque deptivandum & prorsus amo●endum fore de iure debere, pronunciamus decernimus & declaramus pro ut per praesentes sic deprivamus & amovemus per hanc nostram sententiam definiti●am sive hoc nostrum finale dec●erum, qu●m sive quod ferimus & promulgamus in his scriptis.   
Which ended, the B. immediately did therefrom appeal by word of mouth, alleging that the same sentence there given against him, was Lex nulla. The tenor of whose words I thought hereto express, according as they were by him uttered, in this wise as followeth.  

I Edmund Bishop of London, 
The wor● of Boner appealing from the Sentence definitive.  brought in and kept here as a prisoner against my consent and will, do under my former protestation heretofore made, and to the intent it may also appear, that I have not being so here in this place, consented not agreed to any thing done against me, and in my prejudice, allege and say that this sentence given here against me, is Lex nulla, and so far forth, as it shall appear to be Aliqua, I do say it is Iniqua and Iniusta, and that therefore I do from it, as Iniqua and Iniusta, appeal to the most excellent and noble king, Edward the sixth, by the grace of God, King of England, France, and Ireland, defender of the faith, and of the Church of England and also of Ireland, next and immediately under GOD here in earth supreme head, and unto his Court of Chancery or Parliament, as the laws, statutes, and ordinances of this Realm, will suffer and bear in this behalf, desiring instantly first, 
Letters ●●●uerentiall demissori●●  second and third, according to the laws, Letters reverenciall or demissories, to be given and delivered unto me in this behalf, with all things expedient, requisite, or necessary in any wise: and thereupon also the said Bishop required the Public Notary or Actuary William Say, to make an Instrument, and the witness aforesaid and other present to record the same. To whom so appealing, and requiring as afore, the said judges delegate said, that they will declare and signify to the kings Majesty, what is done in this matter, and thereupon will defer or not defer to his said appellation, according as his grace's pleasure and commandment shall be to them in that behalf: and after all this, the said Bishop of London said to them, jam ●uncti estis officio. What will your grace do with me now, touching my imprisonment? will ye keep me still in prison? shall I not now be at liberty to prosecute mine appeal? To whom the Archb. answering, said, that they perceived now more in that matter than they did at the first, & that this matter is more greater rebellion than he is ware of, and therefore said, that as yet they would not discharge him, and thereupon they committed him again to his keeper to prison.  
This talk finished, the Archbishop considering that most of the audience there present, 
The 〈◊〉 declare in the effect of Boners' Sentence 〈◊〉 english.  did not understand the meaning of the sentence being read in the Latin tongue, said unto them: Because there be many of you here that understand not the Latin tongue, and so cannot tell what judgement hath been here given, I shall therefore show you the effect thereof: and therewith did declare in English, the causes expressed in the sentence, adding then thereunto these words.  
Because my L. of London is found guilty in these matters, 
Boner de●priued an● unbishop.  therefore we have here by our sentence deprived him of our bishopric of London: and this we show unto you to the intent that from henceforth ye shall not esteem him any more as B. of London.  
Then Boner desired the Archbish. to declare likewise what he had done, and how he had appeared. 
Boners' ●●●●daynefu● words 〈◊〉 the Com●missione●●  But the other seeing his froward contempt, refused it, saying, ye may do it yourself. Whereupon very disdainfully again he said, jam functi estis officio. What will your grace do with me touching my imprisonment? will you keep me still in prison?  
To whom the commissioners answered, that they perceived now more in the matter than they did before, & that his behaviour was more greater rebellion than he was ware of, and therefore they would not discharge him, 
Boner a●gayne committed t● his keeps.  but committed him again to his keeper to be kept in prison. Where he most justly remained until the death of that most worthy & godly prince king Edward the sixth. After which time he wrought most horrible mischief and cruelties against the saints of God, as appeareth hereafter throughout the whole reign of Queen Marie. From the executing of the which like tyranny, 
Anno 1549.  the Lord of his great mercy keep all other such. Amen.   
Now immediately after his deprivation, he writeth out of the marshalsea other letters supplicatory unto the Lord Chancellor and the rest of the king's Counsel. Wherein he thus complaineth, that by reason of the great enemity that the Duke of Somerset and sir Thomas Smith bare unto him, his often and earnest suits unto the King and his counsel could not be heard. He therefore most humbly desireth their Lordships for the causes aforesaid, to consider him, and to let him have liberty to prosecute his matter before them, and he would daily pray for the good preservation of their honours, as appeareth by the words of his own supplication here under following.  
Thus after the Commissioners had finished with Boner, he b●ing now prisoner in the marshalsea, leaving no shift of the law unsought how to work for himself as well as he might, drew out a certain supplication, conceived and directed to the king's majesty, out of the said prison of the marshalsea.  

To the right honourable, my Lord Chancellor of England, with all the rest of the king's Majesties most honourable privy counsel.  
PLease it your most honourable good Lordships with my most humble commendations to understand that all beit heretofore I have made such suit, and to such persons as I cannot devise to make more, or to more higher, it is to wit, unto the kings most excellent majesty, and his most gracious persons in divers sorts, and also unto your most honourable good Lordships being of his privy counsel▪ for redress of such notable and manifest injuries and extremities as hath been contrary to all law, honesty, and good reason inflicted unto me by my Lord of Canterbury, my Lord of Rochester, Doctor Smith, and Doctor May, yet because the said Doctor Smith being a minister to the Duke of Somerset, and they both my deadly enemies, hath sundry ways studied and laboured my ruin and destruction, staying and letting heretofore all my lawful remedies and ●utes, having therein help and furtherance of these two other aforesaid persons, being ready at foot and hand to accomplish all their desires and pleasures, I shall at th●● presence having for a time forborn to trouble (for good respects) your most honourable good lordships, with any mycetes, and especially for your other manifold great affairs in the kings majesties business: myself yet the mean while, neither wanting good will, ne yet just cause being where I am to make such suit, renew my suit, and most humbly beseech your most honourable good lordships to give me leave to make most humble supplication again to your said Lordships, for honest and lawful 〈◊〉 to prosecute my appellation and supplication heretofore made to the kings most excellent Majesty, and according ●o the law to make my suit for redress of the said 〈…〉, extremities and wrongs done 〈…〉 the said parsons. And your said Lordships over and beside the furtherance of justice, many ways 〈◊〉 me and other, and the collection of the king's majesty Subsidy, now to be levied of the Clergy in my diocese 〈…〉 hath been, and is stayed by reason of the premises, shall also bind me most greatly and entirely to pray daily for the good preservation of your said most honourable good Lordships in all honour, felicity and joy long to continue and endure unto God's pleasure.  
written in the marshalsea, the 26. of October. 1549. Your Lordship's most faithful & assured Bedes man. E. Lon.    

A supplication made and directed by Edmund Boner late B. of London▪ to the king's Majesty, out of the prison of the marshalsea.  

〈◊〉 supplication 〈◊〉 the king.  In the which supplication, first after the used form of style, he prayed for the prosperous estate of the king long to reign. Then he showed that his faithful heart and service to him, hath, is▪ and shall be, as it was to his father before.  
Then ●e declared how he had been belied of evil men, and misreported not to ●eare a true hart to his grace, but a rebellious mind, in denying his royal power in his minority, where in deed (he sayeth) his grace should find him always during life, both in heart, word, and deed, to do and acknowledge otherwise, & to be most willing to show. etc. and to do all other things for his grace, as willingly as any other subject, or as those that were his denouncers, who he thought were not sent of his grace, but pretenced Commissioners. etc.  
Further, he complained of his denunciation by certain commissioners (who said they were sent by his grace) alleging the same not to be lawful: and of his long & sharp imprisonment, & that the commissioners observed neither law nor reasonable order, but extremity. And where he had made appeal to his grace, and he could not have it: he desired to have law to prosecute & sue his appeal for his remedy, & that he considering his vocation, might not be shut up & put from liberty, which his meanest subjects have.  
Then he desired his grace's letters of Supersedeas against the commissioners, and that the matter might be heard before the counsel, and then he doubted not but to be found a true faithful man, and herein to have wrong. So in the end he concluded, this (prostrating himself even to the very ground, and humbly kissing his grace's feet) to be the thing only which he humbly desired. etc.  
THis done, & the supplication perused, the King eftsoon giveth in charge and commandment, 
Boners' appellation to the king▪ perused & tried and found by the Law uneffectual and unreasonable.  to certain men of honour and worship, & persons skilful in the law, as to Lord Rich high Chancellor, the L. treasurer, the L. Marques Dorset, the B. of Ely, Lord Wentworth, sir Anthony Wingfield, sir W. Harbert knights. Doc. Nich. Wootton, Ed. Montague Lord chief justice, Sir john Baker knight, with judge Hales, joh. Gosnold, D. Oliver and also Doctor Leyson, that they scanning and perusing all such acts, matters, and muniments of the said Boner by him exhibited, produced, propounded and alleged, with all and singular his protestations, recusations, & appellations, should upon mature consideration thereof, give their directed answer upon the same, 
The sentence of Boners' deprivation by the Peers & learned men of the realm, found to be just and lawful.  whether the appellation of the said Boner were to be deferred unto, and whether the sentence defined against him, stood by the law sufficient and effectual, or not. Who eftsoons after diligent discussion, and considerate advisement had of all & singular the premises, gave their resolute answer, that the pretenced appellation of Edmund Boner aforesaid, was nought and unreasonable, and in no wise to be deferred unto, and that the sentence by the Commissioners against him, was rightly and justly pronounced. And this was the conclusion of Boners whole matter and deprivation for that time.  
Thus then leaving doctor Boner a while in the marshalsea with his keeper, 
The first trouble of the L. Protector was about the month of Octob. an. 1549.  we will proceed (the Lord permitting) further in the course of our story, as the order of years and time requireth. And although the trouble of the Lord Protector falleth here jointly with the deprivation of D. Boner: yet because he was shortly again delivered out of the same through the Lords mighty working, I will therefore delay the tractation thereof, till the time of his second trouble, which was two years after: and so in the mean time returning ag●ine into our discourse, intent by the Lords leave, to collect and continue the matters begon, touching the kings godly proceed for reformation of religion, in the foresaid year of our lord, concurring. an. 1549.  
And here first a note would be made of Peter Martyr and of his learned travels, 
Disputation of Pete. Martyr, with Doct. Chedsey in Oxford.  and disputation in the university of Oxford the said present year, with doct. Chedsey, & other more, about the matter of the sacrament: which was, that the substance of bread and wine was not changed in the sacrament, & that the body and blood of Christ was not carnally and bodily in the bread and wine, but united to the same sacramentally.  
In like manner some touch or mention here also would be made of the Ecclesiastical laws, 
Ecclesiastical laws by Act of Parliament to be compiled by 32. persons. Statut. an. 3. Edou. 6.  for the gathering and compiling whereof 32. persons were assigned by Act of parliament the said present year 1549. But because these be rather matters of tractation, then Historical▪ I mean, (God willing) to defer the further consideration thereof unto the end of the history of this kings days, and so to pass forward to other matters in the mean while.   

Books of Latin service called in and abolished.  
IT followeth then in story, that certain of the vulgar multitude, 
Evil disposed people thinking to have their latin service again after the apprehension of the L. Protector.  hearing of the apprehension of the Lord Protector, and supposing the alteration of public Service into English, and administration of the Sacrament and other rites lately appointed in the Church, had been the Act chief or only of the said Lord Protector, began upon the same to noise and brute abroad, that they should now have their old Latin service, with holy bread and holy water, 
The king's commandment to the Bishops.  and their other like superstitious ceremonies again, whereupon the King with the body and state of the privy Counsel then being, directed out his letters of request and strait commandment to the bishops in their diocese, to cause and warn the Dean, and Prebendaries of their Cathedral Churches, all Persons, vicars and Curates: with the Churchwardens of every Parish within their Diocese, to bring in and deliver up all Antiphoners, Missales, Grailes, Processionals, Manuals, Legends, 
Books of Latin● service called in.  Pies, Portuases, journals, and Ordinals after the use of Sarum, Lincoln, York, Bangor, Herforde, or any other private use, 
Anno 1549.  and all other books of service, the having whereof might be any let to the service now set forth in English, charging also and commanding all such as should be found stubborn or disobedient in this behalf, to be committed unto ward.  
And because the King moreover was advertised that there was a slackness and a frowardness among the people refusing to pay toward the finding of bread and wine for the holy Communion, by reason whereof the Communion in many places was omitted, the Bishops in like manner had given in charge to provide for redress thereof, 
Common bread used in the holy Communion.  & to punish them which should refuse so to do. Whereby it may appear to us now, that no wafer cakes but common bread, was then by the kings appointment ordinarily received and used in Churches. This was about the latter end of December. An. 1549.   

Taking down of altars, and setting up of the table in steed thereof.  
FUrthermore, in the year next following .1550. other letters likewise were sent out for the taking down of altars in churches, 
Taking down of Altars.  and setting up the table in stead of the same, unto Nicholas Ridley, who being Bishop of Rochester before, was then made Bishop of London, in Boners' place, the copy and contents of the king's letters are these, as followeth.   

The king's letters to Nicholas Ridley Bishop of London. etc.  
RIght reverend father in God, right trusty and well beloved, we greet you well. 
The king's letter to Nicholas Ridley then B. of London.  And where it is come to our knowledge, that being the altars within the more part of the churches of this realm, already upon good and godly considerations taken down, there doth yet remain altars standing in divers other churches, by occasion whereof much variance and contention ariseth amongst sundry of our subjects, which if good foresight were not had, might perchance engender great hurt and inconvenience: we let you wit, that minding to have all occasion of contention taken away, which many times groweth by those & such like diversities, and considering that amongst other things belonging to our royal office and cure, we do account the greatest to be, to maintain the common quiet of our Realm we have thought good by the advice of our Counsel to require you, and nevertheless especial to charge and command you, for the avoiding of all matters of further contention & strife about the standing or taking away of the said altars, 
Altars taken down and destroyed.  to give substantial order throughout all your diocese, that with all diligence all the altars in every church or chapel, as well in places exempted, as not exempted within your said diocese be taken down, and in the stead of them a table to be set up in some convenient part of the chancel within every such church or chapel, to serve for the ministration of the blessed communion. 
Considerations to persuade the people.  And to the intent the same may be done without the offence of such our loving subjects, as be not yet so well persuaded in that behalf as we would wish, we send unto you herewith, certain considerations gathered and collected that make for the purpose, the which and such others as you shall think meet to be set forth to persuade the weak to embrace our proceed in this part, we pray you cause to be declared to the people by some discrete preachers in such places as you shall think meet, before the taking down of the said altars: so as both the weak consciences of other may be instructed and satisfied as much as may be, and this our pleasure the more quietly executed. For the better doing whereof, we require you to open the foresaid considerations in that our cathedral church in your own person, if you conveniently may, or otherwise by your Chancellor, or some other grave preacher, both there, & in such other market towns and most notable places of your diocese, as you may think most requisite.  
Given under our Signet, at our Palace of Westminster, the 24. day of November, the 4 year of our reign. 

Edward Somerset.  
Thomas Cranmer.  
William Wiltsher.  
john Warwick.  
john Bedford.  
William North.  
Edward Clinton.  
H. Wentworth.  
Thomas Ely.     

Reasons why the Lords board should rather be after the form of a table, then of an aultare.  

The first reason.  
FIrst, the form of a table shall more move the simple from the superstitious opinions of the Popish Mass, unto the right use of the lords supper. 
Consider●●tions 〈…〉 reasons, why the table we●● more con●uenient 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 than the Altar.  For the use of an altar is to make sacrifice upon it: the use of a table is to serve for men to eat upon. Now when we come unto the lords board, what do we come for? To sacrifice Christ again, and to crucify him again? or to feed upon him that was once only crucified, and offered up for us? If we come to feed upon him, spiritually to eat his body, and spiritually to drink his blood, which is the true use of the lords supper, than no man can deny, but the form of a table is more meet for the lords board, than the form o● an aultare.   

The second reason.  
Item, where as it is said, 
The seco●● reason▪  the book of common prayer maketh mention of an altar, wherefore it is not lawful to abolish that which that book alloweth: to this is thus answered: 
Answer to certain cavilers, which, 〈◊〉 hold● of the term●● of Alt●● the king's book.  The book of common prayer calleth the thing whereupon the lords supper is ministered, indifferently a Table, an Altar, or the lords board, without prescription of any form thereof, either of a Table, or of an Aultare. So that whether the Lords board have the form of an Altar, or of a table, the book of common prayer calleth it both an Altar and a Table. For as it calleth an Altar whereupon the lords Supper is ministered, a table, and the lords board, 
The tabl● how it 〈◊〉 be called Altar 〈◊〉 in what ●●spect.  so it calleth the table where the holy Communion is distributed with laudes and thanks giving unto the Lord, an Altar, for that, that there is offered the same sacrifice of praise and thanks giving. And thus it appeareth, that here is nothing neither said nor meant contrary to the book of common prayer.   

The third reason.  
thirdly, the Popish opinion of Mass, 
The thi●● reason. This 〈◊〉 for taking away th● superstit●●ous opin●●● serveth 〈◊〉 as well 〈◊〉 the abol●●shing of ●●ther thin● more 〈◊〉 Altars. & ●  was that it might not be celebrated but upon an altar, or at the least upon a superaltar, to supply the fault of the altar, which must have had his prints and charectes, or else it was thought that the thing was not lawfully done. But this superstitious opinion is more holden in the minds of the simple and ignorant by the form of an altar, then of a table: wherefore it is more meet for the abolishment of this superstitious opinion, to have the Lords board after the form of a table, then of an altar.   

The fourth reason.  
Fourthly, the form of an altar was ordained for the Sacrifices of the Law, 
The fou●● reason. The na●● of an alter how it i● derived, 〈◊〉 what it ●●●●nifieth.  and therefore the altar in Greek is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Quasi Sacrificij locus. But now both the law and the Sacrifices thereof do cease: Wherefore the form of the aultare used in the Law, aught to cease withal.   

The fift reason.  
Fiftly, 
The fift reason. Christ 〈◊〉 a table 〈◊〉 not an A●●tar. The Alt●● never vs● among 〈◊〉 Apostles  Christ did institute the Sacrament of his body and blood at his last Supper at a Table, and not at an Aultare, as it appeareth manifestly by the three Evangelists. And Saint Paul calleth the coming to the holy Communion, the coming unto the lords Supper. And also it is not read, that any of the Apostles or the Primitive Church did ever use any altar in the ministration of the holy Communion.  
Wherefore, seeing the form of a Table is more agreeable with Christ's institution, and with the usage of the Apostles and of the Primitive Church, than the form of an Altar, therefore the form of a Table is rather to be used, than the form of an Aultare in the administration of the holy Communion.   

The sixth reason.  
Finally, 
The six reason.  it is said in the preface of the book of common prayer, that if any doubt do arise in the use and practising of the same book, to appease all such diversity, the matter shall be referred unto the Bishop of the diocese, who by his discretion shall take order for the quieting and appeasinge of the same, so that the same order be not contrary unto any thing contained in that book.  
After these letters and reasons received, the forenamed Nicholas Ridley Bishop of London, consequently upon the same did hold his visitation, wherein amongst other his Injunctions, the said Bishop exhorted those Churches in his Diocese, where the Altars than did remain, to conform themselves unto those other Churches which had taken them down, and had set up in the stead of the multitude of their altars, one decent Table in every Church.  
Upon the occasion whereof there arose a great diversity about the form of the lords board, some using it after the form of a Table, and some of an aultare. Wherein when the said Bishop was required to say and determine what was most meet, 
Anno 1550.  he declared he could do no less of his bounden duty, for the appeasing of such diversity, & to procure one godly uniformity, but to exhort all his Diocese unto that, 
 which he thought did best agree with Scripture, with the usage of the Apostles, and with the Primitive Church, and to that which is not only not contrary unto any thing contained in the book of Common prayer (as is before proved) but also might highly further the kings most godly proceedings, in abolishing of divers vain & superstitious opinions of the popish mass out of the hearts of the simple, and to bring them to the right use taught by holy Scripture, 
〈◊〉 wall 〈◊〉 the high 〈◊〉 side in 〈…〉 Nicholas 〈◊〉.  of the lords Supper, and so appointed he the form of a right Table to be used in his Diocese, and in the Church of Paul's, broke down the wall standing then by the high Altars side.  
Now we will enter, (God willing) into those matters which happened between king Edward and his sister Mary, as by their letters here following are to be seen.    

To my Lord Protector and the rest of the king's majesties Counsel.  
MY Lord, I perceive by the letters which I late received from you, and other of the kings majesties Counsel, that ye be all sorry to find so little conformity in me touching the observation of his majesties laws: 
〈…〉 letters 〈◊〉 the Lords 〈◊〉 the Counsel.  who am well assured I have offended no law, unless it be a late law of your own making, for the altering of matters of Religion, which in my conscience is not worthy to have the name of a Law, both for the king's honours sake, the wealth of the Realm, and giving an occasion of an evil bruit through all Christendom, besides the partiality used in the same, and (as my said conscience is very well persuaded) the offending of God, which passeth all the rest: but I am well assured, that the king his father's Laws were allowed and consented to with out compulsion by the whole Realm, both Spiritual and Temporal, and all ye executors sworn upon a Book to fulfil the same, so that it was an authorised Law, and that I have obeyed, and will do with the grace of God, till the kings Majesty my brother shall have sufficient years to be a judge in these matters himself: Wherein my Lord, I was plain with you at my last being in the Court: declaring unto you at that time, whereunto I would stand, and now do assure you all, that the only occasion of my stay from altering mine opinion, is for two causes.  
One principally for my conscience sake: the other, that the king my brother shall not hereafter charge me to be one of those, that were agreeable to such alterations in his tender years. And what fruits daily grow by such changes since the death of the King my Father, to every indifferent person, it well appeareth, both to the displeasure of God, and unquietness of the realm.  
notwithstanding, I assure you all, I would be as ●othe to see his highness take hurt, or that any evil should come to this his Realm, as the best of you all, and none of you have the like cause, considering how I am compelled by nature, being his majesties poor and humble Sister, most tenderly to love and pray for him, and unto this his realm, being borne within the same, wish all wealth and prosperity to God's honour.  
And if any judge me the contrary for mine opinions sake, as I trust none doth, I doubt not in the end, with God's help, to prove myself as true a natural and humble sister, as they of the contrary opinion, with all their devices and altering of laws, shall prove themselves true subjects, praying you my Lord and the rest of the Counsel, no more to unquier and trouble me with matters touching my conscience, wherein I am at a full point, with God's help, what soever shall happen to me, intending with his grace, to trouble you little with any worldly suits but to bestow the short time I think to live, in quietness, and pray for the kings Majesty and all you, hearty wishing, that your proceed may be to God's honour, the safeguard of the king's person, and quietness to the whole Realm.  
Moreover, where your desire is, that I would send my Controller and Doctor Hopton unto you, by whom you would signify your minds more amply, to my contentation & honour: it is not unknown to you all, that the chief charge of my house ●e●teth only upon the travails of my said Controller. Who hath not been absent from my 〈◊〉 three who●e days since the setting up of the same unless it were for my letters patents, so that if it wer● 〈◊〉 for his continual diligence▪ I think my little portion would not have stretched so far. And my Chaplain by occasion of sickness, hath been long absent, and yet not able to ride.  
Therefore like as I can not forbear my Controller, and my Priest is not able to journey: So shall I desire you my Lord, and the rest of the Counsel, that having any thing to be declared unto me, except matters of Religion, ye will either write your minds, or send some trusty person, with whom I shall be contented to talk, and make answer as the case shall require, assuring you, that if any servant of mine own, either man or woman, or Chaplain should move me to the contrary of my conscience, I would not give ear to them, nor suffer the like to be used within my house. And thus my Lord, with my hearty commendations, I wish unto you and the rest, as well to do as myself.  
From my house at Kinning hall, the 22. of june. 1549. Your assured friend to my power, Mary.   

A remembrance of certain matters, appointed by the Counsel, to be declared by Doctor Hopton to the Lady Maries grace, for answer to her former letter, which said Hopton was after she came to her reign B. of Norwiche.  
Her grace writeth, that the law made by Parliament, is not worthy the name of a law, meaning the statute for the Communion. etc.  
You shall say thereto.  
THe fault is great in any subject to disallow a law of the king, a Law of a Realm, by long study, free disputation, and uniform determination of the whole Clergy, consulted, debated, and concluded. But the greater fault is in her grace, being next of any subject in blood and estate to the king's Majesty her brother and good Lord, to give example of disobedience, being a subject, or of unnaturalness, being his majesties sister, or of neglecting the power of the crown, she being by limitation of law next to the same. The example of disobedience is most perilous in this time, as she can well understand, her unkindness resteth in the kings own acceptation, the neglecting of the power, before God is answerable, and in the world toucheth her honour.  
The executors, she saith, were sworn to king Henry the eight his laws.  
You shall say.  
It is true, they were sworn to him, his Laws, his heirs, and successors, which oath they duly observe, and should offend if they should break any one jot of the kings laws now being, without a dispensation by a law, and herein her grace shall understand, that it is no law, which is dissolved by a law: Neither may her grace do that injury to the kings Majesty her brother, to diminish his authority so far, that he may not by the free consent of a parliament, amend and alter unprofitable laws, for the number of inconveniences which hereof might follow, as her grace with consideration may well perceive.  
Offence taken by the sending for of her officers.  
You shall say.  
If her grace consider the first letters of that purpose, they will declare our good meaning to her, and our gentle usage, requiring the presence of her trusty servant, because she might give more trust to our message.  
Her house is her flock.  
You shall say.  
It is well liked her grace should have her house or flock, but not exempt from the King's orders: neither may there be a flock of the king's subjects, but such as will hear and follow the voice of the king their shepherd. God disalloweth it, law and reason forbiddeth it, policy abhorreth it, and her honour may not require it.  
Her grace deferreth her obedience to the king's law, till his Majesty be of sufficient years.  
You shall say.  
She could in no one saying more disallow the authority of the king, the majesty of his crown, and the state of the Realm. For herein she suspendeth his kingdom, and esteemeth his authority by his age, not by his right and title. Her grace must understand he is a King by the ordinance of God, by descent of Royal blood, not by the numbering of his years.  
As a creature subject to mortality, he hath youth, and by God's grace shall have age: but as a King he hath no difference by days and years. The Scripture plainly declareth it, not only young children to have been kings by God's special ordinance, but also (which is to be noted) to have had best success in their reign, and the favour of God in their proceedings. Yea, in their first years have they most purely reformed the Church and state of Religion. Therefore her grace hath no cause thus to diminish his majesties power, and to make him as it were no king until she think him of sufficient years. Wherein how much his majesty may be justly offended, they be sorry to think.  
She saith, she is subject to none of the Counsel.  
You shall say.  
If her grace understandeth it of us in that acceptation as we be private men, and not counsellors, sworn to the king's majesty, we knowledge us not to be superiors: but if she understand her writing of us as Counsellors and magistrates, ordained by his majesty, her grace must be contented to think us of authority sufficient by the reason of our office to challenge a superiority, not to rule by private affection: but by God's providence, not to our estimation, but to the king's honour, and finally to increase the king's estate with our counsel, our dignity and vocation: and we think her grace will not forget the saying of Solomon, in the 6. chapter of the book of Wisdom, to move a king to rule by counsel and wisdom, and to build his estate upon them. Wherefore her grace must be remembered, the king's majesties politic body is not made only of his own Royal material body, but of a Counsel, by whom his majesty ruleth, directeth, and governeth his Realm. In the place of which Counsel her grace is not ignorant, that we be set and placed. Wherefore the reputation she shall give us, she shall give it to the king's honour, & that which she shall take from us, she shall take from his Majesty, whose majesty we think if it might take increase of honour, as God giveth a daily abundance, it should receive rather increase from her being his majesties sister, than thus any abatement.  
She received master Arundel, and master Englefelde.  
You shall say.  
All the Counsel remembreth well her refusal to have her house charged with any more number, alleging the small proportion for her charge, and therefore it was thought to come of their earnest suit, meaning to be privileged subjects from the law, then of her desire, which refused very often to increase her number. Their cautel the king might not suffer, to have his law disobeyed, their countries where they should serve by them to be destitute, and having been servants to his majesty, the circumstances of their departure might in no wise be liked.  
She refused to hear any man to the contrary of her opinion.  
You shall say.  
It is an answer more of will then of reason, and therefore her Grace must be admonished neither to trust her own opinion without ground, neither mislike all others. having ground. If hers be good, it is no hurt if she hear the worse. If it be ill, she shall do well to hear the better. She shall not alter by hearing, but by hearing the better. And because she shall not mislike the offer, let her grace name of learned men whom she will, and further than they by learning shall prove, she shall not be moved. And so far it is thought, reason will compel her grace.  
In the end ye shall say.  
The good wills and minds of the Lord Protector and the Counsel is so much toward her grace, that how soever she would herself in honour be esteemed, how soever in conscience quieted, yea how soever benefited, saving their duties to God and the king, they would as much, and in their doings (if it please her to prove it) will be nothing inferiors, assuring her grace, that they be most sorry she is thus disquieted: and if necessity of the cause, the honour and surety of the king, and the judgement of their own conscience moved them not, thus far they would not have attempted. But their trust is, her grace will allow them the more, when she shall perceive the cause, and think no less could be done by them, where she provoked them so far.  

Note Doctor Hoptons' allowance of the communion in those days.  ¶ These and other of like credit, more amply committed to you in speech, you shall declare to her grace, and further declare your conscience for the allowing of the manner of the Communion, as ye have plainly professed it before us.  
At Richmund. 14. june. 1549.   

The Lady Mary to the Lord Protector and the rest of the Counsel. 27. june. 1549.  
MY Lord, I perceive by letters directed from you and other of the kings majesties Counsel, to my Controller, my Chaplain, and master Englefelde my servant, that ye will them upon their allegiance, to repair immediately to you, wherein you give me evident cause to change mine accustomed opinion of you all, that is to say, to think you careful of my quietness and well doings, considering how earnestly I write to you for the stay of two of them, and that not without very just cause. And as for master Englefeld, assoon as he could have prepared himself, having his horses so far off, although ye had not sent at this present, would have performed your request. But in deed I am much deceived. For I supposed ye would have weighed and taken my letters in better part, if ye have received them: if not, to have tarried mine answer, and I not to have found so little friendship, not to have been used so ungently at your hands in sending for him, upon whose travail doth rest the only charge of my whole house, as I writ to you lately, whose absence therefore shall be to me & my said house no little displeasure, especially being so far off. And besides all this, I do greatly marvel to see your writing for him, and the other two with such extreme words of peril to ensue towards them, in case they did not come, and specially for my Controller, whose charge is so great, that he can not suddenly be meet to take a journey: which words in mine opinion needed not (unless it were in some very just and necessary cause) to any of mine, who taketh myself subject to none of you all: not doubting but if the kings majesty my brother were of sufficient years to perceive this matter, and knew what lack and in commodity the absence of my said officer should be to my house, his grace would have been so good Lord to me, as to have suffered him to remain, where his charge is. Notwithstanding, I have willed him at this time to repair to you, commanding him to return forthwith for my very necessities sake, and I have given the like leave to my poor sick priest also, whose life I think undoubtedly shall be put in hazard by the wet and cold painful travail of this journey. But for my part I assure you all, that since the king my father, your late master and very good Lord died, I never took you for other than my friends: but in this it appeareth contrary. And saving I thought verily that my former letters should have discharged this matter, I would not have troubled myself with writing the same, not doubting but you do consider, that none of you all would have been contented to have been thus used at your inferiors hands, I mean to have had your officer, or any of your servants sent for by a force (as ye make it) knowing no just cause why. Wherefore I do not a little marvel, that ye had not this remembrance towards me, who always hath willed and wished you as well to do as myself, and both have and will pray for you all as hearty, as for mine own soul to almighty God, whom I humbly beseech to illumine you all with his holy spirit, to whose mercy also I am at a full point to commit myself, what soever shall become of my body. And thus with my commendations I bid you all far well.  
From my house at Kenninghal, the 27. of june. Your friend to my power, though you give me contrary cause. Mary.   

A copy of the kings majesties letter to the Lady Marie. 24. jan. 1550.  
RIght dear. etc. We have seen by letters of our Counsel, sent to you of late, and by your answer thereunto, touching the cause of certain your Chaplains, having offended our laws in saying of Mass, their good and convenient advises, and your fruitless and indirect mistaking of the same, which thing moveth us to write at this time, that where good counsel from our Counsel hath not prevailed, yet the like from ourself may have due regard. The whole matter we perceive resteth in this, that you being our next sister, in whom above all other our subjects, nature should place the most estimation of us, would wittingly and purposely, not only break our laws yourself, but also have others maintained to do the same. Truly how soever the matter may have other terms, other sense it hath not: and although by your letter it seemeth you challenge a promise made, that so you might do: yet surely we know the promise had no such meaning, neither to maintain, ne to continue your fault. You must know this sister, you were at the first time when the law was made, borne with all, not because you should disobey the law, but that by our lenity and love showed you might learn to obey it. We made a difference of you from our other subjects, not for that all other should follow our laws, & you only against and them, but that you might be brought as far forward by love, as others were by duty. The error wherein you would rest is double, & every part so great, that neither for the love of God, we can well suffer it unredressed. neither for the love of you we can but wish it amended. First you retain a fashion in honouring of God, who in deed thereby is dishonoured, & therein err you in zeal for lack of science, & having science offered you, you refuse it, not because it is science (we trust, for than should we despair of you) but because you think it is none. And surely in this we can best reprehend you, learning daily in our school, that therefore we learn things, because we know them not, & are not allowed to say we know not these things, or we think they be not good, & therefore we will not learn them. Sister, you must think nothing can commend you more than reason, according to the which you have been hitherto used, & now for very love we will offer you reason ourself. If you are persuaded in conscience to the contrary, of our laws, you or your persuaders shall freely be suffered to say what you or they can, so that you will hear what shallbe said again.  
In this point you see I pretermit my estate, and talk with you as your brother, rather than your supreme Lord and king. Thus should you, being as well content to hear of your opinions, as you are content to hold them, in the end thank us as much for bringing you to light, as now before you learn, you are loath to see it. And it thus much reason with our natural love shall not move you, whereof we would be sorry, then must we consider the other part of your fault, which is the offence of our laws. For though hitherto it hath been suffered in hope of amendment, yet now, if hope be none, how shall there be sufferance? Our charge is to have the same care over every man's estate, that every man ought to have over his own. And in your own house, as you would be loath openly to suffer one of your servants being next you, most manifestly to break your orders, so must you think in our state it shall miscontent us to permit you so great a subject, not to keep our laws. Your nearnes to us in blood, your greatness in estate, the condition of this time maketh your fault the greater. The example is unnatural, that our sister should do less for us, than our other subjects. The case is slanderoous for so great a parsonage to forsake our majesty.  
Finally, it is too dangerous in a troublesome common wealth, to make the people to mistrust a faction. We be young, you think in years to consider this. Truly sister, it troubleth us somewhat the more, for it may be, this evil suffered in you, is greater than we can discern, & so we be as much troubled, because we doubt whether we see the whole peril, as we be, for that we see. In deed we will presume no further than our years giveth us, that is, in doubtful things not to trust our own wits, but in evident things we think there is no difference. If you should not do as other subjects do, were it not evident, that therein you should not be a good subject? Were it not plain in that case, that you should use us not as your sovereign Lord? Again, if you should be suffered to break our laws manifestly, were it not a comfort for others so to do? and if our laws be broken, & contemned, where is our estate? These things be so plain, as we could almost have judged them six years past. And in deed it grieveth us not a little, that you which should be our most comfort in our young years, should alone give us occasion of discomfort. Think you not but it must needs trouble us, and if you can so think, you ought sister to amend it. Our natural love towards you without doubt is great, & therefore diminish it not yourself. If you will be loved by us, show some token of love towards us, that we say not with the Psalm. Mala pro bonis mihi reddiderunt. If you will be believed, when by writing you confess us to be your sovereign Lord, hear that which in other things is often alleged: ostend mihi fidem tuam ex factis tuis. In the answer of your letter to our counsel, we remember you stick only upon one reason divided into two parts. The first is, that in matters of religion, your faith is none other, but as all Christendom doth confess. The next is, you will assent to no alteration, but wish things to stand as they did at our father's death. If you mean in the first to rule your faith, by that you call Christendom, and not by this Church of England, wherein you are a member, you shall ere in many points, such as our fathers & yours would not have suffered, whatsoever you say of the standing still of things, as they were left by him. The matter is too plain to write, what may be gathered, and too perilous to be concluded against you. For the other part, if you like no alteration by our authority, of things not altered by our father, you should do us too great an injury. We take ourself for the administration of this our common wealth, to have the same authority which our father had diminished in no part, neither by example of scripture, nor by universal laws. The stories of Scripture be so plenteous, as almost the best ordered church of the Israelites was by kings, younger than we be. Well sister, we will not in these things interpret your writings to the worst: love and charity shall expound them. But yet you must not thereby be bold to offend in that, whereunto you see your writings might be wrested. To conclude, we exhort you to do your duty, and if any impediment be thereof, not of purpose, you shall find a brotherly affection in us to remedy the same. To teach you and instruct you, we will give order, and so procure you to do your duty willingly, that you shall perceive you are not used merely as a subject, and only commanded, but as a daughter, a scholar, and a sister, taught, instructed, and persuaded. For the which cause, when you have considered this our letter, we pray you that we may shortly hear from you.   

To the kings most excellent Majesty.  
MY duty most humbly remembered to your majesty, please it the same to understand that I have received your letters by master Throgmorton this bearer. The contents whereof doth more trouble me, than any bodily sickness, though it were even to the death, and the rather for that your highness doth charge me to be both as a breaker of your laws, and also an encourager of others to do the like. I most humbly beseech your Majesty, to think that I never intended towards you otherwise then my duty compelleth me unto, that is, to wish your highness all honour and prosperity, for the which I do and daily shall pray▪ And where it pleaseth your majesty to write, that I make a challenge of a promise made otherwise then it was meant: the troth is, the promise could not be denied before your majesties presence at my last waiting upon the same. And although, I confess, the ground of faith (whereunto I take reason to be but an handmaid) & my conscience also hath and doth agree with the same: yet touching that promise, for so much as it hath pleased your majesty (God knoweth by whose persuasion) to write, it was not so meanr: I shall most humbly desire your highness to examine the truth thereof indifferently, and either will your majesties ambassador, now being with the Emperor, to inquire of the same, if it be your pleasure to have him move it, or else to cause it to be demanded of the Emperor's ambassador here, although he were not within this realm at that time. And thereby it shall appear that in this point, I have not offended your majesty, if it may please you so to accept it. And albeit your majesty (GOD be praised) hath at these years as much understanding and more, then is commonly seen in that age yet considering you do hear but one part (your highness not offended) I would be a suitor to the same, that till ye were gronwen to more perfect years, it might stand with your pleasure to stay in matters touching the soul. So undoubtedly should your Majesty know more, and hear others, and nevertheless be at your liberty and do your will and pleasure. And whatsoever your majesty hath conceived of me, either by letters to your counsel, or by their report, I trust in the end to prove myself as true to you, as any subject within your realm, & will by no means stand in argument with your majesty, but in most humble wise beseech you, even for God's sake to suffer me, as your highness hath done hitherto. It is for no worldly respect I desire it, God is my judge, but rather than to offend my conscience, I would desire of God, to lose all that I have, and also my life: and nevertheless live and die your humble sister and true subject. Thus after pardon craved of your majesty for my rude and bold writing, I beseech almighty God to preserve the same in honour, with as long continuance of health and life, as ever had noble king.  
From Beauliene, the 3. of February, Your majesties most humble and unworthy sister, Marry.   

The Lady Marie to the Lords of the Counsel 4. December. 1550.  
MY Lords, your letters dated the second of this present, were delivered unto me the third of the same. And where you write, that two of my Chaplains, Doctor Mallet and Barkley be indicted for certain things committed by them contrary to the king's majesties laws, and process for them also awarded forth, and delivered to the Sheriff of Essex: I can not burr marvel they should be so used, considering it is done, as I take it, for saying mass within my house: and although I have been of myself mineded always, and yet am, to have Mass within my house: yet I have been advertised, that the emperors Majesty hath been promimised that I should never be unquieted nor troubled for my so doing, as some of you, my Lords, can witness. Furthermore, besides the declaration of the said promise made to me by the Emperor's ambassador that dead is, from his Majesty, to put my chaplains more out of fear, when I was the last year with the king's majesty my brother, that question was then moved, and could not be denied, but affirmed by some of you before his Majesty to be true, being not so much unquieted for the trouble of my said Chaplains, as I am to think how this matter may be taken, the promise to such a person being no better regarded. And for mine own part, thought full little to have received such ungentleness at your hands having always (God is my judge) wished unto the whole number of you, as to myself, & have refused to trouble you, or to crave any thing at your hands, but your good will & friendship, which very slenderly appeareth in this matter. Notwithstanding to be plain with you, how soever you shall use me or mine (with God's help) I will never vary from mine opinion touching my faith. And if ye or any of you bear me the less good will for that matter, or faint in your friendship towards me, only for the same I must and will be contented, trusting that God will in the end show his mercy upon me, assuring you, I would rather refuse the friendship of all the world (whereunto I trust I shall never be driven) then forsake any point of my faith. I am not without some hope that ye will stay this matter, not enforcing the rigour of the law against my chaplains. The one of them was not in my house these 4. months, & D. Mallet having my licence, is either at Windsor, or at his benefice, who, as I have heard, was indicted for saying of Mass out of my house, which was not true▪ But in deed, the day before my removing from Woodham water, my whole household in effect was gone to Newhall, he said Mass there by mine appointment. I see and hear of divers that do not obey your statutes and proclamations, and nevertheless escape without punishment. Be ye judges, if I be well used to have mine punished by rigour of a law, besides all the false bruits that ye have suffered to be spoken of me. Moreover my Chaplain D. Mallet, besides mine own commandment was not ignorant of the promise made to the Emperor, which did put him out of fear. I doubt not therefore but ye will consider it, as by that occasion no peace of friendship be taken away, nor I to have cause but to bear you my good will, as I have done heretofore, for albeit I could do you little pleasure, yet of my friendship ye were sure, as if it had lain in my power ye should have well known. Thus with my hearty commendations to you all, I pray almighty God to send you as much of his grace, as I would wish to mine own soul.  
From Beulien, the 4. of Decemb. Your assured friend to my power, Mary.   

The Counsel to the Lady Marie, the 25. of December.  
AFter our due commendations to your grace. By your letters to us, as an answer to ours, touching certain process against two of your Chaplains, for saying Mass against the law and statute of the realm, we perceive both the offence of your chaplains is otherwise excused then the matter may bear, and also our good wills otherwise misconstrued than we looked for. And for the first part, where your greatest reason for to excuse the offence of a law, is a promise made to the emperors Majesty, whereof you write, that first some of us be witnesses, next that the Ambassador for the Emperor declared the same unto you, and lastly, that the same promise was affirmed to you before the kings majesty at your last being with him: We have thought convenient to repeat the matter from the beginning, as it hath hitherto proceeded, whereupon it shall appear how evidently your Chaplains hath offended the law, and you also mistaken the promise. The promise is but one in itself, but by times thrice as you say repealed. Of which times, the first is chief to be considered, for upon that do the other two depend. It is very true the Emperor made request to the kings Majesty, that you might have liberty to use the Mass in your house, and to be as it were exempted from the danger of the statute. To which request divers good reasons were made, containing the discommodities that should follow the grant thereof, and means devised rather to persuade you, to obey & receive the general and godly reformation of the whole realm, then by a private fancy to prejudice a common order. But yet upon earnest desire and entreaty made in the emperors name, thus much was granted, that for his sake and your own also, it should be suffered and winked at, if you had the private mass used in your own closet for a season, until you might be better informed, whereof was some hope, having only with you a few of your own chamber, so that for all the rest of your household, the service of the realm should be used, and none other: further, than this the promise exceeded not. And truly such a matter it then seemed to some of us, as in deed it was, that well might the Emperor have required of the kings Majesty a matter of more profit: but of more weight or difficulty to be granted, his majesty could not. After this grant in words, there was by the ambassador now dead, oftentimes desired some writing, as a testimony of the same. But that was ever denied: not because we meant to break the promise, as it was made, but because there was a daily hope of your reformation.  
Now to the second time, you say the Emperor's ambassadors declaration made mention of a promise to you, it might well so be. But we think no otherwise then as it appeareth before written. If it were, his fault it was to declare more than he heard: ours it may not be, that deny not that we have said. As for the last time when you were with the kings majesty, the same some of us (whom by these words your letter noteth) do well remember, that no other thing was granted to you in this matter, but as the first promise was made to the Emperor, at which time you had too many arguments made to approve the proceedings of the king's Majesty, and to condemn the abuse of the mass, to think that where the private mass was judged ungodly, there you should have authority and ground to use it. About the same time, the ambassador made means to have some testimony of the promise under the great seal, and that not hard to have it, but by a letter, and that also was not only denied, but divers good reasons, that he should think it denied with reason, & so to be contented with an answer. It was told him in reducing that which was commonly called the Mass, to the order of the primative church, and the institution of Christ, the king's majesty & his whole realm had their consciences well quieted, against that which, if any thing should be willingly committed, the same should be taken as an offence to God, & a very sin against truth unknown. Wherefore to licence by open act such a deed in the conscience of the king's majesty & his realm, were even a sin against God. The most that might herein be borne, was that the king's majesty might upon hope of your gracious reconciliation, suspend the execution of his law, so that you would use the licence as it was first granted. What soever the Ambassador hath said to others, he had no other manner grant from us, nor having it thus granted, could allege any reason against it. And where in your letter your grace noteth us as breakers of the promise made to the Emperor, it shall appear who hath broken the promise: whether we that have suffered more than we licensed, or you that have transgressed that was granted. Now therefore we pray your grace confer the doing of your chaplains with every point of the premises, and if the same cannot be excused, then think also how long the law hath been spared. If it prick our consciences somewhat, that so much should be used as by the promise you may claim, how much more should it grieve us to licence more than you can claim? And yet could we be content to bear great burden to satisfy your grace, if the burden pressed not our consciences, whereof we must say as the Apostle said: Gloriatio nostra est haec, testimonium conscientiae nostrae. For the other part of your grace's letter, by the which we see you misconstrue our good wills in writing to you, how soever the law had proceeded against your Chaplains, our order in sending to you was to be liked, and therein truly had we special regard of your grace's degree and estate. And because the law of itself respecteth not persons, we thought to give respect to you, first signifying to you what the law required, before it should be executed, that being warned, your grace might either think no strangeness in the execution, or for an example of obedience cause it to be executed yourself. Others we see perplexed with suddenness of matters, your grace we would not have unwarned to think any thing done sudden. Truly we thought it more commendable for your grace, to help the execution of a law, then to help the offence of one condemned by law. And in giving you knowledge what the king's laws required, we looked for help in the execution by you the king's majesties sister. The greater personage your grace is, the nigher to the king, so much more ought your example to further laws. For which cause it hath been called a good common wealth, where the people obeyed the higher estates, and they obeyed the laws. As nature hath joined your grace to the king's majesty to love him most entirely, so hath reason and law subdued you to obey him willingly. The one and the other we doubt not, but your grace remembreth, and as they both be joined together in you, his majesties sister, so we trust you will not severe them, for in deed your grace cannot love him as your brother, but you must obey his majesty as his subject.  
Example of your obedience and reverence of his majesties laws is in stead of a good preacher, to a great number of his majesties subjects, who if they may see in you negligence of his majesty or his laws, will not fail but follow on hardly, and then their fault is not their own but yours, by example. And so may the king's majesty when he shall come to further judgement, impute that fault of divers evil people (which thing God forbidden) to the sufferance of your graces doings. And therefore we most earnestly from the depth of our hearts desire it, that as nature hath set your grace nigh his Majesty by blood, so your love and zeal to his majesty, will further his estate by obedience. In the end of your letter ij. things be touched, which we can not pretermit: the one is, you seem to charge us with permission of men to break laws & statutes. We think in deed it is too true, that laws and proclamations be broken daily, the more pity it is: but that we permit them, we would be so sorry to have it proved. The other is, that we have suffered brutes to be spoken of you, & that also must be answered as the other. It is pity to see men so evil, as whom they may touch with tales & infamies they care not, so they miss not the best. Such is the boldness of people, that neither we can fully bridle them, to raise tales of you, nor of ourselves. And yet whensoever any certain person may be gotten, to be charged with any such, we never leave them unpunished. In deed, the best way is, both for your grace, & also us, that when we can not find and punish the offender, let us say as he said that was evil spoken of: yet will I so live, as no credit shall be given to my backbiters. Certainly, if we had credited any evil tale of your grace, we would friendly have admonished you thereof, & so also proceeded, as either the taletellers should have been punished, or else have proved their tales. And therefore we pray your grace to think no unkindness in us, that any evil brutes have been spread by evil men, but think rather well of us, that howsoever they were spread, we believed them not. Hitherto your grace seethe we have written somewhat at length, of the promise made to you and our meanings, in our former writings. And now for the latter part of our letter, we will as briefly as we can remember to you two special matters, whereof the one might suffice to reform your proceedings, & both together well considered, we trust shall do your grace much good. The one is, the truth of that you be desired to follow: the other is, the commodity that thereby shall ensue. They both make a just commandment, and because of the first the latter followeth, that first shall be entreated. We here say your grace refuseth to hear any thing reasoned, contrary to your old determination, wherein you make your opinion suspicious, as that you are afeard to be dissuaded. If your faith in things be of God, it may abide any storm or water: if it be but of sand, you do best to eschew the weather. That which we profess, hath the foundation in Scriptures upon plain texts and no gloss, the confirmation thereof by the use in the primative Church, not in this later corrupted: and in deed our greatest change is not in the substance of our faith, no not in any one article of our creed. Only the difference is, that we use the ceremonies, observations, and Sacraments of our religion as the Apostles, and first fathers in the primative Church did. You use the same that corruption of time brought in, and very barbary and ignorance nourished, and seem to be bold for custom against truth, & we for truth against custom. Your grace in one or two places of your letter, seemeth to speak earnestly in the maintenance of your faith, & therein (so that your faith be according to the Scriptures) we must have the like opinion. The saying is very good if the faith be sound. But if every opinion your grace hath (we cannot tell how conceived) shall be your faith, you may be much better instructed. S. Paul teacheth you, that faith is by the word of God. And it was a true saying of him that said: Non qui cuivis credit, fidelis est, sed qui Deo. For where hath your grace ground for such a faith, to think common prayer in the English Church should not be in english? that Images of God should be set up in the church? or that the sacrament of Christ's body & blood should be offered by the priests for the dead? yea, or that it should be otherwise used, then by the scripture it was instituted? Though you have no scripture to mayneteine them, we have evident scriptures to forbid them. And although fault might be found, that of late baptism hath been used in your grace's house, contrary to law, & utterly without licence, yet is it the worse, that contrary to the primative Church it hath been in a tongue unknown, by that which the best part of the Sacrament is unused, & as it were a blind bargain made by the Godfathers in a matter of illumination, and thus in the rest of the things in which your grace differeth from the common order of the realm, where have you ground or reason but some custom, which oftentimes is mother of many errors? And although in civil things she may be followed where she causeth quiet, yet not in religions, where she excuseth no error, as in Leviticus it is said: Ye shall not do after the custom of Egypt, wherein ye dwelled, nor after the custom of Chanaan: no, you shall not walk in their laws, for I am your Lord God, keep you my laws and commandments. The points wherein your grace differeth in your faith as you call it, may be showed where, when, how, & by whom they begun, since the Gospel was preached, the church was planted, & the Apostles martyred. At which time your faith depended upon the Scripture, & otherwise there was no necessity to believe. For as Jerome saith: Quod de scriptures non habet authoritatem, eadem facilitate contemnitur qua probatur. And because your grace as we hear say, readeth sometime the Doctors, we may allege unto you the 2. or 3. places of other principal Doctors. August. saith: Cum dominus tacuerit, quis nostrûm dicat, illa vel illa sunt: aut si dicere audeat, unde probat? And Chrisostomes' saying is not unlike. Multi, inquit, iactant spiritum sanctum, sed qui propria loquuntur, falso illum praetendunt. And if you will have their meaning plain, read the 5. Chapter of the first book of Ecclesiastica historia, and where Constantine had these words in the Council. In disputationibus, inquit, rerum divinarum, habetur praescripta spiritus sancti doctrina, Euang●lici & Apostolici libri cum prophetarum oraculis plene nobis ostendunt sensum numinis, proinde discordia posita, sumamus ex verbis spiritus questionum explicationes. What plainer sayings may be then these to answer your fault? Again, to infinite it were to remember your grace the great number of particular errors (crept into the church whereupon you make your foundation. The fables of false miracles and lewd pilgrimages may somewhat teach you. Only this we pray your grace to remember with yourself: the two words that the father said of his son jesus Christ. Ipsum audite. To the second point of the commodity that may follow your obedience, we having by the kings authority in this behalf the governance of this realm must herein be plain with your grace. And if our speech offend the same, then must your grace think it is our charge and office to find fault where it is, and our duty to amend it as we may. Most sorry truly we be, that your grace, whom we should otherwise honour, for the kings majesties sake, by your own deeds should provoke us to offend you, we do perceive great discommodity to the realm by your grace's singularity, (if it may be so named) in opinion, & in one respect, as you are sister to our sovereign Lord & master, we most humbly beseech your grace to show your affection continually towards him, as becometh a sister. And as your grace is a subject, and we counsellors to his majesties estate, we let you know, the example of your grace's opinion hindereth the good weal of this realm, which thing we think is not unknown unto you: & if it be, we let your grace know, it is to true. For God's sake we beseech your grace, let nature set before your eyes the young age of the king your brother. Let reason tell you the looseness of the people, how then can you without a wailing hart▪ think that ye should be the cause of disturbance? if your grace see the king, being the ordinary ruler under God not only of all others in the realm, but of you also▪ call his people by ordinary laws one way, with what hart can your grace stay yourself without following: much worse to stay other that would follow their sovereign Lord? Can it be a love in you to forsake him, his rule and law, & take a private way by yourself? If it be not love, it is much less obedience. If your grace think the king's majesty to be over his people as the head in a man's body is over the rest not only in place but in dignity and science▪ how can you being a principal member in the same body keep the nourishment from the head, we pray your grace most earnestly think this thing so much grieveth us, as for our private affection & good wills unto you (though we should dissemble) yet for our public office, we cannot but plainly inform your grace, not doubting but that your wisdom can judge what your office is, & if it were not your own cause, we know your grace by wisdom could charge us, if we suffered the like in any other. Truly every one of us a part honoureth your grace for our masters sake, but when we join together in public service, as in this writing we do. We judge it not tolerable, to know disorder, to see the cause, & leave it unamended. For though we would be negligent, the world would judge us. And therefore we do altogether eftsoons require your grace, in the kings majesties name, that if any of your 2. chaplains, Mallet, or Barcklet, be returned, or as soon as any of them shall return to your grace's house the same may be by your grace's commandment or order, sent or delivered to the sheriff of Essex, who hath commandment from the king's majesty, by order of the law & of his crown to attach them, or if that condition shall not like your grace, yet that then he may be warned from your grace's house, & yet not kept there, to be as it were defended from the power of the law. Which thing we think surely neither your grace will mean, nor any of your counsel assent thereto. And so to make an end of our letter, being long for the matter, and hitherto differred for our great business, we trust your grace first seethe how the usage of your Chaplains differeth from the manner of our licence, and what good intent moved us to write unto you in former letters: lastly that the things whereunto the king and the whole realm hath consented, be not only lawful and just by the policy of the Realm, but also just and godly by the laws of God. So that if we, which have charge under the King should willingly consent to the open breach of them, we could neither discharge ourselves to the king for our duties, neither to God for our conscience. The consideration of which things we pray almighty God, by his holy spirit, to lay in the bottom of your hart, and thereupon to build such a profession in you, as both God may have his true honour: the king his dew obedience, the Realm concord, and we most comfort. For all the which we do heartily pray, & therewith, for the continuance of your grace's health to your heart's desire. From Westminster the xxv. of December.   

* The Lady Mary to the Lords of the Counsel xx. May. 1551.  
MY Lords, after my hearty commendations to you, although both I have been and also am loath to trouble you with my letters, yet nevertheless the news which I have lately hard, touching my chaplain Doctor Mallet forceth me thereunto, at this present, for I hear by credible report, that you have committed him to the tower, which news seem to me very strange: notwithstanding I thought it good, by these to desire you to advertise me what is the cause of his imprisonment, assuring you I would be sorry that any of mine should deserve the like punishment, and there is no creature within the King's majesties Realm would more lament, that any belonging to them should give just cause so to be used: then I would do: who would have thought much friendship in you if you had given me knowledge, wherein my said chaplain had offended, before you had ministered such punishment unto him, eftsoons requiring you to let me know by this bearer, the truth of the matter. And thus thanking you for the short dispatch of the poor Merchant of Portugal, I wish to you all no worse than to myself, and so bid you farewell.  
From Beaulien the 2. of May. Your friend to my power, Mary.   

* The Counsel to the Lady Mary, 6. of may. 1551.  
AFter our humble commendations to your grace, we have received your letters of the second of this month, by the which your grace seemeth to take it strangely that Doctor Mallet is committed to prison, whereof we have the more marvel, seeing it hath been heretofore signified unto you that he hath offended the king's majesties laws, and thereof condemned, your grace hath been by our letters earnestly desired, that he might be delivered to the Sheriff of Essex, according to the just process of the law, to the which all manner persons of this Realm be subject, whereof howsoever it seemeth strange at this time to your grace that he is imprisoned, it may seem more strange to other that he hath escaped it thus long: and if the place being the Tower, move your grace not to impute his imprisonment to his former offence, than we pray your grace to understand that in deed it is for the very same, and the place of the imprisonment to be at the King's majesties pleasure, from whom, besides the charge of his laws, we have express commandment to do that we do. And so we beseech your grace to think of us, that neither in this case, nor in any other we mean to do any other then minister and see, as much as in our power lieth, ministered justice indifferently, to all persons, which doing than we think your grace should not think it any lack of friendship that we did not certify you of the offence of your chaplain, although in deed the cause hath already been certified. And we trust your grace both of your natural nearness to the King's Majesty and your own good wisdom will not mislike our ministery in the execution of the laws of the Realm, and the pleasure of the kings Majesty. So we wish to your grace from the bottom of our hart, the grace of almighty God, with the riches of his holy gifts.   

* The Lady Mary to the Counsel, the 11. of May.  
MY Lords, it appeareth by your letters of the vj. of this present which I have received, that the imprisonment of my Chaplain Doctor Mallet is, for saying of Mass, and that he was condemned for the same. In deed I have heard that he was indited, but never condemned. Nevertheless, I must needs confess and say, that he did it but by my commandment, and I said unto him that none of my chaplains should be in danger of the law for saying Mass in my house. And thereof to put him out of doubt, the emperors Ambassador that dead is, declared unto him before that time, how after what sort the & promise was made to his Majesty, whereby it appeareth, that the man hath not in that willingly offended. Wherefore I pray you to discharge him of imprisonment, and set him at liberty: if not, ye minister cause no● only to him, but to others to think that I have declared more than was true, which I would not wittingly do, to gain the whole world. And herein as I have often said, the emperors Majesty can be best judge. And to be plain with you according to mine old custom, there is not one amongst the whole number of you all, that would be more loath to be found untrue of their word then I. And well I am assured, that none of you have found it in me. My Lords, I pray you seek not so much my dishonour, as to disprove my word, whereby it should appear too plain that you handle me not well. And if you have cause to charge my Chaplain for this matter, lay that to me, and I will discharge it again, by your promise made to the emperors Majesty, which you can not rightfully deny, wishing rather that you had refused it in the beginning then after such promise made, and to such a person, to seem to go from it which my Lords, as your very friend I heartily desire you to consider, and to give me no cause to think you otherwise then my friends, considering I have always, and yet do (God is my judge) wish to you all no worse neither in souls nor bodies, then to myself, and so with my hearty commendations, I commit you all to God.  
From Beaulien the 11. of May. Your assured friend to my power, Mary.   

¶ The Counsel to the Lady Mary, the 27. of May. 1551.  
AFter our due commendations to your grace, although the same receiveth not answer so soon, as perchance was looked for upon the return of your grace's servant: Yet we doubt not, but your grace understanding that where we have matters of estate pertaining to the King's Majesty in hand, as in deed we have had of late, the differing of the answer in a matter being no greater, requireth to be borne withal. And touching the answer of your grace's letter for D. Mallet, we pray your grace to understand, that although you writ he was indicted, but not condemned, and so seem to take exception at the manner of his imprisonment, yet if they which informed your grace of that manner of reason in the law, were as well disposed to please your grace with truth, as the reason in deed is not true, then should they have told your grace that by the Act of Parliament, if either Mallet have been convicted by the oaths of twelve men, or that the fact hath been notorious, than the punishment doth follow justly. The truth of the one and the other way of conviction in this case is notorious enough, besides his flying from the process of the law. And where your grace, to relieve him, would take the fault upon yourself, we are sorry to perceive your grace so ready to be a defence to one that the King's law doth condemn. Nevertheless, he is not punished because your grace bade him, and willed him to do that which was an offence: but he is punished for doing it, and if we should not so see the King's laws executed without respect, it might appear that we too much neglected our duty, and for that your grace taketh it as a discredit to yourself, that he should be punished for that you bade him do, alleging to him that you had authority so to do, and so promise made to the Emperor, it hath been both written, and said to your grace, what is the truth in that behalf: and howsoever that your grace pretendeth your licence to have Mass said before yourself, for a time of your reconciliation, it had been so far out of reason for to have desired that whosoever was your Chaplain might say Mass in any house that was yours, when your grace's self was not there. For so is D. Mallets offence, for saying Mass at one of your houses, where your grace was not, which thing as it was never granted, so do we not remember that ever it was demanded. The suit that hath been at any time made, either by the Emperors Ambassador that dead is, or by him that now is, was never but in respect of your grace, and not to be taken that the Emperor or his his Ambassador meant to privilege master D. Mallet or any other to say Mass out of your presence. Wherefore as we do plainly write to your grace, so do we pray you to take it in good part, and think we be as ready to do our due reverence towards your grace in any thing we may do with our duty to our master as any your grace may command: and of such wisdom we know your grace to be, that ye should judge the better of us, for that we be diligent to see the laws of the Realm executed, wherein resteth the strength and safeguard of the king's Majesty our sovereign Lord and Master.   

The Lady Mary to the Lords of the Counsel, 21. june. 1551.  
MY Lords, although I received by my servant this bearer (who lately delivered unto you my letters, wherein I desired to have my chaplain D. Mallet discharged of his imprisonment) your gentle message in general words, for the which I give you my hearty thanks: yet have I no knowledge whether you will set him at liberty or no: But I think that your weighty affairs at that time, was the let and cause ye did not write. For else I doubt not you would have answered me. Wherefore not being satisfied, and understanding ye would gladly pleasure me, I thought good eftsoons to desire you, that my said chaplain may have his liberty, wherein I assure you, ye shall much gratify me, being not a little troubled, that he is so long in prison, without just cause, seeing the matter of his imprisonment is discharged by the promise made to the emperors Majesty, as in my late letter I declared unto you. Wherefore my Lords, I pray you let me have knowledge by this bearer how ye will use me in this matter, wherein if ye do pleasure me accordingly, than shall it well appear that ye regard the foresaid promise, and I will not forget your gentleness therein (God willing) but requite it to my power. And thus with my hearty commendations to you all, I bid you farewell.  
From Beaulien the 21. of june. Your assured friend to my power Mary.   

¶ The Counsel to the Lady Mary, the 24. of june. 1551.  
AFter our humble commendations to your grace, we have received your grace's letter of the 21. hereof, wherein is received the same request that in your former letters hath been made for the release of Doctor Mallet, and therein also your grace seemeth to have looked for the same answer of your former letter, that which indeed partly was omitted (as your grace conjectureth) by the reason of the Kings majesties affairs: wherewith we ●e thoroughly occupied, partly for that we had no other thing to answer, than you had heretofore heard in the same matter. And therefore where your grace desireth a resolute answer, we assure the same we be right sorry for the matter, & that it should be your grace's chance to move it, as we cannot, with our duties to the Kings Majesty, accomplish your desire. So necessary a thing it is to see the laws of the Realm executed indifferently in all manner of persons, and in these cases of contempt of the Ecclesiastical orders of this Church of England, the same may not without the great displeasure of God the slander of the state be neglected, and therefore your grace may please to understand we have not only punished your chaplain, but all such others whom we find in like case to have disobeyed the laws of the King's majesty. And touching the excuse your grace oftentimes useth, of a promise made, we assure your grace, none of us all, nor any other of the Counsel as your grace hath been certified, hath ever been privy to any such promise, otherwise then hath been written. And in that matter your grace had plain answer both by us of the king's majesties Counsel, at your being last in his majesties presence, and therein also your grace might perceive his majesties determination, whereunto we beseech your grace not only to incline yourself, but also to judge well of us that do addict ourselves to do our duties. And so also shall we be ready to do with all our hearts, our due reverence toward your grace, whose preservation we commend to almighty God with our prayer.   

The Copy of the Lady mary's letter to the King's Majesty.  
MY duty most humbly remembered unto your Majesty, it may please the same to be advertised, that I have received by my servants, your most honourable letters, the conte●●es whereof do not a little trouble me, and so much the more, for that any of my said servants should move or attempt me in matters touching my soul, which I think the meanest subject within your highness Realm, could evil 〈◊〉 at their servants hands, having for my part utterly refused heretofore to talk with them in such matters, and of all other persons 〈…〉 them therein, to whom I have declared what I thinks 〈◊〉 ●hee which trusted that your Majesty would have suffered 〈◊〉 your poor sister and beadewoman to have used the accustomed mass, which the King your father & mine with all his predecessors did evermore use, wherein also I have been brought up from my 〈◊〉. And thereunto my conscience doth not only bind me; which by no means will suffer me to think one thing and do another▪ 〈◊〉 also the promise made to the Emperor by your majesties counsel was an assurance to me, that in so doing I should not offend the ●wes, although they seem now to qualify and 〈…〉 thing. And at my last waiting upon your Majesty, I was 〈◊〉 to declare my mind and conscience to the same, and desired your highness, rather than you should constrain me to leave 〈…〉 my life▪ whereunto your majesty made me a very gentle answer. And now I most humbly beseech your highness to given me leave to write what I think touching your majesties letters. In deed▪ they be signed with your own hand, and nevertheless in mine opinion not your majesties in effect, because it is well known (as heretofore I have declared in the presence of your highness) that although, our Lord be praised, your Majesty hath far more knowledge, and greater gifts than others of your years, yet it is not possible that your highness can at these years be a judge in matters of religion: and therefore I take it that the matter in your letters proceedeth from such as do wish those things to take place, which be most agreeable to themselves by whose doings your majesty not offended, I intend not to rule my conscience. And thus without molesting your Highness any further, I humbly beseech the same, even for God's sake to bear with me, as you have done, and not to think that by my doings or example any inconvenience might grow to your majesty or your Realm, for I use it not after such sort putting no doubt but in time to come, whether I live or die, your majesty shall perceive that mine intent is grounded upon a true love towards you, whose royal estate I beseech almighty God long to continue, which is and shall be my daily prayer according to my duty. And after pardon craved of your majesty for these rude and bold letters, if neither at my humble suit, nor for the regard of the promise made to the Emperor, your Highness will suffer and bear with me, as you have done till your Majesty may be a judge herein yourself, and rightly understand their proceedings, (of which your goodness yet I despair not) otherwise, rather than to offend God and my conscience, I offer my body at your will, and death shall be more welcome than life with a troubled conscience, most humbly beseeching your Majesty to pardon my slowness in answering your letters. For mine old disease would not suffer me to write any sooner. And thus I pray almighty God to keep your Majesty in all virtue and honour with good health and long life to his pleasure.  
From my poor house at Copped hall. the nineteen. of Aug. Your majesties most humble sister, Mary.   

¶ A Copy of the kings majesties letters to the said Lady Mary.  
RIght dear and right entirely beloved sister, we greet you well, and let you know that it grieveth us much to perceive no amendment in you, of that which we for God's cause, your soul's health, our conscience, and the common tranquillity of our Realm, have so long desired, assuring you that our sufferance hath much more demonstration of natural love, than contentation of our conscience and foresight of our safety. Wherefore although you give us occasion as much almost as in you is to diminish our natural love: yet be we loath to feel it decay, and mean not to be so careless of you as we be provoked.  
And therefore meaning your weal, and therewith joining a care not to be found guilty in our conscience to God, having cause to require forgiveness that we have so long for respect of love towards you omitted our bounden duty, we send at this present our right trusty and right well-beloved counsellor the Lord R. or chancellor of England, and our trusty and right well-beloved counsellors, Sir A. W. Knight, controller of our household and Sir W.P. Knight, one of our principal Secretaries in message to you, touching the order of your house, willing you to give them firm credit in those things they shall say to you from us, and do there in our name. yeven under our signet at our Castle of Windsor, the 24. of August, in the first year of our Reign.   

A copy of the kings majesties instructions, given to the said L. C. sir A. W. and sir W.P. Knights, etc. 24. August. 1551.  
FIrst, you the said Lord Chancellor and your Colleagues shall make your immediate repair to the said Lady Mary giving to her his majesties hearty commendations, and show the cause of your coming to be as followeth  
Although his majesty hath long time, as well by his majesties own mouth and writing, as by his counsel travailed that the said Lady being his sister, and a principal subject and member of his Realm, should both be in deed and also show herself conformable to the laws and ordinances of the realm, in the profession and rites of Religion, using all the gentle means of exhortation and advise that could be devised, to the intent the reformation of the fault might willingly come of herself, as the expectation and desire of his majesty, and all good wise men was: yet notwithstanding his majesty seethe that hitherto no manner of amendment hath followed, but by the continuance of the error and manifest breach of his laws, no small peril consequently may hap to the state of his Realm, especially the sufferance of such a fault being directly to the dishonour of God and the great offence of his majesties conscience, and all other good men: and therefore of late, even with the consent and advise of the whole state of his privy Counsel, and divers others of the nobility of his Realm, whose names ye may repeat, if you think convenient, his Majesty did resolutely determine it just, necessary, and expedient, that her grace should not in any wise use or maintain the private Mass, or any other manner of service, than such as by the law of the Realm is authorised and allowed: and to participate this his majesties determination to her grace, it was thought in respect of a favourable proceeding with herself, to have the same, not only to be manifested by her own officers and servants, being most esteemed with her, but also to be executed by them in her house, as well for the more quiet proceeding in the very matter, as for the less molesting of her grace with any message by strangers, in that time of her solitariness, wherein her grace then was by the reason of the late sickness. For which purpose her three servants, Rochester, Eglefield, and Walgrave were sent in message in this mannaer. First, to deliver his majesties letter to her, next to discharge the complaints of saying Mass, and prohibiting all the household from hearing any. Wherein the King's Majesty perceiveth upon their own report, being returned to the Court, how negligently, and in deed how falsely they have executed their commandment and charge contrary to the duty of good subjects, and to the manifest contempt of his majesty. Insomuch as manifestly they have before his majesties Counsel refused to do that which pertaineth to every true faithful subject, to the offence so far of his majesty, and derogation of his authority, that in no wise the punishment of them could be forborn, and yet in the manner of the punishment of them, his Majesty and his Counsel hath such consideration, and respect of her person being his sister, that without doubt his Majesty could not with honour have had the like consideration or favour in the punishment of the dearest counsellor he hath, if any of them had so offended, and therefore his Majesty hath sent you three not only to declare to her grace the causes of their sending thither of late his officers in message, but also the causes of their absence now presently. And further, in the default of the said officers to take order, as well with her chaplains, as with the whole household, that his majesties laws may be there observed. And in the communication with her, you shall take occasion to answer in his majesties name certain points of her letter, sent now lately to his Majesty. The copy of which letter is now also sent to you to peruse, for your better instruction how to proceed in. First, her allegation of the promise made to the Emperor, must be so answered, as the truth of the matter serveth, whereof every of you have heard sufficient testimony divers times in the counsel for her offering of her body at the Kings will, rather than to change her conscience. It grieveth his Majesty much, that her conscience is so settled in error, and yet no such thing is meant of his Majesty, nor of any one of his counsel once to hurt, or will evil to her body, but even from the bottom of their hart wisheth to her mentem sanam in corpore sano. And therefore ye shall do very well to persuade her grace that this proceeding cometh only of the conscience the King hath to avoid the offence of God▪ and of necessary counsel and wisdom to see his laws in so weighty causes executed. Item, because it is thought that Rochester had the care and consideration of her grace's provision of household, and by his absence the same might be either disordered or disfurnished: his Majesty hath sent a trusty skilful man of his own household, to serve her grace for the time. Who also is sufficiently instructed of Rochester, of the state of her things of household. And if there shall be any thing lacking in the same, his majesties pleasure is, that his servant shall advertise his own chief officers of household, to the intent if the same may be supplied of any store here, or otherwhere helped conveniently, her grace shall not lack.  
Item, having thus proceeded with her grace, as for the declarations of the causes of your commoning, ye shall then cause to be called afore you the chaplains, and all the rest of the household there present, and in the King's majesties name most straightly forbid the chaplains either to say or use any Mass or kind of service, other then by the law is authorised: and likewise ye shall forbid all the rest of the company to be present at any such prohibited service, upon pain to be most straightly punished, as worthily falling into the danger of the King's indignation, and a like charge to them all, that if any such offence shall be openly or secretly committed▪ they shall advertise some of his majesties Counsel. In the which clause ye shall use the reasons of their natural duty and allegiance that they own as subjects to their sovereign Lord, which derogateth all other earthly duties.  
Item, if you shall find either any of the priests, or any other person disobedient to this order, ye shall commit them forthwith to prison as ye shall think convenient.  
Item, for as much as ye were privy to the determination at Richmond, and there understood how necessary it was to have reformation herein: his Majesty, upon the great confidence he hath in your wisdom and uprightness, remitteth to your discretions the manner of the proceeding herein, if any thing shall chance to arise there that in your opinions might otherwise then according to these instructions conduce you to the execution of your charge, which in one sum is to avoid the use of the private Mass, and other unlawful service, in the house of the said Lady Mary.  
Item, ye shall devise by some means as you may, to have understanding after your departure how the order you give is observed, and as you shall judge fit, to certify hither.  


E.S.  
W.W.  
I.W.  
I.B.  
W.N.  
W.H.  
F.H.  
I.G.  
T.D.  
W.C.     

* The story of Steven Gardiner Bish. of Winchester, briefly collected, the residue whereof concerning his acts and doings, may further appear in the book of Acts and Monuments in the first edition. page. 728.  
ALthough the first imprisonment of Steven Gardiner Bishop of Winchester, 
The story 〈◊〉 Steven Gar●diner.  in order of time was before the deprivation of Bishop Boner: yet for so much as he was not deposed from his Bishopric till the next or second year after, which was 1551. I have therefore driven off the history of the said Bishop of Winchester to this present place: intending nevertheless here not to extend and prosecute the explication of that busy matter with all circumstances and particularities thereof, so amply at full as I might, partly for that being done in my first volume of Acts and Monuments, may here suffice and content the reader being disposed there to search and further to read touching the same, partly also considering how this present volume is grown already very large and great, I thought not to p●ster the same with any more superfluity, than ●eedes must, and therefore leaving out his idle letters, his long process of Articles and examinations, his tedious talk with the multitude of depositions brought in against him, and other his acts and interlocutories superfluous, 
For the fu●● tractation of Steven Gardiner's story, read in the book of Acts and Monument of the first edition, pag. 728.  I mind here (the Lord willing) briefly and summarily to excerpe only the principal effects, as to the story may seem most appertinent, referring the residue to be searched (if any reader ●o list to do) to the book of Monuments aforesaid, beginning in the page 728.  
Briefly therefore, as touching the acts, doings, deservings and misdemeanours of this stout Prelate, and Bishop of Winchester: first we will set before the reader the copy of a certain writ or evidence against the said Bishop, wherein as in a brief sum generally is described the whole order and manner of his misordered demeanour, copied out of the public records in manner as followeth.   

¶ The copy of a writ or evidence touching the order and manner of the misdemeanour of Winchester▪ with declaration of the faults where, with he was justly charged.  
WHere as the King's Majesty by the advise of the Lord Protector, 
The 〈◊〉 or euiden●● given out against S●●●uen Gardener B. of Winchest●●  and the rest of his highness privy Counsel, thinking requisite for sundry urgent considerations to have a general visitation throughout the whole Realm, did about ten months past address forth Commissions, and by the advise of sundry bishops and other the best learned men of the Realm, appointed certain orders or Injunctions to be generally observed, which being such as in some part touched the reformation of many abuses, and in other parts concerned the good governance & quiet of the Realm, were (as reason would) of all men of all sorts obediently received, and reverently observed and executed, saving only of the Bishop of Winchester, who as well by conference with other, as by open protestation and letters also, showed such a wilful disobedience therein, as if it had not been quickly espied, might have bred much unquietness and trouble, upon the knowledge whereof he being sent for, and his lewd proceed laid to his charge, he in the presence of the whole Council so used himself (as well in denying to receive the said orders and Injunctions as otherwise) as he was thought worthy most sharp punishment, 
Wynche●●●● misusing himself before th● Council Winches●●● committed the Flee●● Wynches●●● deliuere● out of th● Fleet & at liberty Wynche●●●● forgettest himself gain in 〈◊〉 Diocese.  and yet considering the place he had been in, he was only sequestered to the Fleet, where, after he had remained a certain time, as much a● his ease as if he had been at his own house, upon his promise of conformity he was both set at liberty again, and also licensed to repair and remain in his diocese at his pleasure▪ where when he was, forgetting his duty, and what promise he had made, he began forthwith to set forth such matters as 〈◊〉 again more strife, variance, and contention in that one small City and Shire, than was almost in the whole Realm after: besides that, the Lord Protectors grace and the Counsel were informed, that to withstand such as he thought to have been sen●e from their grace and Lordships into those parties, he had caused all his servants to be secretly armed and harnessed: and moreover when such preachers as being men of godly life and learning were sent into that Diocese by his grace and Lordship to preach the word of God, had appointed to preach, the Bishop to disappoint and disgrace them, and to hinder his majesties proceed, did occupy the Pulpit himself, not fearing in his Sermon to warn the people to beware of such new Preachers, and to embrace none other doctrine then that which he had taught them (than the which words none could have been spoken more perilous and seditions: 

W●●chester 〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉 by the counsel. Winchester ●●●manded keep his 〈◊〉.  
●ynchester ●ine 〈…〉 with 〈◊〉 Countable▪  ) whereupon, being eftsoons sent for, and their grace and Lordships objecting to him many particular matters wherewith they had just cause to charge him, they did in the end upon his second promise leave him at liberty, only willing him to remain at his house at London, because they thought it most meet to sequester him from his Diocese for a time, and being come to his house, he began afresh to ruffle and meddle in matters wherein he had neither Commission nor authority, part whereof touched the King's Majesty: whereof being yet once again admonished by his grace and their Lordships, he did not only promise to conform himself in all things like a good subject, but also because he understood that he was diversly reported of, & many were also offended with him, he offered to declare to the world his conformity, and promised in an open Sermon so to open his mind in sundry articles agreed upon, 
Wynchester promises 〈◊〉 show his ●●●formitie 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉.  that such as had been offended, should have no more cause to be offended, but well satisfied in all things: declaring further that as his own conscience was well satisfied, and liked well the Kings proceedings within this Realm, so would he utter his conscience abroad, to the satisfaction & good quiet of others, and yet all this notwithstanding, at the day appointed he did not only most arrogantly and disobediently, and that in the presence of his Majesty, their grace and Lordships, and of such an audience, as the like whereof hath not lightly been seen, speak of certain matters contrary to an express commandment given to him on his majesties behalf both by mouth and by letters, 
Wynchester 〈◊〉 his sermon war●eth ●●om his ●wne promise & the 〈◊〉 commandment.  but also in the rest of the articles, whereunto he had agreed before, used such a manner of utterance as was very like even there presently to have stirred a great tumult, and in certain great matters touching the policy of the Realm, handled himself so colourably as therein he showed himself an open great offender & a very seditious man: for as much as these his proceedings were of such sort, as being suffered to escape unpunished, might breed innumerable inconveniences, & that the clemency showed to him afore by their grace & Lordships, did work in him no good effect, but rather a pride and boldness to demean himself more and more disobediently against his Majesty and his graces proceed: it was determined by their grace and Lordships that he should be committed to the Tower and be conveyed thither by Sir Anthony Wingfield, 
●ynchester 〈◊〉 his seditious disobedience 〈◊〉 to the 〈◊〉.  and that at the time of his Commission Sir Ralph Sadler and William Hunnings Clerk of the Counsel, should seal up the doors of such places in his house as they should think mee●e: all which was done accordingly.  
By this evidence above mentioned, first here is of the reader to be noted, how lewdly and disobediently the said Sir▪ Gardiner misused himself in the King's general visitation, in denying to receive such orders and injunctions, as for the which he justly deserved much more severe punishment. Albeit the King with his Uncle the Lord Protector, more gently proceeding with him, were contented only to make him taste the Fleet. In the which house, as his durance was not long, so his entreating and ordering was very easy. Out of the which Fleet divers and sundry letters he wrote to the Lord Protector and other of the Counsel, certain also to the Archbishop of Canterbury, and some to M. Ridley Bishop of London: the particulars were too long here to rehearse, considering how this book is so overcharged as ye see already: 
〈◊〉 the let●●s of win●●ester read the book 〈◊〉 Acts & ●●●uments the first 〈◊〉, pag. 〈◊〉.  and especially seeing the same be notified in our first edition sufficiently, as is aforesaid. Wherefore omitting the rehearsal of the said letters, and referring the reader to the book aforesaid, I will only repeat one letter of the said Bishop, with the answers of the Lord Protector unto the same: the contents whereof be these as followeth.   

¶ A Letter of Winchester to Master Vaughan.  
Master Vaughan, after my right hearty commendations: In my last letters to my Lord Protector, 
 signifying according to the general commaundemet by letters given to all justices of peace the state of this Shire, I declared (as I supposed true) the Shire to be in good order, quiet, & conformity, for I had not then herd of any alteration in this Shire which the said letters of commandment did forbid. Now of late within these two days I have heard of a great and detestable (if it be true that is told me) innovation in the town of Portesmouth, 
Images plucked down at Portesmouth.  where the Images of Christ and his saints have been most contemptuously pulled down, and spitefully handled. Herein I thought good both to write to you and the Mayor, the kings majesties chief ministers, as well to know the truth, as to consult with you for the reformation of it, to the intent I may be seen to discharge my duty, and discharging it in deed both to God and the kings majesty, under whom I am here appointed to have cure, and care to relieve such as be by any ways fallen, and preserve the rest that stand, from like danger.  
Ye are a Gentleman with whom I have had acquaintance and whom I know to be wise, & esteem to have more knowledge wisdom, and discretion, then to allow any such enormities, and therefore do the more willingly consult with you herein, with request friendly to know of you the very truth in the matter, who be the doers, and the circumstances of it, & whether ye think the matter so far gone with the multitude & whether the reproof and disproving of the deed, might without a further danger be enterprised in the Pulpit or not, minding if it may so be, to send one thither for that purpose upon Sunday next coming, I would use preaching as it should not be occasion of any further folly, where a folly is begun, and to a multitude persuaded in that opinion of destruction of Images, I would never preach. 
Then were the old fathers and bishops in the primitive Church with Epiphanius and Carolus Magnus, and all the Council of Frankford, hogs and dogs.  For (as scripture willeth us) we should cast no precious stones before Hogs. Such as be infected with that opinion, they be Hogs and worse than Hogs, if there be any grosser beasts than hogs be, and have been ever so taken, and in England they are called Lollards, who denying images, thought therewithal the crafts of painting & graving to be generally superfluous and nought, and against God's laws.  
In Germany such as maintained that opinion of destroying of Images, were accounted the dregs cast out by Luther after he had tunned all his brewinges in Christ's religion, and so taken as Hogs meat. For the reproof of whom, Luther wrote a book specially: and I have with mine eyes seen the Images standing in all Churches where Luther was had in estimation. For the destruction of Images containeth an enterprise to subvert religion and the state of the world with it, and especially the nobility, who by images set forth & spread abroad to be read of all people, their lineage, parentage, with remembrance of their state and acts: and the pursuivant carrieth not on his breast the kings names written in such letters as a few can spell, but such as all can read, be they never so rude being great known letters in Images of three Lions, and three floures deluce, and other beasts holding those arms. And he that cannot read the Scripture written about the king's great Seal, 
Winchester's reason: The pursuivant carrieth about Saint George on horseback and the kings picture: Ergo Images must stand in Churches.  yet he can read S. George on horseback on the one side, and the king sitting in his majesty on the other side, and readeth so much written in those images as if he be an honest man, he will put of his cap, and although if the Seal were broken by chance, he would and might make a candle of it, yet he would not be noted to have broken the seal for that purpose, or to call it a piece of wax only, whilst it continueth whole And if by reviling of stocks and stones, in which matter Images be graven, the setting of the truth to be read in them of all men, shall be contemned: how shall such writing continue in honour, as is comprised in clouts, and pitch, whereof and whereupon our books be made, 
Books serve only to be read and not to be kneeled unto & worshipped: for so are they no books but are made Idols and are to be broken.  such as few can skill of, and not the hundredth part of the realm? And if we a few that can read, because we read in one sort of letters, so privileged as they have many reliefs, shall pull away the books of the rest, and would have our letters only in estimation, and blind all them, shall not they have just cause to mistrust what is meant? And if the cross be a truth, and if it be true that Christ suffered, why may we not have a writing thereof, such as all can read, that is to say an Image? If this opinion should proceed, when the king's majesty hereafter should show his person, his lively image, the honour due by God's law among such might continue, but as for the kings Standards, his banners, his arms, should hardly continue in their due reverence for fear of Lollardes' Idolatry, which they gather upon scripture beastly, not only untruly. The scripture reproveth false Images made of stocks and stones, and so it doth false men made of flesh and bones.  
When the emperors money was showed to Christ, wherein was the image of the Emperor, Christ contemned not that Image calling it an Idol, nor noted not that money to be against god's law, because it had an image in it, as though it were against the precept of God: Thou shalt have no graven image, but taught them good civility, in calling it the Emperor's image, & bade them use the money as it was ordered to be used in his right use.  
There is no scripture that reproveth truth, and all Scripture reproveth falsehood. False writings, false books, false Images and false men, all be nought, to be contemned and despised, as for paper, ink, parchment, stones, wood, bones, A.B. of the Chancery hand, and a. b. of the Secretary hand, a letter of Germany fashion, or of any other form, be all of one estimation, and may be of man inclining to the Devil, used for falsehood, or applying to God's gracious calling, used to set forth truth. It is a terrible matter to think, 
If every Image representing a thing of truth may stand in place of worship, then let Winchester's face stand in the Church also.  that this false opinion conceived against Images should trouble any man's head: and such as I have known vexed with that devil (as I have known some) be nevertheless wondrously obstinate in it: and if they can find one that can spell Latin to help forth their madness, they be more obdurate than ever were the jews, and slander whatsoever is said to them for their relief. Of this sort I know them to be, and therefore if I witted there were many of that sort with you, I would not irritate them by preaching without fruit, but labour for reformation to my Lord Protector. But if you thought there might be other ways used first to a good effect, I would follow your advise and proceeding with you and the Mayor, with both your helps to do that may lie in me, to the redress of the matter: which I take to be such an enterprise against Christ's Religion, as there can not be a greater by man excogitate with the devils instigation, and at this time much hurtful to the common estate, as ye can of your wisdom consider. Whom I heartily desire and pray, to send me answer by this bearer to these my letters, to the intent I may use myself in sending of a preacher thither, or writing to my Lord Protector as the case shall require accordingly. And thus far you heartily well.  
From my house at Woluesay, the third of May. 1547. Steph. Wint.   

¶ A Letter of the Lord Protector answering to the letter above.  
AFter hearty commendations, receiving of late two letters from your Lordship, the one enclosed in a letter of Master Uaughans' to us, and directed to him, the other directed strait unto us, very wittily & learnedly written, whereby we do perceive how earnest you are that no innovations should be had. The which mind of yours, as we do highly esteem and allow, proceeding from one that would quietness, so we would likewise wish, that you should take good heed, that too much fear of innovation or disturbance, do not cause both to be. Many times in an host, he that crieth enemies enemies when there be none, causeth not only disturbance, but sometimes a mutiny or rebellion to be made, and he that for fear of sickness to come, taketh unadvisedly a purgation, sometime maketh himself sick in deed. We perceive by the said your letters, that haynouser facts and words have been brought to your ears, than there was cause why: and those ●actes which were punishable, be already by him redressed.  
For the matter of Images, an order was taken in the late king of famous memory our sovereign lords days. When the abused Images (yet lurking in some places by negligence of them who should ere this time have looked unto the same) be now abolished, 
For Images.  let not that be a matter of the abolishing of all Images. Though felons & adulterers be punished, all men be not slain. Though the Images which did adulterate gods glory be taken away, 
Distinction of Images.  we may not think by & by all manner of Images to be destroyed. Yet after our advise, better it were for a time to abolish them all, then for the dead Images, the King's loving subjects being faithful and true to the king's majesty, should be put to variance and disturbance. With quietness the Magistrates and Rulers shall keep them well in order, whom contentious preachers might iritate and provoke to disorder & strife. So it must be provided that the king's Mayest. Images, Arms, and Ensigns, should be honoured and worshipped after the decent order and invention of human laws and ceremonies, and nevertheless that other Images contrary to God's ordinance and laws, should not be made partakers of that reverence, adoration and invocation: which (forbidden by God) should derogate his honour, & be occasion to accumulate God's wrath upon us. Where they be taken for a remembrance, it maketh no great matter though they stand still in the Church or Marketstead, and following the late king of famous memory his counsel & order, 
More gentleness showed to the books of Images, then to the books of God's word in King Henry's tyme.  yet more gentleness was showed to those books of Images, then to the true and unfeigned books of God's word, both being abused, the one with Idolatry, the other with contention. The scripture was removed for a time from certain persons, and almost from all: the Images were left still to them, who most did abuse them, the thing yet being closed from them which should teach the use. Wherefore it may appear unto us meet, more diligenter heed to be taken that the abused before, be not abused again, the advantage of some Priests, simplicity of lay men, and great inclination of man's nature to Idolatry giving cause thereunto.  
They that contemn Images, because the matter they are made of is but vile, as stocks and stones, may likewise despise printing in paper, because the meek hath pitch in ● & the paper is made of old rags. And if they be both like, it might be reasoned why a man should be more aggrieved, that an Image of wood, though it were of S. Anne, or S. Margaret should be burned, 
Papists 〈◊〉 better abide the book of God's word than Images to be burned.  than he will that the Bible wherein the undoubted word of God is comprised, should be torn in pieces, burned, or made paste of. Nor we do not now speak of false Bibles nor false gospels, but of the very true Gospel, either in Latin, Greek or english, which we see every day done, & sometime commanded, because the Translator displeaseth us: & yet herein no man exclaimeth as of a terrible and detestable fact done. But let one image either for age, & because it is wormeaten, or because it hath been foolishly abused, be burnt or abolished, by and by some men are in exceeding rage, as though not a stock or stone, but a true saint of flesh and bone should be cast in the fire, which were a detestable and a terrible sight. We cannot see but that Images may be counted marvelous books, to whom we have kneeled, whom we have kissed, upon whom we have rubbed our beads and handkerchiefs, to whom we have lighted candles, 
Images falsely called and counted 〈◊〉 lay men's books.  of whom we have asked pardon and help: which thing hath seldom been seen done to the Gospel of God, or to the very true Bible. For who kisseth that but the priest at the Mass, at a painted picture or in such a ceremony? Or who kneeleth unto it, or setteth a candle before it? And yet it seethe or heareth as well as the Images or pictures either of S. john, our Lady, or Christ.  
In deed Images be great letters, yet as big as they be we have seen many which have read them amiss. And belike they are so likely to be read amiss, that God himself fearing the jews to become evil readers of them, generally did forbid them. Nor it is no great marvel though in reading of them the lay people are many times deceived, 
Winches●●● overseen in mistaking the kinge● Image fo● S. Georg● on horse● back.  when your Lordship (as appeareth) hath not truly read a most true and a most common Image. Your Lordship hath found out in the King's highness great seal, S. George on horseback, which the graver never made in it, nor the sealer never sealed with it, and in this the inscription is not very little, and if it were, it could not escape your Lordship's eyes. As the inscription testifieth, the King's Image is on both the sides: on the one side as in war the chief Captain, on the other side as in peace the liege sovereign: in harness with his sword drawn to defend his subjects: in his robes in the seat of justice with his Sceptre rightfully to rule and govern them, as he whom both in peace and war we acknowledge our most natural and chiefest head, ruler & governor. If it were S. George (my Lord) where is his spear and dragon? And why should the inscription round about tell an untruth, and not agree to the Image? Yet it is called sometime so of the rude and ignorant people: but not by and by, that that is commonly called so, is always truest. And some have thought that by like deceiving, as your Lordship herein appeareth to have been deceived, the image of Bellerephon or Perseus was turned first & appointed to be S. George, & of Poliphemus, of Hercules, or of other some Colossus to be S. Christopher, because authentical histories have not fully proved their two lives. But those be indifferent to be true or not true, either thus invented upon some devise, or rising of a true fact or history, & whether it were true or not, it maketh no great matter. 
If it be against 〈◊〉 that lear●● men sho● take from 〈◊〉 unlearned the book● of their damages, much 〈◊〉 is it aga●● reason, 〈◊〉 take fro● them the booke● 〈◊〉 God's 〈◊〉   
It were hardly done in deed my Lord, if that you and a few which can read, should take away from the unlearned multitude, their books of their Images: but it were more hardly done, if that you or a few which can read in one or two languages (as Greek and Latin) the word of God, and have had thereby many relieves and privileges should pull away the english books from the rest which only understandeth english: and would have only your letters of Greek and Latin in estimation, and blind all them which understandeth not these languages, from the knowledge of God's word. And indeed my Lord, by your saying they have just occasion to suspect what is meant?  
What mean you by true Images and false Images, it is not so easy to perceive. If they be only false Images, which have nothing that they represent, 
1. Cor. ● Winche●● distinct●●● between true & 〈◊〉 Images futed.  as s. Paul writeth An idol is nothing (because there is no such God) & therefore the Cross can be no false image, because it is true that Christ suffered upon it: then the Image of the Sun and the Moon were no Idols, for such things there be as the Sun and the Moon, and they were in the Image then so represented, as painting & carving doth represent them. And the Image of Ninus and Cesar, 
The 〈◊〉 of the 〈◊〉 is false, therefore Winchester's 〈◊〉 to be ab●●lished.  and (as some writeth) the Images of all the 12. chosen Gods (as they called them) were the Images of once living men. And it might be said that the Image of God the father hath no such eyes, nose lips and a long grey beard, with a furred rob, nor never had▪ as they carve & paint him to have. But if that be a false Image and an Idol which is otherwise worshipped & accepted then it ought to be, as the brazen Serpent being a true Image and representation of Christ by abuse was made an Idol: it may be thought in times past, and peradventure how at this time, in some places the Images not only of S. john or S. Anne, but of our Lady & Christ be false Images and Idols, representing to foolish blind & ignorant men's hearts and thoughts, that which was not in them, and they ought not to be made for● The which were by you (my Lord) to have been removed sooner and before that the captain there should have need to have done 〈◊〉. But if your Lordship be slack in such matters, he that removeth false images and Idols abused, doth not a thing worthy blame.  
Christ called not the money having Caesar's Image in it, an Idol when it was used to lawful uses, and to pay the due tribute with all. But when a man doth not use those Images graven in money, to do his neighbour▪ good and the common wealth service, S. Paul Christ's disciple called that covetousness, and the serving and bondage to Idols: So that even in money may be idolatry, if we make to much of those Images which Christ here doth not reprehend. There be some so ticklish and so fearful one ways and so tender stomached, that they can abide no old abuses to be reform, but think every reformation to be a capital enterprise against all Religion and good order, as there be on the contrary side some to rash, who having no consideration what is to be done, headlong will set upon every thing. The Magistrate's duty is betwixt these, so in a mean to sit, and provide that old doting should not take further or deeper ru●t in the common wealth, neither ancient error overcome the seen and tried truth, nor long abuse for the age and space of time only, still be suffered: and yet all these with quietness and gentleness, and without all contention, if it were possible, to be reform. To the which your Lordship as a man to whom God hath given great qualities of wit, learning and persuasion: could bring great help and furtherance, if it were your pleasure, with great thanks of men, & reward of God. The which thing is our full desire and purpose, and our hearty & daily prayer to God, that in the kings majesties time, whose majesties reign God preserve, all abuses with wisdom reform. Christ's Religion with good and politic order of the commom wealth, without any contention and strife among the kings Subjects, might flourish and daily increase. And this to your Lordship's letter sent to master Uaughan of Portesmouth.   

Winchester to the Lord Protector.  

 MAy it please your Grace to understand, that I have noted some points in my Lord of S. David's Sermon, which I send unto you here with, whereby to declare unto you some part what I think, for the whole I cannot express, somewhat I shall encumber you with my ●abling, but he hath encumbered some friends more with his ta●ling. And alas my Lord, this is a piteous case, that having so much business as ye have, these inward disorders should be added unto them to the courage of such as would this Realm any ways evil. For this is the thing they would desire, with hope thereby to disorder this realm, being now a time rather to repair that needeth reparation, than to make any new buildings which they pretend. Quiet, tranquillity, unity & concord, shall maintain estimation. The conntrary may animate the enemy, 
 to attempt that was never thought on, which God forbidden. There was never attemptate or alteration made in England, but upon comfort of discord at home, and woe be to them that mindeth it. If my Lord of S. n1g-nn's, or such others have their head cumbered with any new platform, I would wish they were commanded between this and the king's majesties full age to draw the plat diligently, to hew the stones, dig the sand, & chop the chalk in the unseasonable time of building, and when the king's majesty cometh to full age, to present their labours to him, and in the mean time not to disturb the state of the realm, whereof your Grace is Protectior, but that you may in every part of religion, laws, lands, and decrees (which four contain the state) deliver the same to our sovereign Lord, according to the trust you be put in, which shall be much to your honour, & as all honest men wish and desire. To which desired effect there can be nothing so noisome & contrarious, as trouble & disquiet. Wherein your Grace shallbe specially troubled as on whose shoulders all the weight lieth, and what so ever shall happen amiss by the faults of other, shallbe imputed to your Grace, as doer thereof, or wanting foresight in time to withstand the same. And albeit that you mind not to be faulty in either, yet if the effect be not to the Realm as were to be wished, the prince, and though he were of age should be excused, and the governors here the blame. And this is the infelicity of pre-eminence and authority, and specially in this Realm, as stories make mention, which should not discourage you, for you need fear nothing without if quiet be reserved at home: and at home if the beginning be resisted, the intended folly may easily be interrupted. But if my brother of S. David's, may like a champion with his sword in his hand make enter for the rest, the door of licence opened, there shall mo● by folly thrust in with him than your grace would wish. Thus as I think, I writ homely to your grace, 
Wyly Winchester under pretence of giving sage council craftily goeth about to incense & set the Lord Protector against all good men and all Godly proceedings.  because you were content I should write, wherein I consider only to have all things well. And because your grace is the Protector and the chief dir●etor of the realm to present unto your wisdom what my folly is. I have been oftentimes blamed for fearing overmuch, and yet I have had an incling that they that so blamed me feared even as much as I. Being in the state that you be i●, it shallbe ever commendable to foresee the worst. In quiet ye be strong, in trouble ye be greatly weak, & bring yourself in danger of one part, when parties be, therewith one to scourge the other. Whereas in concord they ●e both yours in an honest, reverent, lovely fear to do their duty, which I doubt not your wisdom can consider. And consider also how noisome any other outward encumber might be in the time of the minority of our sovereign Lord. I told the Emperors counsel that our late sovereign Lord did much for the Emperor to enter war with him & put his realm in his old days in the adventure of fortune, whether he should enjoy it or no, for that is the nature of war. And sometime the contenned & abject have had the upper hand. And when ye administer the realm for another, it were a marvelous question of him that shall enjoy the realm, to say, what meant you in the time of administration to adventure my realm? why took ye not rather for the time of my minority any peace, whatsoever it were, which is better than the best wa●? as some men have written. I know you have authority sufficient & wisdom plenty, & yet being entered to write I forget for the time what ye be, & comen 〈◊〉 you as I were talking at Brusels with you, 
Wynchester against the expedition into Scotland.  devising of the world at large. And if I were sworn to say what I think in the state of the world, I would for a time let scots be scots with despair to have them, unless it were by conquest, which shall be a godly enterprise for our young master when he cometh to age. And in the mean time prepare him money for it, & see the realm in an order which hath need of it. And for a stay, if the Emperor would offer the king of Romans daughter as he did: do with him in our masters minority, 
Winchester here meaneth a fetch if he could have brought it about  as he did with us in his. Whereby all this hath chanced unto him. And by this allians your estimation shall increase, & our sovereign lords surety not a little increase & be augmented. For of France it must be taken for a rule. They be so wanton they cannot do well longer than they see, how they may be scourged if they do not. Here is all the wit that I have, which I offer unto you, upon this occasion of writing, & shall pray God to put in your mind that shallbe for the best: as I trust he will, & in the mean time, to extinct this barbarous contention at home, which can serve only to do hurt & no good. I had fashioned a letter to master Ridley which I sand unto your grace, and encumber you with these melancholy writings, engendered of this fondness which be not worth the reading. And so it may like you to use them, for having heard that ye have said unto me, and otherwise heard and seen what you do, I shall go occupy my wit in other matters, & now such as have fond enterprises, shall see that I letted not their follies, which they called God's word. 

Winchester's letters against Ridley. God's word is folly to Winchester but to them that be wise in the Lord it is the Wisdom of the Lord to salvation.  
¶ This place here either seemeth to lack something or e●s Winchester to lackesome of his wits.   But for his time, the king our sovereign Lord that dead is, and after his time you, much to your honour and reputation 
* Winchester wrangleth against Dales books.  howsoever any shallbe here not contented, which miscontentation hath been so fond in some, as they have burst out and wished that they might without breach of his laws kill me, which is to me a token of a marvelous fury, which hath been cause why I am glad, both to departed hence, and to departed the sooner, & pray to God to order all things for the best. With preservation of our sovereign L. and increase of your grace's honour.  
At my house in Sothworke the last of February. Your Grace's humble beadman S. W.   

another letter of S.W.  
AFter my humble commendations to your grace, it may like the same to understand. I have seen of late 2. books set forth in english by Bale very pernicious, seditious and slanderous. And albeit that your grace needeth not mine advertisement in the matter, yet I am so bold to trouble your Grace with my letters for mine own commodity, wherewith to satisfy mine own conscience to write & say as becometh me in such matters, which I desire your grace to take in good part. For it grieveth me not a little, to see so soon after my late sovereign Lord and masters death, a book spread abroad more to his dishonour (if a prince's honour may be by vile inferior subjects impeached) then professed enemies have imagined to note a woman to have suffered under him as a martyr, & the woman therewith to be by Bales own elucidation (as he calleth it) so set forth & painted as she appeareth to be, & is boasted to be a sacramentary, & by the laws worthy (as she suffered) the pains of death, such like things have by stealth in our late sovereign Lords days gone abroad as they do now▪ And as I am wont in such cases to speak, I keep my wont to write to your grace now, in whose hands I know the estate of the realm to be foretime in government & to whom for respects of old acquaintance I wish all felicity. In these matters of religion I have been long exercised and have (thanks be to God) lived so long as I have seen them thoroughly tried and besides that I have learned in written books of Authority, I have perceived by books written without authority as by M. Bale, joy, and other, and specially as Bale useth now, that Scripture doth by abuse, service to the right hand and the left at once in so much as at one time Bale praiseth Luther, 
* Luther and Anne Askew why not as well Saints both in heaven, though they varied in one small point here: as well as you & Smith both the Pope's friends though ye vary, as ye said yourself, in divers.  and setteth his death forth in English, with commendation as of a Saint, which Luther (whatsoever he was otherwise) stoutly affirmed the presence really of Christ's natural body in the Sacrament of the altar. And yet Bale the noble clerk, would have Anne Askew blasphemously denying the presence of Christ's natural body to be taken for a saint also. So as Bales saints may vary in heaven, if they chance not by the way, which might suffice to disprove the man's credit, if thwarting talk were not more desired of many, than the truth in deed, which truth was supposed to have been both in writing and exercise, well established, long before our late lords death. And Bale & his adherentes in their madness plainly reproved & condemned. I can not forget your grace told me you would suffer no innovation and indeed if you deliver this realm to the king at 8. years of age, as the king his father, whose soul God assoil, left it, as I trust you shall, the act is so honourable and good, as it were pity to trouble it with any innovation, which were a charge to your grace more than needed, being already burdened heavily. And albeit in the common wealth every man hath his part, yet as God hath placed you, the matter is, under the kings Majesty, chiefly yours and as it were yours alone. 

¶ If the 6. articles might have continued still, all were quiet with Winchester how so ever it were else with the true church of Christ.  
¶ Printers Players and Preachers trouble Winchester.   Every man hath his eye directed unto you both here & abroad, you shall shadow men's doings if they be done, which is one in commodity of high rule. And for my part besides my duty to the kings majesty and the realm, I would that your grace in whom since your government, I have found much gentleness and humanity, had much honour with good success as ever any had and pray to God that men would let your grace alone, and suffer the realm in the time of your government in quiet among ourselves, whereby to be the more able to resist foreign trouble, which your grace doth prudently foresee. Certain printers, 
* Every incerteinty is noisome I grant. But reformation of religion is not by & by the cause of incerteinty in a common wealth nor maketh every man to be a master.  players, & preachers, make a wonderment, as though, we knew not yet how to be justified, nor what sacraments we should have. And if the agreement in religion made in the time of our late sovereign Lord be of no force in their judgement, what establishment could any new agreement have. And every incertenty is noisome to any realm. And where every man will be master there must needs be uncertainty. And one thing is marvelous, that at the same time is taught that all men be liars, at the self same time almost every man would be believed. And amongst them, Bale when his untruth appeareth evidently in setting forth the examination of Anne Askew which is utterly misreported. I beseech your Grace to pardon my babbling with you. But I see my late sovereign Lord and master slandered by such simple persons, 

¶ The realm is troubled by them much like as the Prophet Hely was he that troubled the kingdom of Acheb.  
¶ Salt laid on a sore if it do vex it the fault is not in the salt, but in the flesh which cannot abide it.   religion assaulted, the realm troubled and peaceable men disquieted, with occasion given to enemies to point and say, that after Wickliefes strange teaching in the sacraments of Christ's church hath vexed other, it is finally turned unto us to molest & scourge us, for other fruit cannot Bales teaching have, ne the teaching of such other as go about to trouble the agreement established here. In which matter I dare not desire your grace specially to look earnestly unto it, least I should seem to note in you that becometh me not. And I know that your grace being otherwise occupied, these things may creep in as it hath been heretofore, sometime it may be heard for your grace to find out or pull out the root of this naughtiness: but yet I am so bold to write of these of mine own stomach, who have ever used for discharge of myself to say and write in time and place as I thought might do good, for relief of the matter, remitting the rest to the disposition of GOD, who hath wrought wonders in these matters, since they were first moved: and given me such knowledge and experience in them, 
¶ Winc●●●ster, what he saith, 〈◊〉 long as 〈◊〉 proveth 〈◊〉 it mattered not, wh●● he saith.  as I ought to take them (as they be) for corruption and untruth: I mean knowledge and experience of them that be chief styrrers, so infect with untruth, as they cannot speak or report truly in common matters. The pretence is of the spirit, and all is for the flesh, Women, and meat with liberty of hand and tongue, a dissolution and dissipation of all estates, clean contrarious to the place GOD hath called your Grace thereunto. 
* 
A 〈◊〉 sight in 〈◊〉 son 〈…〉 Duke of Saxon●●● king.  
¶ True religion of the opin●●● of these Germa●●● will be 〈◊〉 not to disa●gree, wh●● the Bys●●● of Winche●ster shall 〈◊〉 be able to prove the contrary, as yet he hath not done it hitherto.   For it tendeth all to confusion & disorder, which is the effect of untruth. Bale hath set forth a prayer for the Duke I. of Saxe wherein the Duke remitteth to God's judgement to be showed here in this world the justness of his cause concerning religion, and desireth GOD if his cause be not good, to order him to be taken and to be spoiled of his honour and possessions, with many such gay words whereby to tempt God, since which prayer the Duke is indeed taken as all the world saith, at the time of his taking, as the account is made, such strangeness in the son as we saw it here, as hath not been seen. They happened both together, this we know, and be both marvelous, but whether the one were a token ordered to concur with other, God knoweth and man cannot define. Many common wealths have continued without the B. of Rome's jurisdiction, but without true religion, and with such opinions as Germany maintained no estate hath co●●●●ned in the circuit of the world to us known since Christ c●me. For the Turks and tartars government is, as it were a continual war and they uphold their rule with subduing of nobility by fire and sword, 
* 
Germa●● with 〈◊〉 religion 〈◊〉 doth star● notwithstanding Wynchest●● and the Emperor did withstand the● what that they both could.  
His argument, Go● law hath rule of all▪ Men & w●●men say the understand God's law Ergo men and wem●● have rule all. Nego argument quia con▪ 4. termin●●● His argument shou●● thus proceed: Go● law hath rule of all Men and women 〈◊〉 they are God's law Ergo such men & w●●men have rule of al● thus is th● form of the 〈◊〉 good, & 〈◊〉 matter 〈◊〉 Wynche●● a friend 〈◊〉 lent, thou he loved fish.  
The acti●● of Christ have 〈◊〉 and ●oo● ends▪ 〈◊〉 were 〈◊〉 to fulfil the 〈◊〉 Some pe●●●liar to 〈◊〉 own pe●●sone?  
Some pe●●tayning 〈◊〉 public ample.   germany with their new religion could never have stand, & though the Emperor had let them alone, for if it be persuaded the understanding of God's law to be at large in women and children, whereby they may have the rule of that, and then God's law must be the rule of all, is not hereby the rule of all brought into their hands? These of some will be called witty reasons, but they be in deed truths children, and so is all the eloquence, which some (to dispraise me) say I have, whatsoever they say of me. For truth is of itself, in a right meaning man's mouth, more eloquent, then forged matters can with study bring forth. What rhymes be set forth to deprave the Lent, and how fond (saving your Grace's honour) and foolish, and yet the people pay money for them, and they can serve for nothing, but to learn the people to rail, & to cause such as used to make provision for fish against Lent, fearing now Lent to be so sick as the rhyme purporteth and like to die in deed, to forbear to make their accustomed provision for the next year. And thereto shall it come if the common diet be not certain. For the Fishmonger will never hope to have good sale, when the the butcher may with flesh out face him. And fish is that great treasure of this realm & food inestimable. And these good words I give, although I love it not myself, for such as love not fish, should nevertheless commend it to other, to the intent the flesh by them forborn might be to such as love it only the more plenty. The public defamation & trifling with Lent is a marvelous matter to them that would say evil of this Realm, for there is nothing more commended unto us christian men in both the Churches of the Greeks and Latins then lent is, if all men be not liars. In the king our late sovereign Lords days this matter was not thus spoken of. And I think our enemies would wish we had no lent. Every country hath his peculiar inclination to naughtiness, England and Germany to the belly, the one in liquor, the other in meat, France a little beneath the belly, Italy to vanity and pleasures devised, & let an English belly have a further advancement, and nothing can stay it, when I was purueior for the seas, what an exclamation was there (as your grace showed me) of the Bishops fasting day, as they called wednesday, and Winchester, Winchester grand mercy for your wine, I beshrew your hart for your water? Was not that song, although it was in sport a signification how loath men be to have their licence restrained? or their accustomed fare abated? unless it were in extreme necessity. I hear say that lent is thus spoken of, by joseph and Tongue, with other new (whom I know not) as be one of Christ's Miracles, which God ordained not man to imitate and follow, at which teaching all the world will laugh. For Christian men have Christ for an example in all things both to use the world as he did, only for necessity, and contemn the world as he did, and in case to refuse it, and choose the vile death, as he did the death of the Cross, which things he did like a Master most perfect, for he was very god, and we must endeavour ourself in the use of his gifts, to follow that he did, not to fast forty days without meat as Christ did, for we be but Prentices, and carry about a ruinous Carcase that must have some daily reparation, with food, but yet was there never none that said, how therefore we should do nothing, because we can not do all, and take Christ's fast for a miracle only. And yet all that follow Christ truly, they work daily miracles in subduing and conforming by God's grace there sensual appitites and humble obeying to the will of God, which no man can of himself do, and Christ promised that his true servants should work the works that he did, and greater works also. Wherefore it is a slender matter to say. Lent was one of Christ's miracles, for so was it to love his enemies, & specially those that scourged and bobbed him, which may not be (if that allegation hath place) taught christian men to follow, 
 because it was a miracle, as they might say it were more tolerable to forget Lent (as Pogge telleth) of a Priest in the mountains, that knew not how the year went about, and when the weather opened and he went abroad and perceived his neighbours were towards Palm Sunday, he devised an excuse to his parish and bade them prepare therefore, for in deed the year had somewhat slipped him, but he would fashion the matter so, as they should be as soon at Easter as the rest, and thus did he pass over lent with much less slander then to teach it for a doctrine, that lent was one of Christ's miracles, & therefore not to be imitated for us, for although it was in deed a great miracle (as all Christ's doings were) yet was it there not a great miracle, ne more against man's nature, then to love them that laboured & were busy to take away the natural life of his manhood. 
 For as the nature of man desireth relief, so doth it abhor destruction or hurt. In will and desire men follow Christ in all things: in execution they cannot. For we have brickle vessels, and God giveth his gifts to men as he seethe expedient for his Church. So as men cannot heal the lame when they will, as Christ did when he would, but as God shall think profitable for the edification of the flock assembled. Gregory Nazianzene speaketh of some that enterprised to imitate Christ's fast above their power, whose immoderate zeal he doth not disallow not requiring of all men so to do, for that is an extremity, ne yet assoiling the matter as our new school men do, that Christian men should let Christ's fast alone as a miracle, which manner of solution I heard a good fellow make, when it was told him he might not revenge himself. And when he were strooken on the one ear, put forth the other, I am (quoth he) a man, I am not God, if Christ being God did so, he might (quoth he) if it had pleased him have done otherwise. And so when it hath been alleged that Christ fasted forty days, he might (quoth he) have eaten if he had list, these triflings in sport might be drawn to grave speech, if Christian men shall refuse to follow Christ in miracles. For all his life was miracles and his love that is our Badge most miraculous of all to die for his enemies. I beseech your Grace to pardon me for I am like one of the common house, that when I am in my tale, think I should have liberty to make an end and specially writing to your grace with whom I account I may be bold assuring you it proceedeth of a zeal towards you, unto whom I wish well, whose intent although it be such as it ought to be, and as it pleased you to show me it was, yet such things spread abroad whereof the evil willers of the Realm will take courage and make account, (although it be wrong) that all goeth on wheels, if any man had either fond or undiscreetelye spoken of lent to engreve it to be an importable burden I would wish his reformation, for I have not learned that all men are bound to keep the lent in the form received, but this I reckon, that no christian man may contemn the form received, being such a devout and profitable imitation of Christ to celebrate his fast, and in that time such as have been in the rest of the year worldly to prepare themselves to come as they should come, to the feast of Easter, whereof S. chrysostom speaketh expressly. And for avoiding contempt, a licence truly obtained of the superior serveth. And so I heard the kings Majesty our Sovereign Lord declare when your grace was present. And therefore he himself was very scrupulous in granting of licences, and to declare that himself contemned not the fast, he was at charge to have (as your Grace knoweth) the lent diet daily prepared, as it had been for himself and the like hereof I hear say your Grace hath ordered for the kings Majesty that now is, which agreeth not with certain preaching in this matter, ne the rhymes set abroad. Lent is among Christian men a godly feast to exercise men to forbear and in England both godly and politic, such as without confusion we can not forbear, 
 as the experience shall show, if it be ever attempted, which God forbidden. And yet lent is buried in rhyme, and Steven Stockefishe bequeathed, not to me, though my name be noted, wherewith for mine own part I cannot be angry, for that is mitigated by their fondness. But I would desire of God to have the strength of this realm increased with report of concord, 
How well you remembered this le●●on of anger in Queen mary's time let others judge.  which doth quench many vain devices and imaginations. And if all men be liars as it is now to my understanding strangely published, me think Bale and such new men as be new liars should be most abhorred and detested, & so much the more dangerous as they be new. That which in italy and France is a matter of combat, is now found to be appropriate to all men. God grant the truth to be desired of all men truly. But as one asked when he saw an old Philosopher dispute with an other, what they talked on. And it was answered how the old man was discussing what was virtue, it was replied if the old man yet dispute of virtue when will he use it? So it may be said in our religion. If we be yet searching for it, when shall we begin to put it in execution? I would make an end of my letters and cannot, wherein I account myself faulty. And though I may err as every man may, yet I lie not, for I say as I think, for as much as I have said, and further think your grace hath no trouble troublesome, but this matter of religion unseasonably brought into the defamation of our late sovereign Lords acts, doings & laws. I beseech your grace take my meaning and words in good part, & pardon my boldness which groweth of the familiarity I have heretofore had with your grace, which I cannot forget. And thus enforcing myself to an end, shall pray to almighty God to preserve your grace in much felicity with increase of honour and the achieving of your hearts desire.  
At Winchester the 21. of May. Your Grace's humble beadman. S.W.   

¶ The Letter of the L. Protector answering to Winchester.  
YOur letters dated the 21. day of May as concerning 2. books new set forth by one Bale, and certain sermons preached here, were with convenient speed delivered unto us. And like as in your letters to Edw. Uaughan of Portesmouth, so in those to us we perceive that you have a vigilant and diligent eye, and very fearful of innovation, which as it cannot be blamed, proceeding of one which is desirous of quiet, good order, and continuance of the godly state of this realm: So we do marvel that so soon, so far of, and so plainly, you can hear tell and say of so many things done here, which in deed we being here and attendant upon the same cannot yet be advertised of. The world never was so quiet or so unite, but that privily or openly those iij. which you writ of, Printers, players, and Preachers, would set forth somewhat of their own heads which the Magistrates were unwares of. And the which already be banished and hath forsaken the realm, as suffering the last punishment, be boldest to set forth their mind. And dare use their extreme licence or liberty of speaking as out of the hands or rule of correction, either because they be gone, or because they be hid. There hath foolish and naughty rhymes and books been made and set forth, of the which as it appeareth you have seen more than we, and yet to our knowledge to many be brought, but yet after our mind it is to sore and to cruelly done to lay all those to our charge, and to ask as it were account of us of them all. In the most exact cruelty and tyranny of the Bishop of Rome, yet Pasquil (as we here say) writeth his mind and many times against the Bishop's tyranny, and some time toucheth other great princes, which thing for the most part he doth safely, not that the Bishop alloweth Pasquil's rhymes and verses specially against himself, but because he cannot punish the author, whom either he knoweth not, or hath not. In the late kings days of famous memory, who was both a learned, wise, and politic Prince, & a diligent executor of his laws. And when your Lordship was most diligent in the same, yet as your Lordship itself writeth, and it is to manifest to be unknown, there were that wrote such lewd rhymes, and plays as you speak of, & some against the kings proceedings, who were yet unpunished, because they were unknown or ungotten. And when we do weigh the matter we do very much marvel why that, about jack of lentes lewd ballad, and certain as it was reported unto us, Godly sermons (which be evil in your letters joined together) you be so earnest. When against D. Smiths book being a man learned in the doctors & scripture which made so plain against the kings highness authority. And for the furtherance of the Bishops of Rome's usurped power, your Lordship neither wrote nor said nothing. And as it appeared you be so angry with his retractation (which frankly without fear, dread compulsion, or imprisonment only with learning & truth overcomed, he came unto) that you cannot abide his beginning, although having the very words of scripture. Except peradventure you think that the saying of David, omnis homo mendax, cannot be interpreted, every man is a liar, which how soever your Lordship taketh it at pleasure, it appeared unto us then of him taken but godly to declare the infirmity of man, and the truth of God and his word. And we are not able to reason so clerkly with you, & yet we have heard of the subtle difference of lying and telling of a lie, or as it is in latin called mentiri and mendacium discere, but if your Lordship be loath to be counted mendax, which belike he hath interpreted a liar, or a lying man, and think it a matter of combat, he was deceived in the interpretation, and it is a matter for clerks to dispute of, we would have wished your Lordship to have written against his book before, or now with it, if you think that to be defended which the author himself refuseth to aver: your Lordship writeth earnestly for lent which we go not about to put away, no more than when D. Smith wrote so earnestly that every man should be obedient to the Bishops. The Magistrates by and by went not about to bring Kings and Princes and other under their subjection. Writers writ their fantasy, my Lord, and Preachers preach what either liketh them, or what God putteth in their heads. It is not by and by done what is spoken. The people buyeth those foolish ballads of jacke a lent. So bought they in times past, pardons, and carroles and Robin hoods tales. All be not wise men, and the foolisher a thing is to some (although not to the more party) it is the more pleasant and meet, and peradventure of the sermons there is, and in deed there is (if it be true that we have heard) otherwise spoken and reported to you, than it was of the preachers there and then spoken or meant. Lent remaineth still my Lord, & shall god willing till the king's highness with our advise and the residue of his Grace's counsel take an other order, although some light and lewd men do bury him in writing, even as the kings Majesty remaineth head of the Church, although by subtle means some traitors have gone about and daily do, to abuse the kings majesties supremacy, and bring in the Bishop of Rome's tyranny, with other superstition and Idolatry. On both sides great heed is to be taken, and as your Lordship writeth, we are set in a painful room, to reform all lightness and lewdness, to the which we do endeavour ourself to the best of our power, although not so cruelly and fiercely as some peradventure would wish, yet not so loosely that there needeth such exclamation or great fear to be. We do study to do all things attemperately, and with quiet and good order. And we would wish nothing more than your Lordship to be as ready to the reformation of the one, as of the other, that neither superstition, Idolatry, or papacy, should be brought in, nor lightness, nor contempt of good order to be maintained. They both take beginning at small things, and increaseth by little and little at unwares. And quiet may be as well broken with jealousy, as negligence, with to much fear or to much patience. No ways worse than when one is over light eared, the one way, and deaf on the other side. Rumours by space and times increase naturally and by that time they come at you as it appeareth, they be doubled & trebled. We do perceive your diligent eye towards us, 
Quiet may be as well broken by jealousy as by negligence.  & we will wish (& trust you have) your faithful hart to us, our most hearty desire & continual prayer to God is to leave this realm to the king's highness at his grace's age by you written, rather more flourishing in men, possessions, wealth, learning, wisdom, & God's religion and doctrine if it were possible and Gods will, than we found it. And that is our whole intent, & esperance to the which we refuse no man's help, as knoweth God in whom we bid you heartily far well.   

another letter of W. to the L. Protector.  
AFter my most humble commendations to your good Grace upon the return of my sevant Massy with your Grace's letters answering to such my letters wherein I signified the robbing of my secretary, I read the same gladly, as by the contents of the matter I had cause so to do, which was such a comfortative as I digested easily the rest of the great packet, having been accustomed thereunto in the kings my late sovereign Lords days, which fashion of writing his highness (God pardon his soul) called whetting, which was not all the most pleasant unto me at all times, yet when I saw in my doings was no hurt, and sometime by occasion thereof the matter amended I was not so coy as always to reverse my argument, nor so that his affairs went well, I never troubled myself, whether he made me a wanton or not. And when such as were privy to his letters directed unto me were afraid I had been in high displeasure (for the terms of the letters sounded so) yet I myself feared it nothing at all, I esteemed him (as he was) a wise prince, and whatsoever he wrote or said for the present, he would after consider the matter as wisely as any man, and neither hurt or inwardly disfavor him that had been bold with him. Whereof I serve for a proof, for no man could do me hurt during his life. And when he gave me the Bishopric of Winchester, he said he had often squared with me, but he loved me never the worse. And for a token thereof gave me the Bishopric. And once when he had been vehement with me, 
 in the presence of the Earl of Wilteshyre, and saw me dismayed with it, he took me a part into his bed chamber, and comforted me and said that his displeasure was not so much to me, as I did take it, but he misliked the matter and he durst more boldly direct his speech to me then to the Earl of Wilteshyre, and from that day forward he could not put me out of courage, but if any displeasant words passed from him, as they did sometime, I folded them up in the matter, which hindered me a little, for I was reported unto him that I stooped not and was stubborn, and he had commended, unto me certain men's gentle nature (as he called it) that wept at every of his words, & me thought that my nature was as gentle as theirs, for I was sorry that he was moved, but else I know when the displeasure was not justly grounded in me, I had no cause to take thought, nor was not at any time in all my life miscontent or grudging at any thing done by him I thank God of it. And therefore being thus brought up, and having first read your grace's most gentle letters, signifying the devise of a proclamation to stay these rumours, and reading the same proclamation which my servant brought with him, I read the more quiet your Grace's great letters, and would have laid them up with out further answer were it not that percase my so doing might be mistaken. For glum silence may have another construction then frank speech where a man may speak, as I reckon I may with your grace, upon confidence whereof I am so bold to write thus much for my declaration touching your grace's letters of the xxvij. of may, that how earnest so ever my letters be taken in fearing any innovation, I neither inwardly fear it, neither show any demonstration in mine outward deeds to the world here, or in communication, that I do fear it to be done by authority, but in myself resist the rumours and vain enterprises, with confidence in the truth and your Grace's wisdom, for if I feared it in deed, which persuasion it should come to pass, I should have small lust to write in it, but I fear more in deed the trouble that might arise by light boldness of other, and then cumber of such matter whiles other outward affairs occupy your Grace's mind, than the effect by your direction that hath been talked on abroad, and yet in the writing I do speak as the matter leadeth, continuing mine old manner to be earnest, which as some men have dispraised, so some have commended it, and therefore in a good honest matter I follow rather mine own inclination, than to take that pains to speak as Butter would not melt in my mou●h, wherewith I perceive your Grace is not miscontent, for the which, I most humbly thank you. And first as concerning Portestmouth I wrote to the Captain and Mayor in the thing as I had information, and by men of Credence. And yet I suspended my credit till I had heard from thence, as by my Letters appear, and as I was loath to have it so, so was I loath to believe it. And to show that I feared no innovation by authority, ne regarded not any such danger, went thither myself, and in conclusion was in such familiarity with the Captain, that after he had showed me all the gentle entertainment he could, he desired me to make an exhortation to his men as they stood handsomely with their weapons, wherewith they had showed warlike feats, which I did, and departed in amity with the Captain and soldiers and all the town. The captain telling me plainly he was nothing offended with any thing I had said in my sermon, ne there was cause why he should. But the very act in deed in defacing the Images had no such ground as master Captain pretended, for I asked specially for such as had abused those Images, and no such could be showed, for that I inquired for openly. And the Image of S. john the Evangelist standing in the chancel by the high altar was pulled down, & a table of alabaster broken. And in it an Image of Christ crucified, so contemptuously handled, as was in my hart terrible, to have the one eye bored out & the side pierced, wherewith men were wondrously offended, for it is a very persecution beyond the sea, used in that form where the parson cannot be apprehended. And I take such an act to be very slaundrous & esteeming the opinion of breaking Images, as unlawful to be had very dangerous, void of all learning and truth wrote after my fashion to the captain, which letters I perceive to come by your grace's hands I was not very curious in the writing of them, for with me truth goeth out plainly and roundly, and speaking of the kings Seal, uttered the common language, I was brought up in, after the old sort, when as I conject of a good will the people taking Saint George for a patron of the Realm under God, 
Ambr. ad 〈◊〉 1. Ad 〈◊〉 pro●rendum 〈◊〉 nihil 〈◊〉 latet 〈…〉.  and having some confidence of succour by God's strength derived by him, to increase the estimation of their Prince and sovereign Lord, called their king on horseback in the feat of Arms, Sayncte George on Horseback, my knowledge was not corrupt, I know it representeth the king, and yet my speech came forth after the common language, wherein I trust is none offence. For besides learning I by experience have known the pre-eminence of a king both in war and peace. And yet if I had wist my letter should have comen to your Grace's hands to be answered, than I would have been more precise in my speech then to give occasion of so long an argument therein. As for S. George himself, I have such opinion of him as becometh me and have read also of Belerephon in Homer as they call him the Father of tales, I will leave that matter. And as for books let Latin and Greek continue as long as it shall please God, I am almost past the use of them, what service those letters have done, experience hath showed, and religion hath continued in them 1500. years: but as for the english tongue itself hath not continued in one form of understanding 200. years and without God's work and special miracle it shall hardly contain religion long, when it can not last itself, and whatsoever your Grace's mind is now in the matter, I know well that having the government of the Realm your Grace will use the gift of policy, which is a gift of God.  
And even as now at this time Bishops be restrained by a special policy to preach only in their Cathedral Churches (the like whereof hath not been known in my time) so upon an other occasion your Grace may percase think expedient to restrain (further then the parliament hath already done) the common reading of the Scripture, as is now restrained the Bishop's liberty of preaching. As for the brazen Serpent did not in all men's language represent Christ, and if I had written to an other than your Grace, I might have had the like matter of argument that was taken against me of S. George on horseback. For Gregory Nazianzene chief divine in the Greek Church calleth the Serpent's death, the figure of the death of christ, but not the serpent to be the figure of Christ, and yet when I had done all mine argument, I would resolve as is resolved with me in the speech of S. George on horseback, that the common speech is otherwise, and so it is in saying the serpent to be a true figure of Christ, and yet Gregory Nazianzen called the serpent itself 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of Christ in these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & c? in his sermon de pascate and yet in Almechorus Domini we read Aries, Leo, Uermis, spoken of Christ, and some expound the scripture, sicut Moses. etc. After that sort. And as your Grace said when I was last at your house with the french Ambassador, ye wished him & me together disputing, to see when we would make an end, even so it is in these matters, when they come in argument, for a buy thing (as Saint George on Horseback) when it escapeth me, or speaking of the brazen serpent, following a speech not thoroughly discussed, shallbe occasion of a digression all out of purpose. And therefore was it a great gift of God, that our late Sovereign Lord (God rest his soul) set these matters in quiet: Who had heard all these reasons touching Images which be now rehearsed in your grace's letters, and having once my Lord of Canterbury & me present with him alone in his Palace that they call otherwise new Hall, handled that matter at length and discussed with my Lord of Caunterbury the understanding of god's commandment to the jews, 
〈◊〉 every ●hing were 〈◊〉 oracle by 〈◊〉 by that 〈◊〉 Henry 〈◊〉 then winchester 〈◊〉 here a 〈…〉▪  so as all the clerk in Christendom could not amend it. And where as one had denied the Image of the Trinity to be had, by reasons as be touched in your Grace's letters, I heard his highness answer to them at another time. And when he had himself specially commanded divers Images to be abolished yet (as your Grace knoweth) he both ordered and himself put in execution the kneeling and creeping before the Image of the Cross, and established agreement in that truth through all this Realm, whereby all arguments to the contrary be assoiled at once. I would wish Images used as the book by his highness set forth doth prescribe and no otherwise. I know your Grace only tempteth me with such reasons as other make unto you, and I am not fully at liberty although I am bold enough (and some will think to bold) to answer some things as I would to an other man mine equal, being so much inferior to your Grace as I am, but me thinketh saint Paul's solution during the kings majesties minority should serve all. Nos talem consuetudinem non habemus. We have no such custom in the Church. When our sovereign Lord cometh to his perfect age (which God grant) I doubt not but God will reveal that shallbe necessary for the governing of his people in religion. 
Wherefore then serve the Scripture for realms to be ruled by: if God neu●● reveal any thing in a re●●me, but by the kings own person in his man's age?  And if any thing shall be done in the mean time (as I think there shall not) by your Grace's direction, he may when he cometh to age say in the rest, as I hear say, he said now of late concerning procession, that in his father's time men were wont to follow procession, upon which the kings majesties saying the procession (as I heard) was well furnished afterwards by your Grace's Commandment, which speech hath put me in remembrance, that if the Bishops and other of the Clergy, should agree to any alteration in religion to the condemnation of any thing set forth by his Father, whereby his father might be noted to have wanted knowledge or favour to the truth, what he would say, I can not tell, but he might use a marvelous speech, and for the excellency of his spirit, it were like he would, and having so just a cause against Bishops as he might have it were to be feared he would. And when he had spoken, them he might by his laws do more than any would gladly suffer of our sort at these days, for as the allegation of his authority represented by your grace, shallbe then answered (as your Grace now writeth unto me) that that your Grace only desired truth according to God's scripture, and it may be then said: we Bishops when we have our sovereign Lord & head in minority we fashion the matter as we lust, & then some young man that would have a piece of the Bishop's lands shall say: the beastly Bishops have always done so, and when they can no longer maintain one of their pleasures of rule and superiority, than they take another way and let that go, and for the time they be here, spend up that they have, which eat you and drink you, what ye list & we together, with Edamus & bibamus cras moriemur. And if we shall allege for our defence the strength of God's truth and the plainness of scripture, with the word of the Lord, and many gay terms, and say we were convinced by scriptures, such an excellent judgement, as the kings majesty is like to have, will never credit us in it, ne be abused by such a vain answer. And this is a worldly politic consideration, and at home, for the noise abroad in the world will be more slanderous than this is dangerous. And touching the bishop of Rome, the doing in this realm hitherto hath never done him so much displeasure as an alteration in religion during the kings majesties minority, should serve for his purpose, for he wanteth not wits to beat into other prince's ears, that where his authority is abolished, there at every change of governors, shallbe change in Religion and that hath been amongst us by a whole consent established, shall by pretence of an other understanding in scripture straight be brought in question, 
Canterbury and Duresme carped of Wynchester.  for they will give it no other name but a pretence, how stiffly so ever we will affirm otherwise and call it God's word and here it should much be noted that my Lord of Caunterbury, being the high Bishop of the Realm, highly in favour with his late Sovereign Lord, and my Lord of Duresme a man of renowned fame in learning and gravity, both put by him in trust for their council in the order of the Realm, should so soon forget their old knowledge in Scripture set forth by the Kings majesties book, and advise to enuey such matter of alteration. All which things be (I know well) by your Grace and them considered. And therefore it is to me incredible that ever any such thing should be in deed with effect whatsoever the lightness of talk shall spread abroad, which your Grace hath by Proclamation well stayed. But and ye had not, and the world talked so fast as ever they did, I assure your Grace I would never fear it, as men fear things they like not, unless I saw it in execution, for of this sort I am that in all things I think should not be done in reason, I fear them not, wherewith to trouble me otherwise then to take heed if I can, and to the head Governors (as now to your Grace) show my mind, and such experience hath every man of me that hath commoned with me in any such matters. And therefore albeit your Grace writeth wisely that overmuch fear doth hurt, and accelerateth sometime, that was not intended, yet it needs not to me, for I have learned that lesson already, and would a great many more had, which in deed should be a great stay. And thus I talk with your Grace homely, with multiplication of speech not necessary, as though I meant to send you as great a packet, as I received from you. One thing necessary to answer your Grace in touching your marvel: how I know sooner things from thence, than your Grace doth there, which ariseth not upon any desire of knowledge on my behalf, for evil things be oversoon known, not upon any slackness of your grace's behalf there, who is & is noted very vigilant, as your grace's charge requireth. But thus it is even as it was when I was in some little authority, they that were the evil doers in such matters would hide them from me. So now they have handled it otherwise, for as for jacke of lentes Testament was openly sold in Winchester market, before I wrote unto your Grace of it. And as for Bales book called the Elucidiation of Anne Askewes martyrdom, they were in these parts common some with leaves unglewed, where master Paget was spoken of and some with leaves glued. And I call them common because I saw at the least four of them. As for Bales book touching the death of Luther wherein was the Duke Saxons prayer (whereof I wrote) was brought down into this country by an honest Gentleman to whom it was (as I remember he told me) given at London for news, and had it a good while ere I wrote to your Grace. I had not then received the inhibition for preaching whereof men spoke otherwise then they knew. 
D. Smyth reproved of Winchester.  And in the mean time Doctor Smith recanted with a Priest of this Town (who to mine own mouth boasted himself to be your Graces chaplain, but I believed it not) brought down with speed, & made by means to have it brought to my knowledge, which I knew beside, for they had by and by filled all the Country here abouts of tales of me. And when I saw Doctor Smiths recantation begin with Omnis homo mendax so englished and such a new humility as he would make all the Doctors of the Church Liars with himself, knowing what opinions were abroad, it enforced me to write unto your Grace for the ease of my conscience: giving this judgement of Smith that I neither liked his tractation of unwritten verityes, ner yet his retractation, and was glad of my former judgement, that I never had familiarity with him, I saw him not (that I wot these three years ne talked with him these seven years, as curious as I am noted in the common wealth.) And where as in his unwritten verityes he was so mad to say, Bishops in this Realm may make laws, I have witness that I said at that word, we should be then daws, and was by and by sorry that ever he had writted of the Sacrament of the altar, which was not as it was noised, untouched, with that word, all men be Liars which is a marvelous word, as it soundeth in our tongue when we say a man were better have a thief in his house then a liar. And the depraving of man's nature in that sort is not the setting out of the authority of the Scripture. For albeit the authority of the Scripture dependeth not upon man, yet the ministration of the letter which is writing and speaking, is exercised, and hath been from the beginning delivered through man's hand and taught by man's mouth: which men in the Scripture calleth holy men, and that is contrary to liars. And therefore S, Augustine in his book De mendacio, saith omnis homo mendax, signifieth omnis homo peccans. If Smyth had only written of Bishop's laws, and then said he had (saving your honour) lied loudly or to mitigate the matter, said he had erred by ignorance that had been done truly and humbly, for he that seeketh for much company in lying as he did, hath small humility, for he would hide himself by the number, & this much as touching Smith of whom nor his book till he was in trouble I never heard talking. But to the matter I wrote of, I have told your Grace how I came to knowledge of them very scarcely in time, but in the thing over quickly & never had any such thought in my life, as I denied to your Grace to be worthily charged with them, by them I mean that may hereafter charge, for I know no such yet in this world, and I never was in mine opinion so mad, as to write to your Grace in that sort when all things be well, I have many causes to rejoice but where things were otherwise (as I trust they shall not) I have nothing to do to ask any account, I trust I shall never forget myself so much, I thank God I am even aswell learned to live in the place of obedience, as I was in the place of direction in our late sovereign lords life. And for my quietness in this estate account myself to have a great treasure of your Grace's rule and authority, and therefore will worship and and honour it otherwise then to use such manner of presumption to ask any account. And I know your Grace cannot stay these matters so suddenly, and I esteem it a great matter that things be stauld hitherto thus, but if things had increased as the rumours purported, your Grace might have been encumbered more in the execution of your good determination. 
And why then did ye not follow the same your sovereign Lord in abolishing the Pope in Queen mary's tyme.  Now thanks be to GOD your Grace goeth well about to stay it. As for myself I know mine inward determination to do, as I may, my duty to God and the world, and have no cause to complain of the universal Disposition of them in my Diocese. I know but one way of quiet to keep and follow such laws and orders in Religion as our late sovereign Lord left with us: which by his life, as the Bishops and clergy said was the very truth, and I never read yet or heard any thing why to serve from it, ne think it expedient to call any one thing in doubt during the kings majesties minority whereby to impair the strength of the accord established, which I writ not mistrusting your Grace in the contrary, but declaring myself and wishing the same mind to other about you, as I trust they have, for which I shal● pray to GOD, who prospered out late Sovereign Lord in that rebellion as we have seen experience, and by your Grace's foresight and politic Government shall send the like prosperity to our sovereign Lord that now is, wherein I shall do my part as a Subject most bounden many ways thereunto. I send unto your Grace herewith my discussion of my Lord of S. Davies Purgation, wherein I walk somewhat more at liberty, then writing to your Grace, and yet I take myself liberty enough with a reverent mind, nevertheless to keep me within my bonds which if I at any time exceed, I trust your Grace will bear with me after your accustomed goodness, for whose prosperity I shall continually pray with increase of honour. At Winchester the 6. of june.   

¶ Certain additions after these letters above specified, with notes and solutions answering to the same.  
THus have we set out to thee (gentle and studious reader) an extract of certain letters of Bishop Gardiner: not of all that he wrote, but of such as could come to our hands: Neither of these also that we have for any good stuff, or any great profit in them contained, or that they did clear him, or his cause any thing, for the which he was most worthily condemned. For if there did or might appear any such thing in all his writings, that might clear the ill favoured doings of that man, be thou sure such as was then secret about him, and yet his well willers (their names I leave untouched) having his writings, or being able to show them, as I am privy they are, would not so conceal them in covert as they do, being thereto both provoked and occasioned by us, if they had seen any thing in them meet to relieve the person, or to remedy his matter. Wherefore think not for any such effect these his vain glorious Letters to be brought in here of us. But only that thou might hereby collect and understand by those his foresaid epistles, and articles following, not only the whole course and story almost of all his procedings from time to time, but also might see the nature and inward condition of the man, how vainglorious, full stuffed and puffed up with arrogancy, and drowned in his own conceit he was, much like to the parson, or rather he himself, described in the latin Comedy, Miles Thraso Gloriosus, have nothing in his mouth, but Emperors, Kings, counsellors, protectors, advisements, direction: as though all direction of realms and princes did flow out of his brain, like as it is in the Poet's fables, that Minerva did spring out of the head of jupiter. And yet if this vainglorious conceit had been alone in him, less matter had been against him. Now his subtle practices, and pretenced purposes and dissimuling conveyance did not only augment, but also exceeded all his other evils. As in the letters above specified is notorious and evident to see, wherein though he durst not apertly gainsay that, which he inwardly misliked: yet how covertly doth he insinuate himself to the Lord Protector, under pretence of giving counsel, to bring that to pass, which was for his purpose, that is, no innovation or alteration to be made of religion, during all the kings minority, but to let all things stand as king Henry left them. And that is the chiefest. But in all his letters, whereto he driveth: using commonly this argument: which as it is easy to recite, so neither is it hard to answer to. Although in the notes before we have answered already sufficiently.   

¶ The Sum and Conclusion of all Winchester's drift, in his Epistles before.  
THat is chiefly to be feared and avoided of the Lord Protector, and now specially in the kings minority, that may bring both danger to him, 
Argum●●●  and trouble to the Realm.  
Innovation of religion from that state, which K. Henry left it, may be and is like to be dangerous to himself, and cause trouble to the Realm.  
Ergo innovation of Religion, from the state that the king left it is in no wise to be attempted.  

¶ The answer.  

Anno 1549.  TO answer first to the vocable innovation, which he stumbleth so greatly upon, this I say: that innovation is properly used, 
unswere.  where a thing is brought in a new, which was not before. Forasmuch therefore, as in this alteration there is no new religion brought in, but only the old religion of the primitive church revived, therefore here is to be thought not so much an innovation, as a renovation or reformation rather of religion, which reformation is oft times so necessary in common weals, that without the same all runneth to confusion.  
Secondly, I answer to the argument, which I do deny as a fallax, for there is fallacia accidentis. Where it is said, that reformation of religion gendereth danger to the Protector, and trouble to the realm: first what will come, that is uncertain: And God be hallowed, yet no danger hath come to England for the reformation of religion. And though there did, yet the cause thereof is not to be imputed to religion reform. For sincere and true doctrine of his own nature worketh quiet, peace and tranquility, with all good order. And if the contrary happen, that is incident by other causes, as by the malice of Satan, and wicked adversaries, not by reason of the doctrine and true religion. So after the preaching of Christ and his Apostles, dissension followed in common weals betwixt father and son, brother and brother, etc. but that is not to be ascribed to them, but to other.  
As concerning the faults found in the Paraphrase of Erasmus, 
The Paraphrase of Erasmus.  this I answer and say, that this bishop belike had overwatched himself in this matter. For if it be true which he himself affirmeth, fol. 744. that he never read that book before, and now he never slept till he himself red it. It happened peradventure, that in the overmuch watching of himself, and swift reading of the book, his judgement was a sleep, whiles his eyes were open in reading the same.  
Likewise touching the book of Homilies, especially the Homily of salvation, 
The book of Homel●●.  wherewith he findeth himself so much grieved with the Archbishop, seeing he bringeth forth no proves, I have nothing to answer. In the mean season this I have to think, that if he had been so cunning in the knowledge of his own salvation, as he was in the destruction and vexation of Christ's members, he would never so rage's against that Homily.  
Touching the examination of Anne Askew, if it be misreported by M. Bale, 
The examination of Anne Askew set forth by M. Bale.  why doth not he note the places which they be, and wherein? And if he had, or were able so to do: yet seeing the examination was of her own penning, which M. Bale did follow, let every Christian Reader judge, whether is more to be credited of these two, she that was persecuted, or he that was the persecuter.  
And where he speaketh so much of quiet and tranquility. This I answer, 
Quiet and tranquility of realms, ●●ght not 〈◊〉 stop reformation of religion.  that quiet and tranquility in weals public, so long as they are joined with right reformed religion, be much to be embraced. But when it is otherwise, that is, where true religion lacketh his right, there let the second table give place to the first.  
He thwarteth also, and wrangleth much against players, 
Preachers. ●●inters ●●●ayers.  Printers, Preachers. And no marvel why. For he seethe these three things to be set up of God, as a triple bulwark against the triple crown of the Pope, to bring him down, as God be praised they have done meetly well already.  
As touching the Article of Free justification by faith, which he cannot abide, 
The Article 〈◊〉 ●ustifi●●●ion.  forasmuch as we have sufficiently declared in the notes before, we shalt refer the Reader now also unto the same.  

The letter 〈◊〉 Winche●●●● sent to ●. Ridley.  And moreover, because in one of his letters, mention is made of a certain letter sent unto M. Ridley, because we will defraud thee (gentle reader) of nothing that cometh to our hands, here hast thou the copy thereof, in effect as followeth.  

Here followeth the copy of the letter of St●. Gardiner sent to M. Ridley, in the letters above mentioned, containing matter and objections against a certain Sermon, of the said Master Ridley, made at the Court.  
Master Ridley, after right hearty commendations, it chanced me upon Wednesday last passed, to be present at your sermon in the court, wherein I hard you confirm the doctrine in religion, set forth by our late Sovereign Lord and master, whose soul God pardon, admonishing your audience that ye would specially travel in the confutation of the bishop of Rome's pretended authority, in government and usurped power, in pardons whereby he hath abused himself, in Heaven and earth. Which two matters I note to be plain, 
If this doctrine were plain in king Edward's time, how chanced it was not ●o plain with you in Queen mary's time?  and here without controversy. In the other two ye spoke of, touching images and ceremonies, and as ye touched it, specially for holy water, to drive away devils, for that ye declared yourself always desirous, to set forth the mere truth, with great desire of unity as ye professed, not extending any your asseveration beyond your knowledge, but always adding such like words (as far as ye had read) and if any man could show you further, ye would hear him (wherein ye were much to be commended) Upon these considerations, and for the desire I have to unity, I have thought myself bound to communicate to you, that I have read in the matter of Images, and holy water to the intent ye may by yourself consider it, and so weigh, before that ye will speak in those two points, as ye may (retaining your own principles) affirm still that ye would affirm, and may in deed be affirmed and maintained, wherein I have seen other forget themself. First I send unto you herewith (which I am sure ye have red that 
(a) Euseb. Caesar▪ saith, that he saw the pictures of Paul & Peter kept with a certain christian man, but yet he saith not that those pictures were set up in any Church.  Eusebius writeth of Images, whereby appeareth that Images have been of 
(b) 
What antiquity Images had in the Church, is declared by the doing and writing of Epiphanius, in his epistle ad Episc. Hierosol. translated by Jerome.  
Item, in the Council called El●hertinum. Artic. 36. it is to be seen how pictures were forbid in church walls.  
Item, in concilio Constantinop. sub leone imp. Images were condemned.  
Iten, Carolus Magnus with the whole Council of Frankford, decreed against Images, abrogating the vain and frivolous acts of Irene in his Council a little before.  
Briefly, concerning the antiquity of Images when bishops began to cease from preaching in churches, than Images began to be set up.   great antiquity, in Christ's Church, and to say, we may not have Images, or to call them when they represent Christ or his Saints, be over gross opinions, to enter into your learned head, what so ever the unlearned would tattle. For you know the text of the old law. 
(c) It is not like, for non facies sculptile, that is, Moral: De immund●●▪ is but ceremonial.  Non facies tibi sculptile, forbiddeth no more Images now, than another text forbiddeth to us puddings. And if omnia be munda mundis, to the belly, there can be no cause why they should be of themselves impura to the eye, wherein ye can say much more. And then when we have Images, to call them Idols, is a like fault in fond folly. As if a man would call (Regem) a Tyrant, and then bring in old writers to prove that Tyrannus signified once a king, like as (Idolum) signified once an Image: but like as (Tyrannus) was by consent of men, appropriate, to signify an usurper of that dignity and an untrue king: So hath (Idolum) bene appropriate to signify a false representation, and a false Image. In so much, as there was a solemn anathemization of all those that would call an Image and Idol, as he were worthy to be hanged, that would call the king our master (God save him, our true just king) a tyrant, and yet in talk he might show that a tyrant signified sometime a king, but speech is regarded in his present signification, which I doubt not ye can consider right well.  
I verily think, that as for the having of Images, ye will say enough, and that also when we have them, we should not despise them in speech, to call them 
(d) 
Betwixt Images and Idols there is but little difference, but betwixt Images set up in Churches, and Idols, there is none at all.  
Cic. lib. 1. de finib. Imagines, quae Idol a nominant.   idols, ne despise them with deeds, to mangle them or cut them, but at the least suffer them to stand untorn, wherein Luther that pulled away all other regard to them, strove stoutly, and obtained (as I have seen in divers of the churches in Germany of his reformation) that they should (as they do) stand still.  
All the matter to be feared is excess in worshipping, wherein the church of Rome, hath been very precise. And specially Gregory, writing Episcopo Mastilien. which is contained, De consecratio. Distinctione. 3. as followeth. 

Duo hic videnda sunt primum tempore Gregorij Imagines, non dum colebantur: ut hody apud nos, sed tantum ad historiam adhibebantur. Cuiusmodi videtur pictura illa Christi & mulieris fimbriam tangentu, cuius meminit Eusebius in hist. Verum si viveret hody Gregorius vide●et que tantam in statuis prophanationem, quid tum sensisset ille haud obscurum est.  
Praeterea excusatio illa & defensio picturarum quam affert. praeterquam quod justa ratione care●, pugnat etiam manifest cum Synodo Elib. Artic. 3●. ubi prohibentur in templis picture▪ ne in ●ultu sit error. Pugnat etiam cum exemplo Epiphanij, & Ez each. etc.    
Perlatum ad nos fuerat, quod inconsiderato zelo succensus, fanctorum imagines, sub hac quasi excusatione, ne adorari debuissent, confregeris, & quidem eas adorari vetuisse, omnino laudamus, fregisse verò reprehédimus. Dic frater, a quo factum esse sacerdote aliquando auditum est, quod fecisti? Aliud est enim picturam adorare, aliud per picturam historiam, quid sit adorandum addiscere. Nam quod legentibus scriptura, hoc & idiotis praestat pictura cernentibus, quia in ipsa ignorantes vident quid sequi debeant, in ipsa legunt qui literas nesciunt, unde & praecipue gentibus, pro lectione pictura est.  
Herein is forbidden adoration, 
Idolatry is not excluded so long as any virtue is sought at their hands.  and then in Sexta Sinodo, was declared what manner of adoration is forbidden, that is to say, 
Virtue is and hath been sought at their hands.  godly adoration to it being a creature, as is contained in the chapter, Venerabiles imagines, 
Ergo. Idolatry is not excluded as he saith.  in the same distinction, in this wise.  
Venerabiles Imagines Christiani non deos appellant, neque serviunt eis ut dijs, neque spem salutis ponunt in eyes, neque ab eis ex spectant futurum judicium, sed ad memoriam & recordationem primitivorum venerantur eas & adorant, sed non serviunt eye cultu divino, nec alicui creaturae.  
By which doctrine, all idolatry is plainly excluded, in evident words. So as we cannot say, that the worshipping of Images had his beginning by popery, for Gregory forbade it, unless we shall call that Synod, Popery, because there were so many bishops. And yet there is forbidden, cultus Divinus, and agreeth with our beforesaid doctrine, by which we may creep before the cross on good Friday, wherein we have the Image of the crucifix in honour, & use it in a worshipful place, and so earnestly look on it, and conceive that it signifieth, as we kneel 
a) What work Winchester maketh to creep to dead crosses, & to worship blockish Images. But the lively Images of Christ, them he brought to the cross & burned cruelly. Therefore it is worthily said of Clemens, lib. 5. Quis est iste honor Dei, per lapideas & ligneas formas discurrere, atque exanimes figuras venerari, & hominem in quo vera Dei Imago est spernere. But Winchester was so busied in his lay men's books, that he had no leisure to understand learned books.  and creep before it, whiles it lieth there, and whiles that remembrance is in exercise, with which cross nevertheless, the Sexton when he goeth for a corpse, will not be afraid, to be homely, and hold it under his gown whiles he drinketh a pot of ale, a point of homeliness that might be left, but yet it declareth, that he esteemed no Divinity in the Image. But ever since I was borne a poor parishioner, a lay man, durst be so bold at a shift (if he were also churchwarden) to sell to the use of the Church at length, and his own, in the mean time, the silver cross on Easter Monday, that was creeped unto on good Friday. In specialties, there have been special abuses, but generally Images have been taken for Images, with an 
(b) If things having the office to signify, and work in us the understanding of Christ and holy things, are therefore to be worshipped, censed, and crept unto: why then do ye not worship the preacher, the Bible book, the Epistler and gospeler which give a much more lively understanding to our minds of holy and heavenly things, than Images do?  office to signify an holy remembrance of Christ and his saints. And as the sound of speech uttered by a lively Image, and representing to the understanding, by the sense of hearing godly matter, doth stir up the mind, and therewith the body, to consent in outward gesture of worshipful regard, to that sound: 
(c) The argument of Winchester reverted against himself. For if God's word & such other sounds, giving a lively understanding to us, yet be not had in such a worshipful regard, that any doth cense them, or creep and offer to them: Ergo, much less should you do the same to these your dead and insensible Images.  So doth the object of the Image, by the sight, work like effect in man, within and without, wherein is verily worshipped, that we understand, and yet reverence and worship also showed to that, whereby we attain that understanding, and is to us in the place of an instrument. So as it hath no worship of itself, but remaineth in his nature of stone or timber, silver, copper or gold. But when it is in office, and worketh a godly remembrance in us, by representation of the thing signified unto us, than we use it worshipfully and honourably, as many do the 
(d) One Idol well compared with another.  priest at Mass, whom they little regard all the day after. And me thinketh ever, that like as it is an over gross error, to take an image for God, or to worship it with godly 
(e) Because you say that godly honour, or cultus divinus, is taken away by you from Images, I pray you what could ye do to God, if he were h●re materially himself more, than you do to them? to cense them, to candle them, to tabernacle them, to set them up in churches, to adore and invocate them, to kneel and knock to them, to creep and offer to them, to seek virtue, and to require health at them, to make them your patrons, and to make your vows unto them, etc. If this be not Divinus cultus, tell me what give you to God more than this?  honour. So to grant that we may not have Images of Christ, and that we may do no worship before them, or not use them worshipfully, it is inexplicable. For it is one kind of worship to place them worshipfully. So as if a man place an Image in the church, or hang it about his neck, as 
(f) All papists perchance.  all use to do the Image of the cross, and the knight of the order 
(g) Yea but what knight of that order kneeleth or prayeth to that George that hangeth about his neck.  Saint George, this is some piece of worship. And if we may not contemn the images of Christ and his saints, when we have them (for that were villainy) not neglect them (for that were to have them without use▪) which were inconvenient, (quia nec natura nec arte quicquam fit frustra) we must have them in estimation and reputation, which is not without some honour and worship, and at the least in the place, where we conveniently use them, as in the church, as where they serve us rather than we them, and because their 
(h) A worshipful service to disworship God, & worship creatures.  service is worshipful, they be so regarded accordingly, for that time of service, and therefore they be called Venerabiles Imagines, and be worshipfully ordered, before whom we kneel, and bow, and cense, not at that the Images be, but at that the Images signify, which in our kneeling, bowing, and censing, we knowledge to understand and read in that fashion of contract writing, 
You said before they were lay men's books, now ye make them learned men's books also, wherein you read (ye say) many things at one opening. And what read you or see you in those books, I pray you? nimtrum, id quod puer● vident in nuhibus. And where be you bid to look upon these fantastical books? Scrutamini scripturas, saith the Lord: Contemplamini picturas, writeth Winchester. But rather Winchester should have read the book of Epiphanius, contra Encratitas, where these words be opened to him: Non decet Christianum per oculos suspensum teneri, sed per occupation●m menti●, etc.  wherein is wrapped up, a great many of sentences, suddenly opened with one sudden sight, to him that hath been exercised in reading of them. And me seemeth, after the faith of Christ received & known, and thoroughly purged from heresies, if by case, there were offered a choice, either to retain painting and graving, and forbear writing, or choosing writing, to forbear both the other gifts: it would be a problem, seeing if graving were taken away, we could have no printing. And therefore they that press so much the words, of Non facies tibi sculptile, ever me thinketh they condemn printed books, the original whereof is of graving to make 
* If ye did see any prin●e● yet to do worship to his graven letter●, then might you well seek thus (as ye do) a knot 〈◊〉 in a rush.  matrrices literarum. Sed hoc est furiosum, & sunt tamen qui putant palmarium. And therefore now it is englished. Thou shalt make no graven Images, lest thou worship them, which (I here) is newly written in the new church, I know not the name, but not far from the old Iury. But to the matter of Images, wherein I have discoursed at large I think, and ye consider (as I doubt not, but ye will) the doctrine set forth by our late Sovereign Lord? Ye shall in the matter see the truth set forth by such as had that committed unto them, under his highness, amongst whom I was not, nor was not privy unto it, till it was done. And yet the clause in the book, for discussion of (the Lord) and (our Lord) hath made many think otherwise, but I take our Lord to witness, I was not: & that declaration of (our Lord) was his highness own devise, ex se. For he saw the fond Englishing of (the Lord) dissevered in speech whom our Lord had congregate. And this I add lest giving authority to the book, 
Holy water.  I should seem to advant myself.  
Now will I speak somewhat of holy water, wherein I sand unto you, the xxxiiij. chapter in the ix. book of th'history Tripartite, where Marcellus the bishop, bad Equitius his Deacon, to cast abroad water by him first hallowed wherewith to drive away the devil. And it is noted, how the devil could not abide the virtue of the water, but vanished away. And for my part, it seemeth the history may be true. 
(:) Consecration of water and salt to 〈◊〉 the people is attribute to Alexander. 1. but what credit is to be given to those dec●●es falsely 〈◊〉 upon those ancient Bishops, 〈…〉 In nomine 〈◊〉 etc. If the name of Christ do & can serve only to cast out devils. What should water do, where Christ may and should serve only to work that mastery.  for we be assured by scripture that in the name of God, the church is able and strong to cast out Devils according to the Gospel, In nomine meo daemonia eijcient etc. So as if the water were away, by only calling of the name of God, that mastery may be wrought. And being the virtue of th'effect only attributed to the name of God: the question should be only, whether the creature of water, may have the office to convey the effect of the holiness, of thinvocation of God's name. And first in Christ, the skirt of his garment had such an office, to minister health to the woman and spercle and clay to the blind, and S. Peter's shadow, & S. Paul's handkerchiefs. And leaving old stories here at home, the special gift of curation, ministered by the kings of this realm, not of their own strength but by invocation of the name of God, hath been used to be distributed in rings of gold and silver. And I think effectually wherein the metal hath only an office, and the strength is in the name of God, wherein all is wrought. And Elizeus put his staff in like office. And why the whole church might not put water in like office, to convey abroad the invocation of god's name: there is no scripture to the contrary, but there is scripture how other inferior creatures have been promooted to like dignity, and much scripture, how water hath been used in like and greater service. And the story I send unto you, showeth how water hath been used in the same service, to drive away devils. In which matter if any shall say, he believeth not the story, and he is not bound to believe it, being no scripture: that man is not to be reasoned with, for the effect of the king's cramp rings. And yet for such effect as they have wrought, when I was in France, 
* The king's ring giveth 〈◊〉: Ergo holy water may have also his effect & operation. Resp. Non 〈…〉 thing of corporal things, wi●● spiritual, joineth in 〈◊〉 comparison together▪ 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 plain answer this. B●●h be 〈◊〉 and a●gaynst the 〈◊〉 of God.  I have been myself much honoured, and of all sorts entreated, to have them, with offer of as much for them, as they were double worth. Some will say, what is rings to holy water? Marry thus I say, if the metal of gold and silver, may do service to carry abroad, the invocation of the name of God effectually for one purpose, water may also serve to carry abroad the invocation of the name of God, wherewith to drive away devils. Hereto will be said. Non valet argumentum a posse ad esse. But the story saith, the water did that service, and other strangers say and affirm by experience, the king's majesties rings have done the service. And our late master continued all his life, the exercise of that gift of God, and used silver and gold to do that service, to carry abroad the strength of the invocation of the name of God by him, and he used it among us that served him in it, when he had thoroughly heard and seen what might be said in the matter, and yet he had no scripture, especially for it that spoke of rings of silver or gold, no more than is for the ashes ministered a little before ye last preached. And as our young sovereign Lord hath received them reverently: so I trust he shall be advertised, ne negligat gratiam Dei in dono curationum, but follow his father therein: also not doubting but God will hear him as he hath heard his father, and others his progenitors, kings of this realm, to whose dignity God addeth this prerogative, as he doth also to inferior ministers of his church, in the effect of their prayer, when it pleaseth him. A man might find some younglings percase that would say, how worldly, wily, witty bishops, have inveigled simple kings heretofore, and to confirm their blessings, have also devised, 
Anno 1550.  how kings should bless also, and so authority to maintain, where truth failed, and I have had it objected to me, that I used to prove one piece of mine argument ever by a king, as when I reasoned thus. If ye allow nothing but scripture, what say you to the kings rings? but they be allowed, Ergo, somewhat is to be allowed besides scripture. And another, if Images be forbidden 
* 〈…〉 argument. 〈◊〉 King 〈…〉 wear S. George 〈◊〉 breast, if Images 〈…〉. The King 〈◊〉 S. George upon his 〈◊〉 Ergo, Images be not 〈◊〉 Resp. This argu●●●●, besides that it 〈…〉 particula●ibu●, 〈…〉 may be denied. 〈…〉 also, there is a 〈◊〉 understanding in this 〈…〉: whether it be 〈…〉 the latter part of the 〈◊〉 be taken universally 〈◊〉 Images, both in chur●●● 〈…〉 private house's 〈…〉 in garments. 〈…〉 part is false. If 〈◊〉, for such only as 〈…〉 churches: then 〈…〉 whether it be 〈…〉, maketh a false 〈…〉. terminis. Or 〈…〉, it may be 〈…〉, and hurteth 〈◊〉 ou● doctrine, for we 〈◊〉 only against the Images set up in Churches, 〈◊〉 against the other.  why doth the king wear S. George on his breast. But he weareth S. George on his breast: Ergo, Images be not forbidden. If saints be not to be worshipped, why kep● we S. 
* 
S. George's feast is kept. Ergo, 〈◊〉 are to be worshipped.  
Resp. A like argument. 〈◊〉 fair is kept. Ergo, Lambs' 〈◊〉 to be worshipped.   George's feast? But we keep S. George's feast, Ergo, etc. And in this matter of holy water, if the strength of the invocation of the name of God to drive away devils, cannot be distribute by water: why can it be distribute in silver, to drive away diseases, and the dangerous disease of the falling evil? But the rings hallowed by the holy church, may do so. Ergo, the water hallowed by the Church may do like service. These were sore arguments in his time, and I trust be also yet and may be conveniently used, to such as would never make an end of talk, but rake up every thing that their dull sight cannot penetrate, wherein me thought ye spoke effectually, when ye said, men must receive the determination of the particular church and obey, where God's law repugneth not expressly. And in this effect to drive away devils, that prayer and invocation of the church may do it, scripture maintaineth evidently, and the same scripture doth authorize us so to pray, and encourageth us to it. So as if in discussion of holy water, we attribute all the effect to the holiness which proceedeth from God by invocation of the church, and take water for an only servant to carry abroad holiness: there can be no superstition, where men regard only prayer, which scripture authoriseth. And if we shall say that the water cannot do such service: we shall be convinced, in that it doth a greater service in our baptism by gods special ordinance. So as we cannot say, that water cannot, or is not apt to do this service, only the stay is, to have a precise place, in the new Testament, to say, use water thus in this service, as we do in holy water, which me thinketh needeth not where all is ordered, to be well used by us: and when the whole church agreed upon such an use: or any particular church, or the common minister of it: and by the exorcism ordered for it, the thing to be used, purged, there can be but slender matter to improve that custom, wherein God is only honoured, & the power of his name set forth, whereunto all thing boweth and giveth place, all natural operation set apart and secluded. And when any man hath denied, that water may do service, because scripture appointeth it not, that (because) driveth away much of the rest, the church useth, and specially our cramp rings. For if water may not serve to carry 
* The water of Baptism hath an express ordinance, where holy water hath ●one,  abroad, the effect of God's grace obtained by invocation from God, by the common prayer of the church. How can the metal of silver or gold carry abroad, the effect of the king's invocation in the cramp rings? which manner of reasoning (ad hominem) Christ used with the jews, when he said, Si ego in Belzebub, eijcio daemonia, filii vestri, in quo eijciunt? And if by our own principles, we should be enforced to say that our 
* Christ useth not ●ow in his Church ●●mme ●reatures of Gold and Silver. etc. ●ut ministers by the 〈◊〉 ministering of his word to 〈◊〉 abroad ●is grace. 〈◊〉 Cramp ●●inges and holy water, both together in like 〈◊〉 of abuse and superstition.  cramp rings be superstition (where truth enforceth us not so to do) it were a marvelous punishment. Si caeci essemus (as Christ saith) peccatum non haberemus, sed videmus, and this realm hath learning in it, and you a good portion thereof, according whereunto I doubt not, but ye will weigh this matter non ad popularem trutinam, sed artificis stateram. I mean that artificer that teacheth the church our mother (as ye full well declared it) & ordered our mother to give nourishment unto us. In which point speaking of the church, although ye touched an unknown church to us, and known to God only, yet declared the union of that Church in the permixt Church, which God ordereth men to complain unto, & to hear again, wherein the absurdity is taken away of them that would have no church known, but every man believe, as he were inwardly taught himself, whereupon followeth the old Proverb. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Which is far from the unity, ye so earnestly wished for, whereof (as me thought) ye said pride is the let, as it is undoubtedly, which fault God amend, and give you grace, so to fashion your words, as ye may agree with them in speech, with whom ye be inclined to agree in opinion. For that is the way to relieve the world. And albeit there hath been between you and me, no familiarity, but contrariwise, a little disagreement (which I did not hide from you,) yet considering the fervent zeal ye professed, to teach 
* After Peter's doctrine the blood of Christ only purgeth us from all sin. Ergo what should holy water do.  Peter's true doctrine, that is to say, Christ's true doctrine, whereunto ye thought the doctrine of Images and holy water, to put away devils agreed not: I have willingly spent this time, to communicate unto you my folly (if it be folly) 
* Plainly as it is, his pen will not let him lie.  plainly as it is, whereupon ye may have occasion, the more substantially, fully and plainly to open these matters for the relief of such as be fallen from the truth and confirmation of those that receive and follow it, wherein it hath been ever much commended, to have such regard to histories of credit, and the continual use of the church 
* The beginning of holy water came first from the gentiles, who used to sprinkle aqua lustrati standing at the door upon such as went into the temple.  rather to show how a thing continued from the beginning, as holy water and Images have done, may be well used: them to follow the light rash eloquence, which is ever ad manum, to mock and improve that is established. And yet again I come to Marcellus that made a cross in the water, and bade his deacon cast it abroad, 
* 
Cum fide et Zelo.  
Sorcerers and Conjurers with such a wrong faith joined to dumb creatures may and do with like▪ reason call up devils, as holy-water may drive them away.   cum fide & zelo, after which sort, if our holy water were used, I doubt not but there be many Marcellus, and many Elizeus, and many at whose prayer God forgiveth sin, if such as will enjoy the prayer have faith and zeal, as Equitius, and were as desirous to drive the devil out of the temple of their body and soul, as Equitius out of the temple of jupiter. So as if holy use were coupled with holy water, there should be more plenty of holiness then there is, but as men be profane in their living, so they cannot bide to have any thing effectually holy, not so much as bread and water, fearing lest they should take away sin from us, which we love so well. Solus Christus peccata diluit, who sprinkleth his blood, by his ministers, as he hath taught his spouse, the Church in which those ministers be ordered, wherein many ways, maketh not many saviours, as ignorants do jest, whereof I need not speak further unto you, no more I needed not in the rest in respect of you, but me thought, ye conjured all men in your sermon, to say what they thought to you, id quod hanc mihi expressit Epistolam, quam boni consuls, Et Vale.  
Your loving friend. Ste. Winchester.   
AS I have set forth here (gentle Reader) the cavilling letter of Winchester, against M. Ridleys' Sermon: so am I right sorry, that I have not likewise the answer of the said Ridley again, to join withal. For so I understand, that not only M. Ridley, but also M. Barlow B. of S. David's (for Winchester wrote against them both) had written and sent immediately their answers to the same, refuting the frivolous and unsavoury reasons of this popish prelate, as may well appear by a parcel additional of a letter sent by the L. Protector to the said Bishop in these words.  
And because we have begun to write to you, we are put in remembrance of a certain letter or book which you wrote unto us against the bishop of S. David's sermon, and D. Ridleys', to the which, answer being immediately made, was by negligence of us forgotten to be sent. Now we both send you that, and also the answer which the B. of s. David's wrote to the same book of yours.    

¶ Articles and positions ministered and objected each of them jointly and severally to the B. of Winchester, as followeth.  

The 1. Article.  
IN primis, that the king's Majesty justly and rightfully is, and by the laws of God ought to be the supreme head in earth of the Church of England, and also of Ireland, 
Articles laid against Winchester.  and so is by the Clergy of this realm in their convocation, and by act of Parliament justly and according to the laws of God recognised.  

Winchester.  
This first article the B. granteth. 
Winchester granteth to the king's supremacy     

The 2. Article.  
Item, that his Majesty as supreme head of the said Churches, hath full power and authority, to make and set forth laws, Injunctions, and ordinances, for and concerning religion & orders in the said churches for the increase of virtue, and repressing of all errors, heresies, and other enormities, and abuses. 
Winchester grunnteth to the full authority of the king 〈◊〉 setting forth his laws.   

Winchester.  
To this second article he answereth affirmatively.    

The 3. Article.  
Item, that all and every his graces subjects are bound by the law of God to obey all his majesties said laws, Injunctions & proceedings concerning religion and orders in the said church.  

Winchester.  
To the third article, the laid B. answereth affirmatively, and granteth it.    

The 4. Article.  
Item, that you Steven B. of Winchester, have sworn obedience to his majesty as supreme head of this Church of England, and also of Ireland.  


Wynchester hath sworn obedience to the kings supremacy.  Winchester  
To the fourth article, the said B. answereth affirmatively, and granteth it.    

The 5. Article.  
Item, that all and every his graces subjects, that disobey any his said majesties laws, Injunctions, ordinances, and proceed already set forth and published, or hereafter to be set forth and published, ought worthily to be punished according to his Ecclesiastical law used within this his realm.  

Winchester.  
To this fift article, the said B. answereth affirmatively, and granteth it.    

The 6. Article.  
Item, that you the said Bishop, as well in the King's majesties late visitation within your diocese, 
Wynchester complained of.  as at sundry times have been complained upon, & sundry informations made against you for your doings, sayings, and preachings against sundry Injunctions, orders, and other proceed of his majesty, set forth for reformation of errors, superstitions, and other abuses of religion.  

Winchester.  
This article toucheth other men's acts, who or how they are complained or informed, I cannot thoroughly tell. For at the time of the king's majesties visitation, I was in the Fleet, and the morrow after twelve day I was delivered at Hampton court, my L. of Somerset, and my L. of Caunterbury then being in counsel with many other counsellors, & was delivered by these words: The king's majesty hath granted a general pardon, and by the benefit thereof, I was discharged. Whereunto I answered, that I was learned never to refuse the king's majesties pardon, 

Winchester released out of the Fleet by the kings general pardon.  
The article of justification put to Winchester. Winchester prisoner in his own house.  
Winchester denieth to subscribe to the article of justification.  
M. Cicill sent to Winchester Winchester again set free.   and in strength as that was: and I would & did humbly thank his majesty therefore, and then they began with me in an article of learning touching justification, whereunto they willed me to say my mind, adding therewith, that because other learned men had agreed to a form delivered unto me, that I should not think I could alter it: which I received of them, and promised the Thursday after to repair to my L. of Somersets house at Sheen, with my mind written: which I did, and that day seven-night following, appearing before him and other of the counsel, was committed to my house for prisoner, because I refused to subscribe to the form of words & sentences that other had agreed unto (as they said.) In which time of imprisonment in my house, the bishop of Rochester then being as sent to me, and after M. Smith, & then M. Cecil, to which M. Cecil, when I had by learning resolved my mind in the matter, I delivered it, and he delivering it to my lords Grace, wrote me in his name, thanks for it: and then it was within the time of Lent, ere I was discharged of the trouble, and so went to Winchester as a man clearly out of all travel of business.  
And within 14. days after that, or there abouts, began other travel with me, upon a request made by my Lord of Somerset to surrender a college in Cambridge, & divers letters were written between his grace & me in it. Wherein I might perceive the Secretary in his pen took occasion to prick me more, than I trusted my Lords grace himself would have done. And by this trouble was I deduced to an end. Then shortly after I received letters to come to the counsel, 

Winchester sent for to the Counsel.  
Winchester sick.  
Winchester cometh at last in a horselitter.   & by reason I alleged my disease, I was respited by other letters, & three days before whitsuntide, received yet other letters to come, by which it might seem unto me, that it was not of all believed that I was diseased, & therefore with all expedition when I could not ride, I came in an horselitter, and according to my duty presented myself to my Lords of the counsel, who all then entertained me secretly among them before the matters were objected unto me, as I had been in the same place with them that I was in our late sovereign lords days. Afterwards my L. of Somersets Grace charged me with these matters following, & in this form, having the articles written in a paper. First, with disobedience that I came not at his sending for. Whereunto I answered, that I had his letters of licence, 
Winchester charged with disobedience.  to stay till I might come conveniently. And upon the last letters I came incontinently in a horselitter.  
Then it was objected that I bore Palms, & crept to the cross. Whereunto I answered, that they were misinformed and I trusted they would not think I durst deny it, if I had done it, because ceremonies had such circumstances, as I might easily be reproved, if it were otherwise.  
Then it was objected, that at Easter I had a solemn sepulchre in the church, and such other ceremonies. I answered, that I had even as many as the king's majesties proclamations commanded me, declaring plainly, that I thought it not expedient to make any alteration, wherein to offend the king's majesties proclamation, adding how he that followeth as he is commanded, is very obedient.  
It was then objected unto me, that I went about to deface two of the king's majesties chaplains, sent down to be Canons of the church of Winchester. Whereunto I answered, declaring the fact truly as it was, 
Winchester charged to deface certain of the king's chapleins.  which I am yet able to justify. After this matter thus oft objected & answered, I was commanded to go apart, and being called in again, my L. of Somersets grace looking upon a bill of Articles, said I had preached how the Apostles went from the presence of the counsel, of the counsel, of the counsel, which matter I denied▪ adding that it was not my fashion of preaching so to play in iteration of words.  
After that, it was objected unto me for preaching of the Sacrament, to say: the body of Christ was really present being a fault to use the word really, not comprised in the Scripture. Whereunto I answered that I did not use the word really, which needeth not. 
Real presence.  For as I once heard my Lord of Caunterbury reason against one Lambert in the presence of the kings Majesty that dead is: the words of scripture, This is my body that shallbe betrayed for you, do plainly and lively express the very presence: and so did I set it forth to the people in my diocese. And this is the effect of all that was said against me at my being at the Counsel, as I can remember. To whom I declared how much I esteemed obedience, and told them I had taught in my diocese, how the whole life of a Christian man consisteth in suffering properly. And therefore we may not do our own will, but the will of God. And among men we must either suffer the rulers will, or their power, their will to order us, & their power to punish us. After declaration whereof my Lord of Somerset said, ye must tarry in the town. Whereunto I answered, 
Wynchester commanded to tarry at London.  I would be contented at their commandment or pleasure to tarry: but seeing I was no offender, I desired them I might not tarry as an offender: and for declaration thereof, that I might have some house in the country about London, to remove unto for a shift. In devising whereof I stack much to borrow Asshar. My Lord of Somerset said, if he had any in faith he would lend me one. 
Wynchester commanded to write his mind of ceremonies.  And in the end my Lord of Somerset desired me to write what my mind was in ceremonies and to send it unto him, and with that departed.  
Thus I have truly opened after what sort I have been complained on, that hath certainly come to my knowledge. Truth it is that one Philpot in Winchester, 
M. Philpot complained upon of Winchester.  whom I accounted altered in his wits (as I heard) devised tales of me, the specialties whereof I never was called to answer unto. Players and minstrels also railed on me, & other made ballads and rhymes of me, but never man had just cause to complain of any my sayings, doings, or preachings, or to my knowledge did otherwise, then afore. And if any man shall put me in remembrance of any other complaint that might in my absence be made of me: If I have heard it. I will grant so. But well assured I am▪ I was never complained on, & called to make answer to the complaint, but this one time in all my whole life by no man of any degree. Once the Lord Cromwell, 
Wynchester when and how oft he hath been called to coram.  God pardon his soul & forgive him, caused one day & a half to be spent in a matter between sir Frances Brian & me, which was ended, & I declared an honest man which the king's majesty that dead is, God pardon his soul, set forth with his familiarity to me incontinently. And this is all the trouble that I have had in my life, saving the sending to the Fleet, being occasioned by my own letter to the counsel upon a zeal that I had, which they allowed not, and finally, this sending of me, to the Tower, which was without calling me before the counsel, to hear what I could say. I am loath to be forsworn: and therefore account all the complaints in my whole life made against me, whereunto I have been made privy.    

The 7. Article.  
Item, that after and upon occasion of those and many other complaints and informations, 
Wynchester admonished to con●forme himself.  you have been sundry times admonished, commanded, and enjoined to conform yourself, as to your duty appertained.  

Winchester.  
To this seventh Article I answer: I was never afore the counsel called by way of outward complaint and information, but only once in all my whole life, which was at my last coming to London. Whereunto I answered (as afore) & have told the form & process of speech to serve for furniture of answer, to this and that Article: for other than I have before written, I remember not to have done or suffered by the higher powers in all my whole life, till my coming into the tower, without that I have had any by admonitions, as a man faulty or negligent at any time that I remember, for the observation of any thing already made or set forth by the kings majesty that now is, but have kept, & caused to be kept in my power the king's majesties arts, statutes, injunctions, and proclamations inviolably, having for that purpose such a Chancellor, as in orders & ordinances hath been always himself diligent and precise for that time I might have knowledge of his doings.    

The 8. Article.  
Item, that after the premises, & for that those former admonitions & commandments, notwithstanding you did yet still she● yourself not conformable, & for that also others by your example were much animated, 
W●nchester 〈◊〉 by 〈◊〉 ●inges council to ●●each the 〈◊〉 of 〈…〉.  & thereby occasion of much unquietness ministered amongst the people, you were called before the king's majesties counsel in the month of june, in the 2. year of his majesties reign, and by them on his majesties behalf, commanded to preach a Sermon before his majesty, and therein to declare the ●ustnesse and godliness of his majesties father in his proceed upon certain matters partly mentioned in certain articles to you delivered in writing, and partly otherwise declared unto you.  
The effect whereof was touching the usurped power and authority of the B. of Rome, that the same was justly and godly taken away in this realm, and other the king's majesties dominions: touching the just suppressing and taking away of monasteries and religious houses, of Pilgrimages, Relics, Shrines, Images.  
The superstitious going about of S. Nicholas bishop, S. Edmund, S. Katherine, 
Certain points in●●yned to Wyn●hester to preach upon.  S. Clement, and such like: and just taking away of Chaunteries, Abbeys and Colleges, hallowing of candles, water, ashes, Palm, holy bread, beads, creeping to the cross & such like.  
Also, touching the setting forth of the kings majesties authority in his young years to be as great as if his highness were of many more years.  
That auricular confession is indifferent, and of no necessity by the law of God: and touching the procession and Common prayer in English.  

Winchester.  
This Article being of so many parts as it is, some true, some otherwise, must be answered by division of it in to divers members, to divide the one from the other, granting that is true, denying that is otherwise, & opening that is ambiguous, avoiding that is captious, so as according to my oath, I may open directly & plainly the truth, with sincerity of conscience. The motion of preaching was made unto me in mine own house by M. Cecil, upon the duke of Somersets behalf, after I had been before the counsel, as I have before said: 
M. Cicill.  from which Counsel I departed (as before is rehearsed) as no offender, & therefore when M. Sicily spoke to me of preaching before the king's Majesty, with request to write my sermon before, I denied that manner of preaching, because I said it was to preach like an offender, and I was none, but departed from the Counsel otherwise as I have before showed. And the said M. Sicily did not say to me that I was moved to preach, because I was not conformable: for I had at that time no manner of variance with the Counsel, but was in all conformity with them for any thing that I know, as I will answer afore God.  
As for evil example to any man, I could none give, for I never offended law, statute, or proclamation in this realm, ●e did ever any act to the impairing of due obedience to the kings majesty in all my whole life, but by observation of them, and letting innovations, done as much as in me lay to maintain obedience.  
After M. Cecil had spoken to me of preaching, & delivered two papers containing the matters whereupon I should entreat, 
Wynchester 〈◊〉 to preach by 〈◊〉 men's 〈◊〉 and 〈…〉 yet he 〈◊〉 ●●ould 〈◊〉 other 〈…〉.  because I refused to give my sermon in writing (which was to me like an offender, or to read those papers of another man's devise, as the conception and sincere manner of uttering of mine own conscience) which me thought then and since, yet a marvelous unreasonable matter touching both my conscience and honesty) I was then far to the duke of Somersets grace's chamber, and came in at a back door to himself alone, saving he took to him as witness he said, the L. now of Wiltshire, then great master, & after many words, showed me certain articles subscribed by Lawyers, what a B. might command, & what the king might command, and what pain to the disobeyer.  
To whom I said plainly & truly, how those Lawyer's subscription could not serve in this case to command one to utter to the people for mine own devise in words, 
winchesters unswere to ●he Duke of 〈◊〉.  that is not in deed so: and if I might speak with these lawyers (I said) his grace should soon perceive them to agree with me. My L. said, I should speak with no man, and I should do as I was hidden, or do worse, and bade me advise me till dinner was done. And then was I conveyed by the L. great Master to his chamber, and there left alone to dine, as was in deed honourably prepared. But I took myself to be in the nature of a prisoner, and a restrained man.  
And about two of the clock at after noon, came unto me M. Thomas Smith then Secretary, 
Sir Tho. Smith Secretary.  unto whom I complained of the unreasonableness of the matter, & showed him certain particularities, who said it was not meant so precisely, but to speak of the matters. To whom I said, I was content to speak of the matters, and then if I speak not according to the truth of them, there should be enough to bear witness to my condemnation, and if I spoke the truth, than they had their desire. And I said further, I thought I might with my conscience say so as men ought and should be content & satisfied. And further if I thought that in my manner of the uttering of those matters, I should offend the Counsel, I had rather deny to speak of the thing, and begin the contention secretly with them, then to begin with pulpit, and so bring myself in further trouble than needed, and therefore if they would have me preach, I would preach as of myself, and of these matters, so as I thought they should be content.  
Whereupon I was brought up to my L. of Somersets chamber, and there the matter ended thus, that my L. of Somerset said he would require no writing of me, but remit it to me, so I spoke of the matters in the papers delivered me by M. Cicill. I told him I would speak of them, saving for children's toys of going about of S. Nicholas and S. Clement. 
Winchester walketh here subtly.  If that be now gone (quoth I) and forgotten, if I be to busy in rehearsal of them, they will say I cumber their heads with ceremonies, and thus they will defame me: When ceremonies were plenty, they will say, I did nothing but preach on them, and now they be gone, I babble of them still. I said I would teach the chief points, adding that I would speak of other matters also, & with that, being put to my liberty to choose the day, departed: and otherwise I was not spoken with concerning preaching, saving after M. Cicill came unto me, whereof I shall speak anon.  
As concerning the matters to be spoken of, all such things as be here rehearsed, be named in the papers, delivered unto me, although not altogether after this sort: saving the setting forth of the king's majesties authority in his minority, whereof there is no word in those papers, nor there was never any promise made of me to speak of it. Truth it is, that after I had signified the day when I would preach. M. Sicily came unto me making the chief message to know the day when I would preach: 
Wynchesters' opinion of the kings minority.  to whom I had sent word before that it should be s. Peter's day, because me thought the gospel served well for that purpose, & in process of communication he told me that he liked gaily well a word that I had said in another communication. How a king was as much a king at one year of age, as at one hundred years of age, and if I touched it, he thought it would be well taken. I told him again, every man knew that, and then opened of myself the matter further.  
And at his next repair unto me, which was the monday before I preached, the said M. Sicily brought me papers of the king's majesties hand, 
M. Cicills repair again to Wynchester.  showing me how his highness used to note every notable sentence, and specially if it touched a king, and therefore (quoth he) if ye speak of a king, ye must join Counsel withal. Whereunto I made no answer, but shifted to other matter, without making him any promise or denial, because I would neither bind myself, nor trouble myself to discuss that matter. 
Winchester maketh dangerous speaking of the king, to join Counsel withal.  For albeit it is godly and wisely done of every Prince to use Counsel, yet speaking of a king's power by scripture, I cannot by express scripture limit the king's power by counsel. And hearing blindly by report some secret matter, that I will not speak of here, I thought not to meddle with it in the pulpit: and yet to the effect to have our sovereign L. now obeyed, of which mind I was ever, I pointed to our sovereign L. there in presence, & said he was only to be obeyed, and I would have but one king, and other words to that purpose. But for any promise to be made by me, I utterly deny it, and tell plainly the cause why I spoke not otherwise of it. There was also in the papers delivered unto me, occasion given me to speak of the Mass, because of Masses satisfactory, as some understand them. And also there was occasion to speak of the sacrament of the altar, because of the proclamation passed of the same, which to be true, I shall justify by the said papers.    

The 9 Article.  
Item, that you receiving the same, 
The 9 article.  and promising to declare the same in a Sermon by you made before his majesty for that purpose on the feast of S. Peter, in the said 2. year of his reign, did then and there contemptuously and disobediently omit to declare and set forth many of the said matters, and of divers others of the said Articles, you spoke and uttered your mind in such doubtful sort, as the justness and godliness of his majesties fathers and his proceed, was not set forth according to the commandment given unto you, and your own promise, to the great offence of the hearers, and manifest contempt of his majesty, and dangerous example of others.  

Winchester.  
Touching the promise I answer as afore, & as touching omission of that I should have spoken of, 
Answer to the 9 article.  by contempt or disobedience, I answer by mine oath: I did not omit any thing (if I did omit it) by contempt or disobedience: for I ever minded to satisfy the promise, 
Omission by contempt.  to speak of all matters in those papers, according to my former declaration. And if I did percase omit any thing (whereof I can make now no assurance being ij. years & a half past since I preached) but if I did omit any thing, who knew my travel in that matter, would not marvel, being troubled with a letter sent from the duke of Somerset, whereof I shall speak after. So as from 4. of the clock, on thursday, till I had done my sermon on the friday, I did neither drink, eat, ne sleep, so careful was I to pass over the travel of preaching, without all slander of the truth, with satisfaction of my promise, & discharge of my duty to God & the kings most excellent majesty. Wherein, whether any thing were omitted or not, I could have answered more precisely than I can now, if according to my most instant suit, & the suit of my servants, the matter had been heard while it was in fresh memory. But because omission may be by infirmity of nature, in which oblivion is a pain of our original sin, in which case it is no mortal offence, 
Winchester's distinction between the upper part and lower part of the laws.  if a man being put in remembrance will purge it, I therefore according to the true testimony of mine own conscience, dare the more boldly deny all contempt & disobedience, having for my declaration a general sentence spoken in my sermon, that I agreed with the upper part in their laws, orders & commandments, or such like words, 
Omission excused by a distinction.  & found only fault in the lower part. By which sentence appeared, how I allowed in the whole, that was passed thetherto, & only dissented from the doings of them that attempt innovations of their own presumption. And furthermore I say, that that saying [omission] here objected unto me, if it were true as I know it not to be, may happen two ways: one way by infirmity of nature, another way of purpose. charity of a christian man permitteth not to determine the worst of that is doubtful & ambiguous to both parties: as touching doubtfulness objected. I take god to record I minded to speak simply, 
A lock of words, that is, to open & shut again as they list.  & to be on the kings majesties side only, & not to go invisible in the world, with ambiguities esteeming him, etc. The worst man of all is, that will make himself a lock of words & speech, which is known not to be my faction, nor I think this life worth the dissimulation, & how can that be a doubtful speech in him, that professeth to agree with the king's laws, injunctions & statutes, which I did expressly. There be that call a doubt whatsoever serveth not their appetite. It is not in the speaker to satisfy the hearer that will doubt where doubt is not. The sum of my teaching was, that all visible things be ordered to serve us, which we may in convenient service use. And when we serve them, that is an abuse, and may then at the rulers pleasure, unless scripture appointeth a special use of them, be corrected in the use, or taken away for reformation. And this is a plain teaching that hath no doubt in it, but a yea & a nay on ij. sides, without a mean to make a doubt, And if any that doubteth cometh unto me, 
Answer by words to omission in deeds.  I will resolve him the doubt as I can. And if I promised to speak plainly or am commanded to speak plainly & cannot, then is my fault to promise only in the nature of folly & ignorance, whereunto I resort, not for a shift, whereof in deed I profess the knowledge but to show how sometime to my hindrance, I am noted learned that can speak plainly, and yet speak doubtfully, other whiles am rejected as one that understandeth not the matter at all. As touching contempt, there can be none▪ manifest that proceedeth of a privy promise if I had broken it, I intended not, but intended to take it, as appeareth by my general sentence, to agree with the superiors, & only find fault in the inferior subjects, who daily transgresseth the king's majesties proclamations and other, whereof I spoke then.    


10 article.  The 10. Article.  
Item, that you being also commanded on his majesties behalf, for the avoiding of tumult, and for other great considerations inhibited to treat of any matter in controversy concerning the mass of the communion, then commonly called the sacrament of the altar, did contrary to the said commandment and inhibition, declare divers your judgements and opinions in the same, in the manifest contempt of his highness said inhibition, to the great offence of the hearers and disturbance of common quiet and unity of the realm.  

Winchester.  
To the x. article the said B. answered, that the Wednesday at after noon, 
Answer to he 10. Article. M. Cicill.  next before the friday when I preached, M. Sicily came to me, & having in all his other accesses spoken no word thereof, did then utter & advise me from the D. of Somerset, that I should not speak of the sacrament, or of the Mass, whereby he said I should avoid trouble. And when he saw me not take it well, I mean (quoth he) doubtful matters. I asked him what? He said transubstantiation. I told him he witted not what transubstantiation meant. I will preach (quoth I) the very presence of Christ's most precious body & blood in the sacrament, which is the catholic faith, & no doubtful matter, ne yet in controversy, saving that certain unlearned speak of it, they wots not what. And among the matters quoth I, whereof I have promised to speak▪ 
Winchester's catho●licke faith in the Sacrament.  I must by special words speak of the sacrament & the mass also. And when I shall so speak of them. I will not forbear to utter my faith & true belief therein, which I think necessary for the king's majesty to know: & therefore if I witted to be hanged when I came down, I would speak it. Which plain zeal of my conscience, grounded upon god's commandment to do his message truly, I would not hide, 
Winchest●● would nede● 〈◊〉 of the Sacrament & of the Mass.  but utter so, as my L. should, if he would not have it spoken of, nor let me to come there as he might have done, where as else, if I had had a deceitful purpose, I might have accepted the advise, & without any colour of trouble, have refused to follow it as a thing grounded upon wealth only, as it was then uttered. With this my answer M. Sicily departed, & upon the thursday which was the next day following, & the evening before I preached, between 3. & 4. at after noon, I received a letter signed with the hand of the D. of Somerset (the copy whereof I am ready to exhibit) & took it them, & esteemed it so now to continue no effectual inhibition whereunto I might by god's law, or the king's majesties laws with discharge of my conscience & duty obey, although the said letters had been (as they were not) in such terms framed, as had precisely forbidden me (as they did not) but only to speak of matters in controversy of the sacrament, which in deed I did not, but only uttered a truth to my conscience, most certainly persuaded of the most holy sacrament, necessary to be known to the king's majesty, & to be uttered by me admitted to that place of preaching, from whence God commandeth his truth to be uttered, which in this nature of truth (the undue estimation and use whereof, S. Paul threateneth with temporal death) may in no wise be omitted. 
S. Paul threateneth death to the misusers 〈◊〉 the Sacrament: Ergo, the real presence of Christ is the Sacrament. Nego argumentu●▪  So as I was and am persuaded the right estimation of the sacrament, to be to acknowledge the very presence of the same most precious body and blood present in the Sacrament to feed us, that was given to redeem us. If I showed not my sovereign Lord the truth thereof, I for my part suffer him wittingly to fall into that extreme danger of body, which S Paul threateneth, whose person I am bound by nature, by special oaths, by God's laws to preserve to my power as I will do, and must do, by all ways and means. And if the King's Majesty doth vouchsafe to teach his people not to obey his commandment, where God commandeth the contrary, I might not take my Lord of Somersets letter for an inhibition to hold my peace, 
And why would 〈◊〉 Wynches●●● allow this reason in 〈…〉 mary's time, 〈◊〉 king the word of truth after their conscience, 〈…〉▪  when God biddeth me to speak as he doth when the Wolf cometh, and not to hide myself in silence, which is the most shameful running away of all. I have much matter to allege against the letter why I should not credit it, written in his name alone, against a common letter (as I took it) written by him and the counsel, and published in print the first day of the said month, which maintaineth my preaching of the sacrament & mass, according to the proclamations and injunctions: the violation of which public letters, had been a disorder and contempt, where as I neither offended in the one, nor the other.  
And as for tumult, none could reasonably be feared of any thing spoken agreeable to the king's majesties laws, as there did follow none, nor the people, or any man did offer my person any wrong, or make tumult against me, not withstanding players, jesters, rhymers, ballademakers, did signify me to be of the true catholic faith, 
Winches●●● against Player's 〈◊〉 b●lladem●●kers.  which I according to my duty declared to the king's majesty, from whom I may hide no truth that I think expedient for him to know. And as the name of God cannot be used of any creature against God, no more can the king's name, being used of any subject against his highness. Wherefore seeing the abuse of this holy sacrament hath in it a danger assured by scripture of body & soul, whosoever is persuaded in the catholic faith (as I am) findeth himself so burdened to utter that unto his majesty, as no worldly loss can let him to do his duty in that behalf, and much less my Lords private letters written without other of the counsels hands.    

The 11. Article.  
Item, that after the premises, viz. in the month of May or june or one of them, in the 3. year of his highness reign, 
11. 〈◊〉.  his majesty sent eftsoons unto you to know your conformity towards his said reformations, and specially touching the book of common prayer then lately set forth by his majesty, whereunto you at the same time refused to show yourself conformable.  

Winchester.  
To the xi. article for answer and declaration thereof, he said: The next day at after noon after he had preached, 
Answers the 11. 〈◊〉.  when he looked for no such matter, came to his house the right worshipful Sir Anthony Wingfield, and Sir Ralph Sadler knights, accompanied with a great number of the guard, and used themselves for their part according to their worships, and (I doubt not) as they were appointed, Sir Ralph Sadler begun thus with me: My L. (said he) ye preached yesterday obedience, 
 but ye did not obey yourself, & went forth with his message very soberly as he can, and discreetly. I asked him wherein I obeyed not. He said, touching my L. of Somersets letter. Master Sadler, quoth I, I pray you say to my Lord's grace, I would he never made mention of that letter, for the love I bear him. And yet quoth I, I have not broken that letter, & I was mined, quoth I, to have written to my L. upon the receipt of it, and lo, quoth I, ye may see how I begun, and showed him (because we were then in my study) the beginning of my letter, and reasoned with him for declaration of myself, and told him therewith, I will not spend, quoth I, many words with you, for I can not alter this determination. And yet in good faith quoth I, my manner to you, and this declaration may have this effect, that I be gently handled in the prison, and for that purpose I pray you, make suit on my behalf.  


Wynchester 〈◊〉.  
Wynchester committed 〈◊〉 the tower.   Master Wingfield laid his hand on my shoulder, and arrested me in the kings name for disobedience. I asked them whether I should. They said to the Tower. Finally I desired them that I might be spoken with shortly, & heard what I could say for myself, and prayed them to be suitors in it, and so they said they would.  
After that I was once in the tower, until it was within 6. days of one whole year, I could hear no manner word, message, comfort, or relief, saving once when I was sick, and me thought some extremity towards me, my Chaplain had licence to come to me for one time, & then denied again, being answered that my fever was but a tertian, which my said Chaplain told me when he came to me at the Easter following, and there being with me from the morning till night on Easter day departed, and for no su●e could never have him since. To M. Lieutenant I made divers suits to provoke the duke of Somersets grace to hear me. And if I might have the liberty of an English man, I would plainly declare I had neither offended law, statute, act, proclamation nor his own letter neither, but all would not help, & I shall report me to M. Lieutenant whether in all this time I maligned, grudged or used any unseemly words, ever demanding justice, & to be heard according to justice. When I had been thus in the tower one whole year within 6. days or 7. as I remember, 
The Lord Chancellor and Secretary Peter cometh to Wynchester in the tower.  came to the Tower the Lord Chancellor of England, now being the L. Treasurer, and master Secretarye Peter, who calling me unto them, as I remember, entered this: They said they had brought with them a book passed by the parliament, which they would I should look on and say my mind to it, and upon my conformity in it, my Lord of Somerset would be suitor to the king's majesty for mercy to be ministered to me. Whereunto I answered that I trusted if I might be heard, the king's majesties justice would relieve me, which I had longsued for, and could not be heard. And to sue for mercy, quoth I, when I have not in my conscience offended, and also to sue out of this place, 
Wynchester denieth to sue for mercy.  where ask of mercy, emploieth a further suspicion than I would be for all the world touched in it, were not expedient. And therefore, quoth I, not guilty is and hath been allowed a good plea for a prisoner. Then my Lord said, why quoth he, were ye not commanded to preach of the king's authority in his young age, & yet did not? I told him I was not commanded. Is not (quoth he) that Article in the papers ye had delivered you? I assured him no.  
And after communication of the king's majesties authority wherein was no disagreement, 
Take between the Lord Chancellor and Wynchester in the tower.  than my lord Chancellor said I had disobeyed my lords graces letter. I told him I thought not, and if the matter came to judgement, it should appear. And then I said to him, my Lord how many open injunctions under Seal and in open Court have been broken in this Realm? the punishment whereof hath not been handled after this sort, & yet I would stand in defence that I had not broken his letter, weighing the words of the letter, wherein I reasoned with M. Peter Secretary what a controversy was, and some part what I could say further. But what so ever I can say (quoth I) you must judge it, and for the passion of God do it, and then let me sue for mercy, when the nature of the offence is known if I will have it. 
Wynchester will acknowledge no offence.  But when I am (quoth I) declared an offender, I will with humility of suffering make amends to the king's Majesty, so far as I am able: for I should never offend him, and much less in his young age.  
My L. Chancellor than showed me the beginning of the act for common prayer, how dangerous it was to break the order of it, I told him that it was true, & therefore if I came abroad, I would be well aware of it. But it is (quoth I) after in the act how no man should be troubled for this act, unless he were first indicted, and therefore (quoth I,) I may not be kept in prison for this act. Ah (quoth he) I perceive ye know the law well enough, I told him my Chaplain had brought it unto me the after noon before. Then they required me to look on the book, and to say my mind in it. I answered that I thought not meet to yield myself a scholar to go to school in prison, & then slander myself as though I redeemed my faults with my conscience. As touching the law which I know not, 
Winchester will not go to school in prison.  I will honour it like a subject, and if I keep it not, I will willingly suffer the pain of it. And what more conformity I should show, I cannot tell, for mine offences be past if there be any. If I have not suffered enough I will suffer more, if upon examination I be found faulty, & as for this new law, if I keep it not, punish me likewise.  
Then my Lord chancellor asked me whether I would not desire the king's Majesty to be my good Lord. At which word I said: alas my Lord (quoth I) do ye think that I have so forgotten myself? 
Wynchester desireth the king to be his good Lord.  My duty (quoth I) requireth so, and I will on my knees desire him to be my good Lord and my Lord Protector also quoth I, that is well said quoth my Lord Chancellor. And what will ye say further, quoth my L. chancellor, In good faith quoth I this, that I thought when I had preached, that I had not offended at all, and think so still, and had it not been for the article of the supremacy, I would have rather feigned myself sick, then be occasion of this that hath followed: but going to the Pulpit, I must needs say as I said. Well quoth my lord chancellor, let us go to our purpose again. Ye will quoth he, desire the king's majesty to be your good Lord, and my Lord Protector also, and ye say ye thought not to have offended. All this I will say quoth I. 
Winchester yet will not confess himself to be an offender. Winchester will not submit himself to the Lord Protector but to the law.  And ye will (quoth my Lord chancellor) submit yourself to be ordered by my Lord Protector. Nay (quoth I) by the law for my Lord Protector quoth I hath scourged me oversore this year, to put my matter in his hands now. And in the latter point I varied with my Lord Chancellor, when I could not refer my order to my Lord Protector, but to the law, and staying at this point they were content to grant me of their gentleness to make their suit to procure me to be heard, and to obtain me liberty to go in the gallery, and that I should hear of one of them within two days following. I desired them to remember that I refused not the book by way of contempt, nor in no evil manner, but that I was loath to yield myself a scholar in the Tower, and to be seen to redeem my faults if I had any, with my conscience. My body I said, should serve my conscience, but not contrariwise. And this is the truth upon my conscience and oath that was done and said at their coming. There was more said to the purposes aforesaid. And I bind not myself to the precise form of words, but to the substance of the matter and fashion of the entreating. So near as I can remember, I have truly discharged mine oath: But I heard no more of my matter in one whole year after almost within 14. days notwithstanding two letters written by me to the Counsel, of most humble request to be heard according to justice. And then at the end of 2. years almost, came unto me the Duke of Somerset with other of the counsel, which matter because it is left out here, I shall not touch but prepare it in a matter apart, for declaration of my behaviour at all times.    

The 12. Article.  
Item, that after that. etc. the 9 day of july, in the 4. year of his majesties reign, his highness sent unto you his grace's letters, with a certain submission and Articles, whereunto his grace willed and commanded you to subscribe, to which submission, you contemptuously refused to subscribe.  

Winchester.  
To the 12. article for answer thereunto, he granted that about the time mentioned in this Article, the Lord Treasurer, the Earl of Warwick lord great master, 
The king's letter delivered to Winchester in the tower.  sir William Harbert, and M. Secretary Peter, came to the tower: and called me before them, and delivered unto me the Kings majesties letters which I have to show, and received them at the hands of the lord Treasurer upon my knees, kissed them as my duty was, and still upon my knees read them, where as they right gently required me to take more ease, & to go apart with them, & consider them, which after that I had thoroughly read, I much lamented that I should be commanded to say of myself as was there written, and to say otherwise of myself then my conscience will suffer me, & where I trust my deeds will not condemn me, thereto condemn myself with my tongue, I should sooner (quoth I to them) by commandment: think if ye would bid me to tumble myself desperately into the Thames.  
My lord of Warwick seeing me in that agony, said: What say ye my Lord, quoth he, to the other Articles? I answered that I was loath to disobey, where I might obey and not wrest my conscience, destroying the comfort of it, as to say untruly of myself. Well, quoth my Lord of Warwick, 
Other articles put to Winchester.  will ye subscribe to the other Articles? I told him I would. But then, quoth I, the Article that toucheth me, must be put out. I was answered that needeth not, for I might write on the one side what I would say unto it: and then my Lord of Warwick entertained me very gently, 
The article which touched him, was the first article, prescribing him to subscribe, which article he wisheth here to be put out.  and would needs whiles I should write, have me sit down by him, and when he saw me make somewhat strange so to do, he pulled me nearer him, and said we had ere this sit together, & trusted we should do so again. And then having pen & ink given me, I wrote as I remember, on the Article that touched me, these words: I can not with my conscience say this of myself, or such like words. And there followed an Article of the king's majesties primacy, and I began to write on the side o● that, & had made an I, onward as may appear by the articles, & they would not have me do so, but writ only my name after their articles: which I did. Whereat because they showed themselves pleased and content: 
Winchester subscribeth to the kings articles.  I was bold to tell them merely that by this mean, I had placed my subscription above them all, & thereupon it pleased them to entertain me much to my comfort.  
And I was bold to account unto them merry tales of my misery in prison, which they seemed content to hear: and then I told them also (desiring them not to be miscontent with that I should say:) when I remember each of them alone, I could not think otherwise of them but they were my good Lords: and yet when they meet together, I feel no remedy at their hands. I looked quoth I, when my L. of Somerset was here to go out within two days, and made my fare well feast in the Tower and all, since which time there is a month past or thereabout: and I agree with them, 
Winchester's farewell feast lost in the tower.  and now agree with you, and I may fortune be forgotten. My Lord Treasurer said nay, I should hear from them the next day, and so by their special commandment came out of the chamber ofter them, that they might be seen depart as my good Lords: and so was done. By which process doth appear how there was in me no contempt, as is said in this article, but such a subscription made as they were content to suffer me to make, which I took in my conscience for a whole satisfaction of the king's majesties letters, which I desire may be deemed accordingly. And one thing was said unto me further that other would have put in many more Articles, but they would have no more but those.    

The 13. Article.  
Item, that you having eftsoons certain of the king's majesties honourable Counsel sent unto you the 12. of july in the said 4. year with the said submission, and being on his majesties behalf required and commanded to consider again and better the said submission, and to subscribe the same, stood in justification of yourself, & would in no wise subscribe thereunto.  

Winchester.  
To the 13. article he said: The next day after the being in the Tower of the said L. Treasurer, the Earl of Warwick & other: came unto me Sir W. Harbert & M. Secretary Peter, 
Winchester still standeth upon reputation of his innocency.  to devise with me how to make some acknowledging of my fault (as they said) because the other form liked me not. Whereunto I said I knew myself innocent, and to enter with you to entreat of a devise to impair my innocency in any point by my words or writings, it can have no policy in it. For although I did more esteem liberty of body, than the defamation of myself: yet (quoth I) when I had so done with you, I were not so assured by you to come out. For when I were by my own 
* Your putting to the pen in this matter would not have made you nought, but your naughtiness would not put to your pen.  pen once made an naughty man, than were I not the more sure to come out, but had locked myself the more surely in, and a small pleasure were it to me to have my body at liberty by your procurement, and to have my conscience in perpetual prison by mine own act. Many more words there were, and persuasions on their parties▪ which caused me to require of them, for the passion of God, that my matter might take an end by justice, and so departed, their being no contempt or faction of disobedience showed on my behalf, but only allegation for my defence of mine innocency in the best manner I could devise, as I trust they will testify.    

The 14. Article.  
Item, that after all this, videlicet the 14. day of july in the said 4. year, the king's majesty sent yet again unto you certain of his majesties honourable Counsel with an other submission, and divers other articles, willing and commanding you to subscribe your name thereunto: which to do you utterly refused.  

Winchester.  
To the 14. Article he said, that on the Monday in the morning following came the bishop of London, Sir William Harbert, master Secretary Peter, & an other whom I know not, who brought with them a paper, with certain articles written in it, 
Other ar●●●cles 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉.  which they required me to subscribe. Whereupon I most instantly required that my matter might be tried by justice, which although it were more grievous, yet it hath a commodity with it, that it endeth certainly the matter? And I could never yet come to my assured stay, and therefore refused to meddle with any more Articles, or to trouble myself with the reading of them, & yet they desired me so instantly to read them, that I was content, and did read, and to show my perfect obedient mind, offered incontinently upon my delivery out of prison, to make answer unto them, all such as I would abide by and suffer pain for, If I have deserved it. I would in deed gladly have been in hand with my Lord of London, but he said he came not to dispute, 
The Bish●● of Londo● worde● of Winchest●●  and said it was the hand of God that I was thus in prison, because I had so troubled other men in my time. Finally my request was, that they should in this form make my answer to my Lords of the Counsel as followeth: That I most humbly thank them of their good will to deliver me by the way of mercy, but because in respect of mine own innocent conscience I had rather have justice, I desired them, 
Wynchest●● refuseth to be deliue●red by 〈◊〉 of mercy.  seeing both was in the kings majesties hands, that I might have it, which if it happen to me more grievous, I will impute it to myself, and evermore thank them for their good will, and so departed I with them, as I trust they will testify, and no misbehaviour or demeanour to have been used on my behalf.    

The 15. Article.  
Item, that after all this, viz. the 19 day of july, in the said 4. year, you being personally called before the king's majesties privy counsel, and having the said submission and articles openly and distinctly read unto you, & required to subscribe the same refused for unjust considerations by you alleged to subscribe the same.  

Winchester.  
To the 15. article. I grant, that upon a saturday at after noon, even at such time of the day as they were at Evensong in the Chapel at the Court, I was brought thither, and at my coming the Lords of the Counsel said they were all my judges by special commission, and intended to proceed thus with me: That I should subscribe certain articles which were then read, and I must directly make answer, whether I would subscribe them or no. I answered on my knees in this wise: For the passion of God my Lords be my good Lords, and let me be tried by justice whether I be faulty or no: 
Wynchest●● required a●gayne to subscribe, refuseth.  and as for these articles assoon as ye deliver me to my liberty, I would make answer to them whether I would subscribe them or no. Then they having further to say, I answered, these Articles were of divers sorts: some be laws which I may not qualify: some be no laws but learning and fact, which may have divers understandings, & a subscription to them without telling what I mean, were over dangerous: 
Wynchesters' shift●●  and therefore I offered for the more declaration of rain obedience to all their requests, that if they would deliver me the articles into the prison with me, I would shortly make them particular answer, and suffer the pains of the law, that by my answer I might incur unto: Whereupon I was commanded to go a part, and they sent unto me the Lord Treasurer and master Secretary Peter, who communed with me of a mean way, and that liked not the Lords. And then was I called forth again, and my absolute subscription required again, & I again made offer to answer particularly, for I could not with my conscience subscribe them as they were absolutely. And these my considerations, I trust to be just, seeing no man for any commandments ought to offend his conscience, as I must have done in that case.    

The 16. Article.  
Item, that for your sundry and manifold contempts and disobediences in this behalf used, the fruits of your Bishopric were then by special commission of his Majesty justly and lawfully sequestered.  

Winchester.  
To the 16. article, I deny contempts, and disobedience of parts, and say that my doings cannot so be termed, because it is taught in this realm for a doctrine of obedience, that if a king command that is contrary to the commandment of God, 
But this answer could not stand i● Queen mary's time.  the subject may not do as he is commanded, but humbly stand to my conscience, which is my case, who could not with my conscience do as I was required. And as touching the fact of decree, there was in deed a decree read, having words so placed and framed, as though I were such an offender, which matter I deny. And in that decree was mention made of sequestration of fruits: but whether the form of words were of the present tense, or else to be sequestered, I cannot precisely tell, but do refer that to the tenor of the decree.    

The 17. Article.  
Item, that after this, you had intimation and peremptory monition, with communication that you should within 3. months next following the said intimation, reconcile and submit yourself under pain of deprivation.  

Winchester.  
To the 17. article I answer, that in the same decree of sequestration at the same time read, I kneeling from the beginning of the decree, to the latter end, I remember there was an intimation and three months spoken of, & expressed also how at every months end I should have pen and ink offered to write, if I would yet subscribe, and as I understand it was upon the pain of proceeding further. And I do not remember that I herd the word deprivation, but therein I refer me to the acts of the sentence, which when it was red, I desired it might be testified what mine offer was, to answer all those articles particularly, even remaining in prison. And this done, I made suit for some of my servants abroad to resort to me to the tower, partly for my comfort, partly for my necessary business, which could not be obtained. And yet to provoke it, I said to my Lord of Warwick, how for agreeing with my L. of Somerset, I had some commodity, and for agreeing with him had nothing, and therefore would needs by intercession press him, that I might by his means have some of my servants resorting unto me. He answered very gently. And than one said I should win 2. or 3. days have some body come to me. And then I was dismissed with commandment to the lieutenant to let me have the same liberty I had, but no more.    

The 18. Article.  
Item, that the said three months are naw thoroughly expired and run.  

Winchester.  
To the 18. Article he said, there is almost 6. months passed in time and number of days, but not one month passed to the effect of the law, nor 10. days neither, because I have been so kept in prison that I could not see for remedy in form abovesaid, nor there was not at every month, after the form of the sentence offered me, pen and ink & liberty given me to consult and deliberate with other learned men and friends what were best to do, or to send unto them. And furthermore, the very 8. day after the decree given, I protested before my servants whom I had only commodity to use as witness of the nullity of the decree for the evident and apparent matter in it, 
Winchester's appeal to the king.  but if it were any in law, I appealed to the king's Majesty, because my request was not admitted to have the copy of the articles to answer them particularly, and because it is excessive correction to sequester my fruits and keep me in prison, with other cases to be deduced where I might have opportunity. Which appellation I protested to intimate as soon as I could come to any presence meet therefore, as I did in this assemble at my last repair, desiring therewith the benefit restitutionis in integrum, because of mine imprisonment, and therefore do answer this matter with protestation of that appeal, and utterly deny all manner of contempt.    

The 19 Article.  
Item, that yond hitherto according to the said intimation and monition, submitted, reconciled, nor reform yourself, but contemptuously yet still remain in your first disobedience.  

Winchester.  
To the 19 Article, I say that I have been all this while in prison so kept, as no man could have access to counsel with me, nor any means to write or send to any man, having made continual suit to Master Lieutenant and master Marshal, under whose custody I am here, to make suit in my name to the Lords of the Counsel, that I might come to hearing, or else be bailed upon surety: which I could not obtain, and so have remained under the benefit of my said appeal to the king's Majesty, made as I might for the time, which I eftsoons desire may have liberty to prosecute.  
And where as answering to these Articles, for declaration of the integrity of my conscience, I use in the same places general words: I protest I mean not by those words to setforth myself otherwise more arrogantly then as my direct intent (which excludeth malice) and purpose moveth me to say, 
〈◊〉 words 〈…〉  and as my conscience beareth witness unto me at this time, and therefore will say therein with S. Paul: Nihil mihi conscius sum, sed non in hoc justificatus sum. Wherefore if any specially be objected unto me, wherein by ignorance or oversight & negligence, any mine offence may appear against the king's majesties laws, Statutes and Injunctions, I shall desire and protest that it be not prejudicial to mine answer (for this present, credo, as lawyers in civil matters use that term) to be true, 
 that is to say such as without any alteration in my conscience, presently I may of myself say in affirmation or denial, as afore is answered. And whereas I speak of commandment to be made to me against God's law, I protest not to touch my sovereign lords honour therein, which my duty is by all means to preserve, but that the commandment given, resolveth to be against God's law on my part, in the obedience to be given, because I may not answer or say otherwise, but Est, est, non, non. So as my words and heart may agree together, or else I should offend God's law, which my sovereign if he knew my conscience, would not command me.  
After these things thus passed, certain of the Counsel by the king's appointment had sundry days and times access to him in the Tower to persuade with him: which were these, the Duke of Somerset, the lord Treasurer, the Lord privy Seal, the Lord great Chamberlain, and M. Secretary Peter. 
Winchester requireth the sight of the kings book of proceedings▪  Who repairing to him the x. day of june an. 1550. he desired of them to see the king's book of proceed: upon the sight whereof he would make a full answer, seeming to be willing in all things to conform himself thereunto: and promising that in case any thing offended his conscience, he would open it to none but to the Counsel. Whereupon it was agreed the book should be sent him to see his answer, that his case might be resolved upon, & that for the mean time he should have the liberty of the gallery and garden in the Tower, when the Duke of Norfolk were absent.  
The king than was lying at Greenwich, at which time the Lieutenant of the tower was appointed to deliver the king's book to the bishop of Winchester. 
winchester denieth to make any direct answer to the book unless he were at liberty.  Who within three days after (which was the 13. of june) made declaration again unto the counsel, that the Bishop having perused it, said unto him he could make no direct answer unless he were at liberty, and so being he would say his conscience. Whereupon the Lords and other that had been with him the other day, were appointed to go to him again to receive a direct answer that the Counsel thereupon might determine further order for him.  
The answer of the bishop being received, through the report of the Lords which had been with him, 
Winchester's answers ever doubtful.  declaration was made again, the 8. day of july 1550. that his answers were ever doubtful, refusing while he were in prison to make any direct answer. Wherefore it was determined that he should be directly examined whether he would sincerely conform himself unto the king's majesties proceed or not. For which purpose it was agreed that particular articles should be drawn, 
Articles and letters sent to Winchester.  to see whether he would subscribe them or not, and a letter also directed unto him from the kings highness, with the which the L. Treasurer, the L. great master, the master of the horse, and master Secretary Peter should repair unto him: the tenor of which letter hereafter ensueth.     

¶ A letter sent to the Bishop of Winchester, signed by the king, and subscribed by the Counsel.  
IT is not (we think) unknown unto you, with what clemency and favour, 
The king's letter to Winchester.  we by the advise of our Counsel caused you to be heard and used upon these sundry complaints and informations that were made to us & our said Counsel of your disordered doings and words, both at the time of our late visitation, and otherwise. Which notwithstanding, considering that the favour both then and many other times ministered unto you, wrought rather an insolent wilfulness in yourself, than any obedient conformity, such as would have beseemed a man of your vocation, we could not but use some demonstration of justice towards you, 
Notorious contempts in Winchester noted.  as well for such notorious and apparent contempts and other inobediences, as after and contrary to our commandment were openly known in you, as also for some example and terror of such others as by your example seemed to take courage to mutter and grudge against our most godly proceedings: whereof great discord & inconvenience at that time might have ensued. For the avoiding whereof, & for your just deservings, you were by our said Counsel committed to ward. Where albeit we have suffered you to remain a long space, sending unto you in the mean time at sundry times divers of the Noble men and others of our privy Counsel, and travailing by them with clemency and favour to have reduced you to the knowledge of your duty: yet in all this time have you neither knowledged your faults, nor made any such submission as might have beseemed you, nor yet showed any appearance either of repentance, or of any good conformity to our godly proceedings. Wherewith albeit we both have good cause to be offended, & might also justly by the order of our laws, cause your former doings to be reform and punished to the example of others, yet for that we would both the world & yourself also should know that we delight more in clemency, then in the strait administration of justice, we have vouchsafed not only to a dress unto you these our letters, but also to sand eftsoons unto you 4. of our privy counsel with certain articles: which being by us with the advise of our said Counsel considered, 
Anno 1551.  we think requisite for sundry considerations to be subscribed by you, and therefore would and command you to subscribe the said Articles upon pain of incurring such punishment and penalties, as by our laws may be put upon you for not doing the same. Given at our palace of Westminster the 8. day of july, the 4. year of our reign.  
With this letter addressed from the king and his Counsel, these Articles also were delivered to the B. of Winchester here following.  

The copy of the Articles.  

The Bishop● answer to this article in the margin.  WHereas I Steven bishop of Winchester have been suspected as one too much favouring the bishop of Rome's authority, decrees and ordinances, and as one that did not approve or allow the king's majesties proceedings in alteration of certain rites in religion, was convented before the king's highness counsel and admonished thereof: and having certain things appointed for me to do and preach for my declaration, have not done that as I ought to do, although I promised to do the same whereby I have not only incurred the king's majesties indignation, but also divers of his highness subjects have by mine example taken encouragement (as his grace's counsel is certainly informed) to repine at his majesties most godly proceed: I am right sorry therefore, and acknowledge myself condingly to have been punished, and do most hearty thank his majesty, that of his great clemency it hath pleased his highness to deal with me, not according to rigour, but mercy. And to the intent it may appear to the world how little I do repine at his highness doings, which be in religion most godly, and to the common wealth most profitable, I do affirm and say freely of mine own will without any compulsion as ensueth.  

The kings supremacy.  1 First, that by the law of God and the authority of scriptures the king's majesty and his successors are the supreme heads of the churches of England, and also of Ireland.  
2 Item, that the apoynting of holy days or fasting days, as Lent, imber days, or any such like, or to dispense therewith, is in the king's majesties authority and power and his highness as supreme head of the said Churches of England and Ireland, 
The kings authority in dispensing with holidays and fasting days or in appointing the same.  and governor thereof, may appoint the manner and time of the holy days and fasting days, or dispense therewith, as to his wisdom shall seem most convenient for the honour of God and the wealth of this realm.  
3 Item, that the king's majesty hath most Christianly and godly set forth, by, and with the consent of the whole parliament, a devout and christian book of service of the church to be frequented by the church, 
The king's book of proceedings.  which book is to be accepted and allowed of all bishops, pastors, curates, and all ministers Ecclesiastical of the realm of England, and so of him to be declared and commended in all places where he shall fortune to preach or speak to the people of it, that it is a godly and christian book and order, and to be allowed, accepted, and observed of all the king's majesties true subjects.  
4 I do acknowledge the king's majesty that now is (whose life God long preserve) to be my sovereign Lord and supreme head under Christ to me as a Bishop of this realm, 
The kings full authority in his tender age.  and natural subject to his majesty: and now in this his young and tender age to be my full and entire king, and that I and all other his highness subjects are bound to obey all his majesties proclamations, statutes, laws, and commandments, made, promulgate and set forth in this his highness young age as well as though his highness were at this present 30 or 40. ye●es old.  

Abrogation of the 6. articles.  5 Item, I confess and acknowledge that the statute commonly called the statute of six articles, for just causes and grounds, is by authority of parliament repealed and disannulled.  
6 Item, that his majesty and his successors have authority in the said churches of England and also of Ireland to alter, 
The kings jurisdiction to alter and correct abuses ecclesiastical.  reform, correct, and amend all errors & abuses, and all rites and ceremonies ecclesiastical, as shall seem from time to time to his highness and his successors most convenient for the edification of his people, so that the same alteration be not contrary or repugnant to the scripture and law of God.  

Subscription of Winchester to the articles afore said.  Subscribed by Steven Winchester, with the testimonial hands of the counsel to the same.   
To these articles afore specified, although Winchester with his own hand did subscribe, granting and consenting to the supremacy of the King, as well then being as of his successors to come: 
Winchester denieth to subscribe to the first beginning of these Articles.  yet because he stuck so much in the first point touching his submission, and would in no case subscribe to the same, but only made his answer in the margin (as is above noted) it was therefore thought good to the king, that the Master of the horse, and master Secretary Peter should repair unto him again with the same request of submission, exhorting him to look better upon it: and in case the words seemed too sore, then to refer it unto himself in what sort and with what words he should devise to submit him, that upon the acknowledge of his fault, the king's highness might extend his mercy and liberality towards him as it was determined. Which was the 11. day of june, the year abovesaid.  
When the master of the horse and secretary Peter had been with him in the tower according to their Commission, returning from him again they declared unto the king and his Counsel how precisely the said Bishop stood in justification of himself, that he had never offended the king's Majesty: wherefore he utterly refused to make any submission at all. For the more surety of which denial, it was agreed that a new book of Articles should be devised, wherewith the said master of the horse and master Secretary Peter should repair unto him again, and for the more authentic proceeding with him, they to have with them a Divine and a temporal Lawyer, which were the Bishop of London, and master Goodricke.  

The copy of the last ArticIes sent to the Bishop of Winchester.  
WHere as I Steven Bishop of Winchester have been suspected as one that did not approve or allow the king's majesties proceedings in alteration of certain rites in Religion, 
Wynches●●● again re●quired 〈◊〉 submit him●selfe.  and was convented before the king's highness Counsel, and admonished thereof, and having certain things appointed for me to do and preach for my declaration, have not done therein as I ought to do, whereby I have deserved his majesties displeasure: I am right so●e therefore. And to the intent it may appear to the world how little I do repine at his highness doings, which be in religion most godly, and to the common wealth most profitable, I do affirm as followeth.  
1 First, that the late king of most famous memory king Henry the eight, our late sovereign Lord, justly, and of good reason and ground hath taken away and caused to be suppressed and defaced, 
Good 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 in suppressing 〈◊〉 of religi●●  all monasteries and religious houses, and all conventicles and convents of Monks, Friars, nuns, Canons, Bonhoms, & other persons called religious, and that the same being so dissolved, the persons therein bound and professed to obedience to a person, place, habit, and other superstitious rites and ceremonies, upon that dissolution and order appointed by the kings majesties authority as supreme head of the church, are clearly released and acquitted of those vows and professions, & at their full liberty as though those unwittye and superstitious vows had never been made. 
Marriages permitte● by God● law, 〈◊〉 good 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 Pope's ●●●●pensatio● Vows 〈◊〉 going 〈◊〉 pilgrimage   
2 Item, that any person may lawfully marry without any dispensation from the B. of Rome or any other man, with any person whom it is not prohibited to contract matrimony by the law levitical.  
3 Item, that the vowing and going of pilgrimage to Images, or to the bones and relics of any Saints hath been superstitiously used and cause of much wickedness and idolatry, and therefore justly abolished by the said late king of famous memory, and the Images and relics so abused, have been of great and godly considerations defaced and destroyed.  
4 Item, that the counterfeiting of S. Nicholas, S. Clement, S. Katherine, 

Gaddin●●●bout 〈◊〉 S. Nicho●●● etc.  
Scripture● be in th● vulgar tongue.   and S. Edmond by children heretofore brought into the church, was a mere mockery & foolishness, and therefore justly abolished and taken away.  
5 Item, it is convenient and godly, that the scripture of the old Testament and new, that is, the whole Bible, be had in English and published to be read of every man, & that who soever doth repel & dehort me from the reading thereof, doth evil and damnably.  
6 Item, that the said late king of just ground and reason did receive into his hands the authority and disposition of chantries and such livings as were given for the maintenance of private masses, and did well change divers of them to other uses.  
7 Also the king's majesty that now is by the advise & consent of the Parliament, did upon just ground and reason, 
Chaunter Masses 〈◊〉 put dow●  suppress, abolish, and take away the said chantries and such other livings as were used and occupied for maintenance of private Masses, and Masses satisfactory for the souls of them which are dead, or finding of obites, lights, or other like things: 
The 〈◊〉 full of 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 changes to the C●●●munion.  the Mass that was wont to be said of priests, was full of abuses, and had very few things of Christ's institution besides the Epistle, Gospel, lords prayer, and the words of the Lords supper: the rest for the more part were invented and devised by bishops of Rome, and by other men of the same sort, and therefore justly taken away by the statutes and laws of this realm: and the communion which is placed in the stead thereof, is very godly and agreeable to the Scriptures.  

 8 Item, that it is most convenient and fit, and according to the first institution, that all Christian men should receive the Sacrament of the body and blood of Christ in both the kinds, 
Anno 1550.  that is, in bread and wine.  
9 And the mass wherein the Priest doth only receive and the other do but look on, 
 is but the invention of man, and the ordinance of the bishop of Rome's church, nor agreeable to Scripture.  
10 Item, that upon good and godly considerations, it is ordered in the said book and order, 
 that the Sacrament should not be lifted up and showed to the people to be adored, but to be with godly devotion received as it was first instituted.  

 11 Item, that it is well, politicly and godly done, that the king's majesty by Act of Parliament, hath commanded all images which have stand in Churches or Chapels, to be clearly abolished & defaced, lest hereafter at any time they should give occasion of Idolatry or be abused, as many of them heretofore have been with pilgrimages and such Idolatrous worshipping.  

 12 And also that for like godly and good considerations, by the same authority of Parliament, all Mass books, Cowchers, Grailes, and other books of the service in latin heretofore used, should be abolished and defaced, as well for certain superstitions in them contained, as also to avoid dissension: and that the said service in the church should be thorough the whole realm in one uniform conformity, and no occasion through those old books to the contrary.  
13 That bishops, priests, and deacons have no commandment of the law of God, either to vow chastity, or to abstain continually from marriage. 
Vowel chastity of Priests hath no commandment of God.   
14 Item, that all canons, constitutions, laws positive, and ordinances of man, which do prohibit or forbid marriage to any bishop, priest, or deacon, be justly and upon godly grounds and considerations, taken away and abolished by authority of Parliament.  
15 The Homilies lately commanded and set forth by the king's majesty to be red in the congregation of England, are godly and wholesome, 
Homilies ●o be read in ●he church.  and do teach such doctrine as aught to be embraced of all men.  
16 The book set forth by the king's majesty by authority of Parliament, containing the form & manner of making and consecrating of archbishops, 
The kings book of order.  bishops, priests and deacons, is godly & in no point contrary to the wholesome doctrine of the gospel, & therefore aught to be received and approved of all the faithful members of the church of England, and namely the ministers of God's word, & by them commended to the people.  
17 That the orders of Subdeacon, Benet and Colet, and such others as were commonly called Minores ordines, 

Orders of Subdeacon, Benet, & Colet needle's in the Church. Doctrine of our salvation sufficiently contained 〈◊〉 the scripture.  
Paraphrases of Erasmus.   be not necessary by the word of God to be reckoned in the church, and be justly left out in the said book of orders.  
18 That the holy Scriptures contain sufficiently all doctrine required of necessity for eternal salvation through faith in jesus Christ, and that nothing is to be taught as required of necessity to eternal salvation, but that which may be concluded and proved by the holy Scriptures.  
19 That upon good and godly considerations, it was and is commanded by the king's majesties Injunctions, that the Paraphrases of Erasmus in English should be set up in some convenient place in every parish Church of this realm, where as the parishioners may most commodiously resort to read the same.  
20 And because these Articles aforesaid, do contain only such matters as be already published and openly set forth by the king's majesties authority, by the advise of his highness Counsel, for many great and godly considerations, and amongst others for the common tranquillity and unity of the realm: 
Wynchester required to subscribe to these articles.  his majesties pleasure by the advise aforesaid, is, that you the B. of Winchester shall not only affirm these Articles with subscription of your hand: but also declare and profess yourself well contented, willing, and ready to publish and preach the same at such times and places, and before such audience as to his Majesty from time to time shall seem convenient and requisite, upon the pain of incurring such penalties and punishments, as for not doing the same, may by his majesties laws be inflicted upon you.   
These Articles were sent the 15. of july.  
The bishop of Winchester receiving and perusing these Articles, made this answer again: That first touching the Article of submission, he would in no wise consent, affirming as he had done before, that he had never offended the king's Majesty in any such sort as should give him cause thus to submit himself: praying earnestly to be brought unto his trial: wherein he refused the king's mercy, and desired nothing 
So ye right 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 turned 〈◊〉 altar to 〈◊〉.  but justice. And for the rest of the articles he answered that after he were past his trial in this first point, and were at liberty, than it should appear what he would do in them: not being (as he said) reasonable that he should subscribe them in prison.  
Of this answer when the king and his counsel had intelligence by the foresaid Master of the horse, Secretary Peter, the bishop of London, and M. Goodricke who had been with him, it was agreed that he should be sent for before the whole counsel, and peremptorily examined once again, whether he would stand at this point or no: which if he did, then to denounce unto him the sequestration of his benefice, and consequently the intimation, in case he were not reform within 3. months, as in the day of his appearance shall appear. The tenor and words of which sequestration, with the Intimation followeth.   

The words of the Sequestration with the Intimation to the Bishop of Winchester.  
FOr as much as the king's majesty our most gracious sovereign Lord understandeth, 
The tenor of of the sequestration read to Winchester.  and it is also manifestly known and notorious unto us, that the clemency & long sufferance of his majesty worketh not in you the good effect and humbleness and conformity, that is requisite in a good subject: and for that your first disobediences, contempts, and other misbehaviours, for the which you were by his majesties authority justly committed to ward, have ●ithes your said committing, daily more & more increased in you in such sort as a great slander and offence is thereof risen, in many parts of the realm, whereby also much slander, dissension trouble, & unquietness is very like more to ensue if your foresaid offences being as they be openly known, should pass unpunished: 
The causes why this sequestration was laid against Winchester.  we let you wit that having special and express Commission and commandment from his Majesty, aswell for your contumacies and contempts so long continued and yet daily more increasing, as also for the exchange of the slander & offence of the people, which by your said ill demeanours is risen, and for that also the Church of Winchester may be in the mean time provided of a good minister that may and will see all things done & quietly executed according to laws and common orders of this Realm, 
Winchester sequestered from his Bishopric▪  & for sundry other great and urgent causes we do by these presents sequester all the fruits, revenues lands and possessions of your Bishopric of Winchester & discern, deem & judge the same to be committed to the several receit collection and custody of such person or persons as his Majesty shall appoint for that purpose. And because your former disobediences and contempts so long continued, so many times doubled, renewed and aggravated, do manifestly declare you to be a person without all hope of recovery & plainly incorrigible: we eftsoons admonish and require you to obey his majesties said commandment and that you do declare yourself by subscription of your hand, both willing & well contented to accept, allow preach and teach to others the said articles, and all such other matters as be or shallbe set forth by his majesties authority of supreme head of this church of England, on this side, & within the term of 3. months, whereof we appoint one month for the first monition, one month for the second monition and warning, and one month for the third and peremptory monition.  
Within which time as you may yet declare your conformity, and shall have paper, 
Intimation geum to Winchester.  pen and ink when you will call for them for that purpose, so if you wilfully forbear and refuse to declare yourself obedient and conformable as is aforesaid, we intimate unto you that his majesty, who like a good governor desireth to keep both his common wealth quiet, and to purge the same of evil men (especially ministers) intendeth to proceed against you as an incorrigible person and unmeet minister of this church, to deprivation of your said bishopric.  
Nevertheless, upon divers good considerations, and specially in hope he might within his time be yet reconciled, it was agreed that the said bishop's house & servants should be maintained in their present estate, until the time that this Injunction should expire, & the matter for the mean time to be kept secret.  
After this sequestration, the said B. was commenced unto Lambeth before the Archbishop of Cant. & other the king's commissioners by virtue of the kings special letter sent unto the said Commissioners, to wit, to the Archbishop of Caunterburie, Nicholas bishop of London, 
The names of the Commissioners delegate in the cause of Steven Gardine●.  Thomas bishop of Ely, Henry bishop of Lincoln, Secretary Peter, Sir james Hales knight, Doctor Leyson, Doctor Oliver lawyers, and john Gosnold Esquire. etc. before them, and by them to be examined, by whom were objected against him 19 special articles in order and form here following.   

Articles and positions ministered jointly and severally objected to the B. of Winchester.  
IN primis, that the king's Majesty justly and rightfully is, and by the laws of God ought to be the supreme head in earth of the Church of England and Ireland, 
Articles ministered against Winchester by the Commissioners.  and so is by the Clergy of this realm in their convocation, and by the Act of Parliament justly and according to the laws of God recognised.  
2 Item, that his majesty as supreme head of the said churches, hath full power and authority to make and set such Laws, Injunctions, and ordinances, for and concerning Religion an● orders in the said churches for the increase of virtue and repressing of all errors, heresies, and other enormities and abuses.  
3 Item, that all and every his graces subjects are bound by the laws of God to obey all his highness said laws, Injunctions, and proceed concerning religion & orders in the said Churches.  

Winchester sworn to the kings supremacy.  4 Item, that you Steven B. of Winchester have sworn obedience to his Majesty, as supreme head of this Church of England and also of Ireland.  
5 Item, that all and every his graces subjects that disobey any of his said majesties laws, Injunctions, ordinances and proceed already set forth & published, or hereafter to be set forth & published, ought worthily to be punished according to his graces Ecclesiastical laws, used within this his realm.  

Winchester after his oath found disobedient to the king and his proceedings.  6 Item, that you the said Bishop, as well in the king's majesties late visitation within your Diocese, as at sundry other times, have been complained upon, & sundry informations made against you for your doings, sayings & preachings against sundry Injunctions, orders and other proceedings of his majesty set forth for reformation of errors, superstitions and other abuses in religion.  
7 Item, that after and upon the occasion of those & other many complaints and informations, you have been sundry times admonished, commanded and enjoined to conform yourself, as to your duty appertaineth.  
8 Item, that after the premises, and for that those former admonitions & commandments notwithstanding, you did yet still show yourself not conformable, 
The manifold transgressions of Wint. worthy of punishment  & for that also by your example the people were much animated, & thereby occasion of much unquietness ministered, you were called before the king's majesties counsel in the month of june, the 2. year of his majesties reign, & by them on his highness behalf commanded to preach a Sermon before his majesty, and therein to declare the justness and godliness of his majesties father and his proceed upon certain matters partly mentioned in certain articles to you delivered in writing, and partly otherwise declared unto you. The effect whereof, was touching the usurped authority of the B. of Rome, and that his pretenced authority was justly & godly taken away in this realm, & other the king's majesties dominions: Touching the first suppression and taking away of Monasteries, Religious houses, Pilgrimages, Relics, Shrines and Images, the superstitious going about of S. Nicholas bishop, S. Edmund, S. Katherine, S. Clement and such like, for taking away of Chantreis', Obites and Colleges, touching hallowing of Candles, water, ashes, palm, holy bread, beads, creeping to the cross and such like: touching the setting forth of the king's majesties authority in his young years to be as great, as if his highness were of many more years, touching auricular confession, touching the procession & common prayer in English, and that things done in general Counsels against the word of God, may be justly revoked in particular Counsels.  

Winchester's contemptuous disobedience to the king.  9 Item, that you receiving the same, and promising to declare them in a sermone by you made before his Majesty for that purpose, on the feast of S. Peter in the said second year of his highness reign, did then and there contemptuously and disobediently omit to declare and set forth many of the said matters to the great contempt of his Majesty, and dangerous example of others.  
10 Item, that you being also commanded, and on his majesties behalf, for the avoiding of tumult, & for other great considerations inhibited to treat of any matter in controversy concerning the Mass or the communion (than commonly called the Sacrament of the altar) did contrary to the said commandment & inhibition, declare divers your judgements & opinions in the same, in manifest contempt of his majesties said inhibition, 
Winchester stubbornly refused to conform himself to the book of the kings proceedings.  to the great offence of the hearers, and disturbance of the common quiet, and unity of the realm.  
11 Item, that after the premises, videlicet, in the months of May or june, or one of them, in the third year of his highness reign, his Majesty sent eftsoons unto you, to know your conformity towards his said reformation, and specially touching the book of Common prayer then lately set forth by his majesty, whereunto you at the same time refused to show yourself conformable.  
12 Item, that after that, videlicet the 9 day of july, in the fourth year of his majesties reign, his highness sent unto you his grace's letters, with a certain submission and articles, whereunto his grace willed and commanded you to subscribe, to the which submission you contemptuously refused to subscribe.  
13 Item, that you having eftsoons certain of the kings most honourable Council sent unto you the 12. of july, 
Wynches●●● standeth in iustificatio● of himself▪  in the said fourth year, with the same submission, and being in his majesties behalf required and commanded to consider again better the said submission and to subscribe the same, stood in justification of yourself, and would in no wise subscribe thereunto.  
14 Item, that after all this, the 14. day of july, in the said fourth year, the said king's Majesty sent yet again unto you certain of his majesties most honourable council with an other submission and divers other articles, willing and commanding you to subscribe your name thereunto, which to do you utterly refused.  
15 Item, that after all this, videlicet the 19 of july in the said fourth year, you being personally called before the whole counsel, 
Fantasticate considera●●●ons of wy●●chester.  and having the said submission and articles openly and distinctly read unto you, and required to subscribe the same, refused for unjust and fantastical considerations by you alleged, to subscribe the same.  
16 Item, that for your sundry and manifold contempts and disobediences in this behalf used, the fruits of your benefice were then by special commission of his Majesty justly and lawfully sequestered.  
17 Item, that after this, you had intimation and peremptory monition, with communication that you should within 3. months next following the said intimation, reconcile and submit yourself upon pain of deprivation.  
18 Item, that the said 3. months are now fully expired and run.  
19 Item that you have not hitherto, 
Wynche●●●● sworn 〈◊〉 aunswere● truly.  according to the said intimation and monition submitted: reconciled, nor reform yourself, but contemptuously yet still remain in your disobedience. Whereupon they required the B. of Winchester, then and there personally present to be sworn faithfully and truly to make answer.  
After these articles were exhibited unto him, and he having leave to say for himself, wherein he used all the cautels, shifts and remedies of the law to his most advantage, by way of protesting, recusing and excepting against the commission, and requiring also the copies as well of the Articles, as of his protestation of the Actuaries (which were W. Say and Tho. Argall) time and respite was assigned unto him to answer to the said Articles in writing. But he so cavilled and dallied from day to day, to answer directly, 
Time 〈◊〉 to Winc●●●ster to a●●swere by writing. For the 〈◊〉 positions 〈◊〉 these and ●●ther witnesses against 〈◊〉 read in th● first editi●● of Acts 〈◊〉 Monuments▪ pag. 816.  although he was sufficiently laboured and persuaded to the same by sundry callings and Acts, and also abundantly convicted by depositions and witnesses, especially by matter induced by the L. Paget, and Andrew Beynton, & M. Chalenor, pag. 816. (all which I refer to my first book) that at the last he appealed from them, reputing them not to be competent and indifferent judges to hear and determine his cause, unto the king's royal person: notwithstanding by protestation always reserving to himself the benefit of his appellation: And so proceeded he to the answering of the foresaid articles, but in such crafty and obstinate manner, as before he had been accustomed, and as at large to them that be desirous to understand the process thereof, in the first book of the Acts and monuments of the Church aforesaid may appear.  
But briefly to conclude, such exceptions he used against the witnesses produced against him, and he himself produced such a number of witnesses in his defence, and used so many delays and cavillations, that in the end the commissioners seeing his stubbornness, proceeded to the sentence definitive against him, as here under followeth.   

¶ Sentence definitive against Stephen Gardiner B. of Winchester.  
IN the name of God, Amen. By authority of a commission by the high and mighty prince our most gracious sovereign Lord Edward the 6. by the grace of God king of England, France, and Ireland, defender of the faith, 
The final sentence 〈◊〉 the depri●uation of the Bish●● of Winch●●ster.  and of the Church of England and also of Ireland in earth the supreme head, the tenor whereof hereafter ensueth: Edward the sixth. etc. We Thomas by the sufferance of God Archbishop of Canterbury, primate of all England, and Metropolitan, with the right reverend fathers in God, Nicholas Bishop of London, Thomas Bishop of Ely, and Henry Bishop of Lincoln, Sir William Peter Knight, one of our said sovereign Lords two principal secretaries, Sir james Hales knight, one of our said sovereign Lords justices of his common pleas, Griffith Leison and john Oliver, Doctors of the Civil law, Richard Goodrike & john Gosnold esquires, delegates, and judges assigned & appointed, rightfully & lawfully proceeding according to the form & tenor of the said commission, for the hearing, examination, debating, & final determination of the causes and matters in the said commisson mentioned and contained, and upon the contents of the same, and certain articles objected of office against you Steeven Bishop of Winchester, as more plainly and fully is mentioned and declared in the said commission and articles, all which we repute & take here for to be expressed: & after sundry judicial assemblies, examinations, & debatings of the said cause & matters, with all incidents, emergents, & circumstances to the same or any of them belonging, and the same also being by us oft heard, seen, and well understanded, and with good and mature examination and deliberation debated, considered and fully weighed and pondered, observing all such order and other things as by the laws, equity, and the said commission ought or needed herein to be observed, in the presence of you Steeven Bishop of Winchester, do proceed to the giving of our final judgement and sentence definitive in this manner following:  
For as much as by the acts enacted, exhibits, and allegations purposed, deduced, & alleged, & by sufficient proofs with your own confession in the causes aforesaid had and made, we do evidently find and perceive that you Steven Bishop of Winchester have not only transgressed the commandments mentioned in the same, 
Wynchester found to be a transgressor.  but also have of long time, notwithstanding many admonitions and commandments given unto you to the contrary, remained, a person much grudging, speaking, and repugning against the godly reformations of abuses in religion set forth by the king's highness authority within this his realm: and forasmuch as we do also find you a notable, open, and contemptuous disobeyer, of sundry godly and just commandments given unto you by our said sovereign Lord and by his authority, in divers great and weighty causes, touching and concerning his princely office, the state and common quietness of this his Realm: and for as much as you have and yet do contemptuously refuse to recognise your notorious negligences, & misbehaviours, contempts, and disobediences, remaining still after a great number of several admonitions always more and more indurate, incorrigible, and without all hope of amendment, contrary both to your oath sworn, obedience, promise, and also your bound duty of allegiance: and for the great slander and offence of the people, arise in many parts of the Realm, through your wilful doings, sayings, and preachings, contrary to the common order of the Realm, and for sundry other great causes by the acts, exhibits, your own confession, and proofs of this process more fully appearing, considering withal that nothing effectually hath been on your behalf alleged, purposed, and proved, ne by any other means appeareth, which doth or may impair or take away the proofs made against you, upon the said matters and other the premises:  
Therefore we Thomas Archbishop of Caunterbury, Primate of all England and Metropolitan, judge delegate aforesaid, calling God before our eyes, with express consent and assent of Nicholas B. of London, Tho. bishop of Ely, Henry B. of Lincoln, sir Wil Peter Knight, Sir james Hales Knight, Griffith Leison, and joh. Oliver, doctors of the civil law, Rich. Goodricke, and john Gosnold, Esquires, judges, and Colleagues with us in the matters aforesaid, and with the counsel of divers learned men in the laws, with whom we have conferred in and upon the premises, 
Steven Gardiner Bish. of Winchester depriue● of his Bishopric.  do judge and determine you Steeven Bishop of Winchester, to be deprived and removed from the Bishopric of Winchester, and from all the rights, authority, emoluments, commodities, and other apurtenaunces to the said Byshoprike in any wise belonging, whatsoever they be, and by these presents we do deprive and remove you from your said Bishopric, and all rites & other commodities aforesaid: and further pronounce & declare the said Bishopric of Winchester to all effects and purposes, to be void by this our sentence definitive, which we give, pronounce, and declare in these writings.  
This sentence definitive being given, the said Bishop of Winchester under his former protestations, dissented from the giving and reading thereof, and from the same as unjust of no efficacy or effect in law: and in that that the same containeth excessive punishment, and for other causes expressed in his appellation aforesaid, did then and there apud Acta, immediately after the pronouncing of the sentence, by word of mouth, appeal to the kings Royal majesty, first, secondly and thirdly, instantly, more instantly, 
Steven Gardiner appealeth from the Sentence to the king.  most instantly, & asked apostles, or letters dimissorials to be given and granted unto him: And also under protestation not to recede from the said appellation, asked a copy of the said sentence, the judges declaring that they would first know the kings pleasure and his counsel therein: upon the reading and giving of which sentence, the promoters willed Will. Say and Thomas A●gall to make a public Instrument and the witnesses then and there present to bear testimony thereunto. etc.  
And thus have ye the whole discourse and process of Steven Gardiner late bishop of Winchester, unto whom the Papistical clergy doth so much lean, as to a mighty Atlas: an upholder of their ruinous Religion. 
The end of Winchester's story.  And though I have not here withal so fully expressed all his letters, answers, preachings, examinations, defensions, exhibits & attestations, with the depositions of all such witnesses as he could and did produce for the most advantage of his own cause, with such notes also and collections gathered upon the same, as here I might, and as before I have done I must entreat the reader to consider first the greatness of this volume which would not well bear the tedious tractation thereof: and secondly to content himself in resorting to our first history, 
The Notes and collections hereof, read in the first edition. fol. 862.  where not only he may peruse the whole discourse of this bishops doings set forth at large: but also may briefly read in a few summarye notes collected, the whole course of his doctrine and judgement, touching what points of religion he did consent and agree, or not agree unto. pag. 862.  
And thus an end of Winchester for a while, till we come to talk of his death hereafter. Whom as we number amongst good Lawyers, so is he to be reckoned amongst ignorant and gross Divines, 
Winchester a good lawyer yet but a naughty divine, and a worse Bishop.  proud Prelates and bloody persecutors: as both by his cruel life and Pharisaical doctrine may appear, especially in the article of the Sacrament, and of our justification and Images, and also in crying out of the Paraphrase, not considering in whose person the things be spoken, but what the Paraphrast uttereth in the person of Christ, or of the Evangelist, and not in his own, that he wresteth unto the author, and maketh thereof heresy, and abomination.  
The like impudence and quarreling also he used against Bucer, Luther, Peter Martyr, Cranmer, & almost against all other true Interpreters of the Gospel. So blind was his judgement, or else so wilful was his mind in the truth of Christ's doctrine, that it is hard to say whether in him unskilfulness or wilfulness had greater predomination. But against this doct. Gardiner we will now set and match on the contrary side, D. Redman, 
Winchester as unskilful as wilful.  for so much as he departing this transitory life the same present year 1551. cometh now by course of history here to be mentioned. Who for his singular life and profound knowledge, being inferior in no respect to the said Gardener, 
D. Redman set to match Steven Gardiner.  shall stand as great a friend in promoting the gospels cause, as the other seemeth an enemy by all manner of ways to impair and deface the same. For the more assured declaration whereof, we will hereto adjoin (the Lord willing) the learned communication between the said Doct. Redman lying in his deathbed, and M. Wilkes, master Alexander Nowell, Doct. Young, and other witnesses more. Whereof the said M. Wilkes thus recordeth, speaking in his own person and his own words as followeth.   

A note of the communication that I Richard Wilkes had with master Doctor Redman being sick at Westminster, but of good memory 2. novemb. 1551. in the presence of M. Young & an other, whom I did not know, and 2. of M. Doct. Redmans' servants, the one called Elias, and the other unknown.  
I The foresaid Richard Wilkes coming to Doct. Redman lying sick at Westminster, and first saluting him after my ordinary duty, wished him health both in soul & body, not doubting moreover, 
The communication and confession of D. Redman in his deathbed.  but he did practise the godly counsel in himself, which he was wont to give to other being in his case: and thanks be to God (said I) who had given him stuff of knowledge to comfort himself withal. To whom he answering again, said in this wise: God of all comfort give me grace to have comfort in him, and to have my mind wholly fixed in him. M. Young & I said, Amen. Then I commoned with him of his sickness, & the weakness of his body, and said that though he were brought never so low, yet he, if it were his pleasure that raised up Lazarus, could restore him to health again. No, no saith he, that is past, and I desire it not but the will of God be fulfilled.  
After this or a little other like communication, I asked if I might be so bold not troubling him, to know his mind for my learning in some matters and points of religion. He said, yea, and that he was as glad to common with me, in such matters, as with any man. And then I said to his servants: I trust I shall not trouble him. No said Ellis his servant, my L. of London, M. Nowell and other have communed with him, and he was glad of it. Then said M. Redman, no you shall not trouble me. I pray God ever give me grace to speak the truth, and his truth, and that which shall redound to his glory, and send us unity in his Church, and we said, Amen.  
I said he should do much good in declaring his faith, and I would be glad to know his mind as touching the Sacrament of the body and blood of Christ. 
Communication touching the Sacrament of the lords Body & blood.   
He said, as man is made of two parts, of the body and the soul, so Christ would feed the whole man: but what (saith he) be the words of the text? Let us take the words of the Scripture: and he rehearsed the text himself thus: Accepit jesus panem: Christ took bread. Wherein his will was to institute a Sacrament, Accipite, commedite: Take, eat. Here he told the use of it. What did he give them? Hoc est corpus meum, 
Question. Whether Christ be present in the Sacrament. Vnitio.  he calleth it his body.  
Then I asked him of the presence of Christ.  
He said, Christ was present with his sacrament, and in those that received it as they ought. And there was Mira unitio, a wonderful union (for that word was named betwixt Christ and us) as S. Paul saith: Vos estis os ex ossibus eius, & caro ex carne eius. Ye be bone of his bones, and flesh of his flesh. 
Question. Whether Christ be present corporally, naturally, and really in the Sacrament. Corporally, that is truly: so Christ is there otherwise not. Quest. Whether Christ be there flesh, blood, & bone.  The which union was ineffable.  
Then I asked him what he thought of the opinion, that Christ was there corporally, naturally, and really.  
He answered: if you mean by corporally, naturally, and really, that he is there present Verè, I grant.  
Then I asked how he thought of that which was wont commonly to be spoken, that Christ was there flesh, blood & bone, as I have heard the Stewards in their Leets give charge when the 6. articles stood in effect, and charge the Inquest to inquire, that if there were any that would deny that Christ was present in the Sacrament of the altar in flesh, blood, and bone, they should apprehend them.  
He said, that was too gross, and could not well be excused from the opinion of the Capernaites.  

Quest. Whether Christ be received in mind & spirit, or with mouth & body, or with both?  Then I asked him: in as much as Christ was there Verè, how do we receive him? in our minds and spiritual parts, or with our mouths and into our bodies, or both?  
He said, we receive him in our minds & souls by faith.  
Then in as much as he was much in this point, that there was Mira unitio, a marvelous union betwixt us & Christ, in that we were Caro ex carne eius, & os ex ossibus eius: Bone of his bone, 
Quest. Whether Christ's very body be received into our very bodies or no?  and flesh of his flesh: I desired to know his opinion whether we received the very body of Christ with our mouths, and into our bodies or no.  
Here he paused & held his peace a little space, and shortly after he spoke, saying: I will not say so: I can not tell: it is a hard question, but surely saith he, we receive Christ in our soul by faith. When you speak of it other ways, it soundeth grossly and savoureth of the Capernaites.  

Quest. Whether that be to be worshipped which the priest showeth to the people betwixt his hands?  Then I asked him what he thought of that which the Priest was wont to lift up & show the people betwixt his hands?  
He said it is the Sacrament. Then said I, they were wont to worship that which was lifted up. Yea saith he, but we must worship Christ in heaven: Christ is neither lifted up nor down. I am glad, said I, M. Doctor, to hear you say so much. I would not speak of the holy Sacrament otherwise then reverently, but I fear lest that Sacrament, and the little white piece of bread so lifted up, hath rob Christ of a great part of his honour.  

Quest. Whether the carrying about of the Sacrament is to be allowed?  Then said he, looking, up and praying, God grant us grace that we may have the true understanding of his word, whereby we may come to the true use of his Sacraments, and said he would never allow the carrying about of the Sacrament, and other fond abuses about the same.  
Then after a little while pausing, said I: Master Doctor, 
Transubstantiation.  if I should not trouble you, I would pray you to know your mind in transubstantiation. jesu M. Wilkes (quoth he) will you ask me that? Sir said I, not if I should trouble you. No, no, I will tell you saith he: Because I found the opinion of Transubstantiation received in the Church, when I heard it spoken against, I searched the ancient Doctors diligently, 
Transubstantiation not to be found in the Doctors.  & went about to stablish it by them, because it was received. And when I had read many of them, I found little for it, & could not be satisfied. Then I went to the School Doctors, and namely to Gabriel, and weighed his reasons. The which when I had done, and perceived they were no pithier, Languescebat opinio mea de transubstantiatione, my opinion of Transubstantiation waxed feeble, and then (saith he) I returned again to Tertullian and Irenaeus, and when I had observed their sayings, mine opinion that there should be transubstantiation, prorsus erat abolita: was quite dashed.  
Then said I, 
The schol● Doctors deceived i● the word consecration  you know that the School Doctors did hold that panis non remanebat post consecrationem, that bread remained not after consecration as they called it.  
The school Doctors (saith he) did not know what consecratio doth mean: and here he paused a while. I pray you said I, what say you that consecratio doth mean? Saith he, it is Tota actio, in ministering the Sacrament, 
What 〈◊〉 consecration.  as Christ did institute it. All the whole thing done in the ministry, as Christ ordained it, that is, consecratio, and what (saith he) need we to doubt that bread remaineth? Scripture calleth it bread, and certain good authors that be of the latter time, be of that opinion.  
After that I had communed with M. Redman, 
Talk abo●● Doctor Redman.  and taken my leave of him, M. Young came forth into the next chamber with me, to whom I said that I was glad to see M. Doct. Redman so well minded. Then said M. Young to me, I am sure he will not deny it. I ensure you saith he, M. Doct. hath so moved me, that where as I was of that opinion before in certain things, 
D. Young stayed by D. Redma● from his Popish opinion.  that I would have burned and lost my life for them, now saith M. Young, I doubt of them. But I see (saith he) a man shall know more & more by process of time, and reading and hearing of other, and M. Doct Redmans saying shall cause me to look more diligently for them.  
Also Ellis M. Doctor Redmans' servant showed me that he did know that his master had declared to King Henry 8. his Majesty, that faith only justifieth: 
The opini●● of Doctor Redman touching iustificatio● by faith. Consensu● Ecclesiae i● but a weak staff to leave to▪  but that doctrine as he thought, was not to be taught the people, lest they should be negligent to do good works.  
The said master Young hath reported (the which also I heard) that M. Doctor Redman should say, that consensus Ecclesiae, the consent of the Church was but a weak staff to lean to, but did exhort him to read the Scriptures, for there was that which should comfort him when he should be in such case as he was then.   

* Another communication between Doctor Redman lying in his death bead, and Master Nowell then Schoolmaster in Westminster, and certain other, with notes of his censure & judgement touching certain points of Christ's Religion.  
1 IN primis, the said D. Redman sent for M. Nowell of his own mind, 
The confes●sion of D. Redman before M. Nowell.  and said he was willing to commune with him of such matters as he had moved the said D. Redman of a day or two before: and he being desired of the said M. Nowell to declare his mind concerning certain points of our Religion, first said: ask me what ye will, and I will answer you (before God) truly as I think, without any affection to the world, or any worldly person.  
Witnesses Alexander Nowell, Rich. Burton, Ellis Lomas, john Wright.  
2 Item, the said D. Redman said, that the sea of Rome in these latter days is Sentina malorum, that is, a sink of all evil.  
Witnesses john Young, Alexander Nowell, Rich. Burton, john Wright, Edw. Cratford, Rich. Elithorne, Ellis Lomas.  
3 Item, that Purgatory, as the schoolmen taught it and used it, was ungodly, and that there was no such kind of Purgatory as they fantasied.  
Witnesses john Young, Alexander Nowell, Rich. Burton, Ellis Lomas, Edw. Cratford, Rich. Elithorne, john Wright.  
4 Item, 
Offering 〈◊〉 of the Sacrament called the sacrifice of the Mass▪  that the offering up of the Sacrament in Masses and Trentals for the sins of the dead, is ungodly.  
Witnesses john Young, Alexander Nowell, Rich. Burton, Edward Cratford, Ellis Lomas.  
5 Item, that the wicked are not partakers of the body of Christ, but receive the outward Sacrament only.  
Witnesses john Young, Alexander Nowell, Rich. Burton, Ellis Lomas, Edw. Cratford, Rich. Elithorne, john Wright.  
6 Item, that the Sacrament ought not to be carried about in procession: 
Carrying a●bout of th● Sacrament disproved.  for it is taught what is the use of it in these words: Accipite, manducate, & bibite, & hoc facite in mei memoriam: Take, eat, and drink, and do this in remembrance of me.  
Witnesses joh. Young, Alexander Nowell, Rich. Burton, john Wright, Edward Cratford, Ellis Lomas.  
7 Item, that nothing which is seen in the Sacrament, 
Adoration of the Sacrament disproved.  or perceived with any outward sense, is to be worshipped.  
Witnesses john Young, Alexander Nowell, Ellis Lomas, Richard Burton.  
8 Item, that we receive not Christ's body Corporaliter, id est, crassè: corporally, that is to say, grossly, 
A gross opinion to think that 〈…〉 corporally 〈◊〉 the Sacrament.  like other meats, and like as Capernaites did understand it.  
Witnesses john Young, Alexander Nowell, Rich. Burton, Edw. Cratford, Ellis Lomas, john Wright.  
9 Item, that we receive Christ's body sic spiritualiter ut tamen verè: 
Anno 1551.  so spiritually, that nevertheless truly.  
Witnesses john Young, Alexander Nowell, Rich. Burton, Edward Cratford, 
〈…〉 in ●he old doctors. ●hrist can 〈◊〉 be 〈◊〉 up not 〈◊〉 own 〈…〉 by God's word. ●ayth only 〈…〉.  Ellis Lomas, john Wright.  
10 Item, as touching transubstantiation, that there is not in any of the old doctors any good ground or sure proof thereof, or any mention of it, as far as ever he could perceive, neither that he seethe what can be answered to the objections made against it.  
Witnesses john Young, Rich. Burton, Ellis Lomas.  
11 Item, being asked of Master Wilkes what that was which was lifted up between the priests hands, he answered: he thought that Christ could neither be lifted up nor down.  
Witnesses john Young, Rich. Burton, Ellis Lomas.  
12 Item, that Priests may by the law of God marry wives.  
Witnesses Alexander Nowell, Ellis Lomas.  
13 That this proposition: Sola fides justificat, so that fides signify Veram, vivam, & acquiescentem in Christo fidem, id est am●lexum Christi: that is to say, that only faith doth justify, so that faith do signify a true, a lively▪ and a faith resting in Christ and embracing Christ: is a true, godly, sweet, and comfortable doctrine, so that it be so taught that the people take none occasion of carnal liberty thereof. 
True faith defined.   
Witnesses joh. Young, Alexander Nowell, Rich. Burton, joh. Wright, Edward Cratford, Richard Elithorne, Ellis Lomas.  
14 Item, that our works cannot deserve the kingdom of God, 
Works do not medite to salvation▪  and life everlasting.  
Witnesses joh. Young, Alexander Nowell, Rich. Burton, Ellis Lomas, Edward Cratford, Richard Elithorne, john Wright.  
15 Item, that the said D. Redman, at such times as we the foresaid persons, which have subscribed, heard his communication concerning the for●said points of Religion, was of quiet mind and of perfit remembrance, as far as we were able to judge.  
Witnesses joh. Young, Alexander Nowell, Rich. Burton, Ellis Lomas, Edward Cratford▪ Richard Elithorne, john Wright.  
¶ Also M. Young of himself doth declare further touching the former Articles in this wise.  

¶ To the v. Article.  
IN primis, that D. Redman said more, where as S. Augustine said: 
Doctor Yonges testimony of Doctor Redmans' doctrine. 〈◊〉 recea●ed the same that Peter did, as ●imon 〈◊〉 received the same Baptism as Peter did.  Quòd Iudas idem accepit quod Petrus, that judas received the same that Peter did, he said that he understood that of the Sacrament, and that after the same phrase a man might say: Quòd Simon Magus idem Baptisma recepit quod Apostoli, that Simon Magus received the same Baptism that the Apostles did, when he did receive only the outward Sacrament to his condemnation: for he said that he thought Christ would not vouchsafe to give his holy flesh to an ungodly man. And this he said was always his mind, though he knew that other men did otherwise think.   

¶ To the vj. Article.  
Item, he said, he never liked the carriage about of the Sacrament, 
Carrying about of the Sacrament.  and preached against it about 16. years since in Cambridge.   

¶ To the x Article.  
Item, when he was demanded of transubstantiation, he said, 
Transubstantiation.  that he had travailed about it, and thinking that the doubts which he perceived did rise thereon should be made plain by the Schoolmen, did read their books, and after that he had read them, the opinion of Transubstantiation was every day Magis & magis languida, that is, weaker and weaker, and that there was no such Transubstantiation as they made, adding thereto, that the whole School did not know what was meant by consecration, which he said was the whole action of the holy Communion.   

¶ To the xiii. Article.  
Item, he said that he did repent him that he had so much strived against justification by only faith. 
justification by faith only.    

¶ To the xiv. Article.  
Item, that works had their crown and reward, but that they did not deserve eternal life, 
Works merit not eternal life.  and the kingdom of God, no not the works of grace: Nam donum dei vita aeterna. For everlasting life is the gift of God.  
Although the●e testimonies above alleged may suffice for a declaration touching the honest life, sound doctrine, and sincere judgement of Doctor Redman: yet (velut ex abundanti) I thought not to cut off in this place, the testimonial letter or Epistle of D. Young written to M. Cheke, specially concerning the premises. Which Epistle of Doct. Young, as I received it written by his own hand in the latin tongue, the copy which he himself hath not, nor can deny to be his own, & is extant to be read in the former book of Acts and Monuments, so I have here exhibited the same faithfully translated into the English tongue the tenor whereof here followeth.    

The letter of M. Young written to M. Cheke concerning Doct. Redman, translated out of Latin into English.  
ALthough right worshipful, 
M. Yonges letter to M. Cheke touching Doct. Redman.  I am stricken into no little damp and dolour of mind for the unripe (but that it otherwise pleased almighty God) & lamentable death of that most blessed & learned man doct. Redman, in so much that all astonished with weeping and lamenting, I can not tell what to do or think (yet nevertheless: (perceiving it to be your worship's will and pleasure, that so I should do) I gladly call my wits together, and purpose by god's grace, here in these my letters, sincerely and truly to open and declare what I heard that worthy learned man speak and confess at the hour of his death as touching the controversies of religion, wherewith the spouse of Christ is in these our days most miserably troubled and tormented.  
This Doct. Redman, being continually by the space of xx. years or somewhat more exercised in the reading of the holy scripture, wi●h such industry, ●abor, modesty, magnanimity, and prayers to almighty God tried and weighed the controversies of religion, that in all his doings as he would not seem to approve that was either false or superstitious so he would never improve that he thought to stand with the true worship of God. 
Commendation of D. Redman.  And albeit in certain points and articles of his faith, he seemed to divers which were altogether ignorant of that his singular gravity, either for softness, ●eare, or lack of stomach to change his mind and belief, yet they, to whom his former life and conversation by familiar acquaintance with him was throughly known, with them also which were present at his departure, may easily perceive and understand, how in grave & weighty matters, not rashly and unadvisedly, but with constant judgement and unfeigned conscience he descended into that manner of belief which at that time of his going out of this world, he openly professed.  
I give your wisdom to understand, that when death drew near, he casting away all hope of recovery, minded & talked of no other thing (as we which were present heard) but of heaven and heavenly matters, of the latter day of our Saviour jesus Christ, with whom most fervently he desired to be: whose incredible love towards us miserable sinners, 
Exhortation of Doct. Redman to them that were about him.  most worthily and not without tears he often times used to extol and speak of: and us which were there present, he earnestly moved and exhorted to prepare ourselves to Christ, to love one an other, and to beware of this most wretched & corrupt world. And besides that he promised (calling God to witness thereunto, to whom he trusted shortly to come) if any would demand any question that he would answer him what he thought in his judgement to be the truth. 
M. Alexander Nowell now Deane of Paul's.  At what time there were present M. Alexander Nowell, a man earnestly bend to the true worshipping of God, and one that had always singularly well loved the said M. Redman: to whom he spoke on this wise:  
Your excellent learning and purity of life I have ever both highly favoured, and had in admiration: and for no other cause (God be my judge) I do ask these things of you which I shall propound, but that I might learn & know of you what is your opinion and belief touching those troublous controversies which are in these our days: and I shall receive and approve your words as oracles sent from heaven.  
To whom when doct. Redman had given leave to demand what he would, and had promised that he would faithfully and sincerely answer (all affection set aside) what he thought to be the truth, M. Nowell said: I would (quoth he) right gladly, but that I fear by my talk and communication I shallbe unto you, so feeble and now almost spent, a trouble and grief. Then said Doct. Redman replying: what shall I spare my carcase (quoth he) which hath so short a time here to remain? Go to, go to (said he) propound what you will. Then M. Nowell put forth certain questions in order, which I will here declare: whereunto the said doct. Redman severally answered, as hereafter followeth.  
The first question that he asked of him was, what he thought of the bishop of Rome. Unto whom Doct. Redman answered that the Sea of Rome in these our latter days had much swerved from the true religion and worshipping of God & is with horrible vices stained & polluted: 
The Sea of Rome a sink of all sin.  which I therefore (quoth he) pronounce to be the sink of all evil and shortly will come to utter ruin by scourge of God, except it do fall the sooner to repentance: wherewith he briefly complained of the filthy abuse of our English Church.  
Being then asked what his opinion was concerning purgatory, 
Purgatory.  and what the Schoolmen judged thereof, he answered, that the subtle reasons of the Schoolmen concerning purgatory, seemed to him to be no less vain, and frivolous, then disagreeing from the truth: adding thereunto: that when we be rapt up to the clouds to meet Christ coming to judgement with a great number of Angels in all glory and majesty than every one shall be purged with fire as it is written: The fire shall go before him, and shall flame round about his enemies, and the fire shall burn in his sight, 
Psal. 97. & 50.  and round about him shall be a great tempest: saying that divers of the old writers approved this his sentence concerning purgatory.  
When he was asked whether wicked and ungodly people in the holy communion did eat the body of Christ, and drink his blood: he answered that such kind of men did not eat Christ's most blessed flesh, but only took the Sacrament to their own damnation: 
The wicked eat not the flesh of Christ.  saying that Christ would not give his most pure and holy flesh to be eaten of such naughty and impure persons, but would withdraw himself from them. And that (quoth he) that is objected by S. Augustine, that judas received the selfsame thing which Peter received: that I think to be understanded of the external Sacrament. And the like kind of phrase of speaking (said he) we may use concerning the baptism of Magus: that Simon Magus received that which the Apostles did receive. In deed as concerning the Sacrament of the external baptism, Simon Magus received that which the Apostles did, but that internal grace, wherewith the Apostles were endued, and that holy spirit wherewith by baptism they were inspired, he lacked. And so (quoth he) the wicked and forsaken people, which rashly presume to come to the holy table of the Lord, do receive the Sacrament and the selfsame which good and godly men receive: but the body of Christ, they do not receive, for Christ doth not vouchsafe to deliver it them. And thus he said was his opinion and belief, although he knew others to be of a contrary judgement.  
Being then after this demanded whether he thought Christ's presence to be in the Sacrament or no, he answered that Christ did give & offer to faithful and Christian men, 
How Christ is present in the Sacramedt.  his very real body and blood verily & really under sacraments of bread & wine, in somuch that they which devoutly come to be partakers of that holy food, are by the benefit thereof united and made one with Christ in his flesh and body. And therefore he said that Christ did distribute his body spiritually that he gave it truly, 
The Capernaites gross error of Christ's bodily presence in the Sacrament.  not so yet nevertheless that by these and the like words we should conceive any gross or carnal intelligence, such as the Capernaites once dreamt of, but that (quoth he) we might labour & endeavour to express by some kind of words the ineffable majesty of this mystery. For the manner whereby Christ is there present, and ministereth to the faithful his flesh, is altogether inexplicable: but we must believe (quoth he) and think, that by God's mighty power & the holy operation of his spirit, this so notable a mystery was made: & that heaven & earth was joined together in that moment, as the blessed man s. Gregory saith: the lowest parts are joined with the highest: By which is understand that holy food, whereby they which be regenerate by the holy Ghost in baptism, are nourished to immortality. And further he said that Christ's body was received in the said Sacrament by faith: which being received both body and soul, were quickened to everlasting life.  
Being then required to say his mind about transubstantiation, he gave answer that he had much traveled in that point, 
Transubstantiation.  and that he first much favoured and inclined to that part which maintained transubstantiation: in searching the verity whereof most studiously, he had been no little while occupied, and found to arise thereabout infinite, and almost inexplicable absurdities. In confuting whereof, when he had but smally contented himself, he said he took in hand the schoolmen's works, and perused Gabriel and other writers of that sort, for that by their help and aid he hoped that all inconveniences which did spring and arise by maintenance of Transubstantiation, might be clean convinced and wiped away. Of which his hope he was utterly frustrate (said he) for that he did find in those works many fond and fantastical things, which were both too foolish to be recorded in writing, and also to be alleged about such a mystery: and truly (said he) ever after the reading of them, my former zeal and opinion, touching the maintenance of transubstantiation, did every day more and more decrease, and therefore in conclusion persuaded himself to think that there was no such transubstantiation as the Schoolmen imagined and feigned to be, saying that in deed the ancient writers were plain●ly against the maintenance thereof: amongst whom, he recited by name justine, Irene, and Tertullian, notorious adversaries to the same. Furthermore, he added hereunto, 
Consecrati●● 〈◊〉 it meaneth.  that the whole School understood not what this word Consecratio was: which he defined to be the full and entire action of the whole Communion.  
Being demanded also whether we ought to worship Christ present in his holy Supper, he told us that we are bound so to do: and that it was most agreeing to piety and godly Religion. Likewise being asked whether he would have the visible Sacrament to be worshipped, which we see with our eyes, and is lifted up between the priests hands: he answered, that nothing which was visible, and to be seen with the eye, is to be adored or worshipped, nor that Christ would be elevated into any higher, or pulled down into any lower place, 
Nothing to be worshi●●ped that may be seen. The Sacrament not to be carried about.  and that he can neither be lifted up higher, nor pulled down lower.  
Again, being asked what his judgement was about the custom and manner in carrying about the Sacrament in solemn pomps, processions and otherwise: he said, that he always misliked and reproved that order: in so much that about xuj. years agone openly in the pulpit at Cambridge he spoke against that abuse and disallowed that ceremony, showing that Christ had expressed by plain and evident words a very fruitful and right use of this Sacrament, when he said Take ye: (by which phrase quoth he, he doth express that he will give a gift:) Eat ye: (by which words he doth declare the proper use and order of that his precious gift:) This is my body: (whereby he doth evidently and plainly show what by that gift they should receive, and how royal and precious a gift he would give them: and therefore he judged such pompous and superstitious ostentations utterly to be condemned and taken as plain mockeries and Counterfeit visars.  
His judgement also being asked about the Commemoration of the dead, and the remembrance of them in orisons whether he thought it profitable or no: he answered, that it seemed to him to be no less profitable than religious and godly: and that might be well proved out of the books of Maccabees. The which books although Saint Jerome adjudging as not authentic, 
In this point the judgement of Doct. Redman is not to be followed.  thought good to be read in the Temples only for the edifying of the Church, and not for the assertion of opinions: yet with me the opinions of the other writers, to whom those books are allowed as Canons, prevaileth: which he in that point thinketh good to be read.  
Being furthermore required to show his mind about trental Masses, and Masses of Scala coeli, 
Trental Masses disproved.  he showed them that they were altogether unprofitable, superstitious, and irreligious, flowing out of the filthy and impure fountain of superstition, not yielding the fruit which they promised to bring forth. The Sacrifice of the Supper of the Lord, (the Eucharist I mean) that sacrifice he said could not be offered for the sins of the quick and the dead. 
Sacrifice of the Mass disproved.   
Finally, of his own voluntary will, and no man (as far as I can call to remembrance) demanding of him, he showed his opinion concerning justification by Christ, I lament (said he) and repent, beseeching God forgiveness for the same, that to seriously and earnestly I have withstand this proposition: that only faith doth justify, but I always feared that it should be taken to the liberty of the flesh, 
faith only justifieth.  and so should defile the innocency of life which is in Christ. But that proposition: that only faith doth justify, is true (quoth he) sweet and full of spiritual comfort, if it be truly taken, and rightly understanded. And when he was demanded what he thought to be the true and very sense thereof: I understand (quoth he) that to be the lively faith, which resteth in our only Saviour jesus Christ and embraceth him: so that in our only Saviour jesus Christ, all the hope and trust of our salvation be surely fixed. And as concerning good works (said he) they have their crown and merit: and are not destitute of their rewards. Yet nevertheless they do not merit the kingdom of heaven. For no works (said he) could not purchase and obtain that blessed, happy and everlasting immortality: 
Works do not merit salvation.  no nor yet those things which we do under grace by the motion of the holy Ghost. For that blessed and immortal glory is given and bestowed upon us mortal men, of the heavenly father for his Son our Saviour Christ's sake, as S. Paul testifieth, The gift of God is eternal life. 
Rom. 6.   
And these be the resolutions which I heard him give to the questions by M. Nowell proposed. 
The judgement of D. young about the controversies of religion.  From which his sentence and judgement so heard by me and of him uttered (as I remember) I never declined or varied. I beseech our Lord jesus Christ to cease these troublous storms wherewith the Church is tossed, and vouchsafe for his holy names sake tenderly to behold & look upon his poor wretched flock so miserably scattered and dispersed, 
Anno 1552.  beseeching him also of his goodness to preserve your worship. At London the third of November.   

* Hear followeth the history no less lamentable than notable of William Gardiner an Englishman, suffering most constantly in Portyngale for the testimony of God's truth.  

The story of W. Gar●●ner. most 〈…〉 in Portugal.  Coming now to the year next following 1552. we will some what step aside, and borrow a little leave, coasting the Seas into Portugal amongst the Popish merchants there, whither a certain countryman of ours doth call me, named William Gardiner, a man verily in my judgement, not only to be compared with the most principal & chief Martyrs of these our days, but also such one, as the ancient Churches in the time of the first persecutions, can not show a more famous: whether we do behold the force of his faith, his firm and steadfast constantness, the invincible strength of his spirit, or the cruel and horrible torments: the report only and hearing whereof, were enough to put any man in horror or fear. Yet notwithstanding so far it was of that the same did discourage him, that it may be doubted whether the pain of his body, or the courage of his mind were the greater: when as in deed both appeared to be very great.  
Wherefore, if any praise or dignity amongst men, (as reason is) be due unto the Martyrs of Christ for their valiant acts, 

W. Gardiner, comparable with the Martyrs in the primit●●e church. What du●ty is to be given of Christians to the blessed Martyrs past.  
The memory of Christ's Martyrs not to be forgotten.   this one man amongst many, seemeth worthy to be numbered and also to be celebrated in the Church with Ignatius, Laurentius, Ciriatius, Grescentius, and Gordianus. And if the Church of Christ do receive so great and manifold benefits by these martyrs, with whose blood it is watered, by whose ashes it is enlarged, by whose constancy it is confirmed, by whose testimony it is witnessed, and finally through whose agonies and victories the truth of the Gospel doth gloriously triumph: let not us than think it any great matter, to requite them with our duty again, by committing them unto memory, as a perpetual token of our good will towards them. Albeit, they themselves receive no glory at our hands, and much less challenge the same: but refer it wholly unto the Lord Christ, from whom it came whatsoever great or notable thing there was in them. Notwithstanding, for so much as Christ himself is glorified in his Saints, we can not show ourselves thankful unto him, except we also show ourselves dutiful unto those, by whom his glory doth increase.  
Hereupon I think it came to pass, that the ancient Christians in the time of the first persecutions, 

How it 〈◊〉 to pass that 〈…〉 Church 〈◊〉 yearly 〈…〉 Martyr's. superstition 〈◊〉 honouring Martyrs.  
What 〈◊〉 cometh 〈◊〉 memory 〈◊〉 Martyr's 〈◊〉 us.   thought good to celebrate yearly commemorations of the martyrdom of those holy men, not so much to honour them, as to glorify God in his soldiers, unto whom all glory & praise doth worthily belong: and moreover, that we being instructed by their example, might be the more prompt and ready in the policies of those wars, to stand more stoutly in batta●le against our adversaries, and learn the more easily to contemn and despise this world. For in considering the end and death of these men, who will greatly long or lust after this life, which is so many ways miserable, through so many afflictions dolorous, through so many casualties rumours, wherein consisteth so little constancy & less safety, being never free from some hard calamity one or other? What good man would have this world in reputation, wherein he seethe so many good men so cruelly oppressed, & wherein no man can live in quietness, except he be wicked? Wherefore I do not a little marvel, 
The world 〈…〉 to 〈◊〉 wicked specially.  that in this great slaughter of good men with so many spectacles and examples of cruel torment, Christians do yet live as it were drowned in the foolish desires of this world, seeing daily before their eyes so many holy and innocent men yield up their spirits under the hands of such tormentors, to lie in filthy prisons, in bonds, darkness, and tears, & in the end to be consumed with fire. We see so many Prophets of God, even Christ himself the son of God, 
 to be so cruelly and many ways afflicted in this world, tormoiled, scourged and crucified: & yet we laugh, drink, and give ourselves unto all looseness of life, and all lasciviousness. For honour & great possessions we contend: we build: we study & labour by all means to make ourselves rich. Unto whom it doth not suffice that we with safety and freedom from their afflictions, racks, wheels, scourges, irons read hot, gredirons, fleshhooks, mallets, and other kinds of torments, may serve our Christ in peace and quiet: but being herewith not content, will give over ourselves to all kind of wickedness, to be led away at the will and pleasure of Satan?  

〈…〉 be lessons to us, to pluck us from ●his world.  But what do we think in so doing? Either we must reckon those men to be most miserable in this life, or else ourselves to be most unhappy. But if their blessedness be most certain and sure, then let us direct the course of our life to the same felicity. These men have forsaken this life, which they might have enjoyed. But if w● cannot willingly put of this life, yet let us not be slow to amend and correct the same: and though we cannot die with them in like martyrdom, yet let us mortify the worldly and profane affections of the flesh, which strive against the spirit & at the least let us not run thus headlong into the licentious desires of the world, as we do. As the life of Christian men is now, I pray thee, what do these bonds, prisons, these wounds and scars, these great fires, and other horrible torments of martyrs, then upbraid unto us our slothful sluggishness, & worthily make us ashamed thereof? Which Martyrs if in their lives they lived so innocently, & in their death continued so constant, what then is to be deemed of us which suffer nothing for Christ, and will not take upon us the small conflict against vices & our own affections? How would we suffer the cruel looks of tyrants? 
The great difference between Christ's Martyrs that have been, and the life of Christians which now is.  the fearful kinds of torments, or the violent assaults of the torments in any quarrel of godliness, if in peace and quietness we are & that with every small breath or wind of temptation we are blown away from God, so faint hearted without any resistance are carried headlong into all kind of wickedness & mischief? One singeth songs of love, an other watcheth all the night at dice, some spend their life & time day by day in hawking & hunting, some tipple so at taverns that they come home reeling. Others what soever desire of revenge doth put into their heads, that by and by they seek to put in practice. Some gape after riches: some swell with ambition: some think they are borne for no other purpose but for pleasure and pastime. All the world is full of injury and perjury, nay rather it is so rare a thing patiently to suffer injuries done unto ●s, that except we have the sleight to do injury to other, we think ourselves scarce men. There is no love almost nor Charity among men: neither is there any man that regardeth the good name or fame of his neighbour.  
But amongst all the rest, unsatiable covetousness and avarice so reigneth that no man almost is contented with any tolerable estate of life, either that will prescribe himself any measure in having that he possesseth: or in proling for the which he lacketh: never quiet, but always toiling, never satisfied but always unsatiable. Whereby it so cometh, that the minds of Christian men, being occupied in such worldly carks & cares, can scarcely find any vacant leisure to think upon heavenly things: and yet notwithstanding with these minds, we will needs seem Christians. But now setting apart these complaints spent in vain, we will prosecute our purposed story touching good W. Gardiner.  
And first as concerning his kindred, he was of an honest stock, borne at Bristol, 
The first bringing up and trade of W. Gardiner.  a town of Merchandise on the seacost of England, honestly brought up and by nature given unto gravity, of a mean stature of body, of a comely & pleasant countenance, but in no part so excellent as in the inward qualities of the mind, which he always from his childhood preserved without spot of reprehension. Also his handsome and indifferent learning did not a little commend & beautify his other ornaments. When he grew unto those years at which young men are accustomed to settle their minds to some kind of life, it happened that he gave himself to the trade of Merchandise, under that conduct & guiding of a certain merchant of Bristol, called M. Paget, 
W. Gardiner followed the trade of marchaundi●e.  by whom he was at the last (being of the age of xxvi. years, or thereabout,) sent into Spain, and by chance the ship arriving at Lisbon (which is the chief City of Portugal) he tarried there about his Merchandise, where at the last he having gotten understanding of the language and being accustomed to their manners, became a profitable servant both unto his master & others, in such things as pertained unto the trade of that vocation. Whereunto he did so apply himself that nevertheless he in that popish country reserving still the religion of his own country of England, ever kept himself sound and undefiled from the Portugals superstition. There were also besides him divers other good men in the same City. 
The Godly disposed mind of W. Gardiner.  Neither did he lack good books or the conference of good and honest men, unto whom he would oftentimes bewail his imbecility and weakness that he was neither sufficiently touched with the hatred of his sins, neither yet inflamed with the love of godliness.  
Whilst he was there abiding, it happened that there should be a solemn marriage, 
A solemn marriage between the king of Portugals son and the Spanish kings daughter in Portugal.  celebrate the first day of September in the year abovesaid, between two Princes: to say, the son of the king of Portugal, & the Spanish K. his daughter. The marriage day being come, there was great resort of the Nobility and Estates. There lacked no Bishops with Mitres, nor Cardinals with their hats, to set out this royal wedding. To be short they went forward to the wedding with great Pomp, where a great concourse of people resorted, some of good will, some for service sake, and some (as the manner is) to gaze and look. Great preparation of all parties was there throughout the whole City, as in such cases is accustomed, and all places were filled with mirth and gladness. In this great assembly of the whole kingdom, William Gardiner, who, albeit he did not greatly esteem such kind of spectacles, yet being alured through the fame and report thereof, was there also, coming thither early in the morning, to the intent he might have the more opportunity and better place to behold and see.  
The hour being come, they flocked into the church with great solemnity and pomp: the King first, and then every estate in order. 
A Popish celebration of a marriage.  The greater persons, the more ceremonies were about them. After all things were set in order, they went forward to the celebrating of their Mass: for that alone serveth for all purposes. The Cardinal did execute, with much singing and orgaine playing. The people stood with great devotion and silence, praying, looking, kneeling, and knocking, their minds being fully bend and set, as it is the manner, upon the external sacrament. How grievously these things did prick and move this young man's mind, it can not be expressed, partly to behold the miserable absurdity of those things, and partly to see the folly of the common people: and not only of the common people, 
The Godly zeal of W. Gardiner in seeing the Idolatry of the people and the great disworship of God.  but specially to see the King himself and his Council, with so many sage and wise men (as they seemed) to be seduced with like Idolatry as the common people were: In so much that it lacked very little, but that he would even that present day have done some notable thing in the King's sight and presence, but that the great press and throng that was about him, letted that he could not come unto the altar. What need many words? when the ceremonies were ended, he cometh home very sad and heavy in his mind: in so much that all his fellows marveled greatly at him: Who albeit upon divers conjectures they conceived the cause of his sadness, notwithstanding they did not fully understand that those matters so much troubled his godly mind: neither yet did he declare it unto any man, but seeking solitariness & secret places falling down prostrate before God, with manifold tears bewailed the neglecting of his duty, deliberating with himself how he might revoke that people from their impiety and superstition.  
In this deliberation and advise his mind being fully settled, and thinking that the matter ought not to be any longer differred, he renounced the world, making up all his accounts so exactly (as well of that which was due unto him, 
William Gardiner cleareth his books of accounts.  as that which he ought unto others) that no man could justly ask so much as one farthing. Which thing done, he continued night and day in prayer calling upon God, and continual meditation of the Scriptures, that scarcely he would take any meat by day, 
William Gardiner continuing in watching and prayer.  or sleep by night, or that most, above an hour or two of rest in the night, as Pendigrace his fellow companion both at bed and board, being yet alive, can testify.  
The Sunday came again to be celebrated either with like pomp & solemnity, 
William gardiner's advised preparation to the accomplishment of his purpose.  or not much less, whereas the said William was present early in the morning, very cleanly appareled even of purpose, that he might stand near the altar without repulse. Within a while after cometh the King with all his Nobles. Then Gardiner setteth himself as near the altar as he might, having a Testament in his hand, the which he diligently read upon, and prayed, until the time was come that he had appointed to work his feat. 
The Cardinal at his Mass.  The Mass began, which was then solemnised by a Cardinal. Yet he sat still. He which said Mass, proceeded, he consecrated, sacrificed, lifted up on high, showed his God unto the people, all the people gave great reverence, and as yet he stirred nothing. At the last they came unto that place of the Mass, whereas they use to take the ceremonial Host, and toss it too and fro round about the Chalice, making certain circles and semicircles. Then the said William Gardener not being able to suffer any longer, ran speedily unto the Cardinal: and (which is uncredible to be spoken) even in the presence of the King and all his Nobles and Citizens, 

William Gardiner plucketh the Cardinal's Idol out of his hands at Mass as he was leaping about the Chalice.  
William Gardiner wounded with a dagger.   with the one hand he snatched away the cake from the Priest, and trod it under his feet, and with the other hand overthrew the chalice. This matter at the first made them all abashed, but by and by there rose a great tumult, and the people began to cry out. The Nobles and the common people ran together, amongst whom, one drawing out his dagger, gave him a great wound in the shoulder, and as he was about to strike him again to have slain him, the King twice commanded to have him saved. So by that means they abstained from murder. 
William Gardiner brought before the king.   
After the tumult was ceased, he was brought unto the King: by whom he was demanded what countryman he was, 
The 〈◊〉 of William Gardiner before the king.  and how he durst be so bold to work such a contumely against his Majesty, and the Sacraments of the Church? He answered: Most noble King, I am not ashamed of my Country, which am an Englishman both by birth and religion, and am come hither only for traffic of Merchandise. And when I saw in this famous assembly so great Idolatry committed, my conscience neither aught neither could any longer su●●er, but that I must needs do that which you have seen me presently do. Which thing (most noble Prince) was not done nor thought of me for any contumely or reproach of your presence, but only for this purpose (as before God I do clearly confess) to seek the only salvation of this people.  
When they heard that he was an Englishman, 
The suspicion of th● Portugal● upon the 〈◊〉 of ● Gardiner▪  and called to remembrance how the Religion was restored by K. Edward, they were by and by brought in suspicion, that he had been suborned by Englishmen thus to do, to mock and deride their religion. Wherefore they were the more earnest upon him to know who was the author and procurer that he should commit that act. Unto whom he answered, desiring them that they would conceive no such suspicion of him, for so much as he was not moved thereunto by any man, but only by his own conscience. 
The ans●●● of Willia● Gardiner 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 suspicion the Port●●gall●.  For otherwise there was no man under the heaven, for whose sake he would have put himself into so manifest danger: but that he ought this service first unto God, and secondarily unto their salvation: wherefore if he had done any thing which were displeasant unto them, they ought to impute it unto no man, but unto themselves, which so unreverently used the holy Supper of the Lord unto so great Idolatry, not without great ignominy unto the Church, violation of the Sacraments, and the peril of their own souls, without they repented.  
Whilst that he spoke these with many other things more unto this effect very gravely and stoutly, the blood ran abundantly out of the wound, so that he was ready to faint. Whereupon Surgeons were sent for, whereby he might be cured if it were possible, and be reserved for further examination, and more grievous torment. For they were fully persuaded that this deed had divers abettors and setters on: which was the cause that all the other englishmen also in the same city came into suspicion, and were commanded to safe custody. Amongst whom, 
Pendigrace bedfellow to W. G●●●diner imprisoned upon 〈◊〉.  Pendigrace, because he was his bedfellow, was grievously tormented and examined more than the residue, and scarcely was delivered after two years imprisonment. The other were much sooner set at liberty at the intercession of a certain Duke. Notwithstanding their suspicion could not yet be satisfied, but they came unto his chamber to seek if there were any letters, 
William Gardener chamber searche●  to understand and find out the author of this enterprise. And when as they could find nothing there, they came again unto him being grievously wounded, with torments to extort of him the author of this fact, and to accuse him as guilty of most grievous heresy. Of both which points, with such dexterity as he could, he cleared himself. Wherein, albeit he spoke in the Spanish tongue well, yet he used the Latin tongue much more exactly.  
But they not being therewith satisfied, added another strange kind of torment, which (as I suppose) passeth the Bull of Phalaris. Because there should no kind of extreme cruelty be left unassayed, 
The 〈…〉 certain 〈◊〉 ran 〈◊〉 kind o● torment made o● Brass 〈◊〉 a Bull 〈◊〉 fire unto torm●●● such as were 〈◊〉 into it, 〈◊〉 make 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 a Bull.  they caused a linen cloth to be sowed round like a ball, the which they with violence put down his throat unto the bottom of his stomach, tied with a small string which they held in their hands, and when it was down, they pulled it up again with violence, so plucking it too and fro through the meat pipe, in such sort, as with much less grief they might have rid him out of his life at once.  
Thus at the last, when all torments and torments were wearied, and that it did nothing at all prevail to go this way to work, they asked him whether he did not repent his wicked and seditious deed. As touching the deed, answered, that it was so far off that he did repent, that if it were to do again, he thought he should do the same. But as touching the manner of the deed, he was not a little sorry that it was done in the King's presence to the disquietness of his mind. Howbeit, that was not to be imputed unto him, which neither enterprised or thought upon any such matter, 
Willia● Gardener not 〈…〉.  but rather to be ascribed unto the King, in that he having power, would not prohibit so great Idolatry used among his people. This he spoke with great fervency.  
After they had used all kind of torments, and saw th●t there could nothing more be gathered of him, and also that through his wounds and pains he could not long live▪ they brought him three days after to execution. And first of all, 
The right hand of W. Gardiner 〈◊〉 of in the 〈◊〉. The left 〈◊〉 of W. Gardiner cut of in the Market place.  bringing him into the Uestry, cut off his right hand, which he taking up with his left hand, kissed. Then he was brought into the market place, whereas his other hand also was cut off: which he kneeling down upon the ground, also kissed. These things thus done after the manner and fashion of Spain, his arms being bound behind him, & his feet under the horse belly, he was carried to the place of execution.  
❧ The order and manner of the cruel handling of William Gardiner, an English Merchant, tormented and burned in Portugal, in the cause of God and of his truth.  
There was in that place a certain engine, from the which a great rope coming down by a pulley, 
The wretched cruel●● of the portugals in 〈◊〉 a Christian Martyr.  was fastened about the middle of this Christian Martyr, which first pulled him up. Then was there a great pile of wood set on fire underneath him, into the which he was by little & little let down, not with the whole body, but so, that his feet only felt the fire. Then he was hoist up, and so let down again into the fire, and thus oftentimes pulled up and down. In which great torment for all that, he continued with a constant spirit: and the more terribly he burned, the more vehemently he prayed.  
At the last, when his feet were consumed, the tormentors asked him whether he did not yet repent him of his deed, 
William Gardiner at 〈◊〉 burning 〈…〉.  and exhorted him to call upon our Lady and the Saints. Whereunto he answered, that as he had done nothing whereof he did repent him, so he had the less need of the help of our Lady or any other Saint: and what external torments so ever they used, the truth (he said) remaineth always one and like unto itself: the which as he had before confessed in his life, so would he not now deny it in his death▪ desiring them to leave of such vanities and folly. For when as Christ did cease any more to be our advocate, than he would pray to our lady to be his advocate, 

W. Gardiner would not pray to our Lady, so long as he had Christ to be his advocate.  
The prayer of W. Gardiner out of the 43. Psalm.   and said: O eternal God, father of all mercies, I beseech thee look down upon thy servant. etc. And when as they sought by all means possible to stop his praying, and praising God in this sort, he cried out with a loud voice, rehearsing the 43. Psalm: judica me Deus, & discern causam meam, de gente non sancta. judge me O God, and defend my cause against the unmerciful people.  
He was not come unto the latter ending of the Psalm, when as they pulling him up and down in the fire for the more torment, the rope being burnt a sunder, he fell down in the midst thereof: whereas giving his body for a sacrifice, he changed his temporal pains for perpetual rest and quietness.  
Thus it seemed good in the sight of God by this Messenger to provoke the Portugals to the sincere knowledge of him: and therefore they ought the more to have acknowledged the great love & kindness of God offered unto them, and also the more to be mindful of their own duty and thankfulness towards him. And if it be so great an offence to violate the ordinances of man's law, and to contemn the Ambassadors of Kings and Princes, let the Portugals and all other look well unto it, 
A lesson for the Portugals.  what it is so cruelly to handle the heavenly messenger of the high God. Neither was this their cruelty altogether unrevenged by the mighty hand of God, 
The just hand of God upon persecutors.  when as not only the very same night, amongst divers of the king's ships which were in the next haven ready to sail, one was burned, being set on fire by a sparkle of Gardiner's fire driven thither with the wind, but also the kings son which then was married, died within half a year, 
It is reported that that sparkle lighted amongst gunpowder▪  and the next year after the King himself also died, and so both within one year after the tormenting of this blessed Martyr.  
Thus the body of the said Gardener being consumed, yet the rage & fury of the common people so ceased not, but they were as cruel against him being dead, as they were when he was alive, and with their tongues tormented this Martyr, when they could do no more with their hands: yea for very madness they would scarce tarry until he were burned, but every man as they could catch any piece of him half burned, threw it into the sea.  
This Sacrifice thus ended, the Clergy, to pacify God's wrath which they feared, 

The blind and miserable cruelty of the Portugals against a poor English man.  
A Popeholy fast for pacefying the wrath of their God of the Altar.   for the violating of their altar, appointed a solemn fast of certain days, for penance to purge that fact, which fact rather should have taught them to purge themselves, and to put away their filthy Idolatry, and much rather they should have fasted & repent for that their extreme cruelty they had showed unto the lively member of Christ.  
Albeit this death of William Gardiner seemeth to have profited very many of them little or nothing: yet for all that there are some (as I have heard divers report) out of whose minds the remembrance of this constant Martyr can never be pulled, and is so fresh yet amongst them, as if it were now lately done: and finally, albeit it be a good while since he was put to death, yet the memory of his death, as fruitful seed, hath taken such root in some, that even unto this present day, he is a lively and diligent preaching unto them, against superstition and Idolatry used in their Churches. Ex testimonio N. Fildi, Pendigrace, & aliorum, qui rei gestae interfuerunt.   

The tragical history of the worthy L. Edward Duke of Somerset, Lord Protector, with the whole cause of his troubles and handling.  
AFter so many troublous matters in this history aforepassed, coming now to the lamentable and tragical narration of the L. Edward duke of Somerset, 
Anno 1552.  the king's uncle, and Protector of his person & of his realm, I could not well enter into the story of him, without some premonition first to all noble personages, 
The story of the L. Protector Duke of Somerset.  of what honour or calling soever within this realm, by way of history briefly to admonish them, no man to plant any trust or assurance upon the brickle pillars of worldly prosperity, how high soever it seemeth, considering that there is no state so high, but it hath his ruin, wisdom so circumspect, but it may be circumvented, no virtue so perfect, but it may be envy, neither any man's trade so simple, but it may be beguiled. And therefore seeing the condition of mortal things is so, 
Worldly prosperity not to be trusted unto.  that no man can always stand in this so ruinous a world: the surest way is every man to choose his standing so, that his fall may be the easier. But because my purpose is (as I have said in the stories before) to abridge and make short, I will here stay, referring to the secret consideration of that which remaineth further by me in this matter to be uttered: and so falling into the story of the Lord Protectoure Duke of Somerset, we will (the Lord willing) declare in order the original and whole occasion of his trouble and decay, even from the beginning.  
King Edward, after that both his father and mother were dead, had three uncles lest him by his mother's side, Edward, Thomas, and Henry Semer, of the which two first, one was made Protector of the Realm, and the other high admiral of the same. These two brethren, so long as they were knit & joined together in amity and concord, 
Concord maketh brethren strong.  preserved both themselves, the king their nephew, and the whole common wealth from the violence and fear of all danger. But the subtle old serpent always envying man's felicity, through slanderous tongues sought to sow matter, first of discord between them, then of suspicion, and last of all extreme hatred: in so much that the Protector suffered his brother being accused (whether truly or falsely the Lord knoweth) to be condemned, and to lose his head. Whereby it came to pass (whether by the correction of God's judgement upon him, or whether that he after the death of his brother, and the king being yet but young and tender of age, was the less able to shift for himself) that not long after he was overmatched and overthrown of his enemies, and so cast into the Tower, and at last lost his head also, to the great lamentation of many good men, as in the sequel of this history followeth to be declared.  
For the better introduction of which history, first to begin with the foresaid brother of the Lord Protectoure, 
Sir Thom●● Semer 〈◊〉 admiral.  namely Sir Thomas Semer high Admiral of England, and the king's Uncle, here is to understand that he had married Queen Katherine late wife to king henry the eight, of whom ye heard before, pag. 1342. 
Displeas●●● between the Quee● & the Du●●ches of So●merset.  Now it happened (upon what occasion I know not) that there fell a displeasure betwixt the said Queen and the Duchess of Somerset, and thereupon also in the behalf of their wives, displeasure and grudge began between the brethren. Which albeit through persuasion of friends it was for a time appeased between them: 
Discord between the L. Pr●●tectour 〈◊〉 the L. A●●mirall his brother. The L. A●●mirall beheaded at tower hy●  yet in short space after (perchance not without the privy setting forward o● some which were backefrendes to the Gospel) it broke out again, both to the trouble of the Realm, and especially to the confusion of them both, as after it is proved. First to the Lord admirals charge it was laid, that he purposed to destroy the young king, and translate the Crown unto himself, and for the same being attainted and condemned, did suffer at Tower hill the 20. of March. An. 1549. As many there were which reported that the Duchess of Somersette had wrought his death: so many more there were, 
En quo discordial fratres per●ducit mise●ros.  who misdoubting the long standing of the Lord Protector in his state and dignity, thought and affirmed no les, but that the fall of the one brother, would be the ruin of the other: the experiment whereof as it hath often been proved, so in these also eftsoons it ensued.  
It was not long after the beheading of the Lord Admiral, but insurrections began to kindle the same year in divers quarters of the realm, as is above storied. 
john Du●●ley Earl 〈◊〉 Warwick afterward Duke of Northumberland.  By the occasion whereof the lord Russel, lord privy Seal was sent to the West parts, and the lord Dudley Earl of Warwick was sent with an army into Norfolk: where both he himself & a great number of Gentlemen that were with him, meeting with the rebels were in great danger: notwithstanding in the end the overthrow was given to the rebels, which was about the beginning of Septemb. 1549. After this victory achieved, in the next month following, which was October, 
Discord between the Earl 〈◊〉 Warwick● & the Lo●● Protector  how the matter fell out between the Lord Protector and certain other Lords, I know not, but at the return of the Earl of Warwick aforesaid, great working and consultation there was among the Lords, assembling themselves in the house of M. York, and at Bainard's Castle, and in the Lord majors house at London, against the Lord Protectoure remaining the● with the King at Hampton Court. Of the which business and trouble, thus the Lord Protectoure writeth in his letters to the Lord russel in the West country, as followeth.   

A letter of the L. Protector, to the L. Russel, Lord privy Seal, concerning troubles working against him.  
AFter our right hearty commendations to your good Lordship, here hath of late risen such a conspiracy against the kings Majesty and us, as never hath been seen, 
A letter o● the L. Pr●●tectour, to the L. 〈◊〉 Seal.  the which they can not maintain, but with such vain letters and false tales surmised, as was never meant nor intended on us. They pretend and say, that we have sold Boulogne to the French, and that we do withhold wages from the soldiers, and other such tales and letters they do spread abroad (of the which, if any one thing were true, we would not wish to live) the matter now being brought to a marvelous extremity, such as we would never have thought it could have come unto, especially of those men towards the king's majesty and us, of whom we have deserved no such thing, but r●ther much favour and love. But the case being as it is, this to require and pray you to hasten you hither, to the defence of the king's majesty, in such force and power as you may, to show the part of a true Gentleman, and of a very friend: the which thing we trust God shall reward and the kings Majesty in time to come, and we shall never be unmindful of it too. We are sure you shall have other letters from them, but as ye tender your duty to the king's Majesty, we require you to make no stay, but immediately repair with such force as ye have, to his highness Castle of Windsor, and cause the rest of such force as ye may make to follow you. And so we bid you right hearty farewell.  
From Hampton Court, the sixth of October. Your Lordship's assured loving friend, Edward Somerset.   

An answer to the L. Protectors letter.  
TO this letter of the Lord Protectoure sent the sixth of Octob. the L. Russel returning answer again upon the eight of the said month, first lamenteth the heavy dissension fallen between the nobility and him, which he taketh for such a plague, as a greater could not be sent of almighty God upon this Realm, being the next way (saith he) to make of us conquerors, slaves, & like to induce upon the whole realm an universal calamity & thraldom, unless the merciful goodness of the Lord do help, 
 & some wise order be taken in staying these great extremities. And as touching the Duke's request in his letters, for as much as he heard before of this broil of the Lords, & feared least so●e conspiracy had been meant against the king's person, he hasted forward with such company as he could make, for the surety of the king, as to him appertained. Now perceiving by the lords letters sent unto him the same sixth day of Oct●. these tumults to rise upon private causes between him and them, he therefore thought it expedient that a convenient power should be levied, to be in a readiness to withstand the worst (what perils soever might ensue) for the preservation both of the king, & state of the realm from the 〈◊〉 of foreign enemies, and also for the staying of bloodshed, if any such thing should be intended betwixt the parts in the heat of this faction. And this he thinking best for discharge of his allegiance, humbly beseecheth his grace to have the same also in special regard and consideration, first that the king's Majesty be put in no fear, & that if there be any such thing wherein he hath given just cause to them thus to proceed, he will so conform himself, as no such private quarrels do redound to the public disturbance of the Realm: certifying moreover the Duke, that if it were true which he understandeth by the letters of the Lords, that he should send about proclamations and letters for raising up of the commons, he liked not the same. Notwithstanding he trusted well, that his wisdom would take such a way, as no effusion of blood should follow.  
And thus much being contained in his former letters of the eight of October, in his next letters again, written the 11. day of Octob. the said Lord Russel rejoicing to hear of the most reasonable offers of the Lord Protector made to the Lords, 
The contents of the second answer of the L. russel to the Lord Protector.  writeth unto him, & promiseth to do what in the uttermost power of him (and likewise of sir W. Harbert joined together with him) do 〈◊〉, to work some honourable reconciliation between him & them: so as his said offers being accepted & satisfied, some good conclusion might ensue, according to their good hope & expectation: Signifying moreover, that as touching the levying of men, they had resolved to have the same in readiness for the benefit of the realm, 
The goo● L. russel a solicitor for peace between the Lord Protector and the Lords.  to occur all inconveniences whatsoever, either by foreign invasion or otherwise might happen, & so having their power at hand, to draw near, whereby they might have the better opportunity to be solicitors, and a means for this reformation on both parties. etc. And thus much for answer of the Lord Russel to the Lord Protectors letters.  
But now to the matter again of the Lords, who together with the Earl of Warwick (upon what occasion God knoweth) being assembled at London, 
The Lords of the Co●●●ell assembled against the Lord. Protector.  as ye heard, against the Lord Protector: when the king with his counsel at Hampton court heard thereof, first secretary P●ter with the king's message was sent unto them, whom the Lords notwithstanding detained still with them, making as yet no answer to the message. Whereupon the L. Protector writeth to them in this manner as followeth.  

A letter of the Lord Protector, to the Counsel at London.  

The Lord Protecto●s l●tter to the Lords of the Counsel at London.  MY Lords, we commend us most heartily unto you, & whereas the king's Majesty was informed that you were assembled in such sort as you do and now remain, and was advised by us and such other of his Counsel as were then here about his person, to send M. Secretary Peter unto you, with such message as whereby might have ensued the surety of his majesties person, with preservation of his realm and subjects, & the quiet both of us and yourselves, as master Secretarye can well declare to you: his majesty and we of his Counsel here do not a little marvel that you stay still with you the said M. Secretary, & have not as it were vouchsafed to send answer to his Majesty, neither by him nor yet any other. And for ourselves we do much more marvel and are right sorry, as both we and you have good cause to be, to see the manner of your doings bent● with violence, to bring the king's Majesty and us to these extremities. Which as we do intend, if you will take no other way but violence, to defend (as nature and our allegiance doth bind us) to extremity of death, and to put all to God's hand, who giveth victory as it pleaseth him: so that if any reasonable conditions and offers would take place (as hitherto none hath been signified unto us from you, nor we do not understand what you do require or seek, or what you do mean) & that you do seek no hurt to the king's majesties person: as touching all other private matters, to avoid the effusion of Christian blood, and to preserve the king's majesties person, his realm and subjects, 

No word hitherto sent from the Lords to the Lord Protector, what they required of him to do.  
Reasonable conditions offered by the Lord Protector.   you shall find us agreeable to any reasonable conditions that you will require. For we do esteem the king's wealth and tranquility of the realm, more than all other worldly things, yea more than our own life. Thus praying you to send us your determinate answer herein by M. Secretary Peter, or if you will not let him go, by this bearer: we beseech God to give both you and us grace to determine this matter, as may be to God's honour, the preservation of the king, and the quiet of us all, which may be, if the fault be not in you. And so we bid you most hearty far well. From the king's majesties  
Castle of Windsor, the 7. of Octob. 1549. Your Lordship's loving friend, E. Somerset.   
After these letters received, and the reasonable condition of the Lord Protector, and yet not much regarded of the Lords, they persisting still in their pretended purpose, took this advise: first to keep themselves in the City of London, as strong as they might: and therefore calling upon the Mayor and the Aldermen, they willed them in any case to provide a good and substantial watch by night, 
A solemn watch commanded in London.  and a good ward by day, for the safeguard of their City, and the ports and gates thereof: which was consented unto, and the Companies of London in their turns warned to watch and ward accordingly.  
Then the said Lords and Counsellors demanded of the Lord Maior and his brethren 500 men to aid them to fetch the Lord Protector out of Windsor from the king: but thereunto the Mayor answered, 
The City of London pressed with 500 m●n to fetch the L. Protector. The answer of the Lord Maior to the Lords. The Lords assembled in the L. majors house▪  that he could grant none aid without the assent of the common Counsel of the city: whereupon the next day a common council was warned. But in this mean time the said Lords of the Counsel assembled themselves at the Lord majors house of London, who then was Sir henry Amcottes Fishmonger, and W. Lock Mercer, and sir john Aileph Sheriffs of the said city, and there the said Counsel did agree and publish a Proclamation forthwith against the Lord Protector, the effect of which Proclamation was as followeth.  
1 First, 
The effect of the proclamation se● out against the Lord Protector▪  that the Protector by his malicious and evil government, was the occasion of all the sedition that of late happened within the realm.  
2 The loss of the king's pieces in France.  
3 That he was ambitious and sought his own glory, as appeared by building of most sumptuous & costly houses, in the time of the king's wars.  
4 That he esteemed nothing the grave Counsel of the Counsellors.  
5 That he sowed division between the Nobles, the gentlemen, and the commons.  
6 That the Nobles assembled themselves together at London for none other purpose, but to have caused the protector to have lived within limits, and to have put such order for the surety of the king's majesty as appertained: whatsoever the Protectors doings were, which they said were unnatural, ingrate, and traitorous.  
7 That the Protector slandered the Counsel to the king, and did that in him lay, to cause variance between the king and the nobles.  
8 That he was a great traitor, and therefore the Lords desired the city & commons to aid them, to take him from the king.  
And in witness and testimony of the contents of the said Proclamation, the Lords subscribed their names, which were these.  

The Lord Rich, Lord Chancellor.  
The Lord S. john, Lord great master, & precedent of the Counsel.  
The Lord Marquis of Northampton.  
The Earl of Warwick, Lord great Chamberlain.  
The Earl of Arundel, L. Chamberlain.  
The Earl of Shrewsburie.  
The Earl of southhampton, Wriothesley.  
Sir Thomas Cheyney knight, treasurer of the king's house, and Lord Warden of the Cinque ports.  
Sir john Gage knight, Constable of the Tower.  
Sir Wil Peter knight, Secretary.  
Sir Edward North knight.  
Sir Edward Montague, chief justice of the common place.  
Sir Ralph Sadler.  
Sir john Baker.  
Sir Edw. Wootton.  
Doctor Wootton.  
Deane of Cant.  
Sir Rich. Southwell.   
After the foresaid Proclamation was Proclaimed, the Lords or the most part of them continuing and lying in London, came the next day to the Guild hall, during the time that the Lord Maior and their brethren sat in their Court or inner chamber, 
The Lords coming into the Guild hall.  and entered and communed a long while with the Mayor, and at the last the Mayor and his brethren came forth unto the common Counsel, where was read the king's letter sent to the Mayor and citizens, commanding them to aid him with a thousand well appointed men out of their city, and to send the same with all speed to his Castle at Windsor.  
This Letter by name was directed to Sir henry Amcottes knight Lord Maior, to Sir Roulande Hill knight, Mayor elect, and to the Aldermen and common Counsel of the City of London. The day and Date of the Letter, was the sixth of October, in the third year of his reign, being assigned with the hand of the King, and of the Lord Protector, the contents of which letter, for the satisfaction of the reader, are here to be seen in manner and form as followeth.  
EDWARD. By the King.  
Trusty and well-beloved, we greet you well. We charge and command you most earnestly to give order with all speed for the defence and preservation of that our city of London for us, 
The Copy of the kings letter sent to the L. Maior, Aldermen and Citizens of London, in the behalf of the L. Protector.  and to levy out of hand, and to put in order as many as conveniently you may, well weaponed and arrayed, keeping good watch at the gates, and to send us hither for the defence of our person, one thousand of that our City, of trusty and faithful men to attend upon us and our most entirely beloved uncle, Edward Duke of Somerset, Governor of our person, and Protector of our Realms, dominions, and subjects, well harnessed, and with good and convenient weapon: so that they do make their repair hither unto us this night, if it be possible, or at the least to morrow before noon, and in the mean time to do what as appertaineth unto your duty for ours and our said uncles defence against all such as attempt any conspiracy or enterprise of violence against us our said Uncle, & as you know best for our preservation and defence at this present. Given under our Signet at our Honour of Hampton Court, the sixth of October the third year of our reign.  
You shall farther give credit to our trusty and well-beloved Owen Cleydon, the bearer hereof, in all such things as he shall further declare unto you on the behalf of us and our said uncle the Lord Protector.  
Edward Somerset.  
This Letter of the king and of the Lord Protectoure was not so secretly devised, nor so speedily sent, but the Lords keeping at London, had knowledge immediately thereof (by the means, as some suppose, of the Lord Paget, who was then with the King and the Protector, but the truth the Lord knoweth) being there ready furnished with their own ●andes of serving men, and other soldiers and men of arms.  
Who forthwith upon the same addressed their letters in semblable wise to the said Lord Maior and Aldermen, in the king's name, not only for supportation of armed men to serve their purposes, and for a sufficient watch to fortify their City, but also that they should not obey any such letters, Proclamations, or Injunctions sent to them from the Duke. Which letter of the Lords at the same instant came likewise to the Lord Maior and his brethren, the 6. day of the said month of Octob. The tenor and copy of which letter here ensueth.  

To our very good Lord, the Lord Maior, Aldermen, and Citizens of London.  
AFter our right hearty commendations unto your good Lordship: 
The letter of the Lords sent to the L. Maior & Council of London, against the Lord Protector.  knowing your hearty favour and earnest zeals to the preservation of the person of the king's Majesty & of this realm, and other his majesties realms and dominions, we have thought good to advertise you, that notwithstanding all the good advice aod Counsel that we could give to the Duke of Somerset, to stay himself within reasonable limits, and to use his government now in the tender age of his Majesty, in such sort as might tend to his highness surety, to the conservation of his estate, and to his honour: the said Duke nevertheless still continuing in his pride, covetousness, and ambition: ceaseth not daily by all the ways and means he can devise, to enrich himself without measure, and to impoverish his Majesty.  
He buildeth in four or five places most sumptuously, and leaveth the poor soldiers unpaid of their wages, unuictualled, and in all things so unfurnished, as the losses lately sustained, 
Crimes laid to th● Lord Pro●tectour by the Lord●  to the greatest dishonour that ever came to the king & this realm, do declare. He soweth daily division between the Nobles and Gentlemen, and the Commons. He rewardeth and entertaineth a number of those that were Captains of the Commons in these late insurrections: and finally in such wise subverteth all laws, justice, and good order (as it is evident) that putting his trust in the Commons, and perceiving that the Nobles and Gentlemen should be an impediment to him in his devilish purposes, he laboureth first to have them destroyed, and thinketh after easily enough to achieve his desire, which it appeareth plainly, is to occupy the king's majesties place: For his doings, who soever list to behold them, do manifestly declare, that he mindeth never to render account to his Majesty of his proceed.  
These things, with many more too long to recite, considered, we pondered with ourselves, 
just iudi●cate filii hominu●  that either we must travail for some reformation, or we must in effect as it were consent with him to the destruction of our sovereign Lord and Country. Whereupon laying apart all respects, and resting only upon our duties, we joined in Counsel, and thought quietly to have treated the matter with him. Who perceiving that we joined for the king, and would have such order as might be for the surety of his majesties person, and the common wealth, strait put himself in force, and resteth at plain point (as it appeareth) either to go through with his detestable purpose, in sort as he hath done, or to try it by the sword.  
Now, for as much as we see presently, that unless there be a reformation, the person of the king's Majesty is in most certain danger, and this Realm our natural Country like to be destroyed with all our posterities, like as we have again fully resolved with God's help, either to deliver the king's Majesty and the realm from this extreme ruin and destruction, or to spend our lives for the declaration of our faithful hearts and duties: so knowing your hearty good wills and troth to his Majesty, and therefore nothing doubting of your readiness to join with us in our godly purpose, we thought good to let you know the very troth of our enterprise, and in the king's majesties behalf to require you, not only to put good and substantial order for watch and ward, but also to have an earnest continual regard to the preservation within your City, of all harness, weapons, and munitions, so as none be suffered to be conveyed to the said Duke, nor any others attending about him: and besides that, you from henceforth obey no letters, proclamations, nor other commandments to be sent from the said Duke. And thus we bid your Lordship most hearty far well.  
From London, the sixth of October. Your Lordship's assured loving friends. 

Will. Saint john.  
W. Northampt.  
john Warwick.  
Arundel.  
Th. Southampton.  
William Peter.  
Edward North.  
john Gage.  
Rich. Southwell.     
After the receiving of these two Letters above mentioned, the one from the King, the other from the Lords, 
The City of Londo● urged wi●● two con●trary lette● at one instant.  which came both at one instant, with contrary commandment to the Lord Maior and Citizens of London, the case seemed hard to them, and very doubtful (as it was in deed) what way to take, and what were best for the Citizens to do. On the one side the name and authority of the king was much, on the other side the power and garrisons of the Lords, lying then in London, was not little, which seemed then to be such, as would have no repulse.  
The case thus standing perplexedly, first by the mouth of the Recorder it was requested, 
The Rec●●●der speaketh for 〈◊〉 Lords▪  that the Citizens would grant their aid rather unto the Lords, for that the Protector had abused both the king's majesty, and the whole Realm, & that without he were taken from the king, and made to understand his folly, this Realm was in great hazard, and therefore required that the citizens would willingly assent to aid the Lords with 500 men.  
Hereunto of a great part of the Common Counsel, was no other answer made but silence. But the Recorder (who at that time was M. Brooke) still cried upon them for answer. 
The gra●● Oration o● a discrete Citizen speaking for the ki●● whose name was George Stadlow 〈◊〉 Parliament man. Division between the 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉  At the last stepped up a wise and a good Citizen named George Stadlowe, and said:  
In this case, it is good for us to think of things past, to avoid the danger of things to come. I remember (sayeth he) in a story written in Fabians Chronicle, of the war between the King and his Barons, which was in the time of king Henry the third, & the same time the Barons (as our Lords do now) demanded aid of the Mayor and city of London, and that in a rightful cause for the common weal, which was for the execution of divers good laws against the king, which would not suffer those laws to be put in execution: and the city did aid them, & it came to an open battle, and the Lords prevailed against the king, and took the king and son prisoners, 
 and upon certain conditions the Lords restored the king and his son again to their liberties, & among all other conditions this was one, that the king should not only grant his pardon to the lords, but also to the citizens of London: the which was granted, yea and the same was ratified by act of parliament. But what followed of it? Was it forgotten? No surely, nor forgiven neither, during the king's life. The liberties of the city were taken away, strangers appointed to be our heads and governors, the Citizens given away body and goods, and from one persecution to an other were most miserably afflicted. Such is it to enter into the wrath of a Prince, as Solomon sayeth: The wrath and indignation of a Prince is death. Wherefore, for as much as this aid is required of the kings Majesty, 
〈◊〉 wrath 〈…〉 be 〈◊〉.  whose voice we ought to hearken unto, for he is our high Shepherd, rather than unto the Lords, and yet I would not wish the Lords to be clearly shaken off: my counsel is, that they with us, and we with them may join in suit, and make our most humble petition to the king's majesty, that it would please his highness to hear such complaint against the government of the Lord Protectoure, as may be justly alleged and proved, and I doubt not, but this matter will be so pacified, that neither shall the king, nor yet the Lords have cause to seek for further aid, neither we to offend any of them both.  
After this tale the Commons stayed, and the Lord Maior and his brethren for that time broke up, till they had further communed with the Lords. To make short, I let pass what order by the City was taken. 
〈◊〉 is to 〈◊〉 noted 〈◊〉 the City levied 〈◊〉 men, but they were not 〈◊〉.  But the conclusion was, that the Lords (upon what occasion I know not) sat the next day in Counsel in the Star chamber, & from thence sent sir Philip Hobby with their letter of credence to the king's majesty, beseeching his majesty to give credit to that which the said sir Philip should declare unto his majesty in their names: and the king gave him liberty to speak, and most gently heard all that he had to say. Who so handled the matter, declaring his message in the name of the Lords, that in the end the Lord Protector was commanded from the king's presence, 

The Lord Protector committed to prison▪ in Winsore castle.  
The Lord Protector committed to the tow●●.  
Articles objected against the ●ord Protector.   & shortly was committed to ward in a tower within the castle of Windsor, called Bewchamp Tower, and soon after were stayed sir Tho. Smith, master whaley, master Fisher, & many other gentlemen that attended upon the Lord Protector. The same day the Lords of the Counsel resorted to the King, and the next day they brought from thence the Lord Protector, and the other that were there stayed, and conveyed them through the City of London unto the Tower, and there left them.  
Shortly after the Lords resorted unto the Tower, and there charged the Lord Protector with sundry articles, as follow.   

Articles objected against the Lord Protector.  
1 IN primis, you took upon you the office of Protector and Governor, upon condition expressly and specially, that you would do nothing in the kings affairs, publicly or privately, but by the assent of the late kings executors.  
2 Also you, contrary to the said condition, of your own authority, did stay and let justice, and subverted the laws, as well by your letters, as by your commandments.  
3 Also, you caused divers persons being arrested and imprisoned for treason, murder, manslaughter, and felony, to be discharged and set at large, against the king's laws, and statutes of this realm.  
4 Also, you have made and ordained Lieutenants for the king's armies & other weighty affairs, under your own writing and seal.  
5 Also, you have communed with the Ambassadors of other Realms, discoursing alone with them the weighty causes of this Realm.  
6 Also you have sometime rebuked, checked, and taunted, as well privately as openly, divers of the kings most honourable Counsellors, for showing & declaring their advises and opinions against your purposes in the king's weighty affairs, saying sometimes to them, that you need not to open matters unto them, and would therefore be otherwise advised: and that you would, if they were not agreeable to your opinion, put them out, and take other at your pleasure.  
7 Also, you had and held against the law in your own house, a Court of Requests, and thereby did enforce divers the kings subjects to answer for their free holds and goods, and determined the same to the subversion of the same laws.  
8 Also, you being no Officer, without the advise of the Counsel, or the more part of them, did dispose of the Offices of the king's gift, for money, and granted leases and Wards of the kings, and gave presentations to the king's benefices & bishoprics, having no authority so to do. And farther, you did meddle with the selling of the kings lands.  
9 Also, you commanded Multiplication and Alcumistry to be practised, to abuse the king's coin.  
10 Also, you caused a proclamation to be made concerning enclosures, whereby the common people have made divers insurrections, & levied open war, and distre●ed & spoiled divers of the king's subjects, which proclamation went forth against the will of the whole counsel.  
11 Also, you have caused a commission, with certain articles thereunto annexed, to be made our concerning enclosures of commons, high ways, decaying of cottages, and divers other things, giving the Commissioners authority to hear and determine the same causes, to the subversion of the laws and statutes of this realm: whereby much sedition, insurrection, and rebellion, have risen and grown among the king's subjects.  
12 Also, you have suffered the rebels and traitors to assemble and to lie in camp and armour against the king, his Nobles and gentlemen, without any speedy subduing or repressing of them.  
13 Also you did comfort and encourage divers of the said rebels, by giving of them divers sums o● your own money, and by promising to divers of them, sees▪ rewards, and services.  
14 Also, you in favour of the said rebels, did against the laws, cause a Proclamation to be made, that none of the said rebels or traitors should be sued or vexed by any person for any their offences in the said rebellion, to the clear subversion of the same laws.  
15 Also, you have said in the time of the rebellion, that you liked well the doings and proceed of the said rebels and traitors, and said, that the covetousness of the gentlemen gave occasion to the common people to rise: saying also, that better it were for the Commons to die, then pearish for lack of living.  
16 Also, you said that the Lords of the parliament were loath to incline themselves to reformation of enclosures and other things: therefore the people had good cause to reform the things themselves.  
17 Also, you after the report and declaration of the defaults and lacks reported to you by such as did survey Bulloyne and the Pieces there, would never amend the same defaults.  
18 Also, you would not suffer the king's pieces beyond the seas, called Newhaven, & Blacknest to be furnished with men and victuals, although you were advertised of the defaults therein by the captains of the same pieces & others, & were thereto advertised by the king's Counsel: whereby the French king being the kings open enemy, was encouraged and comforted to invade and win the said pieces, to the kings great loss, and dishonour of his realm.  
19 Also, you declared and published untruly, as well to the king's majesty, and other the young Lords attendant upon his grace's person, that the Lords of the Counsel at London, minded to destroy the king, & you required the king never to forget it, but to revenge it: and likewise you required the young Lords to put the king in remembrance thereof, to the intent to make sedition, and discord between the king and his Lords.  
20 Also, where the kings majesties privy Counsel, of their love and zeal that they did bear unto the king & his Realm, did consult at London to have communed with you, to the intent to move you charitably to amend your doings and misgovernment, you hearing of their said assembly, did cause to be declared by letters in divers places, the said Lords to be high traitors to the king, to the great disturbance of the realm.  
And thus much hitherto concerning the first trouble of the Lord Protectoure, Duke of Somersette, 
The merciful working of the Lord for the Lord Protector.  with the crimes and articles objected against him, with his prisonment also in the Tower, and the terrible proclamation given out against him. All which purposes of man, though they seemed fully intended to no less, but to the spilling of his life: yet the Lord above, the only disposer of all men's purposes, 
The Lord Protector delivered out of the tower.  so ordered the matter by the means of the king labouring for his Uncle, that in short while after, he was let out of the Tower, and the Proclamation, which before had made him a traitor, within three days was called in again, a Domino factum est istud,) with commandment given, none of them to be sold. And so the Duke of Somerset graciously escaping this adversity, was again restored, though not to his former office, yet unto liberty: wherein he continued the space of two years and two days.  
After the which time of respite being expired, the said Duke of Somerset was apprehended & committed again to the Tower, 
The second trouble of the Duke of Somerset.  and with him also Sir Michael Stanhop, sir Ralph Uane, sir Miles Partridge, & other. etc. At length the time being come of his arrainment, the foresaid good Duke being conveyed from the Tower, was brought thorough London with the axe of the tower before him, & with great preparance of bills, halbards, pikes, and pole-axes, in most forcible wise: a watch also set and appointed before every man's door through the high street of London, 
The Duke of Somerset again br●ught to the towe●.  and so was he brought into Westminster hall, where the Lords of the counsel sitting as his judges in the middle of the hall, upon a new scaffold, he was there before them arraigned and charged both with treason and felony.  
In the which judgement, I pass over the unseemly speech, the vile taunts, and despiteful rebukes, without all modesty or honesty, 
The vile taunts of certain justices and others sitting in judgement against the good Duke of Somerset.  used by certain of the Sergeants and justices, and some other sitting there. All which notwithstanding he patiently & quietly did suffer, neither storming inwardly in stomach, nor reviling them with words again: but like a lamb following the true lamb, & example of all meekness, was contented to take all things at their hands, and with no less patience to bear now their ungentle and cruel railings, 
The great patience of the Duke of Somerset in taking rebukes.  than he did before their glavering words and flatterings in time of his high estate and prosperity. And as the patience of this good Duke was marvelous in forbearing his enemies, so also was his discretion and temperance no less seen in answering for himself to the articles to him objected: whereunto he wisely and substantially replied, 
The discrete behaviour of the Duke in answering for himself.  putting himself in the end to be tried by his Peers. Who then at length after consultation had, did frame and temper their verdict thus, that as concerning the case of treason, wherewith he was charged, they discharged him, but they accounted him guilty of felony. When the people (which were there present to a great number) heard the Lords say, Not guilty, (meaning by the case of treason) supposing no less, but that he had been clearly acquitted by these words, 
The hearty affection of the people toward the Duke of Somerset.  and especially seeing the Axe of the Tower to be carried away, for great joy and gladness made an outcry, well declaring their loving affection and hearty favour unto the Duke, whose life they greatly desired. But this opinion of the people was deceived, and the innocent Duke condemned to die for felony. Which act of felony had been made a little before against the rebels, and unlawful assembles, such as should seek or procure the death of any counsellor, 
The Duke of Somerset condemned of felony.  so that every such attempt and procurement, according to the act, should be judged felony. By the virtue of which Act, the Duke being accused, with certain other his complices, to intend and purpose the death of the Duke of Northumberlande, and of certain beside, 
Statut. an. 5. Reg. Edw 6.  was therefore cast and condemned of felony, and so was returned toward the Tower again.  
At whose passage through the City, great exclamations and outcries were made again of the people, 
The Duke of Somerset accused for seeking the death of the Duke of Northumberland.  some rejoicing that he was acquitted, some bewailing that he was condemned.  
Thus the good Duke passing through a great part of the City, landing at the Crane of the Uinetrie, was conveyed unto the Tower, where he endured till the 22. of january. Upon the which day at the coming down of the letter of execution from the King and the Counsel, the foresaid Duke and Uncle to the King, being found no traitor, only being cast by the Act of felony, was delivered unto the Sheriffs, and so brought to the place of execution.  
Touching which execution, a few words here would be bestowed in describing the wonderful order and manner thereof, according as it hath faithfully been suggested to us upon the credit of a certain noble parsonage, who not only was there present at the deed doing, but also in a manner next unto him upon the scaffold, beholding the order of all things with his eyes, and with his pen also reporting the same in order and manner as here followeth.  
In the year of our Lord 1552. the 22. day of january, in the sixth year of the reign of king Edward the sixth, he being yet under age and governance of Tutors: the noble Duke of Somersette, uncle to king Edward, was brought out of the tower of London, and according to the manner, delivered to the Sheriffs of the City: and compassed round about with a great number of armed men, both of the guard and others, he was brought unto the scaffold on Tower hill: where as he nothing changing neither voice nor countenance, but in a manner with the same gesture which he commonly used at home, kneeling down upon both his knees, and lifting up his hands, commended himself unto God.  
After that he had ended a few short prayers, standing up again, and turning himself toward the East side of the Scaffold, nothing at all abashed (as it seemed unto me standing about the midst of the Scaffold, and diligently marking all things,) neither with the sight of the axe, 
The chea●●●full counte●nance of 〈◊〉 Duke of Somerset his death▪  neither yet of the hangman, or of present death: but with the like alacrity and cheerfulness of mind and countenance as before times he was accustomed to hear the causes and Supplication of other, and especially the poor (towards whom, as it were with a certain fatherly love to his children, he always showed himself most attentive) he uttered these words to the people.  
Dearly beloved friends, 
The wor● of the Duke of Somerset people the people at his dea●●▪  I am brought hither to suffer death, albeit that I never offended against the king, neither by word nor deed, and have been always as faithful & true unto this Realm, as any man hath been. But for somuch as I am by a law condemned to die, I do acknowledge myself as well as others to be subject thereunto. Wherefore to testify my obedience which I own unto the laws, I am come hither to suffer death: whereunto I willingly offer myself, with most hearty thanks unto God, that hath given me this time of repentance, who might thorough sudden death have taken away my life, that neither I should have acknowledged him nor myself.  
Moreover (dearly beloved friends) there is yet somewhat that I must put you in mind of as touching Christian religion: which so long as I was in authority, I always diligently set forth and furthered to my power. Neither I repent me of my doings, but rejoice therein, sith that now the state of Christian religion cometh most near unto the form and order of the Primitive Church. 
The 〈◊〉 the Duk● Summersault setting forth tru● religion▪  Which thing I esteem as a great benefit given of God, both unto you and me: most heartily exhorting you all, that this which is most purely set forth unto you, you will with like thankfulness accept and embrace, and set out the same in your living. Which thing if you do not, without doubt, greater mischief and calamity will follow.  
When he had spoken these words, 
A sudden noise and fear of people 〈◊〉 the deat● the Du●● Somers●●▪  suddenly there was a terrible noise heard: whereupon there came a great fear on all men. This noise was as it had been the noise of some great storm or tempest, which unto some seemed to be heard from above: like as if a great deal of gunpowder being enclosed in an armory, and having caught fire, had violently broken out. But unto some again, it seemed as though it had been a great multitude of horsemen running together, or coming upon them. Such a noise was then in the ears of all men, albeit they saw nothing. Whereby it happened, that all the people being amazed without any evident cause, without any violence or stroke stricken, or any man seen, they ran away, some into the ditches and puddles, and some into the houses thereabout: other some being afraid with the horror and noise, fell down groveling unto the ground with their pole-axes and halberds, & most part of them cried out: jesus save us, jesus save us. Those which tarried still in their places, for fear knew not where they were. And I myself which was there present among the rest, being also afraid in this hurly burly, stood still altogether amazed, looking when any man would knock me in the head. It happened here, as the Evangelists write, it did unto Christ, when as the officers of the high Priests and Phariseis coming with weapons to take him, being astonished, ran backwards, and fell to the ground.  
In the mean time, 
The like story you shall rea● Caius M●●rius, in V●●lerius M●●●imus the book & chapter.  whilst these things were thus in doing, the people by chance spied one sir Anthony Broune riding unto the scaffold: which was the occasion of a new noise. For when they saw him coming, they conjectured that which was not true, but notwithstanding which they all wished for, that the king by that messenger had sent his uncle pardon: and therefore with great rejoicing & casting up their caps, they cried out, Pardon, pardon is come: God save the king. Thus this good Duke, although he was destitute of all man's help, 
The grea● favour of the people to the 〈◊〉 of Somer●set.  yet he saw before his departure, in how great love & favour he was with all men. And truly I do not think, that in so great slaughter of Dukes as hath been in England within these few years, there was so many weeping eyes at one time: and not without cause. For all men did see in the decay of this Duke, the public ruin of all england, except such as in deed did perceive nothing. But now to return from whence we have strayed, the Duke in the mean time standing still in the same place, modestly and with a grave countenance, made a sign to the people with his hand, that they would keep themselves quiet. Which thing being done, & silence obtained, he spoke unto them in this manner.  
dearly beloved friends, 
The word of the Du●● again to the people▪  there is no such matter here in hand, as you vainly hope or believe. It seemeth thus good unto almighty God, whose ordinance it is meet and necessary that we all be obedient unto. Wherefore I pray you all to be quiet, and to be contented with my death, which I am most willing to suffer: and let us now join in prayer unto the Lord, for the preservation of the King's Majesty, unto whom hitherto I have always showed myself a most faithful and true subject. I have always been most diligent about his Majesty in his affairs both at home and abroad, and no less diligent in seeking the common commodity of the whole Realm. At which words all the people cried out, and said, it was most true.  

 Then the Duke proceeding, said: Unto whose Majesty I wish continual health, with all felicity & all prosperous success. Whereunto the people again cried out, Amen.  
Moreover, I do wish unto all his counsellors the grace and favour of God, whereby they may rule in all things uprightly with justice. Unto whom I exhort you all in the Lord, to show yourselves obedient, as it is your bounden duty, under the pain of condemnation, and also most profitable for the preservation and safeguard of the King's Majesty.  
Moreover, for so much as heretofore I have had oftentimes affairs with divers men, 
The confession of the Duke of Somerset  & hard it is to please every man, therefore if there be any that hath been offended & injuried by me, I most humbly require & ask him forgiveness: but especially almighty God, whom throughout all my life I have most grievously offended: and all other, whatsoever they be that have offended me, I do with my whole hart forgive them. Now I once again require you, dearly beloved in the Lord, that you will keep yourselves quiet and still, least through your tumult you might trouble me. For albeit the spirit be willing and ready, the flesh is frail and wavering: and through your quietness I shall be much more quieter. 
The Duke ●f Summersault 〈◊〉 in the 〈◊〉 of Ie●●● Christ.  Moreover, I desire you all to bear me witness, that I die here in the faith of jesus Christ: desiring you to help me with your prayers, that I may persevere constant in the same unto my lives end.  
After this, he turning himself again about like a meek lamb, 
●. Cox 〈◊〉 ghostly 〈◊〉.  kneeled down upon his knees. Then doctor Cox, which was there present to counsel and advertise him, delivered a certain scroll into his hand, wherein was contained a brief confession unto God. Which being read, he stood up again upon his feet, without any trouble of mind (as it appeared) and first bade the sheriffs farewell, than the Lieutenant of the Tower and other, taking them all by the hands which were upon the scaffold with him. Then he gave the Hangman certain money. Which done, he put off his gown, and kneeling down again in the straw, untied his shirt strings. After that, the hangman coming unto him, turned down his collar round about his neck, and all other things which did let or hinder him. Then lifting up his eyes to heaven, where his only hope remained, and covering his face with his own handkerchief, he laid himself down along, showing no manner of token of trouble or fear, neither did his countenance change, but that before his eyes were covered, there began to appear a red colour in the midst of his cheeks.  
Thus this most meek and gentle Duke lying along, and looking for the stroke, because his doublet covered his neck, he was commanded to rise up and put it off: and then laying himself down again upon the block, 
The godly 〈◊〉 of the Duke of Summersault.  and calling thrice upon the name of jesus saying: Lord jesus save me, as he was the third time repeating the same, even as the name of jesus was in uttering, in a moment he was bereft both of head & life, & slept in the Lord jesus, being taken away from all the dangers and evils of this life, and resting now in the peace of God: in the preferment of whose truth and Gospel he always showed himself an excellent instrument and member, and therefore hath received the reward of his labours. Thus gentle Reader, thou hast the true history of this worthy and noble Duke, and if any man report it otherwise, let it be counted as a lie.  
As touching the manners, disposition, life, and conversation of the said Duke and the King's uncle, what shall we need to speak, when as he can not be sufficiently commended, according to the dignity of his virtues? There was always in him great humanity, and such meekness and gentleness, as is rare to be found in so high estate. He was prone and ready to give care unto the complaints and supplications of the poor, 
The virtues of the Duke of Somerset declared.  & no less attentive unto the affairs of the common wealth. Which if he had lived together with king Edward, was like to do much good in reforming many misorders within this realm. He was utterly ignorant of all craft and deceit, and as far void of all pride and ambition, as he was from doing of injury, being indeed utterly void of both. He was of a gentle disposition, not coveting to be revenged: more apt & ready to be deceived, then to deceive. His ancient love & zeal of the Gospel & of religion he brought with him to the state of this his dignity. The proof whereof sufficiently was seen in his constant standing to gods truth, and zealous defence thereof, 
The zealous standing of the Duke of Somerset in defence of the truth against the Bishops at Winsore.  against the Bishops of Chichester, Norwich, Lincoln, London, and others more, in the Consultation had at Windsor, the first year of the kings reign.  
Briefly, considering the nature and virtues of this Duke, I may (as seemeth) not unaptly compare and resemble him unto Duke Humphrey, the good Duke of Gloucester. Who likewise being uncle unto king Henry 6. and Protector of the Realm (as this was also to king Edw. the 6.) yet he wanted not his enemies and privy enueyers especially Henry Beauford Cardinal, Bishop of Winchester, and Lord Chancellor of England: 
A comparison between Duke Humphrey Uncle to K. Henry. 6. and the Duke of Somerset Uncle to K. Edward. 6.  who at that time disdaining and envying the rule and authority of this Duke, procured much trouble against him, and great division in the whole realm, in so much that all the Shops within the City of London were shut in, for fear of the favourers of these two great personages: For each part had assembled no small number of people.  
For pacifying whereof the Archbishop of Caunterbury and the Duke of Quimber, called the Prince of Portugal, road eight times in one day between the two adversaries. Such were then the troubles of these tumultuous division within the realm, between these two: 
Touching the trouble of the Duke of Gloucester, read before pag. 67●.  as is before expressed, pag. 679. not much unlike to the troublesome discord betwixt parties in this Protectors days. And as in their afflictions and troubles, these two Dukes seemed not much unlike, so in matters of religion, and in discerning truth from falsehood, their zeal seemed not much discrepant. Although the light of the Gospel did not so fully then shine out, as in the time of this latter Duke (the Lord be praised therefore) yet the wisdom and towardness of the other Duke also touching the same, was not utterly unworthy of his commendation. 
A false miracle detected by Duke Humphrey of Gloucester.  For the more manifest declaration whereof, amongst many other his godly doings, we may take for example the prudent and famous act of that noble Duke, in discerning and trying out the false lying miracle and popish hypocrisy of the blind beggar at S. Albon's mentioned in his story before, pag. 679. For the which cause, and for his diligent study in reforming that and such other blind abuses of feigned Religion, he was the more hated of the spirituality, and such as Winchester then was.  
Finally, as this Lord Protector Duke of Somerset the kings uncle, by certain of the Counsel was then accused, arraigned & condemned for the trespass (as it was given forth) of felony (although I never heard he murdered or rob any) so the other uncle of king Henry the 6. was made away. 
The testimony of M. William tindal of good Duke Humphrey. The happy success of the Duke of Somerset in his victories.  Of whose decease thus writeth Master W. tindal in his practice of Prelaets: At the last they found the means to contrive a drift to bring their matters to pass & made a Parliament far from the Citizens of London, where was slain the said good Duke, & the only wealth of the Realm, and the mighty shield which so long had kept it from sorrow, which shortly after his death fell upon them by heaps. But the Chronicles (saith he) cannot tell wherefore he died, nor by what means. Nevertheless, this they testify, that he was a virtuous man, godly and good to the common wealth.  
But to leave Duke Humphrey, and to return to the manners and virtues of the Duke of Somerset, which before we were about to describe: as he was a gentle and courteous Duke at home, so was he no less fortunate a Captain in warfare abroad. 
God's chastisement upon the Duke of Somerset.  Under whose government & guiding not only divers rebellious commotions were happily suppressed here at home, but also abroad in the expedition of Scotland such a victory was given him of God, that with the loss scarce of six hundred of his own men, there were of the enemies as good, or little less than x. thousand slain and put to flight, and even the very same day and time in the which all the Idolatrous Images were here burnt at London. And yet all these wars notwithstanding, whereunto he was against his will compelled, he was a man of nature singularly given to peace, as may be seen by the sweet and peaceable exhortation by him set forth in print before, and sent to the realm of Scotland.  
But as there is nothing in this world so perfect in all respects, which is not blotted or darkened with some spot of vice adjoined withal: so amongst the manifold commendations of this Duke, one thing there was too, which both desteyned his honour and estimation much, and also more impaired and hindered his own life & safety: which was, that he in condescending to the death of his brother, followed too rashly the persuasion of certain, whosoever they were: for that matter lacked not perchance some singular fetch and policy of some, more craftily then godly disposed persons, as many good men have supposed.  
But what soever of that matter is to be deemed, credible, it is, that the said Duke in suffering or procuring this death of his brother, not only endamaged himself, & weakened his own power, but also provoked the chastisement of God's scourge and rod, which did so light upon him.  
Furthermore, as touching the death and decay of the Lord Henry Earl of Surrey, who suffered also at the Tower next before the Lord Admiral, the Lord Protectors brother, because the casting of him was so near to the death of King Henry: 
The beheading of the Earl of Surrey.  as I know not upon whom, or what cause the same did proceed, so I pass it over and leave it to the Lord. Notwithstanding, as for the Duke of Somerset, whatsoever his other vices and virtues were, this is certain, that his end (the Lord so working with him) was constant in Christ's truth, as his life was before a great maintenance of the same.  
Moreover, on the xxuj. day of February, in the same year was sir Ralph Uane, 

Sir Ralph Vane, Sir miles Partridge.  
Sir Michael Stanhop, and Sir Thomas Arundel suffered at Tower hill.   sir Miles Partridge both hanged at the Tower hill: And sir Michael Stanhop, & sir Thomas Arundel beheaded upon the scaffold: all which four were condemned by the said Act of unlawful assembly, and as accessaries unto the Duke of Somerset.  
Not long after the death of the Duke of Somerset, in the next year following deceased the King himself about the month of june, whereof more shall be said (the Lord granting) in his due order and course hereafter. In the mean season, before we come to close up the latter end and story of this good King, the place here present seemeth not unfit to intermixed by the way a few other things before, 
Religion hindered by discord.  happening within the time of his reign, namely concerning matters incident, of the Church & of Religion. Which state of Religion begun well to grow, & to come happily forward during this King's days, had not the unhappy troubles of the outward state amongst the Lords not agreeing within themselves, disquieted the good towardness of things begon. But the malice of the devil how subtly worketh it, if men could see it? So long as the Lords agreed in concord among themselves, Winchester and Boner, with all that faction, was cut short, and began to condescend to good conformity. But afterward perceiving the states and nobles of the Realm to be among themselves divided, and the Lord Protector the King's uncle displaced, and his brother the Admiral before beheaded, and the young King now left in that case, they begun upon some hope to take more hart unto them, 
Discord what decay it worketh in a common wealth.  till at last it came to pass, as they themselves desired. And thus though nothing else will lead us, yet experience may teach us what discord worketh in public weals: and contrary, what a necessary thing concord is to the advancement especially of God's matters appertaining to his Church. Examples whereof in this King's days be not far to seek. For as touching the success of the Gospel of peace, 
D. Smyth, Chadsey, Standish, Young, Oglethorpe, reclaimed from their errors.  while public peace and the Gospel did join together, marvelous it was how error & Popery were in themselves confounded, and ashamed almost to show their faces. In so much that then both Doctor Smith, Chadsey, Standishe, Young, Oglethorpe, with many more recanted their former ignorance, whose recantations I have to show. Boner then with his own hand subscribed to the King's supremacy, and promoted his Injunctions.  
The same also did Steven Gardiner, subscribing with his own hand to the first book of the Kings proceed, 
The Gospel how it flourished so long as peace continued.  and no doubt had done no less to the second book also set forth by the King, had not the unfortunate discord fallen amongst the nobles in time so unfortunate, as than it did. briefly during all that time of peace and concord, what Papist was found in all the Realm, which for the Pope's devotion would or did once put his neck in the halter to die a Martyr for his sake?  
I showed before how in these peaceable days of King Edward, Peter Martyr, Martin Bucer, Paulus Phagius, 
Peter Martyr, Martin Bucer, & Paulus Phagius, placed in the universities.  with other learned men more, were entertained, placed and provided for in the two Universities of this Realm, Oxford and Cambridge, who there with their diligent industry did much good. The learned and fruitful disputations of whom, I have likewise present in my hands here to insert, but that the bigness of this Volume driveth me to make short, especially seeing their disputations be so long and prolix as they be, and also in Latin, and require of themselves a whole Volume to comprehend them.  
First, Peter Martyr being called by the King to the public reading of the Divinity Lecture in Oxford, 

The kings Visitors at the disputation in Oxford.  
The conclusions to be disputed in Oxford.   amongst his other learned exercises did set up in the public schools iij. conclusions of Divinity to be disputed & tried by Argument. At which disputations were present the King's visitors, to wit, Henry Bishop of Lincoln, Doctor Cox Chancellor of that University, Doctor Haynes Deane of Exeter, M. Richard Morison Esquire; Christopher Nevynson Doctor of Civil law. The conclusions propounded were these.  
1. In the Sacrament of thanks giving there is no transubstantiation of bread and wine into the body and blood of Christ.  
2. The body and blood of Christ is not carnally or corporally in bread and wine, nor as other use to say, under the kinds of bread and wine.  
3. The body and blood of Christ be united to bread and wine Sacramentally.  
They which were the chief disputers against him on the contrary side, were Doct. Tresham, D. Chadsey, 
Disputers on the contrary part against Peter Ma●●tyr.  and Morgan. The reasons and principal Arguments of Peter Martyr heereunder follow.   

¶ The Arguments of Peter Martyr upon the first conclusion.  

The Scriptures most plainly do name and acknowledge bread and wine. 
The first argument of Peter Martyr a●gaynst tra●●substantia●tion.  In the Evangelists we read that the Lord jesus took bread, blessed it, broke it, and gave it to his Disciples. S. Paul likewise doth ofttimes make mention of bread.  
Ergo, we also with the scriptures ought not to exclude bread from the nature of the sacrament.   

Cyprianus.  
As in the person of Christ, his humanity was seen outwardly, and his Divinity was secret within: 
Cyprian sermon. De caena Domini.  so in the visible Sacrament the divinity inserteth itself in such sort as can not be uttered, that our devotion about the Sacraments might be the more religious.  
Ergo, as in the person of Christ: so in the Sacrament both the natures ought still to remain.   

Gelasius.  
The Sacraments which we receive of the body and blood of Christ, are a Divine matter: by reason whereof, 
Gelasius contra E●●tithen.  we are made partakers by the same, of his Divine nature, and yet it ceaseth not still to be the substance of bread and wine. And certes the representation and similitude of the body and blood of Christ, be celebrated in the action of the mysteries, etc.   

Augustinus.  
As the person of Christ consisteth of God and man, when as he is true God, and true man. 
August. 〈◊〉 consecrated dist. 2. ex Sententi Presperi●  For every thing containeth in itself the nature and verity of those things whereof it is made. Now the Sacrament of the Church is made of two things, that is, of the Sacrament that signifieth, and of the matter of the Sacrament that is signified, etc.   

Theodoretus.  
These visible mysteries which are seen, he hath honoured with the name of his body and blood, not changing the nature, 
Theodor●●tus Dial. 〈◊〉 contra E●●tichen. Theodor●●tus Dial. 2. contra Eutichen.  but adding grace unto nature, etc. And the same Theodoretus again sayeth:  
Those mystical sacraments after sanctification, do not pass out of their own proper nature, but remain still in their former substance, figure, and shape, etc.  
Ergo, like as the body of Christ remained in him, and was not changed into his divinity: so in the sacrament the bread is not changed into the body, but both the substances remain whole.   

Origine.  
If whatsoever entereth into the mouth, goeth down into the belly, and so passeth through a man: 
Origen, 〈◊〉 Matth. ca● 15.  even that meat also which is sanctified by the word of God and by prayer, as touching that part which it hath material within it, passeth into the belly, and so voideth through a man. But through prayer, which is adjoined to it, according to the measure of faith, it is profitable and effectual, etc. And he addeth moreover: For it is not the outward matter of the bread, but the word that is spoken upon it, that profiteth him which eateth him worthily, etc.   

Irenaeus.  
jesus taking bread of the same condition which is after us, 
Irenaeus 〈◊〉 4. contra heres.  (that is, taking bread of the same nature and kind as we use commonly to eat) did confess it to be his body. And taking likewise the cup which is of the same creature which is after us, (that is, which we commonly use to drink) confessed it to be his blood, etc.  
Item, lib. 4. Like as bread which is of the earth, 
Irenaeus 〈◊〉 eodem.  receiving the word and calling of God, is now not common bread, but the Eucharist, consisting of two things, the one earthly, the other heavenly: so our bodies receiving the sacred Eucharist, be now not corruptible, having hope of resurrection, etc.  

¶ Argument.  
Basilius- The bread in the Sacrament is so changed into the body, as our bodies are changed when they are made uncorruptible by hope.  
ro- But our bodies are not made incorruptible by changing their substance.  
co. Ergo, no more is the bread changed into the substance of the body.    

Gregory.  
Notwithstanding, whether we take leavened or unleavened bread, we are all one body of our Lord and Saviour, etc.  

¶ Argument.  
Da- Where bread leavened or unleavened is taken, there is substance of bread, and not accidences only.  

〈◊〉 ●egistro.  ri- In the Sacrament bread is received either leavened or unleavened:  
j Ergo, in the Sacrament is substance of bread and not accidences only.   

¶ Argument.  
Basilius- The body of Christ is named of that which is proportioned round, and is unsensible in operation.  
ro- Accidences only of bread have no figure of roundness:  
co. Ergo, the body of Christ is not named of accidences, but of very bread substantial.   

¶ Argument.  
The words of the Evangelist speaking of that which Christ took, blessed, broke, and gave, do import it to be bread, and nothing else but bread.  
Ergo, the substance of bread is not to be excluded out of the Sacrament.    

chrysostom.  
Christ in bread and wine said: do this in remembrance of me. 
Chrisost. ● Cor. 11. 〈◊〉. 27.    

Cyrillus.  
He gave to them pieces or fragments of bread.  

cyril. in 〈◊〉. lib. 4. 〈◊〉. 14.  Also the same cyril saith: In bread we receive his precious body and his blood in wine.  
Ergo, by these Doctors it remaineth bread after consecration.   

Ambrose.  
Before the blessing of the heavenly words, it is called another kind of thing. After consecration the body of Christ is signified.    

¶ Arguments of Peter Martyr disputing with M. Chadsey upon the first question.  

Da- The Analogy and resemblance between the Sacrament and the thing signified, must ever be kept in all Sacraments.  
ti- In the Sacrament of the lords body, this Analogy or resemblance can not be kept, if bread be transubstantiated:  
si. Ergo, the substance of bread must needs remain in the Sacrament of the Lords body.   
The Mayor of this Argument is certain by S. Austen, Lib. De catechisandis rudibus, 
august e●●st. ad ●ardanum.  & Epist. ad Dardan. Where he sayeth: Sacraments must needs bear a similitude of those things whereof they are Sacraments, or else they can be no Sacraments.  
The Minor is thus proved.  

¶ Argument.  
Basilius- The resemblance between the Sacrament and the body of Christ is this: 
analogic 〈◊〉 proportion between the ●●tward nourishing 〈◊〉 bread in 〈◊〉 bodies, 〈◊〉 the 〈…〉 Christ's 〈…〉 in 〈◊〉 souls.  that as the properties of bread and wine do nourish outwardly: so the properties of the body of Christ do nourish spiritually.  
ro- Without the substance of bread and wine, there is no resemblance of nourishing.  
co. Ergo, without the substance of bread and wine, the Analogy can not hold.   

¶ Argument.  
Basilius- Again, another resemblance and similitude or Analogy of this Sacrament is this, that as one loaf of bread, and one cup of wine containeth many corns and many grapes: so the mystical congregation containeth many members, and yet maketh but one body:  
ro- Without the substance of bread & wine, no such resemblance or similitude of conjunction can be represented:  
co. Ergo, without the substance of bread and wine, the Analogy of this spiritual conjunction can not hold.   

¶ Another Argument.  
Basilius- Every Sacrament consisteth in two things, that is, in the thing signifying, and the thing signified.  
ro- Without the substance of bread and wine, there is nothing that signifieth in the Sacrament:  
co. Ergo, the substance of bread and wine in the Sacrament, can in no wise be transubstantiate from their natures. The Minor is thus to be proved.   

Fes- There is no signification in any Sacrament without the element.  
●i- The substance of bread and wine is the element of this Sacrament:  
●o. Ergo, without the substance of bread and wine, there is no similitude nor signification in this Sacrament.   
And for somuch as the adversaries ground their transubstantiation so much upon these words of Christ: This is my body: which they expound only after the literal sense, 
Three causes proving that these words of Christ. Hoc est corpus meum, are not to be taken literally but spiritually.  without troop or figure: now that this their exposition is false, and that the said words are to be taken figuratively and spiritually, by three causes it is to be proved. 1. First by the words of the Scripture. 2. By the nature of a Sacrament. 3. By the testimonies of the fathers.  
1. First by these words of the scripture, where he saith: Do this in remembrance of me, for so much as remembrance properly serveth not for things corporally present, but for things rather being absent.  
2. Secondly, where he saith: Until I come. 
Places of Scripture making against transubstantiation.  Which words were vain, if he were already come by consecration.  
3. Thirdly, where S. Paul saith: The breaking of bread, is it not the communion of the body of Christ? Which words of breaking in no case can be verified upon the body of Christ, which for the glory thereof is unpossible.  
4. Furthermore where as the Lord biddeth than to take and eat, it is evident, that the same cannot be understand simply of the body of Christ without a trope, forsomuch as he cannot be eaten and chawed with teeth, as we use properly in eating other meats to do.  
5. The words moreover of Luke and Paul spoken of the cup, do argue likewise that the other words spoken of the bread must needs be taken mystically. As where it is said: This cup is the new testament: which words must needs be expounded thus: this cup doth signify the new Testament.  
6. Item, these words of S. john. chap. 6. My words be spirit and life. The flesh profiteth nothing &c.  
7. Iten, where in the same place of S. john, Christ to refel the carnal understanding of the Capernaites of eating his body, maketh mention of his Ascension. etc.  
The second cause why the words of Christ: 
The second cause, the nature of a Sacrament.  This is my body, cannot be literally expounded without trope, is the nature of a sacrament: whose nature and property is to bear a sign or signification of a thing to be remembered, which thing after the substantial and real presence, is absent. As touching which nature of a sacrament sufficiently hath been said before. 
The third cause, the testimony of the fathers.   
The third cause, why the words of consecration are figuratively to be taken, is the testimony of the ancient Doctors.  
Tertullianus. This is my body: that is to say, this is a figure of my body. 

Tertullianus Contra Martionem. Lib. 4. Augustinus.  
Psal. 3. August. contra Adamantum. Cap. 12. Hi●ronimus.    
August. Psal. 3. Christ gave a figure of his body.  
August. Contra Adamantum Manichaeum. He did not doubt to say: This is my body when he gave a sign of his body.  
Hieronimus. Christ represented unto us his body.  
August. August. in his book De Doctrina Christiana declareth expressly that this speech of eating the body of Christ, 
August de Doctrina Christiana▪ Lib.  is a figurative speech.  
Ambrose. As thou hast received the similitude of his death: so thou drinkest the similitude of his precious blood. 

¶ Argument.  
Fe- The death of Christ is not present really in the sacrament but by similitude.  
ri- The precious blood of Christ is present in the Sacrament as his death is present: 
Ambros. de Sacram. lib. 4. cap. 4.   
o. Ergo, the precious blood of Christ is not present really in the Sacrament.   The Minor of this argument is proved before by the words of Ambrose.   

The second question. Whether the body and blood of Christ be in the bread and wine, 
The second conclusion.  or under the forms of bread and wine carnally and corporally.  

¶ Argument.  
Di- The true natural body of Christ is placed in heaven.  
sa- The true natural body of man can be but in one place at once, where he is:  
mis. Ergo, the true natural body of Christ can be in no place at once, but in heaven where he is.   
The Mayor is plain by the Scriptures: jesus was taken up to heaven, and sitteth at the right hand of God. 
Math. 26. john. 12.  Math. 26 The poor ye have always with you, but me you shall not always have john. 12. I leave the world and go to my Father. joh. 16. Many shall say in that day: Lo here is Christ, 
john. 16. Math. 24.  and there is Christ, believe them not, Mat. 24. Whom the heavens must receive for a time, until the restitution of all. Acts. 3. Seek those things that are above, where Christ is, sitting at the right hand of God, etc. Col. 3.  
The Minor likewise is evident by S. Austen, who speaking of the glorified body of Christ, 
Acts. 3. Col. 3. August. ad Dardanum.  affirmeth the same to be in one certain place, Propter veri corporis modum, that is, for the manner of a true body.  

¶ Argument.  
Da- Every true natural body requireth one certain place. August.  
ri- Christ's body is a true natural body:  
j Ergo, Christ's body requireth one certain place.   

¶ Argument.  

Comparatio a Maiori.  Austen giveth not to the soul of Christ to be in more places at once, but one. August ad Dardanum.  
Ergo, much less is it to be given to the body of Christ to be in more places at once, but in one.   

¶ Argument.  
The nature of the Angels is not to be in divers places, 
Comparison between Angels and the body of Christ.  but they are limited to occupy one certain place at once. Basilius de spirit. sanct. cap. 22.  
Ergo, the body of Christ, being the true natural body of a man, can not fill divers places at one time.   

¶ Argument.  
Basilius- Whatsoever is in many & divers places at once is God▪  
ro- The body of Christ is not God but a creature:  
co. Ergo, the body of Christ can not be in more places together.   

¶ Argument.  
Fes- We must not so defend the Divinity of Christ, that we destroy his humanity. August.  
ti- If we assign to the body of Christ plurality of places, we destroy his humanity:  
no. Ergo, we must not assign to the body of Christ plurality of places.   

¶ Argument.  
Fes- Whatsoever thing is circumscribed, that is to say, contained in the limits of any peculiar place, can not be dispersed in more places at once.  
ti- The body of Christ is a thing circumscribed:  
no. Ergo, the body of Christ is not dispersed in more places at one time.   

¶ Argument.  
Da- Every quantity, that is, every body having magnitude, length, and other dimensions, is circumscribed in one peculiar place:  
ri- The body of Christ hath his dimensions, and is a quantity:  
j Ergo, the body of Christ is circumscribed.   
Cyrillus. The Mayor is proved by Cyrillus. Whatsoever is understanded to be a body, 
Cyrillus De crenit Lib 2. pag. ●●5.  the same is verily in a place, and in magnitude, and in quantity. And if it be in quantity, it can not avoid circumscription, that is, to have his place.  

¶ Argument.  
Basilius- If Christ had given his body substantially and carnally in the Supper, than was that body either passable, or impassable.  
ro- But neither can you say that body to be passable or impassable, which he gave at Supper:  
co. Ergo, he did not give his body substantially and carnally at Supper.   
August. The Minor is proved thus. For if ye say it was passable, 
August. in Psal. 98.  Austen is against it, which saith: Ye shall not eat this body which you see, nor drink the same blood which they shall shed, that shall crucify me, etc. And if ye say, it was impassable, that may not be admitted by the words of the Evangelist, which saith: Eat, this is my body which shall be given for you: So that that body was passable and not impassable, wherein Christ was given.  
Vigilius. One creature can not receive in itself two contrary or divers things together. 
Vigilius contra Eutichen. lib. 4.  But these two things be divers and far unlike, that is to say, to be contained in a place, and to be every where. For the word is every where, but the flesh is not every where.  

¶ Argument.  
Fe- Bodies origanicall without quantity be no bodies.  
ri- The Pope's doctrine maketh the body of Christ in the Sacrament to be without quantity:  
o. Ergo, the Pope's doctrine maketh the body of Christ in the Sacrament to be no body.   

¶ Argument.  
Da- All things which may be divided, have quantity.  
ri- The body in the Pope's Sacrament is divided in iij. parts:  
j Ergo, the body in the Pope's Sacrament hath quantity, which is against their own doctrine.   

¶ Argument.  
Fe- No natural body can receive in itself, and at one time, contrary or divers qualities. Vigilius.  
ri- To be in one place local, and in another place not local, in one place with quantity, in another place without quantity, in one place circumscript, in another place incircumscript, is for a natural body to receive contrary qualities:  
o. Ergo, the body of Christ can not be in one place local, and in another not local, in one place with quantity, and in another without quantity, as our adversaries do affirm.   

¶ Argument.  
Fe- The wicked receive not the body of Christ.  
ri- The wicked do receive the body of Christ, if transubstantiation be granted:  
son. Ergo▪ transubstantiation is not to be granted in the Sacrament.   

¶ Argument for probation of the Mayor.  
Ca- To eat Christ, is for a man to have Christ dwelling and abiding in him. Augustine.  
mes- The wicked have not Christ dwelling in them:  
tres. Ergo, the wicked eat not the body of the Lord.   
Cyprian. Cyprianus de Coena Domini. The eating of Christ, is our abiding in him. 
Cyprian. De Coen● Domini.   

¶ Argument.  
Bornwell- The holy Ghost could not come if the body of Christ were really present.  
car- That the holy Ghost is come, it is most certain:  
do. Ergo, it can not be that Christ himself should be here really present.   
For proof of the Mayor. john 16. Unless I go from you, the holy Ghost shall not come: It is expedient for you that I go hence. 
john. 16.   

¶ Argument of Peter Martyr.  
Basilius- If the wicked and infidels do receive the body of Christ, they receive him either with sense or reason, or with faith.  
ro- But they receive him neither with sense, reason, nor with faith:  
co▪ Ergo, wicked men and infidels receive in no wise the body of Christ.   
For declaration of the Mayor: if ye say, they receive him with sense, that is against their own lore, 
Declarati●● of the Ma●ior.  for the body of Christ in the blessed Sacrament (say they) is not sensible, nor to be perceived by any sense, neither with reason can they receive him, by their own learning, for so much as this Sacrament exceedeth all reason: Nec fides habet meritum, ubi ratio praebet experimentum. And if ye say, that they receive him with faith, how can that be, seeing infidels have no faith?  
What is to eat the body of Christ, the teaching of the Papists herein is strange, and differeth from the old Doctors. For where the Papists do teach, 
What i● 〈◊〉 eat the body of Christ by the Papi●●  that wicked persons and infidels, albeit they receive not the effect of the Sacrament, yet the matter of the Sacrament, which is the very body of Christ, they receive with their mouth, and with their sense the accidences of bread, and thus imagine a certain body of Christ, such as evil men and infidels may eat, and yet being eaten, it giveth them no nourishment nor life, nor maketh them no partakers of his spirit and grace: both Scripture and the ancient expositors of the Scripture do teach much otherwise. For the Scripture knoweth no such kind of eating Christ's body, but only that which is fruitful, wholesome, and effectual. 
What is 〈◊〉 eat the body of Christ b● Scripture Doctors  He that eateth my flesh and drinketh my blood, abideth in me and I in him, etc. john. 6. And therefore it may appear, that the Scripture meaneth by eating Christ's flesh, to believe in Christ's Passion, which none can do but only the faithful. And to the same sense sound all the old Doctors.  
Cyprianus. That we should know, that eating is our dwelling in him, and our drinking is, as it were, 
Cyprian. De 〈◊〉 Domini.  a certain incorporation in him.  
Item, the same Cyprian: The eating therefore of his flesh is a certain desire to abide in him: 
The 〈◊〉 and infidel do not ea●● the body 〈◊〉 Christ.  and sayeth moreover, that none eateth of this Lamb, but such as be true Israelites, that is, true Christian men, without colour or dissimulation.  
And again he sayeth: That as meat is to the flesh, the same is faith to the soul, the same is the word to the spirit, etc.  
Moreover: And therefore (saith he) doing this we whet not our teeth to bite, but with pure faith we break the holy bread, and distribute it, etc.  
Augustinus. It may not be said, that any such do eat the body of Christ, because they are accounted amongst the members of Christ. Neither can they be both members of Christ, 
august De 〈◊〉. Lib ●. cap. 25 ●●hn. 6.  and members of an harlot, etc. Furthermore, when Christ sayeth: He that eateth my flesh, and drinketh my blood, dwelleth in me, and I in him: he showeth what it is, not Sacramentally, but in deed to eat his body and drink his blood, which is, when a man so dwelleth in Christ, that Christ dwelleth in him. For so Christ spoke those words, as if he should say: he that dwelleth not in me, and in whom I dwell not, let him not say nor think, that he eateth my body, or drinketh my blood.  
Also in other places the said Austen affirmeth, that, to drink is to live: And sayeth moreover: Why preparest thou thy belly and thy teeth? believe and thou hast eaten, etc.  
All which kinds of eating can not be said of the wicked and infidels, but only of the godly and faithful.  
And thus briefly we have run over all the arguments and authorities of Peter Martyr in that disputation at Oxford, with Doctor Tresham, Chadsey, and Morgan, before the King's visitors above named. an. 1549.  
Furthermore, who so listeth more fully to be satisfied and resolved in all the occurrents touching the matter of this Sacrament, let him read the books first of the Archbishop Cranmer against Winchester: Secondly, the tractation of Peter Martyr made in Oxford, translated and extant in English: and thirdly the book of Bishop Ridley made in prison, called A brief declaration of the lords Supper.  
The like disputation also about the same time was appointed and commenced at Cambridge, concerning the same matter of the Sacrament, the King's visitors being directed down for the same purpose by the King. The names of which visitors were these, Nicholas Ridley Bishop of Rochester, Thomas Bishop of Ely, M. john Cheek the King's Schoolmaster, Doctor May Civilian, and Thomas Wendy the King's Physician. The conclusions in that disputation propounded were these.   

The first disputation holden at Cambridge the 20. day of june. ann. 1549. before the King's majesties Commissioners by Doctor Madew respondent, whose first conclusion was this.  
Transubstantiation can not be proved by the plain and manifest words of Scripture, nor can thereof be necessarily collected, nor yet confirmed by the consents of the ancient Fathers, for these thousand years past. Doctor Glin, M. Langedale, M. Segewike, M. Young▪ opponents.  
Doctor Madew.  
FIrst of all (quoth he) I am very sorry, and do not a little lament the shortness of time, to declare and discuss such weighty matters of Religion in, as these be. But that notwithstanding, if I had had more plenty of time indeed: yet you shall understand, how that I have ever both in hart and mind (if otherwise I could have avoided it) abhorred all scholastical disputations, and subtle sophistications. In consideration whereof, I beseech those that are to dispute, not to allege or bring forth any dismembered, or curteled sentences, or wrested as happeneth many times, but the whole and full sentences either of the Scriptures, or of the ancient Doctors: yea, and to avouch such Author's sayings, as are not suspected, or feigned, but such as be their own very sayings indeed, which if they do, there is no doubt, but the clear light of this our disputation, shall the sooner appear, and be manifest to this auditory. And for a further declaration of my part, you shall understand that this my preface in my said former most catholic & godly conclusion shall consist in three principal points. 1. First, what thing it was that Christ gave to his disciples. 2. Secondly, what season or time this transubstantiation did begin. 3. Thirdly, how many devilish abominations have ensued upon that horrible and pestilent invention. As concerning the first, that is, what thing Christ gave to his disciples, that may very well appear even by our own natural senses, as namely, by the sight, by the touching, by the tasting, which can not be deceived of their natural judgement. For the eye seethe nothing but bread and wine, the tasting savoureth nothing else, and the hands touch nothing else. He gave also to their understanding not ●●ly his holy and sacred doctrine, but also a special gi●t & pledge of his love. He gave the only material brea● & wine sanctified, as the first rude and plain elements or principles to allure them withal, but he gave them the gift of his grace and heavenly doctrine, as the very things signified by the sensible elements, which thing plainly appeareth by the words of Christ our saviour, Non bibam. etc. I will not drink hereafter of the fruit of this vine, until I drink it new with you in the kingdom of God. Now this fruit or ivoise of the vine is nothing else but wine, as chrysostom saith. And moreover to prove the same true, if it be reserved after the consecration for a time, it becometh sour, and tart, therefore it is but wine. And as touching the bread, S. Paul saith thus, is not the bread which we break, the communion, or participation of Christ's body? he broke bread, therefore it was but bread, which he gave them: for the body of Christ is not broken, as the scripture saith of the same, os non comminuetis ex eo, you shall not break a bone of him. Also he saith this is my body, not that the bread was his body, and the wine his blood, but he spoke those words to, and of his own mortal body, there sitting amongst them at supper, or he spoke yet doubtfully as thus: this signifieth my body, it is one thing, which is seen, but it is an other thing which is understanded: for that which is seen hath a bodily form, but that which is understood thereby hath a spiritual fruit. S. Austen saith. Let the word have access to the element, so is it made a sacrament: mark, he saith, let the word have access, and not success. Now the thing that hath access to an other thing, doth not quench the thing that it cometh to, no more doth i● here, ergo it is bread and wine still as before, how be it sacred, and holy: What saw you yesterday (saith S. Austen) upon the altar? Truly bread and wine, which your own eyes can witness said he, what plainer testimony can be had of so ancient a father as he was, and of so rare knowledge in the scriptures of God? Seeing then that our eyes do behold nothing, but bread and wine, it must needs follow that it is so in deed, or else our senses ●e deceived in their own proper object, which cannot be by any reason, or natural philosophy. And yet notwithstanding some papists dream and phantesie such a corporal, real, and gross presence of Christ's body in the sacrament as they affirm it to be there even as verily, as it was upon the Crosse. Indeed the bread is changed after a certain manner, into Christ's body: for Christ gave not his own natural body to his Disciples at his last supper, but an only sign or figure thereof. Christ's body is there with the bread: our senses cannot be deceived about the substance of bread, but they do judge there to be but one body, that is of bread, Ergo so it is. Also the very definition of a sacrament doth plainly repugn unto transubstantiation. Bread nourisheth the substance of Christ's body, but the accidents do not so, Ergo the substance doth remain of the bread that nourisheth: it is also called bread in the Acts, and in divers other places of the scriptures, wherefore it is so, but in deed after a sort more holy than before: what gave he in the supper? bread which is the body, that is to say, an holy sign of his body, as Austen doth witness saying: he doubted not to say this is my body, when it was but a sign of his body. The unleavened bread was but a bare and naked sign of Christ's body, and so is this bread the same body, even as baptism is. Now indeed there be two manner of signs, one that signify only, the other that doth exhibit the thing itself. The first is applied to the old law chief, ●he other to the law of grace. The old ancient & learned fathers, did never use to speak of the substantial change, for because that all the mutation is but conditional, not substantial, nor we deem not the bodily substance sacramentally, but yet we say that this proposition (that is my body) is but a figurative speech, and no proper speech, as some do deem. But it is as much to say, as this signifieth my body, or else thus, this is a sacrament of my body, for the bodi●ye bread, and Christ's body are not contained in place locally but mystically. This portenteouse and monstrous transubstantiation began first to enter, when the popish prelate's, & priests began to understand this said proposition (this is my body) of the carnal and real presence of Christ's body▪ as hugo de sancto victore, Gracian, Peter, Lombard and 〈◊〉. 3. the very pestilent poison of all Christ●n religion, unto whom we have of long season, yea al●as too long given credit: under the which Innocent the said devilish term, or vocable of transubstantiation began anno. 1315. And Boniface after him Bishop of Rome made the said ●ad blind transubstantiation to be the 3. article of the faith, full wisely no doubt, whereas an other bishop of Rome after him affirmed plainly against Nestor the heretic that bread remaineth there still whose name was G●●●sius. 3. Now as touching the most shameful and detestable inconveniences which must needs follow this devilish term or vocable of transubstantiation, you shall understand the first is, that then such Papists will have Christ's body still prostituted, and received even of the wicked and naughty people, which is clean contrary to that place of our saviour Christ, where he saith: Whosoever eateth my flesh and drinketh my blood, dwelleth in me, and I in him. Now it is plain, that evil persons dwell not in Christ, nor Christ in them, wherefore they receive not his body therein at all. For S. Austin tract. 8. super johannem saith, that it is but bread which is seen after the Consecration, Ergo, the substance of bread is there still. 2. The second inconvenience that groweth hereof, is the fond and superstitious reservation of the sacrament in pixes, boxes, and such like, with vain tabernacles over the altar, where oftentimes it did putrify for all their foolish honour, which began in Honorius days the third Bishop of Rome of that name, which corruption declareth it to be but only bread, say all Papists what they list. 3. The third inconvenience that must needs follow Transubstantiation, is adoration, which is too plain Idolatry, as the Papists do know themselves if they list, but they are so stiff-necked, that they will not know it, and so both have, and yet also will keep the world in blindness still if they might be suffered. But to be short with you, even as we are changed into Christ by receiving the sacrament, so is the bread changed into the body of Christ. But our substance is not changed into Christ's substance, Ergo, the substance of the bread is not changed into Christ's body. And to be short and plain with you (most honourable audience) the whole universal world hath been, and yet is sore deceived and deluded about the estimation of this Sacrament. Therefore this is most true, when we do receive the said Sacrament worthily, then are we joined by faith spiritualy to Christ our saviour. And thus much have I said in this first matter.  

The second matter to be disputed of is this.  
That in the Lord's Supper is none other oblation or sacrifice, than one only remembrance of Christ's death, and of thanksgiving.  
IN this conclusion, I will be much shorter, and more compendious then in the first. In consideration whereof, you shall understand, that the same is a very godly, and true catholic proposition. For to offer Christ, and to exhibit the same, is all one thing, for in that that he is offered, he is set forth for to eat, there is no difference at all between the maker of the sacrifice, or offerer, and the thing that was offered, which both were one Christ. The Lord did command saying, Do this in remembrance of me, he made mention of the remembrance only, wherefore it can be none other sacrifice, but only that. The Apostle doth declare the manner of the thing doing, saying thus: He took bread in his hands, he blessed it, he broke it, and gave it to his disciples. What gave he to them? forsooth bread, which was the sacrament, and not his body. No earthly creature nor heavenly, did ever offer up Christ at any time, but he himself once for all, upon the cross, Ergo, he can not, nor ought not to be offered many times, and often, though that Pighius with all the blind rabble of Papists say the contrary. For truly in this point especially they know not what they say, being so led by the old pharisaical blindness. But to the purpose. You shall understand good auditors, that the pure and clean oblation and sacrifice spoken of by the Prophet Malachy, is nothing else, then devout, and faithful prayer, and thanksgiving, as Tertullian saith in his third book contra Marcionem expounding the Psalm, where it is said thus: The sacrifice of laud, and praise shall honour me. So doth S. Jerome, Irenaeus, and S. Austen say also upon Malachy. Where also they deny that Christ is essentially in the sacrament. Yea and S. Austen Epistola 95. ad Paulinum witnesseth, that the mortifying of our earthly members is our true sacrifice that be Christians. And all the ancient Fathers do call prayers by the name of sacrifices. And for this purpose, whosoever list to read that most excellent and famous Clerk Zwinglius ca 18. de articulis, shall find the same confirmed of him by most grounded reasons, whatsoever the Papists do bark against it. Thus I have declared my mind in both matters now disputable. And if my further declaration be required through the vehemency of arguments, I will perform the same in my answering thereunto.  
There disputed against this defendant Doctor Glin, M. Langedale, M. Segewike, and M. Young, Students in Divinity.  Glin. 
Notwithstanding right worshipful Master Doctor, that you have so exquisitely declared your mind and opinion in every of these matters now in contention before this honourable and learned audience, and also though just occasion be ministered to me to infringe your positions in both conclusions, yet I will not invade the same as now indirectly with contrarious and vain words to occupy the small time which is appointed us for the trial of the same, but we will go forthwith to the thing itself, which containeth in it matter enough. It is but ●olly to use many words where few will serve our purpose, as sayeth the master of the Sentences. All words may signify at pleasure and commonly there be more things than vocables, like as sometimes there was variance amongst learned men of the unity of two substances in one parsonage of Christ God and man.. So is there now in our days variance of Transubstantiation of bread and wine into the body and blood of Christ. Wherefore I do require you first to show me hear openly what the said Transubstantiation is, that we go not from the thing itself, which is our first and chiefest ground.  Madew. 
As for that I need not to show you, for every man knoweth it.  Glin. 
Peradventure it is not so good Master Doctor. And I am perfectly assured that every man doth not know it indeed: for it is not so light a matter as you make it to be.  Madew. 
Forsooth you know it yourself, and so do all men else.  Glin. 
Well, yet I pray you show me what thing Christ did demonstrate and show forth by that article of the neuter gender, where he said, This is my body. What did he appoint in that article this? for if he meant by that, the bread, than Christ in the Sacrament is not only of two natures, but of three natures, as of the nature of bread, of the nature of man, and of the divine nature, which to say, were blasphemy. The argument is good, and doth hold by that text, He spoke the word, and it was done, he commanded, and they were created. Moreover, if he should mean by that article of the neuter gender (this) the material bread, than he would have said, This bread is my body, so making the article of the neuter gender: or else he would have said thus, Hear with this bread is my body, to have avoided ever after all heresies, errors, and schisms. But he said not so, but spoke the article of the neuter gender, saying, This is my body, that is to say, the thing or substance contained under the form and kind of bread, which you see not with your bodily eyes is my body, according to my promise made to you before, that I would give you my very flesh to eat, john. 6. In like manner when he gave the cup of his blood, he said not this in the neuter gender, as he would have done if he had meant the material creature of wine to have remained, but he said then in the masculine gender, This is my blood: That is to say the thing contained under the form of wine which you see not with your bodily eyes is my blood. For truly the holy Ghost came down to lead us into all truth and verity, and not to deceive us in so notable a point of our faith. But out of doubt he should have deceived in this matter, if so be he had given us only material bread and wine in stead of his body and blood, and not have fulfilled his promise made john 6. where he promiseth thus. The bread which I will give is my flesh, which I will give for the life of the world. Hear be two givings spoken of, with two relatives, whereof the first with his relative, must needs be referred to his gift in the last supper, and the second giving of the same flesh of his, with his relative, must be applied of necessity unto his giving of his body upon the Crosse. Nor we do find in the whole Scripture, where Christ did fulfil his said promise made in the 6. of john, but at those said two times. Wherefore if we be deceived in this matter of Transubstantiation, we may well say, O Lord thou hast deceived us. But God forbidden that we should once think such wickedness of him. He must also be unjust of his promise if it be not performed at any season, as it is not indeed, if it were not at both the said times. Then if it were performed (as the Catholic Church of Christ doth hold, determine, and believe) then must it needs be granted, that he gave at his last Supper his own body and flesh indeed and verily which he gave upon the Cross for the life of the world, though not in so fleshly a manner and bloody, yet the very same flesh and ●loud really after an unbloody sort, and spiritually. He said not This bread is my body, nor yet here with the bread is my body, but, This is my body, which shall be given for you. Nor he said not, this wine is my blood, nor with this wine is my blood, which circumstance of plain speech he would have used, if the pure creatures should have remained, but he said, This is my blood, which is shed for you and for many for the remission of sins, that is to say, the substance hidden under these visible forms of bread and wine, are my very proper flesh and blood. I pray you where do you find in the whole body of the Scripture expressed, or justly understanded, that Christ gave but only a bare and naked sign, figure, or sacrament? Or where find you that he gave his body with bread, 
Anno 1549.  it remaining bread still? And if you think to find it, I pray you show me here, whether that body that he gave with material bread, were his true body or not? If not, than it was fantastical, if it were his true body (as you do grant) then must there needs be two very true bodies in one place together. Now that it was his very true body and blood, it is certain by the plain words of the text saying thus. Which is betrayed or given, and which is shed for you, and for many. But I will let all this pass over, and I do require of you this one question whether that the sacraments of the old law, and of the new law be all one?  Madew. 

 If you do consider the things themselves they be all one, but if you respect the only signs, figures and sacraments outwardly then they be divers.  Glin. 
I do perceive your answer very well, then further to our purpose, was Christ then after the same manner in the bread that came from heaven. In the paschal lamb, and in Isaac, as he is in this Sacrament? Which if you do grant me then these propositions were true, for Christ to say this Manna is my body, this Lamb is my body, this Isaac is my body. Moreover if the Sacraments of the old law, and of the law of grace be all one, in very deed, & effect (as you seem to grant) then what difference is between the show bread in Moses' law, and the bread, that we do break that Saint Paul speaketh of? They then had that bread, which signified Christ and so doth ours (as you say) that was bread, so is ours, and so by your reason there is no difference between them: yea their Manna because it came from heaven, was better than this earthly bread, that cometh from beneath, which is contrary to the truth: for Saint Paul saith, that the law was given by Moses, but the verity was given by jesus Christ. Wherefore that which Christ gave, was not only a sign but also the verity, that is to say, the living bread, that came from heaven, the true Lamb that taketh away the sins of the world, and Isaac himself which is Christ, or else you must grant me that we christians do receive less than the jews did. For they received the bread called Manna from heaven, and we only a poor morsel of bread from the earth. Theirs was called Angels food, and ours is (as you hold) little better than common bread. Me seemeth that you do distrust the doctrine of the faith of Christendom, for these five hundredth years, even as though Christ had forsaken his Catholic Church after one thousand years, but that is not so, for he promised his holy spirit to assist his spouse the Church, and to lead her continually into all truth from time to time, as need should require. 
Adoration of the Sacrament maintained by Glyn.  As I remember you said, that adoration did follow upon transubstaunciation, but the fathers for one thousand years past do grant adoration of the sacrament therefore transubstantiation also. The minor I prove by the most clear testimonies of S. Austen, S. Ambrose, S. Devise, S. Basile, and S. chrysostom,  Madew. 
I deny (master Doctor) that I said any such thing, and therewith I say that the Fathers do understand by adoration a certain reverent manner, that we should receive the lords supper with, which may be called a certain veneration, but no adoration.  Glin. 
No may? S. Austen (de civitate Dei) witnesseth that the ethnics, and Paynims do esteem the Christians to worship and adore the gods of wheat and barley called Ceres, and the God of wine called Bacchus. And again S. Austen saith thus. Lo no man eateth of that bread except he first adore and worship it.  Madew. 
By your patience S. Austen in that place speaketh of the honouring of Christ's body now sitting in heaven.  Glin. 

Math 26. Marc.  Yea master Doctor, think you so? And why not also of his blessed body in the sacrament? Seeing that he saith it is there, this is my body, which is given for you, saith he. More plainly he needed not to speak for the real presence of his blessed body, being both able & willing to verify his word. For if a cunning Lapidary should say to you or me this is a true right diamond, 
Real pre●●nce 〈◊〉 by the Papists.  a perfect carbuncle, sapphire, emerald or any such precious stone, we would believe him, though we were ignorant of their natures. Wherefore we ought much more to believe our Saviour Christ God, and man, in that he saith: this is my body. And why then ought we not to honour it in the sacrament. Or how many bodies hath Christ, seeing you do grant his body in heaven to be honoured, but not his body here in the sacrament.  Madew. 
Forsooth he hath but one very body, & no more, but the same is sacramentally in the sacrament, and substantially in heaven, here by faith, and there in deed.  Glin. 
Well yet once again to you thus. The very true body of Christ is to be honoured, 
Argument.  but the same very true body is in the Sacrament, ergo the body of Christ in the sacrament is to be honoured.  Rochester. 
Well-beloved friends and brethren in our saviour Christ you must understand that this disputation, 
Bishop Ridley replieth.  with the other that shallbe after this are appointed for to search forth the plain truth of the holy scriptures in these matters of religion, which of a long season have been hidden from us by the false gloss of that great Antichrist and his Ministers of Rome and now in our days must be revealed to us English men, thorough the great mercy of God principally, and secondarily thorough the most gentle clemency of our natural sovereign Lord the king's majesty, whom the living Lord long preserve to reign over us in health wealth & godliness, to maintenance of God's holy word, and to the exterpation of all blind gloss of men, that go about to subvert the truth. For because therefore that I am one that doth love the truth, and have professed the same amongst you: th●●●ore I say because of conferring my mind with yours, I will here gladly declare what I think in this point now in controversy. Not because this worshipful Doctor hath any need of my help in dissolving of arguments proposed against him, for as me seemeth he hath answered hitherto very well and clerkly according to the truth of God's word. But now to the purpose. I do grant unto you (master oponent) that the old ancient fathers do record and witness, a certain honour and adoration to be done unto Christ's body, but then they speak not of it in the sacrament, but of it in heaven at the right hand of the father as holy chrysostom saith, honour thou it, 
Christ to be honoured in heaven not in the Sacrament.  and then eat it but that honour may not be given to the outward sign but to the body of Christ itself in heaven. For that body is there only in a sign virtually, by grace, in the exhibition of it in spirit, effect, and faith, to the worthy receiver of it. For we receive virtually only Christ's body in the sacrament.  Glin. 
How then (if it please your good Lordship) doth baptism differ from this Sacrament? For in that we receive Christ also by grace and virtually.  Rochester. 
Christ is present after an other sort in baptism, then in this sacrament, 
Christ worketh otherwise in Baptism, than the Sacramental bread.  for in that he purgeth and washeth the infant from all kind of sin, but here he doth feed spiritually the receiver in faith, with all the merits of his blessed death and passion. And yet he is in heaven still really and substantially. As for example. The kings Majesty our Lord and master is but in one place, wheresoever that his royal person is abiding for the time, and yet his mighty power, and authority is every where in his realms and dominions. So Christ's real person is only in heaven subauncially placed, but his might is in all things created effectually. For Christ's flesh may be understanded for the power, or inward might of his flesh.  Glin. 
If it please your fatherhood, S. Ambrose and S. Austen do say, that before the consecration, it is but very bread, 
Object.  and after the consecration it is called the very body of Christ.  Madew. 
Indeed it is the very body of Christ sacramentally after the consecration, whereas before it is nothing but common bread, and yet after that it is the lords bread, & thus must S. Ambrose and S. Austen be understanded.  ¶ Here the proctors commanded the Opponent to divert to the second conclusion, but he requested them, that they would permit him as long in this matter, as they would in the second, and so he still prosecuted the first matter as followeth Glin. 
THe bread after the consecration doth feed the soul, 
Answer. Well cavilled & like a papist.  ergo the substance of common bread doth not remain. The argument is good, for S, Ambrose de sacramentis saith thus. After the consecration there is not the thing, that nature did form, but that which the blessing doth consecrate. And if the benediction of the Prophet Elias did turn the nature of water how much more than doth the benediction of Christ here both God and man.  Madew. 
That book of S. Ambrose is suspected to be none of his works.  Rochester. 
So say all the fathers.  Glin. 
I do marvel at that, for S. Austen in his book of retractions maketh plain that, that was his own very work.  Rochester. 
He speaketh indeed of such a book so entitled to S. Ambrose, but yet we do lack the same book indeed.  Glin. 
Well, let it then pass to other men's judgements: What then say you to holy S. Cyprian 1200. years past? 
Cyprian.  Who saith that the bread which our Lord gave to his disciples, was not changed in form, or quality: but in very nature, and by the almighty word was made flesh.  Madew. 
I do answer thus, that this word flesh may be taken two ways either for the substance itself, or else for a natural property of a fleshly thing. So that Cyprian there did mean of a natural property, and not of fleshly substance. And contrariwise in the rod of Aaron, where both the substance, and also the property was changed.  Glin. 
Holy S. Ambrose saith, the body there made by the mighty power of God's word, 
Ambrose·  is a body of the Uyrgyne Mary.  Rochest. 
That is to say, that by the word of God the thing hath a being, that it had not before, and we do consecrate the body that we may receive the grace and power of the body of Christ in heaven by this sacramental body.  Glin. 
By your patience (my Lord) if it be a body of the Uyrgyne as Saint Ambrose saith, which we do consecrate as ministers by Gods holy word, then must it needs be more than a sacramental, or spiritual body: yea a very body of Christ in deed, yea the same that is still in heaven without all moving from place to place, unspeakably, and far passing our natural reason, which is in this mystery so captivate, that it cannot conceive how it is there, without a lively faith to God's word. But let this pass: You do grant that this bread doth quicken or give life, which if it do, than it is not a natural bread, but a super-substanciall bread.  Rochester. 
So doth the effectual, and lively word of god, which for that it nourisheth the soul, it doth give life, for the divine essence infudeth itself unspeakably into the faithful receiver of the sacrament.  Glin. 
How then say you to holy Damascene a Greek author, 
Damascene.  who as one Tritenius saith flourished one thousand years past, he saith thus. The body that is of the holy virgin Mary is joined to the divinity after the consecration in verity, and in deed, not so as the body once assumpted into heaven, and sitteth on the Father's right hand, doth remove from thence, and cometh down at the consecration time, but that the same bread and wine are substantially transumpted into the very body and blood of our Lord jesus Christ. If (saith he) thou dost not know the manner how it is brought to pass, let it be enough to thee to believe, that it is done by the operation of the holy Ghost, and we do know no more but that the living word of God is working, and almighty, but the very manner how, is inscrutable to us, and no great marvel saith he, for we cannot well express how the material bread, wine, or water are transumpted naturally into the same body and blood of the receiver, and be become an other body, than they were before. So saith this great ancient Clerk, also this showbread with wine and water, are changed by the coming of the holy Ghost into Christ's body and blood, and they be not two bodies there, but very one (of Christ) and the same.  Rochester. 
First I deny (Master Doctor) that Damascene was one thousand years past, 
Damascene expounded.  secondarily that he is not to be holden as an ancient father, for that he maintaineth in his works evil and damnable doctrine, as the worshipping of images, and such like. thirdly I say that in deed God by his holy spirit is the worker of that, which is done in the sacrament. Also I grant that there is a mutation of the common bread and wine spiritually into the lords bread and wine, 
A spiritual mutation of the bread and wine, but no mutation of the substance.  by the sanctifying of them in the lords word. But I deny that there is any mutation of the substances, for there is no other change there indeed, then there is in us, which when we do receive the sacrament worthily, then are we changed into Christ's body, bones and blood, not in nature, but spiritually, and by grace, much like as Isaias saw the burning coal, even so we see not there the very simple bread, as it was before the consecration, for an union cannot be but of two very things. Wherefore if we be joined to Christ receiving the sacrament, than there is no adnihilation of bread, which is, when it is reduced to nothing as it is in your feigned transubstantiation.  Glin. 
So I perceive you would have me to grant, that the Sacrament is but a figure, which Theophilactus doth deny.  Rochester. 
You say truth, he denieth it deed to be a figure, but he meaneth that it is not only a figure.  Glin. 

Theophilact. expounded.  Whereas Saint Paul saith that we being many are one bread, he speaketh not, nor meaneth one material bread, as you do here, ergo he speaketh of a heavenly bread. And holy chrysostom upon Matthew saith, that the paschal Lamb was a figure, but the mystery is the verity: For the Disciples would not have been offended to have drunken a figure of Christ's blood being well accustomed to figures. 
The paschal Lamb a figure.  For Christ did not institute a figure for a figure but the clear verity in stead of the figure, as Saint john saith, grace and verity was given by Christ. Dost thou see bread? (saith chrysostom) doth it avoid or pass as other meats do which we receive? God forbidden, ergo. etc.  Madew. 
That ancient Clerk Origene upon the 15. of S. Matthew saith thus, as touching that which is material in the Sacrament, it descendeth, 
The 〈…〉 of the S●●cramēt 〈◊〉 out as ●●ther me● do.  and issueth out as other nutrimentes do. But as concerning that which is celestial, it doth not so.  Glin. 
chrysostom homile. 83. upon Matthew saith, that we cannot be deceived of Christ's words, but our natural senses may be deceived in this point very soon and easily: his said words cannot be false, but our senses be many times beguiled of their judgements. Because therefore that Christ said this is my body, let us not at any hand doubt (saith he) but let us believe it, and well perceive it with the eyes of our understanding. And within a little after in that place, he saith thus. It was not enough that he was become man; and afterwards to be scourged for us but also he did reduce, and bring us to be as one body with him, not thorough faith only, but in very deed also he maketh us his body. And after that, he saith that these works are not of man's power: But the same things that he wrought in his last supper, he now worketh also by his precept to his right minister, and we do occupy the place of the same ministers, but he it is that doth sanctify, and transumpt the creatures, he performeth still the same.  Rochester. 
M. Doctor you must understand that in that place S. chrysostom showeth us that Christ delivered to us no sensible thing at his last supper.  Glin. 
Honourable sir by your patience, I grant that he gave to his Disciples no sensible thing in substance, but a thing insensible, his own precious body, and blood under the only kinds of creatures. And truly (as it seemeth) Theophilactus best knew the meaning of chrysostom, because all authors accept him as a faithful interpreter of him. And he hath these same plain words, transelemented, and transformed. Also Theophilactus Alexandrinus super Marcum, Cyrillus, and Saint Augustine saith that before the consecration it is bread, but afterwards it is Christ's very body. In like manner S. Augustine upon 33. Psalm. saith, that in his last supper Christ did bear himself in his own hands. Now every man may bear the figure of his body in his own hands, but S. Austen saith it there for a miracle. Ireneus in his fift book is of the same mind. And Saint Augustine saith I do remember my words. etc. The law and figures were by Moses, but the verity and body came by Christ.  Rochester. 
Well, say what you list, it is but a figurative speech, like to this if you will receive, and understand he is Elias for a property, but indeed he was not Elias, but john the Baptist. And so in this place Christ called it his body, when it was very bread. But better than the common bread, because it was sanctified by the word of Christ.  ¶ Here Master Langdale replied to Doctor Madew. Langdale. 
RIght worshipful Master Doctor by your patience I have noted two things that you affirmed in your position even now before this honourable audience, 
Two 〈◊〉 noted in Madew● position  the which as me seemeth, are not consonant to the truth of God's word. The first is as touching Christ's saying I will not from hence forth drink any more of the fruit of the vine, until I drink it new with you. etc. Which place of the Scripture you did (as I think) understand, and interpret as though nothing else remained after the consecration, but very wine still. Whereof I do not a little marvel. Seeing that, that most famous Clerk Erasmus whose authority and sentence you refuse at this present only, yet nevertheless he is very worthy in this matter of far better estimation amongst learned men. Wherefore I trust I shall not offend to allege him before this learned and honourable auditory, he plainly affirmeth that for all his great labour in searching the Scriptures, 
The 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 of the lords Supper.  he could never find either in the Evangelists or yet in the Apostolical doctrine, that it might be, or was called wine, after the consecration. And therefore I cannot but marvel, if the thing be so open and plain, as in your declaration you seem to make it, that such a profound Clerk as he was, could not find it out. For that said place he entreated of in his paraphrases, in his annotations, and in others of his lucubrations, and yet he plainly denieth that same very thing to be found of him, which you here openly affirmed, that it is wine, or may be so called after the consecration duly performed by a right minister. I beseech you not to be offended, though I credit not your saying in this so weighty a matter of Christian religion, as I do his.  Madew. 
No forsooth, I will not be offended one jot with you, 
 but for to content your mind in this point. It is most constant and sure, that Erasmus was of that mind and opinion, that it was enough for a christian to believe Christ's body and blood to be in the sacrament in what manner or condition soever it were. 
Anno 1549.   Langdale. 
By your licence good master Doctor, these be Erasmus words. 
〈◊〉 to 〈…〉 to present the Sacrament 〈…〉.  The Church of Christ hath determined very lately transubstantiation in the sacrament. It was of a long season enough to believe Christ's body to be either under the bread consecrated, or else to be present after any other manner. But yet (saith he) after that the said Church had pondered and weighed the thing more pithily with greater judgement, than she made a more certain determination of the same. In the which place 1. Cor. 7. Erasmus saith that the proceeding of the holy Ghost equally from the Father, & the son, was also determined of the same Church. But let this pass. And as touching the second point, which I noted in your so eloquent declaration, which was that you did wrest, 
 and wring the saying of Tertullian from the verity of his mind, for you said that he doth interpret the prophet Malachye speaking of our daily sacrifice in the new law, to mean nothing else, by that sacrifice in that place, but prayer and thanksgiving. But the said ancient Clerk Tertullian hath not those words that you do allege of him, that is to say, (nothing else.) And yet though that Oecolampadius do so interpret that place, yet (as me seemeth) the judgement of the hole Christian church is to be preferred in such a matter of religion. But I will pass over this point, and return to the matter itself. And first I do require of your maystershippe●, whether that this sentence (this is my body) be spoken of Christ figuratively or not?  Madew. 
After the mind of the common gloze of Cyprian & Origene it is so taken in very deed.  Langdale. 
That cannot be by your patience, for it is taken the●e substantially, ergo not figuratively.  Madew. 
I deny your argument.  Langdale. 
I prove my argument good thus. This word substance doth plainly repugn, and is contrary to this word figure, ergo substantially, and figuratively do also repugn. Moreover I ask of you whether that this be a true proposition or not, bread is Christ's body?  Madew. 

A true proposition 〈◊〉 is Chri●●es ●●dy.  Yea forsooth, it is a true proposition.  Langdale. 
Then thus to you. Christ's body was given for us, but you say that bread is Christ's body ergo bread was given for us.  Rochester. 
Not so sir, for your former proposition is of double understanding.  Langdale. 
Well, yet you M. Doctor do grant that Christ is substantially in the sacrament.  Madew. 
No I deny that I said so ever.  Langdale. 

 Yea? do you so? Well I pass not thereupon greatly, for I will prove it by an other means. Christ did suffer his most glorious passion for us really, and substantially ergo he is also in the sacrament substantially. The argument is good, for because that it is the same here, that was there crucified for us, how be it here invisibly, indeed spiritually and sacramentally, but there visibly, and after a mortal, and most bloody manner.  Rochester. 
Master Langdale, your argument doth well conclude, in case that his body were here in the sacrament, after such a sort as it was when he was betrayed. But that is not so, for he was betrayed, and crucified in his natural body substantially, and really in very deed: but in the Sacrament he is not so, but spiritually, and figuratively only.  Langdale. 
By your good Lordship's favour that is not so, for he is there, not figuratively but verily, and indeed by the power of his mighty word, yea even his very own natural body under the sacrament, duly performed by the lawful minister.  Madew. 
Oh say not so, for you speak blasphemy.  Langdale. 
No, no, M. Doctor, God forbidden, that either I or any man else should be noted of blasphemy, saying nothing, but the very plain truth, as in my conscience, & learning I do no less.  Rochester. 
O M. Langdale, I wis it becometh you, not hear to have such words.  Langdale 
If it like your good Lordship I gave not the first occasion of them, but only did refute that, which I was unjustly burdened withal as reason doth require, and it grieved me to hear it. He saith (if it please your Lordship) that there is a mutation or change of the bread after it is consecrated, 
 which if it be so (as I grant no less) than I would inquire of him, whether it be changed in the substance, or in the accidents, or else in both, or in nothing. No man can justly say that there is a change into nothing. And all ancient fathers do agree, that the same accidents are there still after, that were before, nor no doctor saith▪ that there is any mutation of both the substance, and accidents also, ergo the substance o● bread is changed into some other thing, that is there really present under the forms of bread and wine, which by Christ's words, must needs be his own blessed body.  Rochester. 
Sir you are deceived greatly, for there is no change of the substances neither of the accidents: 
No change neither of the substance, nor yet of the accidents in the Sacrament.  but in very deed there do come unto the bread other accidents, in so much that whereas the bread and wine were not sanctified before, and holy, yet afterwards they be sanctified, and so do receive then an other sort, or kind of virtue which they had not before.  
Here is to be noted, that Peter Martyr in his answer at Oxford did grant a change in the substances of bread and wine, which in Cambridge by the Bishop Doct. Ridley was denied.  Langdale. 
By your patience reverend father, 
How Scripture may be ab●sed to any purpose as commonly the Papists use it.  by such means a man may easily avoid all the mysteries of our christian faith: As where it is said thus of God the father, this is my beloved son. etc. A man may also wring that to be understood thus: this is the image of my well-beloved son, or this is the virtue of my well beloved son: yea much more justly than your good Lordship doth the other, because S. Paul to the hebrews doth call the son the Image of the father, and in an other place he calleth him the power, or virtue of God, and God's wisdom▪ Now though he be so called in scripture, God forbidden that we should call him only God's Image or God's virtue, and not God himself.  Rochester. 
Oh gentle M. Langdale, 
A figurative speech somewhere hurtful, somewhere not.  you ought not to reason after such a sort as you do now, because that a trope or figurative speech is nocive somewhere, but not every where, nor in this matter.  Langdale. 
Yet by your licence (honourable father) it doth appear to me no trope at all in these words of christ, 
A fond reason wherefore this is my body should seem no figurative speech.  this is my body, which is given for you, and that for this reason: christ did exhibit or give again the very same things at his last supper, by the which things he was joined to us, but he was joined or knit unto us by his own natural flesh, & blood, ergo he did exhibit to us at his last supper no less again. My former proposition I prove by the testimony of S. Chrisost. whose words in Christ's person are these: I would be your brother, I took upon me common flesh & blood for your sakes, and even by the same things that I am joined to you, the very same I have exhibited to you again. etc.  ¶ Here the Proctors commanded Langdale to give place to an other. Rochest. 
We are not joined by natural flesh, but do receive his flesh spiritually from above. etc.  ¶ Here M. Segewicke replied. 
RIght worshipful M Doctor, I do also ask of you first of all, 
Whether the article of the neuter gender (this) be referred to the bread o● to the body.  whether the greek article (this) of the neuter gender be referred to the word (bread) or to the word (body) if it be referred to the word (bread) than Christ would not have said this, in the neuter gender, but rather this, in the masculine gender.  Rochester. 
Forsooth that article is referred to neither of both, but may signify unto us any other kind of thing.  Segewicke. 
No forsooth, but it doth note unto us some excellent great thing determinately, & not so confusedly as you say. For such a great heap of articles, in the greek doth notify unto us a great and weighty thing to be in the sacrament determinately, if we may credit the ancient Fathers. 
Bread taken diversly in the Scripture.  Moreover this word (bread) is not always in the scriptures taken after one sort: wherefore I desire you to show me how it is taken in this place of S. Paul: we are many, one bread. etc.  Madew. 
Forsooth of the very wheaten bread.  Segewicke. 
Then after your mind, we are all very wheaten bread.  Rochest. 
Forsooth we are bread, not for the nature of bread, but for the fellowship and unity that is noted by the coagulation of many grains into one bread or loaf. 
How we are bread, and how not.   Segewicke. 
Well let that pass, then thus. It is the body, ergo no figure, for because there is a perpetual contrariety between the law of Moses & the law of grace. Therein were figures & shadows, and herein is the verity indeed.  Rochester. 
I do grant it to be Christ's true body, & flesh by a propriety of the nature assumpted to the godhead, 
How the bread is Christ's body.  yea and we do really eat and drink his flesh and blood after a certain real property.  Segewicke. 
It is not the figurate paschal lamb, it is not the figurative Manna, nor yet the figurative showbread. etc. ergo it is no figure.  Madew. 
I do deny your argument.  Segewicke. 
I maintain my argument thus, all the shadows are wholly passed, ergo also so be the figures, for every figure is a shadow, if then it be but a figure, all the figures are not past as yet, but that is false, ergo so is the other.  Rochest. 
It is nothing but a figure, or token of the true body of Christ as it is said of john the baptist, 
The bread but a figure and ●ow.  he is Elias, not that he was so in deed or person, but in property, and virtue he represented Elias.  Segewicke. 
So, but most learned father, when Christ said I am the way, the truth, and the life: may it be understanded as you do the other place thus: I am the virtue of the way, verity, and the life? But now to the matter itself. It is verily meat, ergo it is not figuratively.  Madew. 
This verb or word (is) in this place is taken for that that signifieth.  Here he was commanded to reply in the second matter. Segewicke. 
NOw as touching our second conclusion this I say. Wheresoever Christ is there is a sacrifice propitiatory, but in the lords supper is Christ, ergo in the lords supper is a sacrifice propitiatory. 
Christ not offered, but received in spirit.   Madew. 
Christ is not offered in the lords supper, but is received spiritually.  Segewicke. 
The priesthood and the sacrifice be corespondent together, 
Christ's sacrifice offered once for all is only sufficient without any other.  but Christ's priesthood after the orde of Melchizedech is perpetual, ergo also so is his sacrifice.  Rochest. 
Christ is a Priest for ever, that is to say his sacrifice, and priesthood offered once for all, is available for ever so that no other shall succeed him.  Legewicke. 
Where there is no oblation, there is no sacrifice, ergo if Christ be not perpetually offered, 
Christ's sacrifice an end of all sacrifices.  there is no perpetual sacrifice. Item the same bloody sacrifice of Christ upon the Cross was the very fine and end of all the bloody sacrifices figured in the law after the order of Aaron's priesthood. Wherefore you must needs grant that he offered himself also at his last supper after the order of Melchizedech under the forms of bread and wine: or else you must show the scripture where he did so, which I cannot perceive to be done, but at his last supper only after an unbloody manner. Item he is offered for the remission of sins daily, ergo he is a sacrifice propitiatory still in the new law, as Saint Augustine saith expounding these words of the Psalm. Thou hast not willed to have sacrifice and oblation, but. etc.  Rochester. 
S. Cyprian speaketh much like the sort, where he saith thus. It is the lords Passion, which we do offer. etc.  Segewicke. 
In the old law there were many sacrifices propitiatory, ergo there be also in the new law, or else you must grant that God is not so beneficial now to us, as than he was to them, seeing that we be as frail, and as needy as ever were they, which must be especially the most pure daily sacrifice of Christ's body and blood, that holy Malachy speaketh of.  Madew. 

What sacrifice it is that Malachi speaketh of.  As touching the place of Malachy the Prophet, I answer that it is nothing to your purpose for the offering of Christ daily in the Sacrament. For that sacrifice there spoken of is nothing else, but the sincere & most pure preaching of God's holy word, prayer and of thanksgiving to God the Father thorough jesus Christ.  Here M. Segewicke was commanded to cease to Master Yong. Yong. 
WOrshipful master Doctor, although you have learnedly, and clarkly defended these your conclusions this day: yet seeing that I am now placed to impugn them in place of a better: I do begin thus with you. It hath pleased Christ to make us partakers of his holy spirit, and that in very deed, by receiving of the Christian faith, hope, and charity, ergo much more of his own blessed body, and blood spiritually and in very deed in the lords supper. Item the Angels food was altogether holy from above, and heavenly called Manna, ergo also this celestial, and heavenly food can be justly esteemed to be of no less excellency than that, 
The words of Scripture ever effectual.  but without comparison better: and so no very wheat, after due consecration of it. Item the words of holy scripture are evermore effectual, and working, ergo they must perform the thing indeed that they do promise. For he that might create, might also change at his pleasure, the natures, and substances of creatures, as appeareth that Christ did by changing water into wine at a Marriage in Galilee. But Christ in the Scripture did promise john. 6. that the bread that he would give, is his flesh in deed, which promise was never fulfilled till in his last supper, when he took bread, gave thanks, blessed it, and gave it to his disciples saying, take, eat, this is my body. Which bread then was his flesh in deed, as doth well appear in the said place, and next promise depending upon the same, thus, which flesh I will give for the life of the world. This last promise was fulfilled by him upon the Cross, ergo the first was likewise at his last Supper. So that it was but one, and the same flesh, first and last promised and performed.  Rochester. 
In deed the words of holy scripture do work their effects potencially and thoroughly by the mighty operation of the spirit of God.  Yong. 
If it please your Lordship, 
Man is ●●●rished b● the 〈◊〉 Christe● blood b● faith, b● not by drinking really in cup.  man is fed and nourished with Christ's blood, ergo then it is his blood indeed, though it do not so appear, to our outward senses, which be deceived, for Christ saith this is my blood: And also my blood is drink in deed. And because that we should not abhor his blessed blood in his natural kind, or his flesh if they should be so ministered unto us: of his most excellent mercy, and goodness, condescending to our weak infirmities, he hath appointed them to be given us, under the sensible kinds of his convenient creatures, that is to say of bread and wine. Also our body is fed with Christ's body, which is meat in deed, but it can not be nourished with that that is not there present, ergo Christ's body that feedeth us must needs be present in very deed in the sacrament. Item the nature of bread is changed, but the nature of the bread, and the substance of it, is all one thing, ergo the substance also is changed. My first proposition is S. Cyprian de coena domini saying, that the bread in figure is not changed, but in nature.  Rochester. 
Cyprian there doth take this word nature for a property of nature only, 
Cypria● expound▪  and not for the natural substance.  Yong. 
That is a strange acception, that I have not read in any author before this time, but yet by your leave, the communion of Christ's body, can not be there, where his body is not, but the communion of Christ's body is in the sacrament, ergo Christ's body is there present in very deed.  Rochester. 
Grace is there communicated to us by the benefit of Christ's body sitting in heaven.  Yong. 
Not so only, for we are members of his flesh, and bones of his bones.  Rochester. 
We be not consubstantial with Christ, 
We be 〈◊〉 consubs●●●●ciall wit● Christ, joined 〈◊〉 him by 〈◊〉 holy spi●●●▪  God forbidden that, but we are joined to his mystical body thorough his holy spirit, and the communion of his flesh is communicated to us spiritually thorough the benefit of his flesh in heaven.  Yong. 
Well I am contented, and do most humbly beseech your good Lordship to pardon me of my great rudeness and imbecility, which I have here showed.   
¶ Here ended the first disputation holden at Cambridge the 20. day of june. 1549.   

¶ The second disputation holden at Cambridge 24 of june. Ann. 1549.  

Doctor Glin in his first conclusion. 
Mysteries may 〈◊〉 be belee●● then cumbrously sea●●ched.   
TThe mysteries of faith (as August. witnesseth) may very profitably be believed, but they cannot well be searched forth, as saith the scripture, I believed, therefore I spoke and he that confesseth me before men, him will I confess before my father which is in heaven, We believe every man in his art, therefore much more Christ our saviour in his word. Marvel not most honourable Lords and worshipful Doctors that I speak thus now, for once you yourselves spoke the same. But peradventure some will say believe not every spirit. I answer charity believeth all things, but not in all things. If those things which I shall utter, be convinced as false, I shall desire you to take them as not spoken at all. But these are the words of of truth hoc est corpus meum, this is my body, Christ spoke them, therefore I dare not say this bread is my body, 
As 〈◊〉 called 〈◊〉 the brea● figure, 〈◊〉 speaking ●●●guratiue at other times ca●●led the● not pla●● figures though they 〈◊〉 so.  for so Christ said not, Christ said thus, this is my body, and therefore I but dust and ashes, yea a worm before him, dare not say this is a figure of his body: heaven and earth (saith he) shall pass but my word shall not pass. Whatsoever our old father Adam called every creature, that is his name to this day, the new Adam (Christ jesus) said this is my body, & is it not so? he never said this is a figure of my body, nor eat you this figure, or sign of my body. And therefore when the paschal lamb was set before him, he said not, this is my body. Wherefore if at the day of judgement, Christ should say unto me, why hast thou believed that this is my body? I would answer him, because thou hast so called it▪ I believed it not to be a figure, because thou saidst not, that it was a figure: Other reasons to avouch I know not. Of the word itself. I contend not, but the thing itself I defend, for we must speak regularly. Thus Christ, thus the Apostles, thus all the ancient fathers have spoke, our fathers had but only figures and shadows, but the Church of God hath the truth itself with the signs. Tertullian saith one figure containeth not another, but Melthizedech was a figure, ergo this is the body. The Sacraments of the jews wear signs and tokens, but ours be both the signs and the thing signed also. Luther himself confessed that the body was present with the bread, and could not deny it: Oecolampadius took it for a figure only chrysostom demanding wherefore Christ gave his body before his passion, 
 rather than at any other time, answereth; that he might tie the truth to the figure, saying, t●ke, eat, this is my body, not a figure of my body. And the same chrysostom saith again, if it were but bare bread, or but a figure, wherefore should his Disciples have been offended in eating a figure? Again in his 83. Homely upon Matthew. They are not any human works, which he did work at his last supper, he it is that worketh, he maketh perfect, we are his ministers, but it is he that sanctifieth, and changeth the elements of bread and wine into his body and blood. Again dost thou see bread and wine? do they pass into the privy like other meats, God forbidden. etc. Theophilus Alexandrinus upon these words of Mark the Evangelist this is my body, saith. This which I give, and which you receive, ●s not only bread, or a figure of Christ●s body, but the truth itself, for if it should appear as it is, in form of flesh & blood, we should loath it, and therefore the Lord condescending to our weakness, retaineth the forms of bread and wine, and yet converteth the same into the truth of his body and blood. Theophilactus sayeth the bread and the wine is the very body & blood of Christ, and not a figure only. If you stand in suspense of the author, or approve him not, yet know you that he is counted and taken amongst all the learned for a most faithful interpreter of chrysostom, the bread saith he is transelementate, and transmitted into an other substance than it was before. Augustine saith there was great heed taken in the primitive Church, lest any part of the Sacrament should fall down to the ground. etc. Cyrillus saith, least we should abhor flesh and blood in the Sacrament of the Altar, God humbleth himself to our weakness pouring and infusing the force of life into it, and making it the very truth of his own blessed body and blood. Damascene calleth it a divine body, or a body deified. Origene, Ireneus, Eusebius Hieronimus, with all the rest of the ancient Catholic Fathers are of the same opinion with me, all which to produce it were too long.   

¶ The Declaration of Doctor Glin upon his second conclusion.  
THe sacrifice and offering up of Christ's body in the Sacrament of the Altar (right honourable and worshipful) I will defend even to the effusion of blood as a thing consonant to scripture, whereof Paul speaketh to the hebrews. But perchance some will object, Christ offered up himself, 
 ergo you ought not to offer him. I answer, yea, because he offered himself therefore, I offer him, for except he had offered himself, I could not have offered him. But you will say, Christ's death is sufficient, and therefore you ought not to offer him again. I answer. So may we say, we need neither to fast nor pray, for Christ hath done both sufficiently for us. Again you will object, if you offer him up again, you crucify him anew. I answer, not so, for many have offered him, that have not crucified him, as Abraham, Isaac, Moses, the Levites, Anna, Samuel. We offer Christ, but not to the death, but incommemoration of his death, there being not only commemoration thereof, but also the very presence of Christ's body and blood. Ireneus saith, Christ counseled his Disciples to offer the first fruits of all their goods to God, not that he needed any of them, but for that they should not show themselves fruitless, or ungrateful, and therefore Christ took the creature of bread, gave thanks, and said this is my body, and likewise the creature of the cup, and confessed saying, this is my blood of the new Testament. Thus Christ hath taught a new kind of oblation, which the Church receiving from the Apostles, offereth to God thorough out all the whole world, who only giveth unto us all kind of food, and the first fruits of his gracious gifts in the new Testament, whereof Malachye thus saith, I have no pleasure in you saith the Lord of Hosts, I will not receive any sacrifices at your hands, because my name is glorified amongst the Nations from the East to the West saith the Lord, and in every place is incense and pure sacrifice offered to my name. But here may be objected, Christ is the only sacrifice for sin, and without him there is no more. I answer, 
Christ is the only true sacrifice for sin and without him there are no more.  notwithstanding we have this commandment, do this in remembrance of me, besides that I deny not that it is a commemoration, but I deny that it is an only commemoration. I deny his absence, and I affirm his presence.  
Here endeth the declaration of Doctor Glin.    
Master Perne. 
WHere as you say (most reverend master Doctor) in your proposition, I believed, and therefore I spoke, and we believe, and therefore do speak, our consciences, suggesting the same unto us, and again that mysteries are not to be searched, and the like, it seemeth you go about to restrain the searching of holy Scriptures, whereas Christ saith scrutamini scripturas, search the Scriptures. 
The Papists refrain the use of Scriptures.  Moreover you have cited the Fathers confusedly, & without order, you left transubstantiation and endeavour yourself to prove the real presence in the Sacrament, whereas we deny nothing less than his corporal presence, or the absence of his substance in the bread.  Glin. 
You inveigh wonderfully you know not against what, for neither I, nor yet August. do deny the searching of the scriptures, but I said out of Augustine mysteries are not to be searched: it is an other thing to search mysteries, than it is to search the Scriptures, whereas you require of me a regulate order of citing the Doctors, I had not (as all men know) the liberty of time so to do: but if you desire me so earnestly to perform that, if time may be granted me, I will easily fulfil your request.  Perne. 
I pray you let me ask you, what is a sacrament?  Glin. 
A sacrament is a visible sign, of an invisible grace.  Perne. 
Augustine against Maximinus the Arian Bishop maketh this definition of a sacrament. A sacrament is a thing signifying one thing and showing an other thing.  Glin. 
I refuse not his reason.  Perne. 
What is the thing figured by the sacrament?  Glin. 
The thing figured is twofold, to wit the thing contained, and the thing signified, the thing signified, and not contained. For there be three things contained, the true body of Christ, the mystical body and the fruit or benefit of the sacrament.  Perne. 
The forms and signs of bread nourish not, ergo somewhat else besides the bare sign of bread doth remain, which nourisheth that is the substance of bread. For in every sacrament there is a similitude, betwixt the sign and the thing signed, but betwixt the body of Christ, and the form or kind of bread, there is no similitude, ergo the nature of a sacrament is taken away.  Glin. 
I deny your minor master Doctor.  Perne. 
The forms nourish not, but the body nourisheth ergo there is no similitude betwixt them, and so is the nature of a sacrament clean destroyed.  Glin. 
It is sufficient to similitudes that the bread which was doth nourish, and yet certain Doctors do affirm that the forms do nourish miraculously.  Rochester. 
Whosoever taketh away all the similitude of substances, consequently he taketh away the sacrament, for a similitude is three fold, namely of nutrition, of unity and conversion. But by a contrary similitude, he is not charged into our substance, but we into his: for in nutrition this is the similitude, that our blood nourisheth our bodies, so the blood of Christ doth nourish us, but after a wonderful manner, to wit by turning us into himself.  Glin. 
I have answered your reason (most reverend Father) in that I said that the forms do nourish miraculously, as certain learned do affirm.  Perne. 
By what authority can you say that bread doth not remain.  Glin. 
By the authority of Christ who saith this is my body.  Perne. 
By the same reason may we say that bread still remaineth, for S. Paul calleth it bread sundry times in his epistles.  Glin. 
I deny not that it is bread, but that it is material bread, for Paul always addeth this article (which) betokening (as all men hold) some chief thing.  Perne. 
We are changed into a new creature.  Glin. 
Not substantially, but actually.  Rochest. 
This is that bread which came down from heaven, ergo it is not Christ's body, 
Christ's body came not from heaven.  for his body came not from heaven.  Glin. 
We may say that Christ, God & man, came down from heaven for the unity of his person, or else for the mutual community of the same his 2. natures in one, for his human nature I know came not from heaven. 
Anno 1550.   Rochester. 
The bread is his humane nature, but the humain nature of his came not from heaven, ergo neither the bread.  Glin. 
It is true that the bread came not from heaven as bread simply, but as celestial & heavenly bread. But I will answer to that, whereas you hold that the body of Christ came not from heaven: I by the body and flesh of Christ do understand whole Christ, neither separating his soul, nor yet his Deity, although his humanity is not turned into his divinity by confusion of substance, but is one by unity of both. Or else thus I may reason, the God of glory is crucified, and the son of Mary created the world. etc.  Rochester. 
So it is. But he is called a rock and a vine, and so after your judgement he is both a material rock, 
Christ is called a rock a vine, but in figure.  & also a material vine.  Glin. 
The circumstances there show plainly that there is a trope or figure: for it followeth I am the vine, you are the branches: but here is no trope. For after these words, this is my body, he addeth, which is given for you.  Rochester. 

The judgement of the Papists very gross.  Your judgement herein is very gross, and far discrepant from the truth.  Glin. 
If my judgement in this he gross (most reverend father) then are all the ancient fathers as gross in judgement as I in this point and the catholic church also.  Perne 
Show us one place, or one Doctor who saith that it remaineth not bread after the consecration.  Glin. 
I wonder that you are not ashamed to ask that of me, for have you not had almost infinite places and doctors alleged unto you in my former declarations proving as much as you request at my hands?  Perne. 
He took bread, he broke bread, ergo it is bread.  Glin. 

Christ took brake, and gave bread.  I have answered often hereunto, and I grant it is bread, but not only, or material.  Perne. 
Ireneus affirmeth that a sacrament consisteth of a double matter, of a earthly matter, and of a heavenly, ergo the bread remaineth.  Glin. 
Ireneus in that place by the earthly matter, 
A Sacrament consisteth in a double matter.  meaneth the humanity of Christ, and by the heavenly matter, the deity of Christ.  Rochester. 
The humanity, and the divinity of Christ make not a sacrament, which consisteth of a visible, and an invisible nature, & I deny that Ireneus can be so understanded: Therefore we desire the learned auditory to search Ireneus at home as opportunity will serve for this matter.  Glin. 
I wish them so to do also with all my hart.  Here Master grindal beginneth to dispute. grindal. 
Whereas you say (worshipful M. Doct.) that we speak not now as sometimes we thought, 
grindal replieth.  and judged in this matter, peradventure you also judge not so now of all things as you have done tofore. But what we have once been, it forceth not, God respecteth no man's person. And whereas you say that you dare not contrary to Christ call it a sign, 
August. Tertull. with many more call it a figure.  or a figure, August. notwithstanding dareth to call it a figure, and Tertullian likewise with many more.  Glin. 
True it is, but they called it not a sign or a figure only, but prove you (if you can) that after the consecration remaineth any other substance than the real body of Christ?  grindal. 
If the forms do nourish (as you contend) they nourish the natural and human body, for they be both as one, 
What the form of bread & wine do nourish.  and are nourished a like.  Glin. 
Your reason is mere physical, and therefore to be rejected in matters of faith, but I grant they nourish, but miraculously.  grindal. 
If you grant that the forms do nourish, them you grant that bread remaineth.  Glin. 
I said even now that that is true, but the nature of it is changed and that miraculously.  grindal. 
If it be the real and substantial body of Christ because Christ said (this is my body) ergo because the Lord said I will not drink of the fruit of this vine, 
It remaineth bread and wine a●te● the consecration.  and Paul calleth it bread after the consecration it is therefore bread, & wine.  Glin. 
Truly sir you must bring better arguments, or else you will prove nothing for your purpose. For to your reasons thus I answer: Chrisost. saith Christ did drink of the blood, but whether this sentence I will not drink of the fruit of the vine be spoken of the blood it is not certain. And truly Erasmus denieth that it is not to be found in all the whole scripture, that it is called bread after the consecration. Or else thus I may answer you. Even as it is called bread for the form, 
How it is called bread and in what respect.  and kind, and accidents which remain, so for the form, & similitude which it hath it may be called the fruit of the vine after the consecration. And whereas Chrisost. calleth it wine, he speaketh of the nature whereof the sacrament necessarily is made. And I deny not but it may be called wine, but yet eucharistical. etc.  Rochest. 
The Evangelists, Math. Mark, and Luke, call i● the fruit of the vine, and Chrisost. saith that the fruit of the vine is nothing else but wine, ergo Christ gave them wine, and drank wine himself also, not blood. 
Christ 〈◊〉 it 〈◊〉 not 〈◊〉   Glin. 
Christ said twice I will not drink of the fruit of the vine, once at the eating of the paschal Lamb (as Luke saith) & then was it wine indeed: And again after the consecration of his body and blood he said the like, and then it was not wine, which me think I can prove by the plain words of S. Luke if we compare him with Math. For if it were wine as they both affirm, than the words of Christ cannot well stand, because first (as Luke showeth) he said at his legal supper I will not drink of the fruit of this vine. etc. And again in Math. after the consecration of his body & blood he drank: it followeth therefore that that which he drank was not wine by nature, for than must Christ needs be a liar, which were blasphemy to say.  Rochest. 
August. doth thus reconcile those places, saying it is spoken by a figure which we call histeron proteron.  Glin 
I know that August. saith so, 
Two 〈◊〉 assoil 〈◊〉  but me think that which I have said seemeth to be the true meaning of the places.  Rochest. 
August. seeketh no starting holes, nor yet any indirect shifts to obscure the truth.  Glin. 
Say your fatherhood what you will of Aug. I think not so.  grindal. 
This cup is the new testament in my blood, but here is a trope, ergo, 
In these words this is m● body is a trope.  in these words of Christ (this is my body) is a trope also.  Glin. 
I deny your argument: for whereas Luke saith this cup, Math. saith this is my blood, & therefore as Aug. saith places that be dark, are to be expounded by other that be light.  Rochest. 
All of your side, deny the Christ ever used any trope in the instituting of sacraments.  Glin. 
For my part I hold no opinion but the truth, whereof you yourself also do pretend the like.  Rochest. 
What understand you by this word (hoc, this) & in what words standeth the force or strength of the sacrament? 
A quest wherein consistet● the 〈◊〉 of the Sa●crament●  In this pronoun (hoc, this) or in this verb (est, is) or else in this whole sentence this is my body?  Glin. 
It is not made the true body, except all the words be spoken, as in baptism, I baptise thee in the name of the father, of the son, and of the holy ghost. For neither doth baptism consist in this word ego I, or in baptise, or in this word (te, thee) or in these words in nomine, in the name. etc. but in all the words spoken in order.  grindal. 
If to eat the body of Christ be a figurative speech, 
To eat body of Christ a figurati●● speeches  as August. saith it is, ergo, than these words (this is my body) is a figurative speech also.  Glin. 
It is a figurative speech, because we eat not the body of Christ after the same manner that we do other meats. etc.  Grind. 
Cyprian understandeth this of those that come unworthily, 
Cyprian explained  & make no difference of the Lords body speaking of the diiudication of the sacraments & not of the body of Christ.  Glin. 
Truly he speaketh of the true body of Christ.  Rochest. 
They receive unworthily, who neither judge themselves, nor yet the sacraments taking them as other common bread.  Grind. 
August. upon the 33. psal. saith Christ bare himself in his own hands after a sort, not in deed or truly. etc.  Glin. 
You omit many other things which August. saith, & I confess that he carried himself in his own hands after ● sort, but August. delivereth this unto us, and as a great miracle. And you know it was no great miracle to carry a figure of his body in his hands. And whereas you say that Christ carried himself after a sort in his own hands, it is very true, but yet diversly, for he sat after one manner at his supper, & after an other manner he carried himself in his hands. For Christ in the visible figure bore himself invisibly. 
Chris● sup. 〈◊〉 homil. 〈◊〉 cap. 5.   Grind. 
Tertullian calleth it a figure, ergo, it is so.  Glin. 
It is (as I have said) a figure, but not a figure only. But hear what Tertullian saith, he took bread, and made it his body, saying, this is my body. etc.  Grind. 
Hear what Chrisost. upon Math. homil. 11. sup. ca 5 if vessels sanctified to holy uses. etc.  Glin. 
That work is received not as Chrisostomes', but some man's else, as you know, or thus I answer, it is not the true body in proper and visible form.  Here Master Gest disputed. 
THe bread is not changed before the consecration, ergo not after it neither.  Glin. 
I deny your argument M. Gest.  Gest. 
Christ gave earthly bread, ergo there is no transubstantiation.  Glin. 
I deny your antecedent.  Gest. 
That that Christ took he blessed, that which he blessed he broke, what he broke he gave, ergo he receiving earthly bread, gave the same bread.  Glin. 
Your order in reasoning standeth not, for by the same reason may you gather that God took a rib of man, and thereof built a rib and brought it unto Adam. Ergo, what he received, he brought, but he received a rib, Ergo, he brought a rib.  Gest. 
How is the body of Christ in heaven, and how in the sacrament, whether circumscriptively or diffinitively?  Glin. 
The body of Christ is in heaven circumscriptively, but not so in the sacrament. The angels also are contained diffinitively. But I have learned that the body of Christ is in the sacrament, but not locally nor circumscriptively, but after an unspeakable manner unknown to man.  Rochest. 
Ah, know you not?  Glin. 
Neither in other mysteries of faith we know not the mean how, although this may partly be proved by reason. For as my soul is wholly in my head, and wholly in my foot, and wholly in my finger, and so in other parts of my body: and as there is one voice or sound which all men hearing do understand, so the body of Christ being one and the same, is wholly in the altar, and in many places else. For if God could do this in my foul, how much more in his own body.  Rochest. 
I beseech you show us what difference is betwixt these two, to be in a place circumscriptively, & diffinitively.  Glin. 
Your Lordship knoweth very well, but yet if any would know the difference, let him read August. ad Volusianum, & ad Dardanium, etc.  Gest. 
If the bread be changed, it is made the body of Christ, but that is not so, 
The bread 〈◊〉 chaun●●●.  Ergo, it is not changed.  Glin. 
I deny your Minor.  Gest. 
It is not generate or begot, ergo it is not the body.  Glin. 
That followeth not, as though to be made & to be generate or begot, were all one thing, or as though there were no other mutation than a generation, & so you impugn a thing that you know not. But what call you the generation?▪  Gest. 
The generation is the production of the accidents.  Glin. 
A new definition of a new philosopher.  Gest. 
That which he took, he blessed, that which he blessed, he broke, and gave it unto them, Ergo, etc.  Glin. 
Christ took bread, broke bread, & gave his body, that is the substance of his body, saying, This is my body.  Gest. 
The bread is not changed into the blood of Christ, Ergo, not into his body neither.  Glin. 
I deny your antecedent.  Gest. 
The master of the sentences saith it.  Glin. 
You understand him not, for the bread is changed into the blood of Christ, 
●apistes 〈◊〉 of ●●an substantiation.  by the power of God's word.  Rochest. 
Ye dream of a real presence of Christ's body in the sacrament, by the force of the words spoken, which the holy scripture doth impugn.  Glin. 
We say that not only by the power of the word, but also by the spirit & secret virtue in the words it is brought to pass, for there is no power in one word alone, as before in baptism: but in all the words duly prolated, according to the custom of the ancient catholic church.  Gest. 
If there were any transubstantiation, the accidences should not remain still, 
If there were transubstantiation there ●●ould remain no accidents.  but they have no matter whereto they may lean or cleave, but the accidents remain not themselves alone, Ergo, etc.  Glin. 
I confess the accidents cannot stand themselves alone by their own nature without a subject, but by the power of God they may, not after the opinion of philosophers, but of the scriptures, although I could show out of the scriptures, the accidents to have been without the subject, as in Genesis, The light was made without a subject, where as the subject of the light was made the fourth day after, as basil beareth me record.  Here M. Pilkington disputed. Pilkington. 
THis one thing I desire of you (most worshipful M. Doctor) that you will answer me with like brevity, as I shall propound, and thus I reason. The body of Christ that was broken on the cross, is a full satisfaction for the sins of the whole world, but the sacrament is not the satisfaction of the whole world. Ergo, the Sacrament is not the body of Christ.  Glin. 
I deny your argument.  Pilking. 
It is a syllogism.  Glin. 
It is not so, for there be 4. termines. Touching this word Sacrament, it is manifold: but thus I answer. If you take the sacrament for the matter of the sacrament, that is the body of Christ, then is your Minor proposition true, and the matter of the sacrament is the satisfaction for the sins of the whole world, but if you take the sacrament for the sign, which we call a sacrament, then is your Minor proposition false.  Pilking. 
The body of Christ hath satisfied for the sins of the whole world, but the sacrament hath not satisfied, Ergo the sacrament is not the body of Christ.  Glin. 
I deny your Minor, understanding the Sacrament for the matter of the sacrament.  Pilking. 
The sacrament only profiteth him that receiveth it but many were saved before the institution of this Sacrament was begun, ergo the sacrament is not the body of Christ.  Glin. 
If you mean of the bare sign only, it profiteth nothing, but if you mean of the thing signified, than what is spoke of the body of Christ, is spoke also of the thing of the sacrament itself.  Pilking. 
Transubstantiation is not a Sacrament, but that which I mean is a sacrament, Ergo, that which I mean is not transubstantiated.  Glin. 
I mean not that transubstantiation is a sacrament, neither do I say that the Sacrament is transubstantiate, but the bread.  Pilking. 
The body of Christ is resiant in heaven, & the body of Christ is in the sacrament, Ergo the Sacrament is in heaven.  Glin. 
A goodly reason forsooth: but I answer, he is after one sort in heaven, and after another sort in the sacrament: for in heaven he is locally, in the sacrament not so, in heaven visibly and circumscriptively, but in the sacrament invisibly and sacramentally.  Rochest. 
S. Augustine saith, take away the spaces from the bodies, and they shall be no where, and that which is no where, is not at all, so whilst you take away the spaces and dymensions from the body of Christ, in the Sacrament you bring to pass that it is not there at all.  Glin. 
In that place Augustine speaketh of natural bodies, not of supernatural, otherwise I could deny that Christ had a true body when he entered into his disciples, the gates being shut.  Rochest. 
Of the gates being shut, a divers and doubtful meaning may be gathered, for it may be that he entered in before the gates were shut, and afterward opened them being shut, etc.  Glin. 
Then it could be no miracle, but the Evangelists & all sound interpreters say and affirm this to be a miracle of our saviour Christ.  Rochest. 
Whether Christ entered in miraculously, the gates being shut, or else open, the scripture setteth not down.  Glin. 
As Christ (the womb of the virgin being shut) was borne into the world without violation of her pure virginity, or apertion of her womb (for so he might have been polluted) so entered he through the doors to his Disciples miraculously.  Pilking. 
In the body of Christ which was given for us, there are no accidents of bread, but in the sacrament there be accidents of bread, ergo, in the Sacrament there is not the body of Christ.  Glin. 
In the matter of the sacrament that is in the body of Christ, is no accidents of bread, but accidents are the very sacrament itself.  Pilking 
I beseech you what do we eat, the substance, or the accidents?  Glin. 
Both, as when we eat wholesome, and unwholesome meats together, so we eat the substance of Christ's body, and yet not without the accidents of bread.  Pilking. 
I prove that the accidents are eaten, for whatsoever entereth in by the mouth, goeth into the privy, but the accidents go in by the mouth, Ergo into the privy.  Glin. 
This sentence whatsoever entereth in by the mouth, etc. is not meant of all kind of meats, as not of that which Christ eat after his resurrection.  Pilking. 
You shall not eat this body which you see.  Glin. 
That is not after that manner as you see it now, nor after the same visible form.  Pilking. 
Wheresoever Christ is, there be his ministers also (for so he promised) But Christ as you hold is in the Sacrament, Ergo his ministers are there also. 
Where Christ is there be his ministers.   Glin. 
To be with Christ is spoken divers ways, as in hart, in mind and place, and sometimes both: or to be with Christ is to minister unto him, and to do his will, etc.  The third disputation holden at Cambridge as before. M. Perne. 
CHrist at his last supper took bread, broke bread, distributed bread, Ergo, not his body, but a Sacrament of his body, for the bones of Christ could no man break, as witnesseth the Prophet, saying: Os non comminuetis ex eo, that is, you shall not break a bone of him. This cup is the cup of the new Testament in my blood. In this sentence there is a trope by their own confession, wherefore there is in the other also, This is my body, for the holy scripture is a perfect rule not only of doing, but also of speaking. Paul calleth it bread three times, Ergo it is bread, etc. And whereas they urge so much this pronoun (illum) it is not in the Greek canon which hath panem, bread, not panem illum, that bread. There was no transubstantiation in the Manna, Ergo, nor in this sacrament, for there is this article (est) if that can prove transubstantiation as they suppose. And if Manna were a figure (say they) than this is not. This mystery or Sacrament we hold to be true bread, and true meat. Manna gave life unto them, as this doth unto us, yet was it but a figure. In every sacrament there ought to be a certain analogy, 
Their ought to be a certain analogy in every Sacrament between the thing that signifieth, & the thing that is signified.  both of the intern and extern thing of the Sacrament, as Augustine saith, writing to Bonifacius, but betwixt the forms of bread and wine, and the body of Christ, there is no analogy at all, Ergo, they make not a Sacrament. As of many grains, etc. This similitude of Paul is spoken of the substance of bread, not of the form thereof, otherwise Paul should in vain compare us to bread. As in Baptism there is material water, so in the sacrament of the Eucharist is material bread. Dionysius called the Sacrament of Christ's body no otherwise then bread. Eusebius in ecclesiastica historia doth the same▪ Tertullian, lib. 4. against Martion, saith thus, He gave his body, that is (saith he) a figure or type of his body. Cyprian sayeth, In his last supper he gave bread and wine, and his body upon the cross. The same Cyprian epist 6. lib. 1. and epist. 3. lib. 2. sayeth. Christ drank wine at his last supper, 
Cyprian epist. 6. Cyprian epist. 6. li. 1. epist. 3 li. 2.  because he would root out the heresy of certain who only used water in the ministration thereof. Chrysost. hom. 13. upon Math. saith, That only bread remaineth, etc. Theodoretus saith in his first dialogue, bread remaineth still in his first nature as before. Augustine saith, The bread doth not lose his first nature after the consecration, but receive the another quality, whereby it differeth from common bread. The same August. lib. 3. against Maximinus sayeth: 
Aug. li. 3. contra Maximinum.  Sacraments are figures, being one thing in deed, and showing forth an other thing: he speaketh of no transubstantiation here. Again, writing to Bonifacius he saith, The Sacrament of the body of Christ is the body of Christ, and so is the sacrament of wine also, etc. The sacraments of the old and new law, are all one in substance of matter, notwithstanding they be divers in signs: which Sacraments, why should they not be one, when as they signified all one thing. The body of Christ when it was on the earth, was not in heaven, so now it being in heaven, is not on the earth. Whereby it may appear, that transubstantiation is a most blasphemous, sacrilegious, and damnable error, and a most vain, 
Transubstantiation a most blasphemous error.  unsavoury, and devilish papistical invention, defended and maintained only by the papists, the professed and sworn enemies of all truth. Those who impugn this doctrine of transubstantiation, are no new upstarts, as the enemies of the truth the papists bear the world in hand. But contrarily, those who maintain this devilish doctrine, are new sprung up cockatrices, as Manicheus, Euticus and others. Gelasius saith, The sacraments which we receive, are divine things, yet cease they not to be bread and wine in nature. Out of this puddle of transubstantiation, hath sprung up adoration of the sacrament, and inducing men to believe that Christ hath many bodies.  

The declaration of the said M. Perne in the 2. conclusion.  
MAthew, Mark, Luke, and the apostle Paul, call it a commemoration or remembrance of Christ's body and blood. And Paul to the Hebrews saith: By one only oblation once offered, are we made perfect to eternal salvation, etc. By him therefore do we offer up the sacrifice of laud and praise to God, that is the fruit of the lips, etc. It is called the Eucharist, 
Why it is called the Eucharist.  because we offer to God praise and thanksgiving, with devout minds, and it is called the cup of thanksgiving, because we give thanks to God thereby also. You shall preach forth the lords death, etc. that is, you shall give thanks & be mindful of his death, etc. give your bodies a quick and living sacrifice, etc. The sacrifice of praise and thanksgiving, shall honour me, etc. chrysostom saith, 
No other sacrifice, but only praise and thanksgiving.  The wise men offered three kinds of sacrifices, gold, frankincense and myrrh, so we do also, namely virtue, prayer, and alms deeds. These be the sacrifices wherewith Christ is pleased. And Augustine saith there are no other sacrifices than prayer, praise and thanksgeving, etc. chrysostom homil. 46. upon john saith, to be converted or turned into Christ, is to be made partaker of his body and blood.   

There disputed against him M. Parker, M. Poll●rd, M. Vavisor, and M. Yong.  Parker. 
CHrist whose words are to be believed, said, This is my body, he said not this bread is my body, or with this bread, or under this bread, or by this bread, but said plainly, This is my body. And this he proved by these reasons: First, for that it was prefigured before. Secondly, 
Three vain rea●sons, to prove th● bread to 〈◊〉 transubst●●●ciate.  for that it was promised. Thirdly, for that it was given. The transubstantiation of the bread was prefigured by the Manna which came down from heaven, all that bread was heavenly, and without any earthly matter or substance adnexed. Secondly, it was promised in those words of Christ, the bread that I will give, is my flesh, etc. Thirdly, it was given by Christ, and exhibited in his last supper, saying: Take, eat, this is my body.  Here they were forced to break of through the want of time, yet Parker replied thus against Doct. Perne. 
WE give thee thanks most holy Father, that thou hast hid these things from the wise and prudent, and hast revealed them to babes, for pride is the root of all heresies whatsoever. And on the other side, to acknowledge our own infirmity and imperfection, is the first step to the true understanding of the truth. Nestorius' the heretic affirmed, that there were two persons in Christ, one that was man, another that was God, therefore he said that in the Eucharist was contained true flesh, but only of his pure manhood. Against him did the counsel of Ephesus conclude, saying: That there was the real flesh of the son of God, etc. This he proved by the words of Christ, My flesh is meat in deed, and what flesh that is, he teacheth upon the sixth of john, that is, quoth he, the flesh united to the deity, and quickened by the holy Ghost, etc. Now that that flesh is in the Sacrament, it is plaint by hilarius, lib. 8. de Trinitate, he proved the same also out of chrysostom, homil. 45. upon john. 
Hill●rius li. 8. de trinitat. Chrisost. ho. 45.  We are one body with him, members of his flesh, and bones of his bones, etc. Again in the same homily, we are joined to his flesh, not only by faith and love, but also in very deed, and truly▪ And again it pleased me to become your brother, and by the same things wherein I was joined to you, have I given myself again unto you, etc.  Perne. 
I grant unto you that Christ is in the sacrament truly, wholly, & verily, 
Christ is 〈◊〉 the Sacrament real● after a 〈◊〉▪  after a certain property & manner: I deny not his presence, but his real and corporal presence I utterly deny, for doubtless his true and natural body is in heaven, and not in the sacrament: notwithstanding he dwelleth with us, and in us after a certain unity. And also in the 6. chapter of john, he speaketh not of the flesh of Christ crucified, etc.  Parker. 
The flesh of Christ as it is in the sacrament, is quick and giveth life, Ergo, his real and substantial flesh is in the sacrament.  Perne. 
The flesh of Christ in that it is united to the deity, doth vivify, and giveth life, but not otherwise. 
How Christ's flesh giveth life.   Rochest. 
Christ dwelleth in us by faith, and by faith we receive Christ both God and man, both in spirit and flesh, that is, this sacramental eating is the mean and way whereby we attain to the spiritual eating, and in deed for the strengthening of us to the eating of this spiritual food, was this sacrament ordained. 
How the●● words, this is my body are meant. There is a union between 〈◊〉 and woma● yet no transubstantiation.  And these words This is my body, are meant thus, by grace it is my true body, but not my fleshly body, as some of you suppose.  Parker. 
We are joined to Christ, not only by faith, but also in very deed, ergo etc.  Rochest. 
We are joined to Christ that is, we are made partakers of his flesh and of immortality. And so like case is there a union between man and woman, yet is there no transubstantiation of either, or both, etc.  Pollard. 
The sacrament is not bare bread and nothing else, only because it is called bread so often in the Scriptures, 
Why it is called bread so often.  and that I prove by three reasons. First, it is called bread because of the similitude. Secondly, because of the mutation. Thirdly, for the matter whereof it is made and compact, as the Angels are called men, the holy ghost a tongue, the rod of Aaron a serpent, and such like. The words of Christ do teach the same thing, as appeareth in the healing of the woman of Canaan's daughter, jairus son, and many others, etc. Ergo, etc. Then he proved against Rochester, that somewhat else was in the Sacrament besides power and grace by this reason. The evil receive the body of Christ, as is plain out of Augustine, homil. 21. de verbis domini, but the evil and wicked receive not the virtue or grace, Ergo, there is not only grace and virtue in the sacrament.  Rochest. 
The evil do not receive the Lord in Sacrament, but the sacrament of the Lord, 
 as judas, who in deed eat not the true body of the Lord.  Pollard. 
In the sacrament be three things, to wit, an outward sign, the matter of the Sacrament, and the fruit of the same, the evil receive the outward sign, and the subject of the Sacrament, but not the fruit of the Sacrament, Ergo, there is somewhat else in the Sacrament than only grace. Also every Sacrament ought to have a certain similitude with the matter of the Sacrament, but the material bread hath not such similitude with the body of Christ, which is the matter of the Sacrament, Ergo, material bread is not a Sacrament.  Perne. 
I deny your Minor, for material bread doth so nourish the body, as the flesh of Christ doth the soul.  Here he being requested, gave place to others. M. Vavisor. 
Through the shortness of time I am so constrained, that neither I can speak without loss of my reputation, nor yet hold my peace without offence to God. For in speaking (as I do) without great premeditation before this honourable, worshipful, and learned audience, I shall but show forth my childishness herein, and if I should hold my peace, I might be thought to betray the truth of God's cause. And therefore whilst I can neither speak for the brevity of time, nor yet hold my peace gods truth being in controversy, I have determined although with the impairing of my good name, to render a reason of my faith, which if I cannot afford probably in words, yet will I not fault in saying nothing at all. For it seemeth better that I be esteemed altogether foolish and unlearned, amongst so many grave learned Fathers & Doctors, then to forsake the just defence of the truth, which every good christian man throughout the world, hath ever holden inviolable. For who so forsaketh the manifest known truth, had never any true faith therein. Which thing that I may overpass in Berengarius, 
 Zuinglius, Oecolampadius, and many others, who are certainly known to be of no less variance amongst themselves, then uncertain of their faith what to believe. Zuinglius writeth thus of himself. Although this thing which I mean to entreat of doth like me very well, yet notwithstanding, I dare define nothing, but only show my poor judgement abroad to others, that if it please the Lord, others may be thereby instructed by the spirit of God which teacheth all good things. In vain do I spend many words. You see plainly he dare not define any thing certainly, but doubteth whether it please GOD or not. Oecolampadius writing to a certain brother of his, saith thus: Peace be with thee. As far as I can conjecture out of the learned Fathers these words, john. 6. This is my body, be figurative locutions, etc. You see hereby how uncertain they be of their opinions. They lean not to the Scriptures, to Doctors, nor yet to the truth, but to supposals and conjectures, who therefore hereafter will clean unto them? But now I come to your Oration, whose beginning pleased me very well, and whose progress therein offended me not. But in the end you concluded in such sort, that you left the whole matter to me, as it were confirming my parts by the same. And herein you framed a Syllogism after this manner. What Christ took, that he blessed, what he blessed, that he broke, what he broke that he gave, 
 Ergo, what he received he gave, etc. Whereto I answer with a like Syllogism out of Genesis. God took a rib out of Adam's side, what he took, he built, what he built that he brought, what he brought, that he gave to Adam to be his wife, but he took a rib, Ergo, he gave a rib to Adam to wife, etc. Also in your said Oration, you shoot much at those words of Paul, where he calleth it bread so often, etc. But the Scripture in another place calleth it water, when in deed it was wine, a rod when it was a plain serpent.  Rochest. 
You have pretended great zeal & words enough, but what pith or substance your reasons will afford, we shall see hereafter.  Vavisor. 
Christ gave the same flesh to us, that he received of the virgin, 
 but he took true and natural flesh of her, Ergo, he gave us true and natural flesh. My Mayor I prove by August. upon the 98. Psalm.  Rochest. 
M. Uavisor you are in a wrong box, for the place maketh altogether for maintenance of adoration, if it make for any thing.  Vavisor. 
I know it very well, and therefore I allege it as the ground of my reason. These be Augustine's words, Christ of the earth received earth, and of the flesh of Mary, he received flesh, acknowledge his substance therefore?  Rochest. 
I acknowledge it.  Vavisor. 
And in the very same flesh he walked here upon the earth, acknowledgge his substance. 
Anno. 1549.   Rochest. 
I acknowledge it.  Vavisor. 
And the very same flesh he gave us to eat, acknowledge his substance.  Rochest. 
I acknowledge not his real substance to be there, but the property of his substance.  Vavisor. 
Then Uavisor recited the place, to the end he might prove that his real substance ought to be acknowledged as well in the last place, as in the first and second, affirming it out of Saint Augustine, who sayeth thus. The Disciples of Christ approaching the lords table, by faith drank the same blood which the torments most cruelly spilled, etc. but the torments spilled no figure of blood, Ergo, etc. this place will not permit the other so to be illuded.  Rochest. 
It is no illusion good M. Uavisor, but surely you would move a Saint with your impertinent reasons.  Vavisor. 
I beseech your fatherhood to pardon my rudeness, for surely I cannot otherwise speak without breach of conscience.  Perne. 
That place of Augustine is to be understood of a spiritual kind of eating.  Vavisor. 
I demand whether the faithful may receive spiritually, so as they need not to receive sacramentally.  Perne. 
They may.  Vavisor. 
Then thus to you: To the spiritual eating, there is no need to come to the lords table, for so it is the meat of the soul, not of the teeth, but the faithful come to the lords table, Ergo that place is to be understood of a sacramental eating. And again, Augustine saith, that he carried himself in his hands.  Rochest. 
Augustine showeth a little after, what he meaneth thereby, where he sayeth he carried himself in his own hands, after a certain sort or manner.  Vavisor. 
True it is that after one manner he sat at the table, and after another manner was in the sacrament.  ¶ M. Young here disputeth against Perne, as followeth. Yong. 
I Understand the meaning o● this word Proprietas, propriety, well enough, for in Hilary and Eusebius, it signifieth not the virtue or power of any substance or being, but rather a natural being or substance.  Rochest. 
I commend your great diligence in searching of authors, but in divinity the matter standeth not so, for the propriety of essence in the deity, is the very essence, and whatsoever is in God, is God.  Yong. 
True it is (most reverend father) that this word Proprietas, propriety, in hilary in his 8. book de Trinitate, entreating there of the divinity of the father, of the son, and of the holy ghost, is so meant and taken, but the same hilary almost in the same place speaketh of our communion and unity with Christ, etc. Tertullian also writing of the resurrection of the flesh, affirmeth that the flesh of our saviour is that whereof our soul is allied to God, that is it which causeth that our souls are joined to him, but our flesh is made clean, that the soul may be purged, our flesh is anointed, that the soul may be made holy, the flesh is sealed, that the soul may be comforted, the flesh is shadowed with the imposition of the hands, that our soul may be lightened with the glory of the spirit. Our flesh is clothed with a body and blood, that the soul may be fed and nourished of God.  Rochest. 
The flesh in deed is fed with the body and the blood of the Lord, 
When our bodies be fed with the body and blood of Christ▪  when our bodies by mortification are made like to his body. And our body is nourished when the virtue and power of the body of Christ doth feed us. The same Tertullian is not afraid to call it flesh, and blood, but he meaneth a figure of the same.  Yong. 
Then by your leave it should follow by good consequence, that where any mortification is, there must needs be a sacramental communion, which cannot be. Ergo, etc.  ¶ Here endeth the third, and last Disputation holden at Cambridge. 1549. 
This disputation continued three days. In the first did answer Doctor Madew. Against whom disputed Doctor Glinne, M. Langdale, M. Segewike, M. Young.  
In the second disputation did answer Doctor Glinne. Against whom disputed M. grindal, M. Perne, M. Gest, M. Pilkington.  

Aunswerers and disputers in those disputations at Cambridge.  In the third disputation answered M. Perne. Against whom disputed one M. Parkar (not Doct. Math. Parkar) M. Pollard, M. Uavisour, M. Yong.  
At length the disputations ended, the Bishop of Rochester Doct. Nicolas Ridley after the manner of Schools, 
Anno 1552.  made this determination upon the foresaid conclusions, as here followeth.    

¶ The determination of Doctor Nicolas Ridley Bishop of Rochester, upon the conclusions above prefixed.  
THere hath been an ancient custom amongst you, that after disputations had in your common schools, 
The determination of D. Nic. Ridley upon the disputations.  there should be some determination made of the matters so disputed and debated, especially touching Christian religion. Because therefore it is seen good unto these worshipful assistentes joined with me in commission from the king's Majesty, that I should perform the same at this time: I will by your favourable patience declare, both what I do think and believe myself, and what also other, aught to think of the same. Which thing I would that afterwards ye did with diligence way and ponder, every man at home severally by himself.  
The principal grounds or rather headsprings of this matter are specially five.  
The first is the authority, majesty, and verity of holy Scripture. 
5. principal grounds to take away transubstantiation.   
The second is the most certain testimonies of the ancient Catholic Fathers, who, after my judgement, do sufficiently declare this matter.  
The third is the definition of a Sacrament.  
The fourth is the abominable heresy of Eutiches that may ensue of Transubstantiation.  
The fift is the most sure belief of the article of our faith: He ascended into heaven.  

¶ The first ground.  
This Transubstantiation is clean against the words of the scripture, 
Transubstantiation against the Scripture.  and consent of the ancient Catholic Fathers. The scripture saith: I will not drink hereafter of this fruit of the vine. etc. Now the fruit of this vine is wine. And it is manifest that Christ spoke these words after the Supper was finished, as it appeareth both in matthew, Mark, and also in Luke, if they be well understanded. There be not many places of the scripture that do confirm this thing, neither is it greatly material: For it is enough if there be any one plain testimony for the same. Neither ought it to be measured by the number of Scriptures, but by the authority, 
Scripture to be measured not by number but by authority.  and by the verity of the same. And the majesty of this verity is as ample in one short sentence of the Scripture, as in a thousand.  
Moreover, Christ took bread, he broke bread, he gave bread. In the Acts Luke calleth it bread. So Paul calleth it bread after the sanctification. Both of them speaketh of breaking, which belongeth to the substance of bread, and in no wise to Christ's body, for the Scripture saith: Ye shall not break a bone of him. 
Exod. 12. 1. Cor. 11.  Christ saith, Do ye this in my remembrance. Saint Paul also sayeth: Do ye this in my remembrance. And again, As often as ye shall drink of this cup, 
john. 6.  do it in the remembrance of me. And our Saviour Christ in the 6. of john, speaking against the Capernaits, saith: Labour for the meat that perisheth not. And when they asked: What shall we do that we may work the works of God? He answered them thus: This is the work of God, that ye believe in him whom he hath sent. 
john. 6.  You see how he exhorteth them to faith, for faith is that work of God. Again, This is the bread which came down from heaven. But Christ's body came not down from heaven. Moreover, He that eateth my flesh, and drinketh my blood, dwelleth in me, and I in him. My flesh (saith he) is meat in deed, and my blood is drink in deed. When they heard this, they were offended. And whilst they were offended, he said unto them: What if ye shall see the son of man ascend up where he was before? Whereby he went about to draw them from the gross and carnal eating. This body saith he, shall ascend up into heaven, meaning altogether as S. Augustine saith: It is the spirit that quickeneth, the flesh profiteth nothing. The words that I speak unto you, are spirit and life, and must be spiritually understood. These be the reasons which persuade me to incline to this sentence and judgement.   


The second ground against transubstantiation.  ¶ The second ground.  
Now my second ground against this transubstantiation are the ancient Fathers a thousand years past. And so far of is it that they do confirm this opinion of transubstantiation, that plain they seem unto me, both to think and to teach the contrary.  
Dionysius in many places calleth it bread. 
Dionysi●● Eccle. 〈◊〉.  The places are so manifest and plain, that it needeth not to recite them.  
Ignatius to the Philadelphians saith: 
Igna●ius 〈◊〉 Philadelph.  I beseech you brethren cleave fast unto one faith, and to one kind of preaching, using together one manner of thanksgiving: for the flesh of the Lord jesus is one, and his blood is one which was shed for us: There is also one bread broken for us, and one cup of the whole Church.  
Irenaeus writeth thus: 
Irennaeus lib. 4. cap. 34.  Even as the bread that cometh of the earth receiving God's vocation is now no more common bread, but Sacramental bread, consisting of two natures, earthly and heavenly: even so our bodies receiving the Eucharist, are now no more corruptible, having hope of the resurrection.  
Tertullian is very plain, 
Tertullianus.  for he calleth it a figure of the body, etc.  
chrysostom writing to Caesarius the Monk, albeit he be not received of divers, 
Chrisost. Cesariu●  yet will I read the place to fasten it more deeply in your minds: for it seemeth to show plainly the substance of bread to remain. The words are these.  
Before the bread is sanctified, we name it bread: but by the grace of God sanctifying the same through the ministry of the Priest, it is delivered from the name of bread, and is counted worthy to bear the name of the lords body, although the very substance of bread notwithstanding do still remain therein, and now is taken not to be two bodies, but one body of the Son, etc.  
Cyprian saith: Bread is made of many grains. And is that natural bread, and made of wheat? Yea it is so in deed. 
Cyprian. Lib. 1. Epist. 6. Theodor●●●us.   
The book of Theodoret in Greek, was lately printed at Rome, which if it had not been his, it should not have been set forth there, especially seeing it is directly against transubstantiation: For he saith plainly, that bread still remaineth after the sanctification.  
Gelasius also is very plain in this manner. The Sacrament (saith he) which we receive of the body and blood of Christ, is a divine matter: 
Gelatius Epist. de duabus n●●turis in Christo.  by reason whereof we are made partakers by the same of the divine nature, and yet it ceaseth not s●il to be the substance of bread and wine. And certes, the representation and similitude of the body and blood of Christ be celebrated in the action of the mysteries, etc.  
After this he recited certain places out of Augustine and cyril, which were not noted.  
Isichius also confesseth that it is bread. 
psych. Lib▪ cap. 8. ●ertrame.   
Also the judgement of Bertram in this matter, is very plain and manifest. And thus much for the second ground.   

The third ground.  
The third ground, is the nature of the Sacrament, which consisteth in three things, that is, Unity, 
The third ground.  Nutrition, and Conversion.  
As touching unity, Cyprian thus writeth: 
Cyprian. Three things in Sacrament▪  Even as of many grains is made one bread, so are we one mystical body of Christ. Wherefore bread must needs still remain, or else we destroy the nature of a Sacrament.  
Also they that take away nutrition, which cometh by bread, do take away likewise the nature of the sacrament. 
1. Unity 〈◊〉 2. Nutriti●●▪ 3. Conu●●●sion.  For as the body of Christ nourisheth the soul, even so doth bread likewise nourish the body of man.  
Therefore, they that take away the grains or the union of the grains in the bread, and deny the nutrition or substance thereof, in my judgement are Sacramentaries: for they take away the similitude between the bread & the body of Christ. For they which affirm transubstantiation are in deed right Sacramentaries and Capernites.  
As touching conversion (that like as the bread which we receive, is turned into our substance, 
Conuersers▪  so are we turned into Christ's body) Rabanus and chrysostom are witnesses sufficient.   

The fourth ground. 
4. Grou●● The real● presence the Sacr●●ment sta●●deth not with the truth of Christe● humanity.   
They which say that Christ is carnally present in the Eucharist, do take from him the verity of man's nature. Eutiches granted the divine nature in Christ, but his human nature he denied. So they that defend transubstantiation ascribe that to the human nature, which only belongeth to the divine nature.   

The fift ground.  
The fift ground is the certain persuasion of this Article of faith: He ascended into heaven, and sitteth on the right hand. etc.  
Augustine saith: The Lord is above even to the end of the world: but yet the verity of the Lord is here also. For his body wherein he rose again, 
 must needs be in one place, but his verity is spread abroad every where.  
Also in another place he saith: Let the godly receive also that Sacrament, but let them not be careful (speaking there of the presence of his body. 
 ) For as touching his majesty, his providence, his invisible and unspeakable grace, these words are fulfilled which he spoke: I am with you unto the end of the world. But according to the flesh which he took upon him, according to that which was borne of the Virgin, was apprehended of the jews, was fastened to a tree, taken down again from the cross, lapped in linen clothes, was buried and rose again, and appeared after his resurrection, so you shall not have me always with you. And why? because that as concerning his flesh he was conversant with his Disciples forty days, and they accompanying him, seeing him, but not following him, he went up into heaven, and is not here, for he sitteth at the right hand of his Father, and yet he is here, because he is not departed hence, as concerning the presence of his divine Majesty.  
Mark and consider well what Saint Augustine sayeth: He is ascended into heaven, and is not here, saith he. Believe not them therefore which say that he is yet here still in the earth.  

 Moreover, Doubt not (sayeth the same Augustine) but that jesus Christ as concerning the nature of his manhood, is there from whence he shall come. And remember well and believe the profession of a Christian man: that he rose from death, ascended into heaven, and sitteth at the right hand of his father, and from that place, and none other (not from the altars) shall he come to judge the quick and the dead, and he shall come as the Angel said, as he was seen go into heaven: that is to say, in the same form and substance, unto the which he gave immortality, but changed not nature. After this form (meaning his humane nature) we may not think that it is every where.  
And in the same Epistle he saith: Take away from the bodies the limitation of places and they shall be no where: 
 and because they are no where, they shall not be at all.  

Vigilius 〈…〉 lib. 4.  Vigilius saith: If the word and the flesh be both of one nature, seeing that the word is every where, why then is not the flesh also every where? For when it was in earth, then verily it was not in heaven: and now when it is in heaven, it is not surely in earth. And it is so certain, that it is not in earth, that as concerning the same we look for him from heaven, whom as concerning the word, we believe to be with us in earth.  
Also the same Vigilius saith: Which things seeing they be so, the course of the scripture must be searched of us, and many testimonies must be gathered to show plainly what a wickedness and sacrilege it is to refer those things to the property of the divine nature, which do only belong to the nature of the flesh: and contrariwise, to apply those things unto the nature of the flesh, which do properly belong to the divine nature. Which thing the transubstantiatours do, whilst they affirm Christ's body not to be contained in any one place, and ascribe that to his humanity, which properly belongeth to his divinity: as they do which will have Christ's body to be in no one certain place limited.  
Now in the latter conclusion concerning the sacrifice, because it dependeth upon the first, 
〈◊〉 third conclusion.  I will in few words declare what I think. For if we did once agree in that, the whole controversy in the other would soon be at an end: Two things there be which do persuade me that this conclusion is true: that is, certain places of the scripture, & also certain testimonies of the fathers. Saint Paul saith, Heb. 9 
●eb 9  Christ being come an high Priest of good things to come, by a greater and more perfecter tabernacle not made with hands, 
sacrifice of 〈…〉.  that is, not of this building, neither by the blood of Goats and Calves, but by his own blood, entered once into the holy place, and obtained for us eternal redemption, etc. and now in the end of the world he hath appeared once to put away sin by the sacrifice of himself.  
And again: Christ was once offered to take away the sins of many.  
Moreover he saith: With one offering hath he made perfect for ever those that are sanctified. 
〈◊〉 10.   
These scriptures do persuade me to believe that there is no other oblation of Christ (albeit I am not ignorant there are many sacrifices) but that which was once made upon the cross. 
〈…〉 offered 〈◊〉 once.   

〈◊〉. ad 〈◊〉 Epist. 〈◊〉 August. 〈…〉 cō●tanstum 〈◊〉. ●1.  The testimonies of the ancient Fathers which confirm the same, are out of Augustine ad Bonifac. Epist. 23. Again in his book of 43. Questions, in the 61. Question. Also in his 20. book against Faustus the manichee, cha.. 21. And in the same book against the said Faustus, cap. 28. thus he writeth: Now the Christians keep a memorial of the sacrifice past, with a holy oblation and participation of the body and blood of Christ.  
Fulgentius in his book De Fide, calleth the same oblation a Commemoration. And these things are sufficient for this time for a scholastical determination of these matters.    

Disputations of Martin Bucer.  
Over and beside these disputations above mentioned, other disputations also were holden at Cambridge shortly after by Martin Bucer upon these conclusions following.  

Conclusions to be disputed.  
1. The Canonical books of holy Scripture alone, 
Conclusions disputed at Cambridge by Martin Bucer.  do sufficiently teach the regenerated all things necessarily belonging unto salvation.  
2. There is no Church in earth which erreth not as well in faith as in manners.  
3. We are so justified freely of God, that before our justification it is sin, and provoketh God's wrath against us, what so ever good work we seem to do. Then being justified we do good works.  
In these three Propositions against Bucer, disputed M. Segewike, Young, and Perne. 
Disputers against M. Bucer at Cambridge.  Which disputations because they are long here to be recited, I mind (the Lord willing) to reserve them to some other convenient place. In the mean season because great controversy hath been and is yet amongst the learned, and much effusion of Christian blood about the words and meaning of the Sacrament: to the intent that the verity thereof more openly may be explained, and all doubtful scruples discussed, it shall not be out of place to adjoin to the former discourses of Peter Martyr, and of Doctor Ridley above mentioned, an other certain learned treatise in form of a Dialogue, as appertaining to the same Argument, compiled (as it seemeth) out of the tractations of Peter Martyr and other Authors, 
A learned Dialogue between Custom and Truth.  by a certain learned and reverend person of this Realm: who under the persons of Custom and Verity, manifestly layeth before our eyes, and teacheth all men not to measure Religion by Custom, but to try Custom by truth and the word of God, for else custom may soon deceive, but the word of God abideth for ever.    

A fruitful Dialogue declaring these words of Christ: This is my body.  CUSTOM. VERITY. CVstome. 
I marvel much what madness is cropen into those men's hearts, 
A Dialogue between Custom and verity.  which now a days are not ashamed so violently to tread down the lively word of God, yea and impudently to deny God himself.  Verity. 
God forbidden there should be any such. In deed I remember that the Romish bishop was wont to have the Bible for his footstool, & so to tread down God's word evermore when he stood at his Mass. But thanks be to God he is now detected, and his abominations be opened and blown throughout all the world. And I hear of no more that oppresseth God's word.  Cust. 
No more say you? Yes doubtless there are an hundredth thousand more, and your part it is Verity to withstand them.  Veri. 
As touching my part, you know it agreeth not with my nature to stand with falsehood. But what are they, disclose them if you will have them reproved.  Custom. 
What? are you so great a stranger in these quarters? Hear you not how that men do daily speak against the Sacrament of the altar, denying it to be the real body of Christ?  Verity. 
In good sooth I have been a great while abroad, and returned but of late into this country. Wherefore you must pardon me if my answer be to seek in such questions. But go forth in your tale. You have been longer here, and are better acquainted then I. What say they more than this?  Cust. 
Then this? why, what can they possible say more?  Veri. 
Yes there are many things worse than this: for this seemeth in some part to be tolerable.  Cust. 
What? me thinketh you dally with me. Seemeth it tolerable to deny the sacrament?  Verity. 
They deny it not so much as I can gather by your words.  Custom. 
Nay then far you well: I perceive you will take their part.  Veri. 
I am not partial, but indifferent to all parties: For I never go further than the truth.  Cust. 
I can scarcely believe you. But what is more true than Christ, which is truth itself? or who ever was so hardy before this time to charge Christ with a lie for saying these words, 
Math. 26.  This is my body. The words are evident & plain: there is in them not so much as one obscure or dark letter, there is no cause for any man to cavil. And yet that notwithstanding, where as Christ himself affirmed it to be his body, 

Christ's words. The Evangelists.  
The old writers. The Catholic Church.   men now a days are not abashed to say, Christ lied, it is not his body. The Evangelists agree all in one, the old writers stand of our side, the universal and catholic church hath been in this mind these xv. hundred year and more. And shall we think that Christ himself, his Evangelists, all the whole Catholic church hath been so long deceived, and the truth now at length begotten and borne in these days?  Veri. 
You have moved a matter of great force and weight, and whereto without many words I can make no full answer. Notwithstanding because you provoke me thereto, if you will give me licence I will take part with them of whom you have made false report, 
The doctrine of the Papists commonly standeth upon false reporters.  for none of them ever reproved Christ of any lie. But contrariwise, they say that many men of late days, not understanding Christ's words have builded and set up many fond lies upon his name. Wherefore, first I will declare the meaning of these words, This is my body, 
The sense of Hoc est corpus meum. expounded.  and next in what sense the Church and the old fathers have evermore taken them. First therefore you shall understand, that Scripture is not so to be taken always as the letter soundeth, but as the intent and purpose of the holy ghost was, by whom the scripture was uttered. For if you follow the bare words, you will soon shake down & overthrow the greatest part of the christian faith. What is plainer than these words: Pater maior me est. My father is greater than I am. 
john 14.  Of those plain words sprung up the heresy of the Arrians, which denied Christ to be equal with his father. What is more evident than this saying: I and my father are both one. Thereof arose the heresy of them that denied three distinct persons. They all had one soul and one hart, 
john. 10. Acts. 4.  was spoken by the apostles. Yet had each of them a soul and hart peculiar to himself. They are now not two, but one flesh, is spoken by the man and his wife. Yet hath both the man and the wife his several body. 
Gen. ●7.  He is our very flesh, said Reuben by joseph his brother, which notwithstanding was not their real flesh. I am bread said Christ, yet was he flesh and no bread. 
1. Cor. 10.  Christ was the stone, sayeth Paul, and was in deed no material stone. Melchisedech had neither father nor mother, and yet in deed he had both. Behold the Lamb of God, saith john Baptist by Christ, notwithstanding Christ was a man & not a lamb. Circumcision was called the covenant, where as it was but a token of the covenant. The Lamb named the passover, and yet was it eaten in remembrance only of the passover. jacob raised up an altar, & called it being made but of lime and stone, the mighty God of Israel. Moses when he had conquered the Amalakites, set up an altar, & called it by the names of God, 
1. Cor. 10.  jehova, and Tetragrammatum, We all are one loaf of bread, saith Paul, yet were they not thereby turned into a loaf of bread. Christ hanging upon the cross, appointed S. john to his mother, saying: Lo there is thy son, & yet was he not her son. 
Gal. 3. Rom. 6.  So many as be baptized into Christ (saith Paul) have put on Christ, and so many as are baptized into Christ, are washed with the blood of Christ. Notwithstanding no man took the font water to be the natural blood of Christ. The cup is the new Testament, saith Paul, & yet is not the cup in deed the very new Testament. You see therefore that it is not strange, nor a thing unwoont in the scriptures, to call one thing by an others name. So that you can no more of necessity enforce the changing of the bread into Christ's body in the sacrament, because the words be plain, This is my body, 
Figurative speeches most common in Scripture.  than the wives flesh to be the natural & real body & flesh of the husband, because it is written: They are not two but one flesh: or the altar of stone to be very God, because Moses with evident and plain words pronounced it to be the mighty God of Israel. notwithstanding, if you will needs cleave to the letter you make for me, and hinder your own cause. For this I will reason, & use your own weapon against you. The scripture calleth it bread. The Evangelists agree in the same. 
The name of bread used in Scripture.  Paul nameth it so v. times in one place, the holy ghost may not be set to school to learn to speak. Wherefore I conclude by your own argument, that we ought not only to say, but also to believe that in the sacrament there remaineth bread.  Cust. 
Me thinketh your answer is reasonable, yet can I not be satisfied. Declare you therefore more at large, what moveth you to think this of the sacrament. For I think you would not withstand a doctrine so long held and taught, unless you were enforced by some strong and likely reasons.  Veri. 
First, in examining the words of Christ, I get me to the meaning & purpose for which they were spoken. 
The meaning of Christ's words expounded.  And in this behalf I see, that Christ meant to have his death & passion kept in remembrance. For men of themselves be & evermore were forgetful of the benefits of God. And therefore it was behoveful that they should be admonished & stirred up with some visible and outward tokens, as with the passover Lamb, the brazen serpent, and other like. For the brazen serpent was a token that when the jews were stinged & wounded with serpents, God restored them and made them whole. The passover Lamb was a memory of the great benefit of God, which when he destroyed the Egyptians, saved the jews whose doors were sprinkled with the blood of a lamb. So likewise Christ left us a memorial & remembrance of his death and passion in outward tokens, that when the child should demand of his father what the breaking of the bread, & drinking of the cup meaneth, he might answer him, that like as the bread is broken, so Christ was broken and rend upon the cross, for to redeem the soul of man. And like as wine fostereth and comforteth the body, so doth the blood of Christ cherish & relieve the soul. And this do I gather by the words of Christ, and by the institution and order of the sacrament. For Christ charged the Apostles to do this in the remembrance of him. Whereupon thus I do conclude:  
Fes- Nothing is done in remembrance of itself.  
ti- But the Sacrament is used in the remembrance of Christ.  
no. Therefore the Sacrament is not Christ.  
Fe- Christ never devoured himself.  
ri- Christ did eat the Sacrament with his Apostles.  
son. Ergo, the Sacrament is not Christ himself.  
Beside this I see, that Christ ordained not his body, but a sacrament of his body. A sacrament (as S. Augustine declareth) is an outward sign of an invisible grace. His words are: Sacramentum est invisibilis gratiae visibile signum. Out of which words I gather two arguments. The first is this, the token of the body of Christ is the thing tokened, wherefore they are not one. The second is this.  
Fe- One thing cannot be both visible and invisible.  
ri- But the Sacrament is visible, and the body of Christ invisible:  
son. Therefore they are not one.  
Which thing S. Augustine openeth very well by these words: Aliud est Sacramentum, aliud res Sacramenti. Sacramentum est quod in corpus vadit: res autem Sacramenti est corpus Domini nostri jesu Christi. Moreover, I remember that Christ ministered this sacrament not to great & deep philosophers, but to a sort of ignorant and unlearned fishers, which notwithstanding understood Christ's meaning right well, & delivered it even as they took it at Christ's hand, to the vulgar and lay people, and fully declared unto them the meaning thereof. But the lay people, nor scarcely the Apostles themselves could understand what is meant by transubstantiation, impanation, dimensions, qualitates, quantitates, accidens sine subiecto, terminus a quo, & terminus ad quem, per modum quanti. This is no learning for the unlearned and rude people, wherefore it is likely that Christ meant some other thing than hath been taught of late days. Furthermore, Christ's body is food, not for the body, but for the soul, 
Christ is no food for the b●●dy but fo● the soul▪  & therefore it must be received with the instrument of the soul which is faith. For as ye receive sustenance for your body by your bodily mouth, so the food of your soul must be received by faith, which is the mouth of the soul. And for that S. Augustine sharply rebuketh them that think to eat Christ with their mouth, saying: Quid paras dentem & ventrem, crede & manducasti. i. Why makest thou ready thy tooth & thy belly? 
August. 〈◊〉 joan. 〈◊〉 25.  believe & thou hast eaten Christ. Likewise speaking of eating the self same body, he saith to the Capernaites which took him grossly as men do now a days: The words that I speak are spirit and life. It is the spirit that quickeneth, the flesh profiteth nothing. 
john. 6.  And S. Augustine upon these words of Christ saith: 
* That is to 〈◊〉 You shall 〈◊〉 eat the bo●● which you 〈◊〉 and 〈…〉 blo●d whic● they shall 〈◊〉 that shall 〈…〉 me. I 〈◊〉 commended you a 〈◊〉 understood 〈◊〉 spiritually 〈◊〉 it shall 〈◊〉 you life: 〈◊〉 flesh 〈◊〉 nothing.  Non hoc corpus quod videtis manducaturi estis, neque bibituri sanguinem, quem effusuri sunt qui me crucifigent. Sacramentum aliquod vobis trado. Id spiritualiter acceptum vivificat: caro autem non prodest quicquam. August. Quinquagena. 2. Psal 98.  Custom. 
What mean you by this spirit, and by spiritual eating? I pray you utter your mind more plainly. For I know well that Christ hath a body, and therefore must be eaten (as I think) with the mouth of the body. For the spirit and the soul as it hath no body and flesh, so it hath no mouth.  Verity. 
You must understand, that a man is shaped of two parts: of the body, and of the soul. And each of them hath his life and his death, his month, his teeth, his food, and abstinence. For like as the body is nourished and fostered with bodily meats, or else can not endure, so must the soul have his cherishing, otherwise it will decay, & pine away. And therefore we do & may justly say that the Turks, jews, and Heathen be dead, because they lack that lively food of the soul. But how then, or by what mean will you feed the soul? Doubtless not by the instrument of the body, but of the soul. For that which is received into the body, hath no passage from thence into the soul. For Christ saith, That what ●o entereth into the belly, is conveyed into the draft. And where as you say that the spirit hath no mouth, like as it hath no body or bones, you are deceived. For the spirit hath a mouth in his kind, or else how could a man eat and drink justice? for undoubtedly his bodily mouth is no fit instrument for it. Yet Christ sayeth, that he is blessed that hungereth and thirsteth for justice. If he hunger and thirst for justice, 
〈◊〉. 5.  belike he both eateth and drinketh it, or otherwise he neither abateth his hunger, nor quencheth his thirst. 
〈◊〉 is to 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉.  Now if a man eat and drink righteousness with his spirit, no doubt his spirit hath a mouth. Whereof I will reason thus:  
Da- Of what soever sort the mouth is, such is his food.  

 ti- But the mouth of the spirit is spiritual, not bodily:  
si. Therefore it receiveth Christ's body spiritually, not bodily.  
And in like manner Christ speaking of the eating of his body, nameth himself the bread, not for the body, but of life for the soul, 
〈◊〉. 6.  and saith: He that cometh to me, shall not hunger, and he that believeth in me, shall never thirst. Wherefore who so will be relieved by the body of Christ, 
 must receive him as he will be received, with the instrument of faith appointed thereunto, not with his teeth or mouth. And where as I say that Christ's body must be received & taken with faith, I mean not that you shall pluck down Christ from heaven, and put him in your faith, as in a visible place: but that you must with your faith rise and spring up to him, and leaving this world, dwell above in heaven, putting all your trust, comfort and consolation in him, which suffered grievous bondage to set you at liberty & to make you free, creeping into his wounds, which were so cruelly pierced and do●ted for your sake. So shall you feed the body of Christ, so shall you suck the blood that was poured out and shed for you. This is the spiritual, the very true, the only eating of Christ's body. 
gregory.  And therefore S. Gregory calleth it Cibum mentis, non ventris. i. The food of the mind and not of the belly. 
●●yprian.  And S. Cyprian saith likewise: Non accuimus dentem, nec ventrem paramus. i. We sharpen not our tooth nor prepare our belly.  
Now to return to our former purpose, seeing it is plain that Christ's body is meat for our spirit, and hath nothing to do with our body, I will gather thereof this reason. The sacrament is bodily food and increaseth the body: Ergo, the sacrament is not the very body of Christ. That it nourisheth the body, it is evident: for Christ calleth it the fruit of the vine, whose duty is to nourish. And for a proof, if you consecrate a whole loaf, it will feed you so well as your table bread. 
 And if a little Mouse get an host, he will crave no more meat to his dinner. But you will say these are worldly reasons. What then if the old Father's record the same? Irenaeus saith: Quando mixtus calix, & fractus panis percipit verbum Dei, 
 sit Eucharistia corporis & sanguinis Domini, ex quibus augetur & consistit carnis nostrae substantia. Beda witnesseth the same by these words: Quia panis carnem confirmat, 
Christ's ●●dy is spiritual ●eate.  & vinum sanguinem operatur in carne, hic ac corpus Christi mysticè, illud ad sanguinem refertur. Wherefore as I said before, seeing that Christ's body is spiritual meat, and the bread of the sacrament bodily, I may conclude that the sacrament is not Christ's body. Beside this, where it was forbidden in the old law, that any man should eat or drink blood, the Apostles notwithstanding took the cup at Christ's hands, and drank of it, & never staggered or shrank at the matter: 
〈…〉 blood 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉.  whereby it may be gathered, that they took it for a mystery, for a token, and a remembrance, far otherwise than it hath of late been taken.  
Again, when the sacrament was dealt, none of them all crouched down and took it for his God, forgetting him that sat there present before their eyes, 

kneeling to 〈◊〉 Sacrament forbidden in 〈◊〉 Coū●●ls.  
●he Sacra●●nt carry●● home in 〈◊〉.   but took it, and eat it, knowing that it was a sacrament and a remembrance of Christ's body. Yea, the old Counsels commanded that no man should kneel down at the time of the Communion, fearing that it should be an occasion of Idolatry. And long after the Apostles time, as Tertullian writeth, women were suffered to take it home with them, and to lap it up in their chests. And the priest many times sent it to sick persons by a child: which no doubt would have given more reverence thereto, if they had taken it for their God. But a great while after, about 300. year agone. Honorius 3. the Bishop of Rome took him and hanged him up, and caused men to kneel and crouch down, and all to be-god him.  
furthermore, 
Pope Honorius 3. first author of worshipping the Sacrament. An 1220.  if the bread be turned and altered into the body of Christ, doubtless it is the greatest miracle that ever God wrought. But the Apostles saw no miracle in it. Nazianzenus an old writer, and Augustine entreating of all the miracles that are in the scripture, number the Sacrament for none. As for the apostles it appeareth well that they had it for no marvel, for they never mused at it, 
Apostles & old Doctors make no miracle nor marvel at the Sacrament.  neither demanded how it might be: whereas in other things they evermore were full of questions. As touching S. Augustine he not only overhippeth it, as no wonder, but by plain & express words, testifieth that there is no marvel in it. For speaking of the Lords supper and of the other sacraments he sayeth these words. 
* That is to say: Sacraments here may have their honour as things religious but they are not to be wondered at as miracles.  Hic Sacramenta honorem ut religiosa habere possunt, stuporem autem ut mira non possunt. Moreover, a little before the institution of the sacrament, Christ spoke of his ascension, saying, I leave the world: I tarry but a little while with you. Let not your hearts be troubled because I go from you, I tell you truth it is for your profit that I go from you, for if I go not, the spirit of comfort cannot come to you. John 14. with many other like warnings of his departure. S. Steven saw him sitting at the right hand of his Father, and thought it a special revelation of God: but he never said that he saw him at the Communion, or that he made him 
Acts. 3.  every day himself. And in the Acts of the Apostles S. Peter sayeth, that Christ must needs keep the heaven till all be ended. Esay, Solomon, and S. Steven, 
Acts. 17.  say that God dwelleth not in temples made with man's hand: S. Paul wisheth that he were dissolved and dead, and were with Christ, not in the altar doubtless where he might be daily, but in heaven. And to be brief, it is in our Credo, & we do constantly believe, that Christ is ascended into heaven, and sitteth at his father's right hand: and no promise have we that he will come jumping down at every priests calling. Hereof I gather this reason.  
Christ's body can not both be gone, and be here. 
If Christ were both gone and tarried, than he should seem to have left himself behind him.   
But he is gone, and hath left the world:  
Therefore it is folly to seek him in the world.  Cust. 
Fie, you be far deceived, I can not in no wise brook these words. You shut up Christ too straightly, and imprison him in one corner of heaven, not suffering him to go at large. No, doubtless, he hath deserved more gentleness at your hand, then to be tied up so short.  Veri. 
I do neither lock up, neither imprison Christ in heaven: 
The body of Christ imprisoned by the Papists in a box, and afterward burned when he is mouldye.  but according to the Scriptures declare that he hath chosen a blessed place, & most worthy to receive his majesty: in which place who so is enclosed, thinketh not himself (as I suppose) to be a prisonner: but if you take it for so heinous a thing, that Christ should sit resident in heaven in the glory of his father, what think you of them that imprison him in a little box, yea and keep him in captivity so long, until he be mouldy & overgrown with vermin, & when he is past man's meat, be not contented to hang him till he stink, but will have him to a new execution, and burn him too? This is wonderful and extreme cruel imprisoning. But to return to the matter, we are certainly persuaded by the word of God, that Christ the very son of God vouchsafed to take upon him the body and shape of man, & that he walked & was conversant amongst men in that same one, & not in many bodies, and that he suffered death, rose again, and ascended to heaven in the self same body, and that he sitteth at his father's right hand in his manhood, in the nature and substance of the said one body. This is our belief, this is the very word of God. Wherefore they are far deceived, which leaving heaven, will grope for Christ's body upon the earth.  Cust. 
Nay sir, but I see now you are far out of the way. For Christ hath not so gross & fleshly a body, as you think, 
Christ's body i● spiritual in th● Sacrament, say the Papists.  but a spiritual and a ghostly body, and therefore without repugnance it may be in many places at once.  Veri. 
You say right well, and do grant that Christ's body is spiritual. But I pray you answer me by the way: Can any other body than that which is spiritual, be at one time in sundry places.  Cust. 
No truly?  Veri. 
Have we that same self sacrament that Christ gave to his Disciples, at his maundy, or no?  Cust. 
No doubtless, we have the same.  Veri. 
When became Christ's body spiritual? was it so even from his birth.  Cust. 
No, for doubtless before he arose from death, his bobody was earthly as other men's bodies are.  Veri. 
Well, but when gave Christ the Sacrament to his Disciples? before he arose from death or after?  Cust. 

The Pope's doctrine repugnant to itself.  You know yourself he gave it before his resurrection, the night before he suffered his Passion.  Verity. 
Why then, me thinketh he gave the Sacrament at that time, when his body was not spiritual.  Cust. 
Even so.  Veri. 
And was every portion of the Sacrament dealt to the Apostles, and received into their mouths the very real and substantial body of Christ?  Cust. 
Yea doubtless.  Veri. 
Mark well what ye have said, for you have granted me great repugnance. First you say that no body being not spiritual can be in sundry places at once. Then say you that at the maundy Christ's body was not spiritual: and yet hold you that he was there present visible before the Apostles eyes, and in each of their hands and mouths all at one time: which grants of yours are not agreeable. But I will gather a better and a more formal reason of your words, 
The Papists though they be convicted, yet they will not believe.  in this sort.  
Fe- No body being real, natural, and organical, and not spiritual, can be in many places at once.  
ri- Christ's body in the Sacrament was in the Apostles hands and mouths at one time, which were many places:  
son. Ergo, Christ's body in the sacrament was not a real, natural, and organical body, but spiritual.  Cust. 
In deed you have driven me into the straits before I was ware of you, and I know not how I may escape your hands honestly. But the best refuge that I have, is this, that I will not believe you.  Veri. 
I desire you not to give credence to me. Believe the word of God, yea believe your own belief, for they both witness against you that Christ's body is taken up into heaven, and there shall remain until he come to judge.  Cust. 
Tush, what speak you of the word of God? There be many dark sayings therein, which every man can not attain to.  Veri. 
I grant you there be certain obscure places in the scripture, 
Custom meddleth but little with Scripture.  yet not so obscure but that a man with the grace of God may perceive: for it was written not for Angels, but for men. But as I understand Custom meddleth but little with Scripture. How say you by S. Augustine, S. Hierom, S. Ambrose, what if they stand on our side?  Cust. 
No, no, I know them well enough.  Veri. 
So well as you know them, for all old acquaintance, if they be called to witness, they will give evidence against you. For S. Augustine commonly in every of his books, but chief in an Epistle to his friend Dardanus, declareth that Christ's body is placed in one room. 
August. ad Dar●anum.  I marvel you be not nearer of his counsel. His words are these: Noli dubitare ibi nunc esse hominem Christum jesum, unde venturus est. Memoriterque recole & fideliter crede Christianam confessionem: quoniam resurrexit, ascendit in coelum, sedet a dextris Dei patris, nec aliundè quam indè venturus est, ad vivos mortuosue iudicandos. Et venturus est in eadem corporis substantia: cui immortalitatem dedit, naturam non abstulit. Secundum hanc formam non est putandus ubiue diffusus. Cavendum enim est, ne ita divinitatem astruamus hominis, ut humanitatem amittamus Dei. i. Do not doubt the man jesus Christ to be there, from whence he shall come. And remember well, and faithfully believe the Christian confession, that he is risen, ascended into heaven, sitteth at the right hand of God the father, and from thence shall come & from no other place, to judge the quick and the dead. And shall come in the same substance of body, to the which he gave immortality, and took not the nature from it. After this form he is to be thought not to be dispersed in all places, for we must beware so to defend his Divinity, that we destroy not his humanity. And in an other place of the same Epistle. una persona Deus & homo, & utrumue est unus Christus. 
August ibid.  Vbiue per id quod Deus, in coelo autem per id quod homo. Likewise upon the 14. Psalm. Donec saeculum finiatur sursum est Dominus: sed etiam hic nobiscum est veritas Domini. Corpus enim in quo resurrexit, in uno loco esse oportet, 
August. in Psal. 14.  veritas autem eius ubique diffusa est. i. While the world shall last, the Lord is above, and also the verity of the Lord is with us. For the body wherein he rose again must be in one place. But the verity of him is every where dispersed. In like manner writeth Damasus an old Bishop of Rome in his Credo. 
Damasus.  Devictis mortis imperijs, cum ea carne in qua natus, & passus est, & resurrexit, ascendit in coelum, manente eadem natura carnis in qua natus & passus est. S. Ambrose writing upon the 10. chapter of Luke recordeth the same: Ergo, nec supra terram, nec in terra, nec secundum terram quaerere debemus Dominum, si volumus invenire. Non enim supra terram quaesivit qui stantem ad Dei dextram vidit. 
Ambros. in 10. cap. Luc.  Maria quaerebat in terra tangere Christum & non potuit. Stephanus terigit quia quaerebat in coelo. i. Wherefore, neither above the earth, nor upon the earth, nor according to the earth we ought to seek the Lord, if we will find him: For he did not seek him above the earth, which did see him sitting at the right hand. And Marie sought upon the earth to touch Christ and could not. Steven touched him, because he sought him in heaven. S. Jerome in an Epistle to Marcelia, proveth that the body of Christ must needs be contained in some place, for he sayeth: Veri Dei est ubiue esse: veri hominis alicubi esse. i. The property of God is to be every where, 
Hier●●. 〈◊〉 Marcell●▪  the property of man is to be in one place. The same Jerome in an other place calleth it a foolish thing to seek for him in a narrow place, or in a corner, which is the light of all the world: Stultum est eum parvo in loco, vel abscondito quaerere, qui totius mundi est lumen. i. Foolishness it is, in a small place or in a hid corner to seek him which is the light of all the whole world. Origine sayeth likewise: Audiendi non sunt qui Christum demonstrant in aedibus. i. 
Hieron.  They are not to be heard, which show Christ in houses. The same also recordeth Beda, writing upon these words of Christ: Now a little while shall you see me. He speaketh in Christ's person. Therefore (sayeth he) shall you see me but a little while after my resurrection, because I will not still abide in the earth bodily, 
Origin●▪  but in the manhood which I have taken, will ascend up to heaven. 
Beda in cap. Ioa●  What needeth more words. All the old fathers witnesseth the same. You may by these soon judge the rest. Now to return to the matter, seeing that the word of God in many and sundry places, the Credo, and the abridgement of the faith, seeing all the old fathers do constantly agree in one, that the body of Christ is ascended into heaven, and there remaineth at the right hand of the father, and cannot be more then in one place, I do conclude that the Sacrament is not the body of Christ: 
The Sac●●●ment is 〈◊〉 the really 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 and why▪  first because it is not in heaven, neither sitteth at the Father's right hand: moreover, because it is in an hundredth thousand boxes, where as Christ's body filleth but one place. Furthermore, if the bread were turned into the body of Christ, then would it necessarily follow, that sinners and unpenitent persons receive the body of Christ.  Cust. 
Marry, and so they do. For Paul saith plainly, that they receive the body of Christ to their own confusion.  Veri. 
No not so. These are not Paul's words, but he sayeth: Who so eateth of this bread, and drinketh of this cup unworthily, eateth and drinketh his own condemnation, 
The wic●●● receive 〈◊〉 the body 〈◊〉 Christ.  not judging the body of the Lord. Hear he calleth it in plain words bread. And although the Sacrament be very bread, yet doth the injury redound to the body of Christ. As if a man break the kings Mace, or tread the broad Seal under his foot, although he have broken and defaced nothing but silver and wax. Yet is the injury the Kings, and the doer shall be taken as a Traitor. 
Ambros●●●▪  Saint Ambrose declareth the meaning of Saint Paul by these words. Reus est corporis Domini, qui poenas dabit mortis Christi, quoniam irritam fecit mortem Domini. The cause of the ordinance thereof was the remembrance of the death of Christ, which who so forgetteth, receiveth the Sacrament to their condemnation. 
Augusti●●▪  That same witnesseth S. Augustine. For the Sacrament, sayeth he, is an outward token of love and charity. For like as many grains of come are become one piece of bread, even so they that receive it ought to be one. Then sayeth he. Mysterium pacis ac unitatis nobis Christus in mensa sua consecravit. Quid accepit mysterium unitatis, & non servat unitatem, non mysterium accepit pro se, sed testimonium contra se. He that readeth the Gospel, wherein is declared the passion and death of Christ, 
The pla●● of S. Pau●● of receiu● unworthy expound▪  and liveth contrary to the Gospel, shall doubtless be the more guilty of the death of Christ, because he heareth and readeth the word of God, and regardeth it not. In a certain country the manner is, that when the Gospel is read, the king shall stand up with a naked sword in his hand, declaring thereby that he beareth his sword in defence of the Gospel. But if he himself oppresseth the Gospel, he beareth the sword against himself, for the Gospel shall turn to his judgement, and condemnation. So will Christ so much more extremely punish a man which knowing himself to be wicked and without repentance, and therefore none of the flock of Christ, yet notwithstanding will impudently creep into the company of Christian men, & receive the Sacraments with them, as though he were one of the number. And this meant S. Paul by the unworthy receiving of the Sacrament of Christ's body. Wherefore a man may unworthily take the Sacrament, and be guilty of the death of Christ, although he receive not Christ's body into his mouth, & chaw it with his teeth. But what if I prove that every Massing priest is guilty of the body and blood of Christ?  Cust. 
I dare say, you can not prove it.  Veri. 
But if I do prove it, will you believe me.  Cu●t. 
I may well enough, for it is impossible to do it. For Priests commonly are confessed before they go to Mass: and how can they then take the Sacrament unworthily?  Veri. 

●●●fession.  In deed confession, if it be discreetly used, is a laudable custom, and to the unlearned man, and feeble conscience so good as a Sermone. But notwithstanding because it was, never neither commanded of Christ, nor received of the Apostles, 
●●brosius.  nor much spoken of the old Doctors, it can not make much for the due receiving of the Sacrament. But how like you these words of S. Ambrose? Is indignè sumit, qui aliter sumit, quam Christus instituit. i. He taketh it unworthily, that taketh it otherwise then Christ ordained it.  Custom. 
This liketh me very well. But what gather you of it?  Verity. 
This will I gather. The Massing Priest taketh the Sacrament otherwise then Christ either commanded or taught: Ergo, he taketh it unworthily, and so consequently to his condemnation.  Cust. 
That is not so, for he doth altogether as Christ commanded him.  Verity. 
That shall appear. For Christ commanded it to be done in his remembrance: the Priest doth it in remembrance of dead men. 
〈◊〉 Priest 〈◊〉 the 〈…〉 as 〈…〉 it unworthily.  Christ took bread: and left it bread: the Priest taketh bread and coniureth it away. Christ took bread and gave thanks: the Priest taketh bread, and breatheth upon it. Christ took bread, and broke it: the Priest taketh bread and hangeth it up. Christ took bread and dealt to his Apostles: the Priest because he is an Apostle himself, taketh bread and eateth it every whit alone. Christ in a Sacrament gave his own body to be eaten in faith: the Priest for lack of faith receiveth accidences, and dimensions. Christ gave a Sacrament to strengthen men's faith: the Priest giveth a sacrifice to redeem men's souls. Christ gave it to be eaten: the Priests giveth it to be worshipped. 
〈◊〉 ●●tweene Christ's ordinance & 〈◊〉 Priests 〈…〉.  And to conclude. Christ gave bread: the Priest saith he giveth a God. Here is difference enough between Christ, and the Priest. Yet moreover Christ at his Supper spoke his words out and in a plain tongue: the Priest speaketh nothing but Latin or Greek, which tongues he ofttimes perceiveth not, and much he whispereth least any other poor man should perhaps perceive him. So it cometh to pass that the Priest knoweth no more what he himself sayeth, than what he doth. This you may see that the Massing Priest receiveth the Sacrament of Christ's body far otherwise then ever Christ minded, and so therefore unworthily and to his condemnation. Now if you think yourself satisfied, I will return to my former question, and prove more at large that Christ's body can not be 〈◊〉 of the wicked, which thing must necessarily ensue if the bre●de were turned into the body of Christ. Christ in the 6. of john, 
 speaking of the eating of his body, say He that eateth of this bread, shall live for ever. Whereof I gather thus: But sinful men take the Sacrament to their condemnation, and live not for ever: Ergo, in the Sacrament they receive not the body of Christ. Again, Christ sayeth: He that eateth me, shall live for my sake. Hereof I conclude thus: But impetinent persons can not live for Christ's sake. Moreover Christ's body must be received, and not with the mouth, 
Gregorius.  as Gregory recordeth, saying, that it is eaten with the teeth of the soul, not of the body, as I have above more largely declared. But wicked, and impenitent persons lack faith: Wherefore they can not eat the body of Christ. Again, Christ's body can not be divided from his spirit, but wicked men have not the spirit of God▪ Ergo, they have not Christ's body. Hereunto agreeth all the old writers, affirming constantly that the unfaithful he no meet vessels to receive the body of Christ. 
●●gust. 〈…〉  S. Augustine saith: Qui non manet in Christo, & in quo non manet Christus, 〈…〉 non manducat carnem Christi, nec bibit eius sanguinem 〈…〉 ad judicium suum 〈…〉 And in the persons of Christ he sayeth likewise: Qui non 〈…〉 & in quo ego non maneo, ne se dica● 〈◊〉 existime● manducare corpus meum▪ aut sanguinem meum bibere. Ambrose avoweth the same, by these words: Qui discordat a Christo, non manducat carn●m eius▪ nec bibit sanguinem, ets● tantae rei Sacramentum accipiat. 
●●brosius.  In like manner writeth Prosperus: 
●●●●perus.  Qui discordat a Christo, nec carnem Christi edit, nec sanguinem bibit, etsi tantae rei Sacramentum, ad judicium suae praesumptionis quotidiè acciprat. 
●●gustinus.  And therefore S. Augustine saith▪ Mali Sacramentum habent, re●● autem Sacramenti non habent. Thus by the words of God by reason and by the old fathers it is plain that sinful men eat not the body of Christ receive they the Sacrament never so oft: Which thing could not be, if in the Sacrament there remained nothing but the body of Christ. 
  
The Sacrament in the Scriptures is named Fractio pa●is, the breaking of bread: which, to say the truth, were but a cold breaking, if there remained no bread to break, but certain fantasies of white, and round. Yet where as they with words, crossings, blessings, breathings, leapings, and much a do can scarcely make one God, they have such virtue in their fingers, that at one cross they be able to make 20. Gods, for if they break the Sacrament every portion, yea every mite must needs be a God. After the Apostles time there arose up heretics, which said that Christ walking here amongst men bodily upon the earth, had no very body, but a thing like a body, and so therewith dimmed men's light. Against whom the old fathers used these arguments: Christ increased in growing, fasted, hungered, eat, wept, sweat, was weary, and in conclusion died, & had all other properties of a very body: wherefore he had a body. I will use the same kind of reasoning. It feedeth, 
Against transubstantiation.  it tasteth like bread, it looketh like bread, the little silly mouse taketh it for bread, and to be short, it hath all the properties and tokens of bread: Ergo it is bread. The old fathers, when there remained any part of the Sacrament, more than was spent at the Communion, they used to burn it, and of it there came ashes. But there is nothing in the Sacrament that can turn to ashes, 
Reason's proproving bread in the Sacrament▪  but only bread (for I think they burned not Christ's body to ashes): Ergo, in the Sacrament there remaineth bread. Henry the Emperor the 6, of that name was poisoned in the host: and Victor the Bishop of Rome in the Chalice. But poison can not hang in God's body, and blood: Wherefore there remaineth bread and wine. What needeth many words in a matter so evident? If you demand either God's word, or the doctors and the ancient writers, or your reason, or your eyes, or nose, or tongue, or fingers, or the Cat, or the Ape, or the Mouse, all these agree in one, and answer together there is bread: wherefore if yo● reject so many and so constant witnesses, and so well agreeing in their tale, specially being such as will lie for no man's pleasure, I will appeal from you, and take you as no indifferent judge. If all these witnesses suffice you not, I will call the sacrament itself to record. It crieth unto you, and plainly doth advertise you what you should think of it. I am, it saith, grated with the tooth: I am conveyed into the belly: I perish: I can endure no space: I canker: I suffer green mould, blue mould, red mould: I breed worms: 
The Sacrament giveth witness that it is bread▪  I am kept in a box for fear of bats: if you leave me out all night, I shallbe devoured before morning, for if the mouse get me I am gone: I am bread, I am no God, believe them not. This crieth the sacrament daily, and beareth witness itself.  Cust. 
The devil on such like reasons: and therefore I will never trouble my brains to make you answer. But if it be true that you have said, why is the Sacrament so well of Christ himself, as of his Apostles, and the old fathers called the body of Christ?  Veri. 
Because it is no strange thing in Scripture so to speak, as I have declared before. But will you stand to S. Augustine's arbitrement in the matter?  Cust. 
To no man sooner.  Veri. 
S. Augustine in an Epistle to his friend Bonifacius, 
The cause why the scripture calleth the Sacrament the body of Christ.  giveth a good cause why the Sacrament, although it be not the body of Christ, is notwithstanding called the body of Christ. His words be these: Si Sacramenta quandam similitudinem earum rerum quarum Sacramenta sunt non haberent, om●i●o Sacramenta non essent. Ex hac autem similitudine plerumque ●arum re●m nomina accipiunt. Ergo, 
Augustinus ad Bonifacium Epist. 23.  secundum quendam modum Sacramentum corporis Christi, corpus Christi est: Sacramentum sanguinis Christi, sanguis Christi est: If Sacraments had not a certain similitude of those things whereof they be sacraments, than were they no Sacraments. Of the which similitude many times they take their name. Wherefore after a certain manner the Sacrament of the body of Christ, is the body of Christ, and the Sacrament of the blood of Christ, is the blood of Christ. etc. And upon the 23. Psalm he writeth likewise: 
Augustine in Psal. 23.  Christus quod●mmodo se ferebat in manibus suis, cum diceret: Hoc est corpus meum. Christ after a certain manner and fashion, as it were, did bear himself in his own hands when he said: This is my body. In manner (he sayeth) and after a fashion, not in very deed. Again, when faithful men receive the Sacrament, they think not of the bread nor mark the wine, 
another caus● why the Scripture calleth the Sacrament the body of Christ. Rom. 6.  but they look farther, & behold the very body of Christ spread upon the Cross and his very blood poured down for their sakes: So in Baptism men regard not greatly the water, ●ut account themselves washed with the blood of Christ▪ So sayeth S. Paul: What so ever we be that are baptized, we are washed in the blood of Christ. Wherefore to the faithful receivers you may say that the water of Baptism is the blood of Christ, and the bread and wine the body and blood of Christ: for to them it is no less than if the natures were altered and changed. Which thing you may very well learn of chrysostom, whose words are these. Mysteria omnia interioribus oculis consideranda sunt, hoc est spiritualiter. Interiores autem oculi postquam panem vident, creaturas transuolant, neque de illo pane à pistore cocto cogitant, 
Chrisost. in joan. Hom. 46.  sed de eo qui se dixit panem esse aeternae vitae. All mysteries must be considered with inward eyes, that is to say, spiritually: As the inward eyes when they see the bread, they pass over the creatures, neither do they think of that bread which is baked of the baker, but of him which called himself the bread of eternal life. For these two causes the bread and wine are called the body and blood of Christ. Now I think you are satisfied concerning the meaning of these words: This is my body.  Cust. 
Yet one thing moveth me very much.  Veri. 
What is that?  Cust. 
The Doctors and old writers, men inspired with the holy Ghost have evermore been against your doctrine: 
Custom standeth upon authority & common voice.  Yea, and in these days the wisest men and best learned call you heretics, and your learning heresy.  Veri. 
As touching the old writers, I remember well they speak reverently of the Sacraments, like as every man ought to do. 
The right meaning of the Doctors misconstrued of custom keepers.  But where as they deliver their mind with the right hand, you Custom receive it with the left. For where as they say, that it is the body of Christ, and that it must be verily eaten, meaning that it doth effectually lay before the eyes Christ's body, and that it is to the faithful man no less than if it were Christ himself, and that Christ must be eaten in faith, not torn nor rend with the teeth: 
The Doctors how they call the Sacrament the body of Christ & why? The words of the Doctors against the Pope's doctrine.  you say that howsoever it be taken, it is Christ's body, and that there is none other eating but with the mouth. And that the fathers meant no other thing than I have said, it shall appear by their words. But as touching the learned and wise men of these days, I can not blame them if they call my doctrine heresy: for they would condemn all ancient writers of heresy, if they were now alive. But I will answer you to them anon. In the mean while mark you how well their learning agreeth. They say, you must follow the letter, you must stick to the letter. 
Origines in Leuit. Hom. 17.  But Origenes sayeth: Si secundum literam sequaris id quod scriptum est [nisi manducaveritis carnem filii hominis non erit vita in vobis] ea litera occidit. If ye follow after the letter, that which is written [unless ye shall eat the flesh of the son of man, 
August. de doctrina Christiana Lib. 3▪ cap. 16.  there shallbe no life in you] this letter killeth. Augustine in the third book De doctrina Christiana: Principio cavendum est ne figuratam dictionem secundum literam accipias. Ad hoc enim pertinet id quod ait Apostolus▪ 
2. Cor. 3.  litera occidit. Cum enim figuratè dictum sic accipitur tanquam propriè dictum sit, carnaliter sapitur, neque ulla animae mors congruentius appellatur. i First, thou must beware that thou take not a figurative speech after the letter. For thereto pertaineth that the Apostle sayeth: The letter killeth. For when a thing is spiritually meant, and the same is taken literally and properly spoken that is a carnal taking. Neither can any other be called the kill of the soul rather than that. And in the same book he teacheth a man to know the plain sense from a figure, 
August. de doctrina Christiana Lib. 3. cap. 16.  saying thus: Si praeceptiva loquntio est flagitium iubens, aut beneficentiam vetans, figurata est: Nisi m●nducaueritis carnem filii hominis, & biberitis eius sanguinem, non erit vita in vobis. Flagitium videtur jubere: Ergo, Figura est praecipiens passioni Domini esse communicandum, 
A rule to know a figurative speech from the literal.  & suaviter in memoria recondendum, quòd pro nobis caro eius crucifixa sit. i. If the commanding speech be such, as commandeth a thing wicked and horrible to be done, or a charitable thing to be undone, than this is a figurative speech: Unless ye shall eat the flesh of the son of man, and shall drink his blood, there shall be no life in you. Because in this speech he seemeth to command a wicked thing, it is therefore a figurative speech, commanding that we should communicate with the passion of our Lord, and sweetly to retain it in our remembrance. In like manner chrysostom plucketh you from the plain letter, and the bare words by this saying: Caro non prodest: hoc est secundum spiritum verba mea intelligenda sunt. Quia qui secundum carnem audit, nihil lucratur. Quid est autem carnaliter intelligere? 
Chrisost. in joan. hom. 46.  Simpliciter ut res dicuntur, neque aliud quip piam cogitare. Non enim ita iudicanda sunt quae videntur, sed mysteria omnia interioribus oculis videnda sunt, hoc est spiritualiter. i. The flesh profiteth not: that is to say, my words must be taken and expounded after the spirit. For he that heareth after the flesh, gaineth nothing. Now what is it to understand carnally? To take things simply as they be spoken, and not to consider any meaning further therein. For things must not be judged as they are seen, but all mysteries must be seen with inward eyes, that is to say, spiritually. What is so heinous in these days, as to call the Sacrament the token or the remembrance of Christ's body? Yet did the old writers in manner never call it other. Tertullian in the 4. book against the Martionistes: Christus accepit panem, 
●●rtullianus ●●ntra Martion. Lib. 4.  & corpus suum fecit: Hoc est corpus meum dicendo▪ id est figura corporis mei. Christ took bread & made it his body, saying: This is my body, that is to say, a figure of my body. Ambrose upon the 11. to the Corinthians: Quia morte Domini liberati sumus, huius rei memores in edendo & potando, 
Ambros. ● 1. Cor. 1●.  carnem & sanguinem quae pro nobis oblata sunt significamus. Because we are delivered by the Lord's death, in the remembrance of the same by eating and drinking we signify the body and blood which were offered up for us. 
Chrisost. Matth. Hom. ●3.  chrysostom in the lxxxiij. Homily upon the Gospel of Matthew: Quando dicunt, undè patet Christum immolatum fuisse, haec adferentes eorum ora consuimus. Si enim mortuus Christus non est, cuius Symbolum ac signum hoc sacrificium est? When they object unto us, and ask: how know you that Christ was offered up? then alleging these things, we stop their mouths. For if Christ died not, than whose sign or token is this sacrifice? Augustine to Adimantus: Non dubitavit Christus dicere: Hoc est corpus meum, cum daret signum corporis sui. 
August. 〈◊〉 Adiman●●●  Christ doubted not to say: This is my body, when he gave but a sign of his body. Augustine upon the third Psalm: 
August. 〈◊〉 Psal. 3.  Christus adhibuit judam ad conuivium, in quo corporis & sanguinis sui figuram discipulis suis commendavit & tradidit. Christ received judas to the Supper, in the which he commended and delivered a figure of his body and blood unto his Disciples. Rabanus, de institutione clericorum: Quia panis corpus confirmat, 
Rabanus institut. Clerico●●  ideo ille corpus Christi congruenter nuncupatur. Vinum autem quia sanguinem operatur in carne, ideo ad sanguinem Christi refertur. Because the bread strengtheneth the body, therefore it is aptly called Christ's body. And likewise the wine, because it increaseth blood in the flesh, it doth resemble the blood of Christ. Druthmarus Monachus in Mathaeum. 
Druthm●●●rus in Matth.  Vinum laetificat & sanguinem auget, & ideo non inconuenienter per hoc sanguis Christi figuratur. Wine maketh glad the heart, and increaseth blood, and therefore the blood of Christ is not unaptly signified thereby. Irenaeus witnesseth plainly that in the Sacrament remaineth bread and wine by these words: Quemadmodum terrenus panis percipiens vocationem Dei, 
Irenaeus contra V●●lentinu● Lib. 3.  iam non communis panis est, sed Eucharistia ex duabus rebus constans, terrena, & coelesti: As the earthly bread receiving the vocation of God, is now no common bread but the Eucharist, consisting of two things, the one earthly & the other heavenly. Hear he recordeth that there remaineth in the Sacrament an earthly nature, which is either bread or nothing. Gelasius writing against Nestorius, avoweth the same, saying: 
Gelasius▪  In Eucharistia non definit substantia panis, & natura vini. Etenim imago & similitudo corporis & sanguinis Domini in actione mysteriorum celebratur. i. In the Eucharist the substance of the bread and nature of the wine ceaseth not to be: For the Image and similitude of the body and blood of the Lord is celebrated in the action of the mysteries. chrysostom in his 20. Homely upon the 2. Epistle to the Corinthians preferreth a poor man before the Sacrament, 
Chrisost. 〈◊〉 hom. 20. epist. 2. ad Corin●●  and calleth him the body of Christ rather than the other. Whereof I may gather this reason:  
Bo- The poor man is not the natural and real body of Christ.  
car- Every poor member of Christ is the body of Christ, rather than the Sacrament: Chrysost.  
do. Ergo, the Sacrament is not the natural and real body of Christ.  
His words are: Hoc altare veneraris quoniam in eo proponitur corpus Christi▪ Eum autem qui reipsa corpus est Christi, afficis contumelia, & negligis pereuntem. This aultare thou dost reverence because the body of Christ therein is set before thee: but him which is the body of Christ in deed, thou dost spitefully entreat, and dost neglect him ready to perish. chrysostom in the 11. Homely upon matthew: Quod si haec vasa sanctificata ad privatos usus est transferre periculosum, in quibus non verum corpus Christi, 
Chrisost. in Hom. sup. 〈◊〉  sed mysterium corporis Christi continetur, quanto magis vasa corporis nostri If it be so perilous a matter to translate these sanctified vessels unto private uses, in the which not the true body of Christ, but a mystery of the body of Christ is contained, how much more than these vessels of our body? Athanasius upon these words: 
Athanasi●● in verba ●●uang. 〈◊〉 dixerit ve●bum in 〈◊〉 hominis▪  Qui dixerit verbum contra filium hominis, sayeth: Ea quae Christus dicit non sunt carnalia, sed spiritualia. Quod enim ●omedentibus suffecisset corpus, ut totius mundi fieret alimonia▪ Sed id●irco meminit Ascensionis filii hominis in coelum ut eos a corporali cogitatione avelleret. The words that Christ here speaketh, be not carnal but spiritual. For what body might have sufficed for all that should ea●e, to be a nourishment of the whole world? But therefore he maketh mention of the Ascension of the son of man into Heaven, 
August. Marcelli●●  to the intent to pluck them away from that corporal cogitation. Augustinus ad Marcellinum: In illis carnalibus vi●ctimis figuratio fuit carnis Christi, quam pro peccatis nostris erat oblatu●us, & sanguinis quem erat effusurus▪ In into autem Sacrificio gratiarum actio atque commemoratio est carnis Christi quam pro nobis obtulit, & sanguinis, quem pro nobis effudit. In i●lo ergo Sacrificio, quid nobis sit donandum figuratè significatur: in hoc autem sacrificio quid nobis donatum sit, evidenter ostenditur. In illis sacrificijs p●●nunciabatur filius Dei occidendus: in hoc pro impijs annunciatur occisus. In those carnal oblations the flesh of Christ was figured, which he should offer for our sins, and the blood which he should bestow for us. But in this sacrifice is the giving of thanks and memorial of the flesh of Christ, which he hath offered for us, and of the blood which he hath shed for us. In that sacrifice therefore is signified figuratively what should be given for us: in this sacrifice what is given to us, is evidently declared. In those sacrifices, the son of God was before preached to be slain: in this sacrifice he is showed to be slain already for the wicked. Origenes upon Mat. expounding these words: 
 This is my body, saith: Panis iste quem Christus corpus suum fatetur esse, verbum est nutritorium animarum. i. The bread which Christ confesseth to be his body, 
 is a nutritive word of our souls. Augustinus: Nulli aliquatenus dubitandum, unumquemque fidelium corporis & sanguinis Domini tunc esse participem, quando in baptismate membrum efficitur Christi. Sacramenti quip illius participatione ac beneficio non privabitur, quando in se hoc invenit quod Sacramentum significati. No man ought in any wise to doubt but that every faithful man is then partaker of the body and blood of the Lord, when in Baptism he is made a member of Christ. For he shall not be deprived of the participation and benefit of that Sacrament, when he findeth in himself that thing which the Sacrament doth signify. Ambrose: Tanta est vis verbi, ut panis & vinum maneant quae sunt, & mutentur in aliud. Such is the force & strength of the word, that the bread and wine remain the same as they were, and yet are changed into an other thing. For it is not any longer common bread, 
Ambrose.  but it is turned into a Sacrament: Yet notwithstanding there remaineth bread and wine. Tertullian writing against an heretic named Martion, which taught that the creatures of God, as flesh, bread, 
 wine and such like were nought and uncleanly: Non abiecit Deus creaturam suam, sed ea repraesentavit corpus suum. God hath not cast away his creature, but by it he hath represented his body. Origenes upon Leviticus, speaking of the drinking of Christ's blood, sayeth: Non sanguinem carnis expetimus sed sanguinem verbi. 
Origines in 〈◊〉.  We do not desire the blood of the flesh, but the blood of the word. Ambrose called the Sacrament, Typum corporis Christi, and Basilius Antitypum, which is as much to say, 
Typus. Antyphon.  as a token, a figure, a remembrance and example of Christ's body. Origine upon the 14. chapped. of Matthew: In isto pane, quod est materiale eijcitur in secessum: id autem quod fit per verbum Dei pro fidei ratione prodest. 
Origen 〈◊〉 Matth. Cap. 14.  In this bread that thing which is matoriall, passeth through man's body: but that which is made by the word of God, by the means of faith doth profit. And lest perhaps you think that he spoke those words of our common table b●ead, he concludeth the matter himself with these words: Haec diximus de pane symbolico: These things we have spoken of the mystical bread. Augustinus contra adversarium legis & Prophetarum, declareth that it must needs be a figure and a remembrance of the body of Christ: 
Augustinus contra aduersa●um 〈◊〉 & Propheta●●●.  Ista secundum sanae fidei regulam figuratè intelliguntur. Nam alioqui horribilius videtur esse humanam carnem vorare quam perimere, & humanum sanguinem potare qu●m fundere. These things are understanded figuratively, according to the rule of sound and true faith. For otherwise it seemeth to be more horrible to eat man's flesh, then to kill a man, and more horrible to drink man's blood, then to shed it. And therefore he saith upon the 98. Psalm: Non hoc corpus quod videtis estis manducaturi, 
August. in Psal. 98.  nec bibituri sanguinem quem fundent qui me crucifigent. Sacramentum aliquod vobis trado. i. Ye shall not eat this body which you see, and drink that blood which they shall shed that shall crucify me: I commend unto you a Sacrament. Tertullian: Aliud a pane corpus jesus habet: nec pro nobis panis traditus, 
Tertullia●●s.  sed ipsum Christi verum corpus traditum est in crucem, quod panis figura in coena exhibitium est. i. jesus hath an other body than bread, for bread was not given for us, but the very true body of Christ was given upon the cross, which body was exhibited in the Supper under the figure of bread.  
This recordeth Theodoretus an ancient writer, and anoweth that there is no turning or altering of the bread in the Sacrament. 
theodoret's.  His words are these: Symbola visibilia corporis & sanguinis, sui appellatione honoravit, non mutans naturam sed naturae addens gratiam. i. He hath honoured and dignified the visible signs with the name of his body and of his blood, not changing the nature, but adding grace to nature. And in an other place, where he maketh a true Christian man to reason with an heretic, he giveth to the heretic this part, to hold with the turning of bread and wine into the natural body and blood of Christ. The heretics words are these: Sacramentum Dominici corporis & sanguinis, alia sunt ante sacram invocationem: post invocationem verò mu●antur, & alia fiunt. The sacraments of the lords body and blood before the holy invocation are one thing, but after invocation they are changed and made an other. This maketh Theodor. to be the heretics part. Then bringeth he forth the true Christian man, which reproveth the heretic for so saying: Incidisti in laqueos quos ipse struxeras: Neque enim sancta illa symbola post consecrationem discedunt a natura sua: Manent enim in priori & substantia, & figura, etenim & oculis videri & digitis palpari ut ante possunt. Thou art fallen into the snares which thou thy se●●e hast laid. For those self same holy signs after this consecration, do not go from their nature, for they abide still both in their former substance and figure, and may be both with eyes seen and felt with hands, as before. To the same agreeth well chrysostom, saying, Postquam sanctificatur panis, 
Chrisostomus.  non amplius appellatur panis, tametsimaneat natura panis. i. After the bread is sanctified, it is called bread no more, although the nature of bread still remain. Hereby you may understand, how & in what sort the old fathers, how the primative and beginning church, how the Apostles, how Christ himself took these words: This is my body.  
Now to withstand and stoutly to go against, not only ancient writers, or the congregation of Christian people, which at that time was not overgrown, no neither spotted with covetousness and worldly honour, but the Apostles also, and God himself, no doubt it is great fondness. But what speak I of the old fathers? It is not long since the sacrament grew out of his right understanding. 
Transubstantiation a new invention.  For this word Transubstantiatio, whereby they signify turning of the bread into the body of Christ, was never neither spoken, neither heard, neither thought among the ancient fathers, or in the old Church. But above 500 years past, Pope Nicolas 2. in a Council holden at Lateranum in Rome, confirmed that opinion of the changing of bread, & would have made an article of the faith, and placed it in the Credo. After which time ensued Corpus Christi day, Masses of Corpus Christi, reservation of the sacrament, with honour, with canapies, with sensing, with kneeling, with worshipping and adoration, and with so much as any man could devise. For they thought they could not do to much to him after that the Bishop of Rome had allowed him for a God. But not fully 200. year before that time, when this doctrine first began to bud, and yet notwithstanding had not so prevailed, but that a great number of learned and good men could know the Sacrament to be a Sacrament, and not himself: Charles the great king of France, and Emperor of Rome demanded of a great learned man, 
Carolus Magnus Bertramus.  whose name was Bertramus, what he thought by that strange kind of calling down Christ from heaven, and turning a little gobbet of bread into his natural body. To whom Bertram made answer in this wise: Dicimus quòd multa differentia feparantur corpus in quo passus est Christus & sanguis quem in cruse pendens fudit, & hoc corpus quod in mysterio passionis Christi quotidie a fidelibus celebratur. Etenim hoc corpus pignus & species est, illud autem ipsa veritas. Apparet ergo quod tam multa differentia separentur, quantum est inter pignus & eam rem pro qua pignus traditur, & quantum inter imaginem, & rem eam cuius imago est, & quantum inter speciem & veritatem. This we say, that there is a great difference and separation betwixt the body in the which Christ suffered, and the blood which he shed upon the Cross, & this body which every day is celebrated in the mystery of the Passion of Christ. For this body is a pledge and a similitude, but the other is the very truth itself. Ergo, it appeareth that these two are separated a sunder by no less difference, then is between a pledge, and the thing whereof the pledge is given, or then is between an Image of a thing and the thing itself whereof the Image is, or then is between the form of a thing and the verity itself. This wrote Bertramus, Druthmarus & many other, 
Bertramus. joan. Scotus. Druthmarus.  and yet were never in all their time once reproved of heresy. This wrote joannes Scotus also, in whose life time men had not eyes to espy his heresies. But about 200. year after his death, he was judged and condemned for an heretic, & his books burned in a Council holden at Vercellae in Lombardie, in the year of our Lord God .1015. 
Bertramus condemned for an heretic 200. years after his death.  Since which time even until this day although idolatry had great increase, yet there never wanted some good men which boldly would profess and set forth the truth, although they were well assured that their worldly reward should be spite, malice, imprisonning, sword, fire, and all kinds of torments. Thus so shortly, and in so few words as I could, I have declared to you what Christ meant by these words: This is my body, what the Apostles thought therein, & in what sort they delivered them to their successors, in what sense and meaning the holy Fathers and old writers, and the Universal and Catholic Church hath evermore taken them.   

The end and decease of king Edward the sixth.  
THus having discoursed things done and passed, under the reign of king Edward, 
The decease of king Edward .6.  such as seemed not unfruitful to be known, we will now draw to the end and death of this blessed king, our young josias. Who about a year and a half after the death of the Duke of Somerset his Uncle, 
Anno 1553.  in the year of our Lord 1553. entering into the 17. year of his age, and the 7. year of his reign, in the month of june, was taken from us, for our sins no doubt. Whom if it had so pleased the good will of the Lord to have spared with longer life, not unlike it was by all conjectures probably to be esteemed by those his toward and blessed beginnings, but proceeding so as he began he would have reform such a Common wealth here in the Realm of England, as by good cause it might have been said of him, that was said in the old time of the noble Emperor Augustus in reforming and advancing the Empire of Rome: Quam quum ille lateritiam (ut aiebat) accepit, 
Ex Suetonio.  marmoream reliquit. Which Empire he received (he said) of brick, but he left it of fine Marble. But the condition of this Realm, and the customable behaviour of English people (whose property is commonly to abuse the light of the Gospel when it is offered) deserved no such benefit of so blessed a reformation, but rather a contrary plague of deformation, such as happened after his reign, as ye shall hear (the Lord granting) in the next Queen's days that followed.  
Thus than this godly and virtuous Imp, in the time and month above mentioned was cut from us, of whose worthy life and virtues have been partly afore declared. Nevertheless, to have some monument of him remaining to testify of the good nature and gentle disposition of that Prince, we will add here for a remembrance, this little Epistle of his own hand writing to the Archb. of Canterbury, his Godfather as followeth.   

An Epistle of young Prince Edward to the Archb. of Canterbury his Godfather.  

Prince Edward when he wrote this epistle seemed to be very young not above seven years of age, lying then at Antile.  IMpertio te plurima salute colendissime Praesul, & charissime Susceptor Quia abes longè a me, vellem libenter audire te esse incolumem. Precor autem ut vivas diu, & promoveas verbum Dei. Vale.  
Antilae decimo octavo Junii. Tuus in Christo filius Edwardus Princeps.   

another Epistle of the young Prince Edward to the Archb. his Godfather.  
ETsi puer sum colendissime Susceptor, non tamen immemor sum vel officij erga te mei, 
another Epistle of Prince Edward to his godfather.  vel humanitatis tuae quam indies mihi exhibere studes. Non exciderunt mihi humanissimae tuae litterae pridie divi Petri ad me datae. Quibus ante hac respondere nolui, non quòd illas neglexerim, aut non minerim, sed ut illarum diuturna meditatione fruerer, fideliue memoria reponerem, atque demum bene ruminatis pro mea virili responderem. Proinde affectum erga me tuum verè paternum, quem in illis expressisti, amplector & veneror, optoque ut multos vivas annos, tuoque pio ac salubri consilio pergas esse mihi venerandus pater. Nam pietatem ante omnia mihi amplectendam & exosculandam esse duco, quoniam divus Paulus dicit: 
1. Tit. 4.  Pietas ad omnia utilis est▪ Optimè valeat tua paternitas in plurimos annos.  
Hartefordioe tertio decimo januarij. Tui studiosissimus EDOVARDVS Princeps.   

The answer of the Archbishop to Prince Edward's Epistle.  

Alludit ad verba Terentijin Comoedia.  NOn magis poterit ipsa me servare salus (fili in Christo charissime) quam salus tua. Mea vita non dicenda est vita absque tua & salute & valitudine. Quapropter cum te incolumem ac saluum intelligo, vitam etiam mihi integram esse & incolumem sentio. 
The answer of Thomas Cranmer Archbishop of Cant. to the epistle of Prince Edward.  Neque certè absentia mea tam est iniucunda tibi quàm sunt litterae tuae periucundae mihi. Quae arguunt tibi juxta adesse & ingenium dignum tanto principe, & praeceptorem dignum tanto ingenio. Ex quibus tuis litteris te sic litteras video colere, ut interim doctrinae coelestis tua nequaquam minima sit cura: quae cuicunque sit curae, non potest illum quaevis cura frangere. Perge igitur qua via incoepisti Princeps illustrissime, & Spartam quam nactus es hanc orna, ut quam ego per literas video in te virtutis lucem, eadem olim illuminet universam tuam Angliam. Non scribam prolixius, tum quidem ut me intelligas brevitate non nihil affici, tum etiam quod credam te aetate quidem adhuc paruulum parvo gaudere, & similem simili: tum etiam praeterea ne impolita mea oratio in causa sit, quò generosa illa tua indoles barbariae vitium contrahat.   

The report of the Prince's Schoolmaster, in commendation of his towardness to the Archb.  
RIght honourable and my singular good Lord, 
This 〈◊〉 seems be 〈◊〉 by D. ●  after my most hearty commendations: the opportunity of this messenger forceth me to write at this time, having little matter but only to signify unto your grace, that my Lords grace your godson is merry and in health, and of such towardness in learning, godliness, gentleness and all honest qualities, that both you and I, and all this realm ought to think him and take him for a singular gift sent of God, an Imp worthy of such a father: for whom we are bound sine intermissione, to render to God most hearty thanks, with most humble request of his long & prosperous continuance. He hath learned almost four books of Cato to construe, to parse, and to say without book. And of his own courage now in the latter Book he will needs have at one time 14. Verses which he konneth pleasantly and perfectly, besides things of the Bible, Sattellitium Vivis, Aesop's Fables, and Latin making, whereof he hath sent your Grace a little taste. Dominus jesus te diutissimè servet.  
Thus much hitherto having declared, 
The 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 depart●●  touching the worthy virtues and singular towardness of this godly imp, king Edward the sixth, although I have not, neither can insert all things due to his commendation, but am enforced to let pass many memorable matters, well worthy to be prosecuted, if they might have come to our hands: yet this one brief note I thought not to overslip (something to recreate the weary reader in such a doleful story) being notified to me by one M. Edward Hunderhill, who waiting the same time, with the rest of his fellows pensioners, and men at arms, as Sir Henry Gates, M. Robert Hal, M. Henry Harston, and M. Stafforton heard these words between the king and his counsel.  
The relation and testimony of which person and persons above named, come to this effect, that king Edw. the 6. the 4. year of his reign, being then but 13. years old and upward, at Greenewiche upon S. George's day, when he was come from the sermon, into the presence chamber, there being his uncle, the Duke of Somerset, the Duke of Northumb. with other Lords & Knights of that order, called the order of the Garter, he said unto them: My Lords, I pray you, what saint is S. George, that we here so honour him▪ At which question the other Lords being all astonished, the L. Treasurer (that then was) perceiving this, gave answer, and said: If it please your Majesty, I did never read in any history of S. George, but only in Legenda aurea, where it is thus set down, that S. George out with his sword, and ran the Dragon through with his spear. The king, when he could not a great while speak for laughing, at length said: I pray you my Lord, and what did he with his sword the while? That I can not tell your majesty, said he. And so an end of that question of good s. Georg.  
Now to return again from whence we have digressed, which is to signify some part of the order & manner of his godly departing: as the time approached when it pleased almighty God to call this young king from us, which was the 6. day of july, the year above said, about three hours before his death, this Godly child, his eyes being closed, speaking to himself, & thinking none to have heard him, made this prayer as followeth.   

The prayer of king Edward before his death.  
Lord God, deliver me out of this miserable & wretched life, & take me among thy chosen: how be it not my will, but thy will be done: Lord I commit my spirit to thee. 
The kin● prayer 〈◊〉 his deat●  Oh Lord thou knowest how happy it were for me to be with thee: yet for thy chosens sake send me life and health, that I may truly serve thee. Oh my Lord God, bless thy people, and save thine inheritance. Oh Lord God, save thy chosen people of England. Oh my Lord God, defend this Realm from papistry, and maintain thy true religion, that I and my people may praise thy holy name, for thy son jesus Christ's sake.  
Then turned he his face, & seeing who was by him, said unto them: Are ye so night, I thought you had been further off? Then Doc. Owen said, We heard you speak to yourself, but what you said we know not. He then (after his fashion smilingly) said, I was praying to God. The last words of his pangs were these: I am faint, Lord have mercy upon me, & take my spirit. And thus he yielded up the ghost, leaving a woeful kingdom behind unto his sister. albeit he in his will had excluded his sister mary from the succession of the crown, because of her corrupt religion: yet the plague which God had destinate unto this sinful Realm, could not so be voided, but that she being the elder and daughter to king Henry, succeeded in possession of the crown. Of whose dreadful and bloody regiment, it remaineth now consequently to discourse.  
This briefly may suffice to understand, that for all the writing, sending, and practising with the Lady Mary, by the King and his Counsel, and also by the Bishop Ridley, yet would she not be reclaimed from her own singular opinion fixed upon custom, to give any indifferent hearing to the word and voice of verity. The which set will of the said Lady Mary, 
The Lady Mary wedded to Custom.  both this young King and also his father King Henry before him right well perceiving and considering, they were both much displeased against her: In so much that not only her brother did utterly sequester her in his will, 
The Lady Mary in displeasure both with her brother and father.  but also her own father considering her inclination, conceived such hart against her, that for a great space he did seclude her from the title of Princess, yea and seemed so eagerly incensed against her, that he was fully purposed to proceed further with her (as it is reported) had not the intercession of Thomas Cranmer the Archbishop, reconciled the King again to favour and pardon his own daughter. For the better understanding whereof, by these her own letters copied out of her own hand writing (which I have to show) something may be perceived, and more peradventure may be guessed. The words out of her own hand writing be these. And first her letter to King Henry her father here followeth.   

* A Letter of the Lady Mary, to King Henry her father.  
IN my most humble wise I beseech your grace of your daily blessing. 
Lady Mary writeth to K. Henry her father.  Pleaseth it the same to be advertised, that this morning my Lord my chamberlain came and showed me, that he had received a letter from sir William Paulet Controller of your house. The effect whereof was, that I should with all diligence remove unto the Castle of Herford. Whereupon I desired him to see the same letter, which he showed me. Wherein was written, that the Lady Mary the King's daughter should remove to the place beforesaid, leaving out in the same the name of Princess. Which when I heard, I could not a little marvel, trusting verily that your grace was not privy to the same letter as concerning the leaving out of the name of Princess, for as much as I doubt not in your goodness, but your grace doth take me for your lawful daughter, borne in true Matrimony. Wherefore if I should agree to the contrary, I should in my conscience run in the displeasure of God, which I hope assuredly your grace will not that I so should. And in all other things your grace shall have me always as humble and obedient daughter and handmaid, as ever was child to the father, which my duty bindeth me to: as knoweth our Lord, who have your grace in his most holy tuition, with much honour and long life, to his pleasure.  
Written at your Manor of Beaulien this second day of October. By your most humble daughter, Marry Princess.   

* A protestation of the Lady Mary, to certain Lords sent by the King her father, with certain requests unto her.  
MY Lords, as touching my removing to Hatfield, I will obey his Grace, 
The Protestation of Lady Mary.  as my duty is, or to any other place that his grace will appoint me. But I protest before you and all other that be here present, that my conscience will in no wise suffer me to take any other than myself for the King's lawful daughter, borne in true matrimony, or Princess, and that I will never willingly and wittingly say or do, whereby any person might take occasion to think that I agree to the contrary, not of any ambition or proud mind, as God is my judge: but that if I should say or do otherwise, 
Lady Mary standeth to ●he Pope's ●●dgement.  I should in my conscience slander the deed of our mother holy Church and the Pope, who is the judge in this matter, and none other: and also dishonour the King my Father, the Queen my Mother, and falsely confess myself a Bastard, which God defend that I should do, seeing the Pope hath not so declared it by his sentence definitive, for to his judgement I submit me.  
As you have heard some part already of the stout courage of the Lady Mary toward her father, and also by her letters no less was declared toward king Edward her brother and other of his Counsel: as well may appear by the letters above specified, between her and the King her brother and his counsel: So now let us infer somewhat likewise of the stout talk and demeanour of the said Lady Mary toward D. Ridley Bishop of London, who gently coming to her of mere good will, had his communication with her, and she with him as here followeth.  
About the eight of Sept. 1552. D. Ridley then Bishop of London, lying at his house at Hadham in Hartfordshire: 
Talk between Lady Mary and Bishop Ridley.  went to visit the Lady Mary then lying at Hunsden two miles off: & was gently entertained of Sir Tho. Wharton & other her officers, till it was almost xi. of the clock. About which time the said Lady Mary came forth into her chamber of presence, and then the said bishop there saluted her grace, and said, that he was come to do his duty to her grace. Then she thanked him for his pains, and for a quarter of an hour talked with him very pleasantly: and said, that she knew him in the Court when he was Chaplain to her father, and could well remember a sermon that he made before king Henry her father, at the marriage of my Lady Clinton that now is, to Sir Anthony Broune etc. and so dismissed him to dine with her officers.  
After dinner was done, the bishop being called for by the said Lady Mary, resorted again to her grace, between whom this communication was, first the bishop beginning in manner as followeth.  Bishop. 
Madam I came not only to do my duty to see your Grace, 
Bishop Ridley offereth to preach before the Lady Mary.  but also to offer myself to preach before you on Sunday next, if it will please you to hear me. At this her countenance changed, and after silence for a space, she answered thus.  Mary. 
My Lord, as for this last matter, I pray you make the answer to it yourself.  Bishop. 
Madame, considering mine office and calling, I am bound of duty to make to your grace this offer, to preach before you.  Mary. 
Well, I pray you make the answer (as I have said) to this matter yourself: for you know the answer well enough. But if there be no remedy but I must make you answer, this shall be your answer: The door of the parish Church adjoining shallbe open for you, 
Lady Mary refuseth to hear Bishop Rydley to preach before her.  if you come, and ye may preach, if you list, but neither I, nor none of mine shall hear you.  Bishop. 
Madame, I trust you will not refuse God's word.  Mary. 
I cannot tell what ye call God's word. That is not God's word now, that was God's word in my father's days.  Bishop. 
God's word is all one in all times, but hath been better understanded and practised in some ages, then in other.  Mary. 
You durst not for your ears, have advouched that for God's word in my father's days, that now you do. And as for your new books, I thank God I never read none of them: never did, nor never will do.  
And after many bitter words against the form of religion then established, 
It is like she was persuaded by Witches and blind prophecies that king Edward should not live so long.  and against the government of the Realm, and the laws made in the young years of her brother, which she said she was not bound to obey, till her brother came to perfect age, and then affirmed she would obey them. She asked the Bishop whether he were one of the Counsel: He answered, No. You might well enough (said she) as the Counsel goeth now a days.  
And so she concluded with these words: My Lord, for your gentleness to come and see me, I thank you, but for your offering to preach before me, I thank you never a whit.  
Then the said B. was brought by sir Thomas Wharton, to the place where he dined, & desired to drink. And after he had drunk, he paused a little while, 
Bishop Rydley repented to have drunken there where God's word was refused.  looking very sadly, & suddenly broke out into these words: Surely I have done amiss. Why so, quoth sir Thomas Wharton? For I have drunk (said he) in that place where God's word offered, hath been refused: Whereas if I had remembered my duty, I ought to have departed immediately, and to have shaken of the dust of my shoes for a testimony against this house. These words were by the said bishop spoken with such a vehemency, that some of the hearers afterward confessed their hear to stand upright on their heads. This done, the said Bishop departed, and so returned to his house. Testified by a certain reverend parsonage yet alive, being then the bishop's Chaplain.  
¶ And thus making an end of this ninth Book, touching the story and reign of King Edward, and having also somewhat said before of the nature and disposition of the Lady Mary, whereby the way may be prepared the better to the troubles of the next Book following: we intent (the grace of God assisting us therein) now further to proceed in describing the acts and proceed of the foresaid Lady Mary, coming now to be Queen, and advanced next after this godly King Edward, to the Crown of this Realm of England.   
¶ The end of the ninth Book.   

The beginning of the tenth book containing the horrible and bloody time of QUEEN MARY.  

The Preface to the Reader.  
forasmuch AS WE ARE come now to the time of Queen Mary, when as so many were put to death for the cause especially of the Mass, and the sacrament of the Altar (as they call it) I thought it convenient upon the occasion given, in the ingress of this foresaid story, first to prefix before, by the way of Preface, some declaration collected out of divers Writers and Authors, whereby to set forth to the Reader the great absurdity, wicked abuse, and perilous idolatry of the popish Mass, declaring how and by whom it came in, clouted and patched up of divers additions, to the intent that the Reader, seeing the vain institution thereof, and weighing the true causes why it is to be exploded out of all Churches, may the better thereby judge of their death, which gave their lives for the testimony and the word of truth.  
First, concerning the origine of this word Missa, whether it came of Missath in Hebrew. Deut. 16. or Mincha, levit. 6. which signifieth oblation: or whether it came of sending away the Catechumeni, and persons unworthy, out of the place of ministration, 
Isidorus libr. 6. Etym. Hugo in speculo eccles. Tertull. contra Marc. lib. 3. Cypria. de bono patient.  (as certain writers suppose) or else, Ex missis donarijs & symbolis quae in offertorio proponebantur: that is, of gifts and oblations wont to be offered before the Communion: or whether Missa is derived of Remissa, which in the former writers was used pro remissione: or whether Missa, pro licentia dimittendi populum, is taken of sending away the congregation by the words of the Deacon, Ite missa est: or whether Missa hath his denomination of that which the Grecians call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, dismission of the people, alluding to the story of the hebrews, licenced of Pharaoh to departed out of captivity after the eating of the Pasche Lamb, as I read in an old popish book entitled De Sacramentis Sacerdotalibus: or what term soever it be else, either Latin, Syrian, Dutch, or French: or howsoever else it taketh his appellation, as there is no certainty amongst themselves that most magnify the Mass, so it is no matter to us that stand against it. To my judgement and conjecture this latter exposition of the word seemeth more probable, both for that it is joined with the word Ite, which signifieth departing: and also the time and order in speaking the same, agreeth well thereunto. For as the old hebrews, after the supper of the Lamb, and not before, were set at liberty straight way, to depart out of captivity: so belike to declare our mystical deliverance by Christ, offered and slain for us, first goeth before the action of the holy supper: that done, than the Priest or Deacon saith, Ite missa est: meaning thereby the deliverance and liberty which is spiritually wrought in us, after that the body of Christ hath been offered for us. Or else, if Missa otherwise should signify the celebration or the action of the supper, it would not be said Ite, but venite, missa est, etc. Moreover, besides other arguments, there be certain places in Cassianus which seem to declare, that Missa signifieth dismission of the congregation: 
Cassianus de canonicis orationibus. lib. 3. c. 7. Vigils were called in the old time the assemblies of the congregation in the night, in common prayer and fasting.  as where he writeth of him which cometh not in time to the hours of prayer, saying it not to be lawful for him to enter into the oratory, Sed stantem prae foribus congregationis, missam praestolari debere. i. that he aught standing without the doors, to wait for the miss of the congregation. And again in the next Chapter following, he inferreth the same vocable Missa in like sense: Contenti, inquit somno qui nobis post vigiliarum missam usque ad lucis indulgetur adventum. i. Contented (sayeth he) with so much sleep as serveth us for the miss, or breaking up of the night vigil, unto the coming of the day, etc.  
But to let pass these conjectures, this by the way I give to the Reader to note and understand, that as this word Missa never yet entered into the Church nor usage among the Greeks: so it is to be observed among our Latin interpreters, 
Socra, Eccl. hist. l. 2. c. 13 Epiph. trip. hist. li. 4. c. 13. Sozom. li. ●. cap. 32.. Epiph. trip. hist l. 3. c. 1● Socrat. l. 3. cap. 9 Epiph. trip. hist. l. 6. c. 23. Socrat. l. 5. cap. 15. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Epiph. trip. hist. li. 7. 〈◊〉 13. & apud scipsos mi●●sarum cel●●brare solennit. etc. Item collectas 〈◊〉 etc. quod Socrates grece. li. 5. cap. 22. inquit. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. & 〈◊〉 The mass a double enem● against Chri●● The Mass 〈◊〉 iurious to th● Priesthood 〈◊〉 Christ. Maior.  such as have translated of old time the ancient Greek Authors, as Eusebius, and the Tripartite history, and others: that where the Greek Writers have these terms 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, to call the congregation, to convent assemblies, and so frequent together, the old translator of Epiphanius, and other translate upon the same Missas facere, collectas agere, missas celebrare, etc. whereby it is not obscure to be seen, that this word Mass in the old time, was not only and peculiarly applied to the action of consecration, but as well to all Christian assemblies collected, or congregations convented, according as in the Dutch language this name (Mess) signifieth any solemn frequency, or panagyrie, or gathering together of the people. But of the name enough, and too much.  
To express now the absurdity of the said Mass, and the irreligious application thereof, unseemly, and perilous for Christians to use, I will bring two or three reasons of the worthy servant and Martyr of God, john Bradford, to which many more may be also added out of others.  
First the Mass, sayeth he, is a most subtle and pernicious enemy against Christ, and that double ways: namely, against his priesthood, and against his sacrifice, which he proveth by this way. For the Priesthood of Christ, (sayeth he) is an everlasting Priesthood, and such an one as can not go to another. But the Mass utterly putteth him out of place, as though he were dead for ever: and so God were a liar, which said that Christ should be a Priest for ever: which briefly cometh unto this Argument.  

Fes- That thing is not perpetual, nor standeth not alone, which admitteth succession of other to do the same thing that was done before.  
ti- But the Mass Priests succeed after Christ, doing the same sacrifice (as they say) which he did before.  
no. Ergo, the Mass Priests make Christ's priesthood not to be perpetual.   

Another Argument.  
Basilius- All Priest's either be after the order of Aaron, or after the order of Melchisedech, or after the order of the Apostles, or after that spiritual sort whereof it is written, Vos estis spirituale sacerdotium, etc.  
ro- But our Mass Priests neither be after the order of Aaron, 
Minor.  (for that is to resume that which Christ hath abolished:) neither after the order of Melchisedech (for that is peculiar only to Christ:) neither after the order of the Apostles (for then should they be Ministers, not Masters, not Priests, but Preachers: (and which of the Apostles was ever named by the title of a Priest?) Again, neither are they after the general sort of the spiritual priesthood. For after that prerogative, every true Christian is a spiritual Priest as well as they, offering up spiritual, not bodily sacrifice, as prayers, thanksgiving, obedience, mortification of the body framed to the obedience of his commandments.  
co. Ergo, our Mass Priests are no Priests (unless it be after the order of the Priests of Baal. 
Conclusi● )   
secondly, 
The 〈◊〉 injurious the sacrifi●● or death 〈◊〉 Christ. Maior.  concerning the sacrifice of Christ above mentioned, he reasoneth in like manner: which we have reduced in the way of Argument, as followeth:  

Da- To reiterate a thing once done, for the attaining or accomplishing of the end wherefore it was begun, declareth the imperfection of the same thing before.  
ri- The Mass Priests do reiterate the sacrifice of Christ once done for the end wherefore it was begun (that is, 
Minor. Conclusi●●  for propitiation and remission à poena & culpa pro vivis & pro defunctis:)  
j Ergo, Mass Priests make the sacrifice of Christ to be unperfect, and so are they injurious to the sacrifice of Christ.    

¶ For the confirmation of the premises, mark here (Reader) I beseech thee, the rubric here following, written before the Mass of the five wounds in the Mass book.  
BOniface Bishop of Rome lay sick, and was like to die, to whom our Lord sent the Archangel Raphael with the office of the Mass, of the five wounds, saying: Rise and write this office, and say it five times, and thou shalt be restored to thy health immediately: and what Priest soever shall say this office for himself, or for any other that is sick, five times, the person for whom it is said, shall obtain health and grace, and in the world to come, (if he continue in virtue) life everlasting. And in whatsoever tribulation a man shall be in this life, if he procure this office to be said five times for him, of a Priest, without doubt he shall be delivered. And if it be said for the soul of the dead, anon as it shall be said and ended five times, his soul shall be rid from pains. This hearing the Bishop, he did erect himself up in his bed, conjuring the Angel, by the name of almighty God, to tell him what he was, and wherefore he came, and that he should departed without doing him harm: who answered, that he was raphael the Archangel, sent unto him of God: and that all the premises were undoubtedly true. Then the said Boniface confirmed the said office of the five wounds, by the Apostolic authority.  
another Argument against the Mass, for that it is an hindrance to the true service of God, 
The Mass is an hindrance to the true service of God, and to the Godly life of 〈◊〉. Maior.  and to the godly life of men: the declaration whereof is more at large by the said Author set out: but briefly in form of Argument may thus be contracted.  

Another Argument.  
Da- Whatsoever causeth or occasioneth a man to rest in outward serving of God, whose service should be all inward in spirit and verity, that hindereth the true service of God.  
ti- The Mass occasioneth a man to rest in outward serving, (as in hearing, seeing, and saying Mass, which be but outward senses of a man, 
Minor.  and as they say meritorious ex opere operato, etiam sine bono motu intentionis.)  
si. Ergo, the Mass hindereth the right & true service of God.   


Conclusio.  Another Argument, proving that Mass hindereth good life.  
Di- Upon the Mass riseth false hope: and false remedy is promised to wicked livers. 
Maior.  For evil men hearing Mass in the morning, upon hope thereof take more security in doing all day what they list. And such as have in bibbing, brawling, taverning, swearing, whoring, dicing, 
The Mass ●●●dereth ●ood life.  carding, committed wickedness, to them the mass is set up, promising sufficient propitiation sacrifice, remedy of body and soul, for man and beast, a poena & culpa, pro vivis & mortuis: Though they never heard preaching, never used praying, never repent, or how wicked so ever they have been: yet if they come to the Church, take holy bread and holy water, and hear a Mass, or find a soul Priest upon the remedy thereof, than they think themselves discharged, and good Catholic men.  
sa- Upon what cause soever riseth false hope and false remedy is promised to wicked livers, 
Minor.  that hindereth good life.  
mis. Ergo, the Mass hindereth good life.   


Conclusio.  Another Argument.  
Da- Where one thing is sufficient and serveth alone, there all other helps be neadeles thereunto, 
Maior.  wherein it serveth.  
ti- The Mass, as they say, hath all, serveth for all: for by it cometh pardon for sins, 
Minor.  by it cometh deliverance from Hell and Purgatory, by it cometh health for man and beast. In summa, the Mass is Mare bonorum, etc.  
si. Ergo, all other helps else be needless: hearing of God's word, 
Conclusio.  faith, praying in spirit, repenting, preaching, piety, and other helps to good life, etc.   

another Argument, proving that the Mass is divers and contrary from the institution of Christ's Supper.  
1. CHrist ordained his Supper to be a memorial of his death and passion, to be preached until he come.  
The Mass is no memorial thing of Christ remembered in the Sacrament: but rather they make the Sacrament to be Christ himself offered and sacrificed for remission of sins, both for the quick and the dead.  
2. Christ ordained his Supper to be celebrated and received of the congregation. And therefore Paul biddeth the Corinthians to tarry one for another. In the Mass there is no such thing, choose the people whether they will come or no, Sir john is kin to the tide, he will tarry for no man: if he have a boy to say Amen, it is enough.  
3. Christ received not but he distributed also the whole in every part. Sir john when he hath received all alone, he showeth the people the empty chalice. And if he distribute to the people once a year, it is but in one kind alone.  
4. Christ ordained the Supper to be a taking matter, an eating matter, a distributing and a remembering matter. Contrary our Mass men make it a matter not of taking, but of gazing, peeping, pixing, boxing, carrying, recarying, worshipping, stooping, kneeling, knocking, with stoop down before, hold up higher, I thank God I see my maker to day, etc. Christ ordained it a table matter. We turn it to an altar matter: he for a memory, we for a sacrifice: he sat, our men stand: he in his common tongue, we in a foreign tongue. Whereby it is manifest to appear how divers and repugnant the Mass is to the institution of the Lords Supper. 
The doctrines of the Massebook●, contrary to God● commandments. Maior.    

Another Argument, proving that the Mass is contrary to God's Commandments.  
Item, where the first table of Gods blessed and sacred commandments teacheth men to worship and serve him, and to direct the meditations of their hearts only unto him: and that in all places, at all times, both publicly and privately.  
The Mass book doth point out service for Saints and for creatures, by name, to be served, 
Minor.  at the least 300. days and years, as appeareth by the Calendars, Masses, collects, martiloge, etc.  
Ergo, the doctrine and institution of the Mass book, tendeth contrary to God's holy commandments. 
Conclusio.    

Another reason against the Mass.  
Item, where S. Paul in express words willeth all things to be done in an edifying tongue, the Mass is celebrate in a tongue foreign, strange, and unknown to the people, so that although the matter therein contained were wholesome, and consonant to Scripture (as much as disagreeing from the same) yet for the strangeness of the tongue, it giveth but a sound, and worketh no edifying to the ignorant. Now both the tongue being strange to the ears of the people, and the matter also in the Mass contained, being repugnant to God's word, what defence can the Mass have, but utterly it is to be rejected?  
And for somuch therefore, as the Mass so long used in a foreign language hath not hitherto come to the understanding of the simple and vulgar sort, to the intent they may themselves perceive the matter, and be their own judges, I have here set forth the chiefest part thereof (which is the Canon) in English, so as I found it in a certain written copy, by Master Coverdale translated, adjoining withal the Rubric and circumstance of the same in every point, as is in the Mass book contained.    

¶ The whole Canon of the Mass, with the Rubric thereof, as it standeth in the massbook, after Salisbury use. Translated word by word out of Latin into English.  
AFter the Sanctus, the Priest immediately joining his hands together, and lifting up his eyes, beginneth these words: Te igitur clementissime, etc. that is to say: 
The Rubric.  Therefore most gracious father, through jesus Christ thy son our Lord, we humbly beseech thee.  
Let him bow down his body, while he saith: And we desire  
Hear the Priest standing upright, must kiss the altar 
(a) And why not on the left hand aswell? or why any such kissing at all?  on the right hand of the sacrifice, saying: that thou accept and bless,  
Hear let the Priest make three crosses upon the chalice and the bread, saying: these ✚ gifts these ✚ 
(b) Precious no doubt & principal: or else art thou to presumptuous, that hast already offered it up for thy sins & for the salvation of others.  presents: these ✚ holy and unspotted sacrifices.  
When the signs are made upon the chalice, let him lift up his hands, saying thus: Which first of all 
(c) Who gave you that commission? will you offer bread and wine for the Church of Christ, who of very love hath offered up himself for it already? Ephes. 5.  we offer unto thee for thy holy Catholic Church: that thou vouchsafe to pacify, keep, unite, and govern it, throughout the whole world: with thy servant our Pope N. and our Bishop N.  
That is 
(d) charity would pray for others also.  his own Bishop only. and our King N.  
And they are expressed by name.  
Then let there follow. and all true believers, and such as have the Catholic and Apostolic faith in due estimation.  
Hear let him pray for the living.  
Remember Lord thy servants & handmaids N. and N.  

Anno 1552.  In the which prayer, a rule must be observed, for the order of charity. Five times let the Priests pray. 
So did not the Lord teach his disciples to pray. Mat. 6. Luke. 11.  First for himself. Secondly for father and mother, carnal and spiritual, and for other parents. Thirdly, for special friends, parishioners and others. Fourthly, for all that stand by. Fifthly, for all Christian people. And here may the Priest commend all 
(b) And why not his enemies also? Math. 5.  his friends to God. But my counsel is, that none make overlong tarrying there partly for distraction of mind: partly because of immissions which may chance through evil Angels: And all that stand hereby round about, whose faith and devotion, unto thee is known and manifest: for whom we offer unto thee, or which themselves offer unto thee, this sacrifice 
(c) Why make ye then a satisfactory sacrifice of it?  of praise, for them and theirs: for the redemption of their souls, for the hope of their salvation, and health, and render their vows unto thee the eternal living and true God.  
Communicating and worshipping the memorial, first 
(d) If ye had the lords matter in hand ye would do it in remembrance of him.  of the glorious and ever virgin  
Bowing down a little, let him say:  
Marry the mother of our God and Lord jesus Christ, & also of thy blessed Apostles and Martyrs, Peter, Paul, Andrew, james, john, Thomas, Philip, Bartholomew, Matthew Simon & Tadeus, Timis, Cletus, Clemens, Sextus, Cornelius, Ciprianus, Laurence, Chrisogonus, john and Paul, Cosme and Damian, and of all thy Saints: By whose 
(e) Thus the merits & prayers of Christ are defaced.  merits & prayers, grant thou, that in all things we may be defended with the help of thy protection, through the same Christ our Lord, Amen.  
Hear let the Priest behold the host 
(a) And why? for within a little while, he looketh to have it his God.  with great veneration, saying:  
Therefore Lord we beseech thee, that thou being pacified, wilt receive this oblation of our bond service, and of all thy household: and order our days in thy peace, and command us to be delivered from eternal damnation, & to be numbered in the flock of thine elect, through Christ our Lord, Amen.  
Hear again, let him 
(b) That must he do with a sour & frowning countenance, it be follow the cautels of the Mass.  behold the host, saying: Which oblation we beseech O almighty God in all things to make.  
Hear let him make 
(c) Yea three at the least: for this gear must be conjured as well as other things: lest when they think Christ to be naturally present, the devil be there, & take up the lodging before.  three crosses upon both, when he saith: ✚ Blessed: ✚ appointed: ✚ ratified: reasonable and acceptable: that unto us it may be.  
Hear let him make a cross upon the bread, saying: ✚ The body.  
Hear upon the chalice.  
And ✚ blood.  
Hear with hands joined together, let him say: Of thy most dearly beloved Son our Lord jesus Christ.  
Hear let the Priest lift up his hands, and join them together, and afterward wipe his fingers, and lift up the host, saying: Who 
(d) The Scripture saith: Ea nocte the same night.  the next day afore he suffered, took bread into his holy and reverent hands: and his eyes being lift up into heaven  
Hear let him lift up his eyes.  
Unto the God almighty his father.  
Hear let him bow down, and afterward crete himself up a little saying.  
Rendering thanks unto thee, he ✚ blessed, he broke.  
Hear let him touch the host, saying: And gave unto his disciples, saying: 
(e) He s●ith not let one of you take and eat it himself alone.  take ye, and 
(f) He saith not hang it up, keep it, worship it. etc.  eat of this ye all 
(g) Enim have they put in of their own and left out quod pro vobis datur.  for this is my body.  
And these words must be pronounced with one breath, and under one pro●acion, without making of any pause between. After these words, let him bow himself to the host, and afterward lift it up above his forehead, that it may be 
(h) If it were the true Sacramental bread of the body of the Lord it should be taken & eaten and not lift up to be gased upon.  seen of the people: and let him reverently lay it again before the chalice, in manner of a cross made with the same, and then let him uncover the chalice, and hold it between his hands, not putting his thumb and forefinger asunder, save only when he blesseth, saying thus: Likewise after they had supped, he taking this excellent cup into his holy and reverent hands, rendering thanks also unto thee,  
Hear let him bow himself, saying: Blessed, and gave unto his disciples, saying: take, and drink of this 
(i) Why takest thou it then alone? Or why should not the lay people then drink of the cup also? Be not they the lords disciples? scholars of his heavenly school?  ye all.  
Hear let him lift up the chalice a little, saying thus: For this is the cup of my blood, of the new and everlasting testament 
(a) These words (misterium fidei) have ye here added declaring the cup to be but a mystical representation of 〈◊〉 blood.  the mystery of faith: which for you and for many, shall be shed to the remission of sins.  
Hear let him lift the chalice to his breast, or further than his head, saying: As oft as ye do these things, ye shall do them 
 in remembrance of me.  
Here let him set down the chalice again, and rub his fingers over the chalice. Then let him lift up his arms, and cover the chalice. Then let him lift up his arms 
 cross wise, his fingers being joined together until these words: De tuis donis (that is to say, of thine own rewards.)  
Wherefore O Lord, we also thy servants, and thy holy people, being mindful aswell of the blessed passion and resurrection, as of the glorious ascension of the same Christ thy son our Lord God, do offer unto thy excellent majesty, of thine own rewards and gifts.  
Here let there be made 
 five crosses: Namely the three first upon the host and cup, saying. ✚ a pure host: an holy host: ✚ an undefiled host.  
The fourth upon the 
 bread only, saying: The holy ✚ 
 bread of eternal life.  
The fifth upon the cup, saying: And ✚ cup of eternal salvation. Vouchsafe thou also with a merciful and pleasant countenance, to have respect hereunto, and to accept the same 
 as thou didst vouchsafe to accept the gifts of thy righteous servant Abel, and the sacrifice of our patriarch Abraham and the holy sacrifice, the undefiled host, that the high Priest Melchisadech did offer unto thee.  
Here let the priest with his body bowed down, and his hands holden a cross, say: Supplices te rogamus (we humbly besecch thee) until these words, ex hac altaris participatione (of this partaking of the altar. And then let him stand up, kissing the altar on the right side of the sacrifice: and 
 let him make a sign of the cross upon the host, and in his own face, when he saith omni benedictione coelesti (with all heavenly benediction.)  
We 
 humbly beseech thee O almighty God command thou these to be brought by the hands of thy holy Angel unto thy high altar in the presence of thy divine majesty: that as many of us as.  
Here erecting up himself, let him kiss the altar on the right side of the sacrifice saying: Of this participation of the altar, shall receive thy sons holy.  
Here let him make a sign of the cross 
 upon the host saying ✚ body.  
Then upon the cup, saying: and ✚ blood may be replenished.  
Here let him make a sign (in his own face, saying with all heavenvly benediction and grace thorough the same Christ our Lord. Amen.  
Here let him pray for the dead.  
Remember Lord also the souls of thy servants and handmaidens. N. and N. which are gone before us with the mark of faith, and rest in the sleep of peace. We beseech thee O Lord, that unto them and unto 
 all such as rest in Christ; thou wilt grant a place of refreshing of light, and of peace, through the same Christ our Lord. Amen.  
Here let him smite once 
 upon his breast, saying: ¶ Unto us sinners also thy servants, hoping of the multitude of thy mercies, vouchsafe to give some portion and fellowship with thy holy Apostles, and Martyrs, with john, Stephen, Mathias, Barnabas, Ignatius, Alexander, Marcellinus, Peter, Felicitas, Perpetua, Agatha Lucia. Agnes, Cecilia, Anastacia: and with all thy Saints, within whose fellowship we beseech thee admit us, no● weighing our merit, but granting us forgiveness, thorough Christ our Lord.  

 here is not said Amen.  
By whom O Lord, all these good things thou dost ever create.  
Here let him make a sign over the chalice 
 iij. times, saying.  
Thou ✚ sanctifiest: thou quickenest: thou ✚ blessest, and givest unto us.  
Here let him which ●couer the chalice, and make a sign of the cross with the host five times: 
 first beyond the chalice on every side: secondly even with the chalice: thirdly, within the chalice: four, like as at the first: Fifthly before the chalice.  
Thorough ✚ him: and with ✚ him: and in him, is unto thee God father ✚ almighty▪ in the unity of the ✚ holy Ghost, all honour and glory.  
Here let the Priest cover the chalice, and hold his hands still upon the altar till the pater noster be spoken saying thus.  
World without end, Amen. Let us pray. Being advertised by wholesome precepts and taught by 
 God's institution, we are bold to say.  
Hear let the Deacon take the paten, and hold it uncovered on the right side of the Priest 
 his arm being stretched out an high until da propitius. Hear let the Priest lift up his hands, saying: pater noster, etc. The choir must say: Sed libera nos etc.  
Deliver us we beseech thee O Lord from all evil past, present, and for to come, and that 
 by the intercession of the blessed, glorious, and our virgin Mary the mother of God, and thy blessed Apostles Peter and Paul and Andrew, with all Saints.  
Hear let the Deacon commit the patten to the Priest, kissing his hand: and let the Priest 
 kiss the patten. Afterward let him put it 
 to his left eye, and then to the right. After that, let him make a cross with the paten 
 above upon his head, and so lay it down again into his place, saying: give peace graciously in our days: that we being helped through the succour of thy mercy, may both be always free from sin, and 
 safe from all trouble.  

 Hear let him uncover the chalice, and take the body, doing reverence, shifting it over in the hollow room of the chalice, holding it between his thumbs and forefingers: and let him break it into three parts: the first breaking, while there is said: Through the same our Lord jesus Christ thy Son.  
The second breaking.  
Who with thee in the unity of the holy Ghost, liveth and reigneth God.  
Hear let him hold two pieces in his left hand, and the third piece in the right hand upon the brink of the chalice, saying this with 
 open voice.  
World without end.  
Let the choir answer Amen. Hear let him make three crosses 
 within the chalice with the third part of the host, saying: The peace of the Lord 
 ✚ be always ✚ with ✚ you.  
Let the choir answer  
And with thy spirit.  
To say Agnus dei, let the Deacon and subdeacon approach near unto the Priest, both being on the right hand, the Deacon nearer, the subdeacon farther off▪ And let them say 
 privately.  
O lamb of God that takest away the sins of the world, have mercy upon us: O lamb of God that takest away the sins of the world, have mercy upon us: O lamb of God that takest away the sins of the world, grant us peace.  
In Masses 
 for the dead it is said thus.  
O lamb of God that takest away the sins of the world, give them 
 rest.  
With this addition in the third repetition.  
Everlasting.  
Hear making a cross, let him put down the said third part of the host into the sacrament of the blood, saying: This holy mingling together of the body and blood of our Lord jesus Christ 
 be unto me, and to all that receive it, salvation of mind and body: an wholesome preparation both to deserve and to receive eternal life through the same Christ our Lord.  
Afore the Pax be given, let the Priest say: O Lord holy father almighty eternal God, grant me so worthily to take this holy body and blood of thy Son our Lord jesus Christ, that 
 by this I may 
 merit to receive forgiveness of all my sins, and be replenished with thy holy spirit, and to have thy peace: for thou art GOD alone, 
 neither is there any other without thee, whose glorious kingdom and Empire endureth continually, world without end. Amen.  
Hear let the Priest 
 kiss the corporas on the right side, and the brink of the chalice, and afterward let him say to the Deacon.  
Peace be unto thee, and to the Church of God.  
Answer. And with thy spirit.  
On the right hand of the Priest, let the Deacon receive the pax of him, and reach it to the subdeacon. Then to the step of the quere, let the Deacon himself bear the pax unto the rectors of the quere. And let them bring it to the quere, either of them to his own side, beginning at the eldest. But in feasts and feriall days 
 when the quere is not governed, the pax is borne from the deacon unto the quere by two of the lowest of the second form, like as afore.  
After the pax given, let the Priest say the prayers following, privately, before he communicate, holding the host 
(c) ●or falling.  with both his hands.  
O God father, thou fountain & original of all goodness, who being moved with mercy, haste willed thine onely-begotten son for our sakes, to descend into the lower parts of the world, and to be incarnate: whom I 
(d) Hold him fast While ye have him in your hands, lest he fly from you as like he will, if ye mock with him to much.  unworthy hold in my hands.  
Here let the priest bow 
(e) Why not● if it be his maker.  himself to the host, saying I worship thee, I glorify thee, I praise thee, with whole intention of mind and hart: And I beseech thee that thou 
(f) If it fa●●e, your kitchen will be the colder.  fail not us thy servants, but forgive our sins so as with pure hart and chaste body we may be able to serve thee 
(g) Note that the priest speaketh all this to the host: whereby it is evident how horribly they abuse Gods creatures.  the only living and true God, through the same Christ our Lord. Amen.  
O Lord jesus Christ, thou son of the living God, who according to the will of the father, the holy Ghost working with all, hast quickened the world through thy death: Deliver me I beseech thee, through this thy holy body, and this thy blood, from all my iniquities, and from all evils. And make me always obey thy commandments, and never suffer me to be separated from thee for evermore, thou Saviour of the world: Who with God▪ the father and the same holy Ghost, livest and reignest God world without end. Amen.  
O Lord jesus Christ let not the sacrament of thy body & blood which I receive (though unworthy) be to my judgement and damnation: but thorough thy goodness, let it profit to the salvation of my body and soul. Amen.  
To the body let him say with humiliation afore he receive. Hail for evermore, thou most holy 
(a) that never was borne of our Lady.  flesh of Christ: unto me afore all things and above all things the highest sweetness. The body of our Lord jesus Christ be unto me sinner, the way and life, in the ✚ name of the father and of the son and of the holy Ghost. Amen.  
Here let him take the body, 
(b) Benedicite a gods name.  a cross being first made with the same body afore his mouth, saying.  
Hail for evermore, thou heavenly drink: unto me before all things and above all things, the highest sweetness. The body and blood of our Lord jesus Christ profit me sinner for a remedy everlasting into life eternal Amen. In the ✚ name of the Father, and of the Son and of the holy Ghost. Amen.  
Here let him take the blood: which when it is received, let bow himself and say.  

¶ The Prayer.  
I render thanks to thee O Lord holy Father almighty eternal God, which hast refreshed me out of the most holy body and blood of thy Son our Lord jesus Christ. And I beseech thee that this Sacrament of our salvation, which I unworthy sinner have received, come not to my judgement nor condemnation after my merits, but to the profit of my body, and to the salvation of my soul into life everlasting. Amen.  
Which prayer being said 
(c) Here be such tricks, as S. Peter and Paul never wrote of.  let the Priest go to the right side of the altar, with the chalice between his hands, his finger's being yet joined together as afore & let the Subdeacon approach near, and pour out wine and water into the chalice. And let the Priest rinse his hands 
(d( A dangerous matter I tell you.  lest any parcels of the body or blood be left behind in his fingers or in the chalice 
(e) Magno conatu magnas nugas agunt. . But when any Priest must celebrate twice in one day, then at the first Mass he must not receive any ablution, but put it in the Sacristie, or in a clean vessel till the end of the other Mass: and then let both the ablutions be received.  
After the first ablution is said this prayer.  
That we have received with mouth O Lord, let us take with a pure mind, and 
(f) De munere temporali note well these words.  out of a temporal gift, let it be to us a remedy everlasting.  
Here let him 
(g) A token that he hath had some corrupt matter in hand.  wash his fingers in the hollow room of the chalice with wine being poured in by the Subdeacon: which, when it is drunk up, let the prayer follow.  
Lord let this 
(h) What? dare ye call it a Communion; D. Weston will be angry then.  communion purge us from sin, and make us to be partakers of the heavenly remedy.  
After the receiving of the ablutions, let the Priest lay the chalice upon the paten: that if ought remain behind, it may drop. And afterward bowing himself let him say.  
Let us 
(a) 
What it is, that these Idolaters will not worship?  
Very signs and tokens will no● they stick at.   worship the sign of the Cross, whereby we have received the Sacrament of salvation.  
afterward let him 
(b) He had need I trow that hath da●bed such a muddy wall.  wash his hands. In the mean season, let the Deacon fold up the corporas. When hands are washen, and the Priest returneth to the right end of the altar 
(c) Is the priest then to proud to take it up himself?  let the Deacon reach the chalice to the Priests mouth, that if ought of that which was poured in, do remain behind 
(d) For the poor Deacon is not worthy to receive it.  he may receive it. After that, let him say 
(e) By this is meant, these few words that are spoken next before the last collect.  the communion with his Ministers. Then making a sign of the Cross in his own face, let the Priest turn himself to the people: and 
(f) Oh, what a viso of holiness is here?  with his arms somewhat lifted up, and his hands joined together, let him say, Dominus vobiscum: and turning him again to the altar, let him say oremus: (let us pray.)  
Then let him say the 
(g) That is the last collect.  postcommon, according to the number and order of the aforesaid prayers. Before the Epistle, when the last postcommon is ended, and the Priest hath made a sign of the cross in his forehead, let him turn him again to the people, and say Dominus vobiscum. Then let the Deacon say Benedicamus domino. At another time is said Ite missa est. As oft as Ite missa est is said, it is always said in turning to the people. And when Benedicamus domino, or Requiescant in pace must be said, let it be said in turning to the altar. When these things are spoken, let the Priest (with his body howed down, and his hands joined together) in the mids before the altar, say 
(h) 
And why not with a loud voice, if it be good.  
Because it is not the Maslemongers' profession, to edify the people.   with a still voice, this prayer.  
O holy Trinity, let the office of my 
(i) Bond service is as ●it a name for the popish Mass, as can be. For not only custom, but evil will also doth much, if master money help not.  bond service please thee, and grant that this sacrifice which I unworthy have offered in the eyes of thy majesty, may be acceptable unto thee: and that unto me and all them for whom I have offered it 
(k) what the Mass? in the devils name, for what intent then died Christ?  it may avail to obtain remission, thou being merciful, who livest and reignest God, etc.  
Which prayer being ended, let the Priest stand upright, 
(l) That face hath much crossing.  crossing himself in his face, saying: In nomine patris, etc. And so, (when obeisance is made) after the same order wherein they came afore to the altar at the beginning of the Mass, so having on their apparel with the censor bearer, and other Ministers, let them 
(m) Walk on as ye came: ye have leave to be trudging.  go their way again.   

The end of the Canon.  
NOw it remaineth (as we have promised before) to entreat of the parts and parcels of the Mass, declaring likewise how and by whom this popish or rather apish Mass became so clamperd and patched together with so many divers and sundry additions: whereby it may the better appear what hath been the continuance of the same.  
First, in the beginning of this Preface it was declared before, how this word Mass was never used nor known in the old primative Church among the first Christians, nor among the Grecians. Therefore they that deduce and derive the origine of the Mass from Saint james, and Basilius, are far deceived. As I think that Saint james was once Bishop at jerusalem, so I think not contrary, but sometimes he ministered the Communion there in breaking of bread, and that not without the Lords prayer, and other prayers of thanks giving. As we now in our Communion use like prayers, and these prayers make not the Communion to be a Mass. And like is to be said of Saint Peter: who though he did celebrate the Communion at Rome, yet it followeth not that he said Mass at Rome, as some report him to do.  
Neither is it hard to fetch out the origine how this error first came up among the people, 
Ex Eusebio. lib. 2. How it cometh that S. james is thought to be the first setter up of the mass.  that Saint james said Mass at jerusalem, if a man consider well histories and authors which have written. For in the history of Eusebius, Egesippus thus writeth of Saint james, Eum ab Apostolis primum constitutum fuisse Episcopum & liturgum, etc. upon the which word liturgus, it is not unlike, and divers suppose this error to come, that Saint james did first set and institute the order of Mass. For so lightly the old translators, wheresoever they sinned liturgia, or collecta, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, they translated it Missa: whereupon, the greatest occasion of this error riseth to make the people believe the Mass to be so ancient to proceed from the Apostles, and from Saint james. Notwithstanding that error as it lightly came up, so it may be as lightly exploded. For how could Saint james say Mass then at jerusalem, or Saint Peter at Rome, when as yet neither the name of Mass was heard, nor the parts thereof invented. And although Sigibertus in his Chronicles report, that in the City of Uasath, being delivered from the siege of the H●●es, the pastor of that Church did celebrate Mass with thanks giving about the year 453. yet Sigibert in so saying is to be taken, as speaking rather after the use and manner of his time, 
Si●●bertus in Chronico.  when he wrote it, then of that time when it was done. For in all the works of Saint Augustine, and of chrysostom, and in all that age, the name of Mass is not found, but is called either the Supper of the Lord, or the Lord's board, or communion, Synaxis, sacrifice, oblation, mystery, celebration of the Sacrament, Eucharistia, the mystical table, Mistagogia, coena mystica, or with some other like term they nominate it. The name of Mass was not yet devised, nor the patches thereof compiled. 
Platina.  Platina testifieth, that before Celestinus Pope, only the Epistle and Gospel were read at the Communion, which being done, the Communion ended. And Gregory sayeth, 
Gregor in Regist. lib. 7. cap. 63.  that the Apostles afore the ministration of the Sacrament, did use only the Lords prayer, that is, the Pater noster. Let us hear what Walafridus Strabo writeth of that matter, lib. de rebus Ecclesiastic. Capitu. 22. Quod nunc agimus multiplici orationum, lectionum, cantilenarum, & consecrationum officio totum hoc Apostoli, & post ipsos proximi, (ut creditur) orationibus, & commemoratione passionis dominicae, sicut ipse praecepit, agebant simpliciter, etc. i. That which now is done in the Church with such a long circumstance of so many orisons, lessons, or readings, songs, and consecrations: all that the Apostles, and they that next succeeded the Apostles (as it is thought) did accomplish simply with prayer only, and with the commemoration of the Lords passion, etc. it followeth in the same Author. And, as the report is, like as it is in the Roman Church upon Good Friday, where the Communion is wont to be taken without any Mass: so it was in the old time with them, etc.  
Now how this Mass hath grown up and increased since, let us search out, by the Lords help, out of Authors, so much as may be found.   

The Introit●.  
Coelestinus Pope gave the first Introite, as Platina and Sigibertus writeth.   

The Psalm. judica me deus, etc.  
And before the Priest do prepare himself to his Mass, 
Platina. Sigibertus in vita Ser●gij. Sigibertus.  first with the Psalm, judica me deus & decern causam meam, etc. that was ordained by the said Coelestinus.  
☞ And where they ascribe to Saint Ambrose the two prayers which be used in the preparation to the Mass, and be added to the books of Ambrose, Erasmus judgeth the same to be none of his, and that rightly as it seemeth, for therein is contained errors, not else to be found in the books of Ambrose, both in giving adoration to the bread in the Sacrament, and making invocation to Saints, namely, to blessed Mary: as in the second prayer, where he saith: Vt efficax haec mea sit deprecatio, beatae Mariae virginis suffragia peto, etc. i. And that this my prayer may be of efficacy, I desire the suffrage and intercession of blessed Mary the virgin, etc. Whereby it may appear, learned Ambrose not to be the author of such an error.  
chrysostom in the xj. homely upon the Gospel of Math. saith, 
Chrisost. ●om. 11. in Mat.  that in his time (and afore his time) the use was to sing whole psalms, till they were entered and assembled together. And so belike Coelestinus borrowed this custom of the Greeks, 
Rupertus Tuitiensis. i. ●. de divi ●ffic. ca 21.  and brought it into the Latin Church as Rupertus writeth.  
Gregory the great (as some writ) called a Synod at Rome, about the year of our Lord 594. In which Synod he appointed, 
Chro. chro▪ ●asci. temp.  that the introite of the Mass should be taken out of some psalm.   

The Confiteor.  
The Confiteor Pope Damasus brought into the Mass as it is written: 
Confiteor brought in by Pope Damasus.  albeit peradventure not this popish confiteor, which in the latter Church hath been used, stuffed full of Idolatry, & invocation of Saints, against the word of God.   

The Kyrie eleyson.  
The Kyrie eleyson ix. times to be repeated in such a tongue, 
Gregorius ●oanni epis●opo Sira●●sa. lib. 7. Epist. 63.  as few priests either understand, or do rightly pronounce, Gregory did institute, about 600. years after Christ, taking it out of the Greeks Church, and yet transposing it otherwise, then there was used. For among the Greeks this Kyrie eleyson (which they called their Litany) was song of all the people: The which Gregory ordained to be song only of the Quere, adding thereto also Christ eleyson, which the Grecians used not, 
Valafridus cap. 22.  as Gregory himself writing to the Bishop of Siracuse, doth testify.   

Gloria in excelsis.  
Next followeth Gloria in excelsis, etc. Which words were song of the Angels at the birth of our saviour. Albeit these words also were corrupted, (as many other things were) in the Church. For where the words of the Angel's hymn were hominibus bona voluntas. i. to men good will, the Mass said hominibus bonae voluntatis. i. to men of good will, etc. This hymn was brought into the Mass by Pope Symmachus (and not by Telesphorus, as some not truly write that he ordained three Masses on Christmas day, for in his time there was no Mass. 
Hugo de S. Victor.  An. 140.) about the year of our Lord 510. And after, the said hymn was augmented by Hillarius Pictaviensis, with those words that follow: Laudamus te, etc. singing it first in his own church, which was Anno. 340. And afterward brought into other Churches by Pope Symmachus. An. 510. as is aforesaid.   

Dominus vobiscum, with the answer Oremus and the collects.  
Dominus vobiscum: with the answer of the people, although we have no certain author named by whom it came: Yet this is certain, that it was deduced out of the Greek church into the latin: as may appear by the Liturge of chrysostom and Basilius (if the liturgy be rightly ascribed unto them) also by Origene, and other ancient writers: by whom, 
 it may seem that the liturgy, or mass (as they call it) did first begin with Dominus vobiscum, and then sursum corda: after that Gratias agamus domino deo nostro and so following upon the same, verè dignum & justum est etc. To the which beginning of the Canon, other additions after were put unto by others, as ye shall hear (by the lords grace) hereafter more at large.  

 Hugo de S. victore, writeth that this prayer was taken out of the ancient salutation of Booz saluting his harvest folks. And out of the book of Paralip. Where the prophet saluteth Azan the king with his company about him saying: 
 Dominus vobiscum. Honorius writeth thus: Praesbiter cum salutatione veteris testamenti, & Episcopus cum salutatione novi testamenti salutat populum quia dignius est nowm quam vetus testamentum. 
 i. As the Priest saluteth the people with the words of the old Testament. Dominus vobiscum. So the bishop useth the words of the new testament, saying: pax vobiscum. etc. Concerning the collects Walfr●dus writeth: that as they be divers and uncertain, so they were made of divers and sundry authors, 
 as every of them thought it congrue. Hugo de S. victore affirmeth that chief they were made by Gelasius and Gregorius.  

 Why they were called collects, W. Durandus and Micrologus show the cause, for that in the city of Rome they said them over the people collected together in the station day, therefore they were called collectae.    

¶ The Gradual with hallelujah tract & Sequenties.  

●onorius 〈◊〉 1. cap. ●●.  The responsory, which is called the Gradual (being wont to be song at the steps going up) with hallelujah, Honorius saith that Ambrose made them, but Pope Gregory ordained them to be received.  
Upon festival days the Sequencies, which were wont to be song, were chief composed by an Abbot, called Nokkerus de S. Gallo, 
 And by Pope Nicholas commanded to be song in the Mass.  
The gradual the people were wont to sing when the Bishop was about to go up to the pulpit, or some higher standing, where the word of God might be the better and more sensibly heard at his mouth, reading the Epistle and the Gospel.   

¶ The Epistle and the Gospel.  
The reading of the Epistle and the Gospel, although it was not used in the Apostles time: 
●ugo de S. 〈◊〉.  yet it seemeth to be of ancient continuance: as Hugo saith, Primis temporibus ab Epistola Pauli, missa incipiebatur, post quam sequebatur evangelium, sicut nunc. i. In former time, the Mass began first with the Epistle of S. Paul: after which Epistle then followed the Gospel, 
 as also now. etc.  
Walafridus saith: it is uncertain who first ordered & disposed them so to be. 
  
Some attribute them to Jerome, some to Damasus, some to Telesphorus aforesaid. This is certain, that Pope Anastasius ordained to stand up at the hearing of the Gospel read, 
〈…〉 ●onorius 〈◊〉 summa. 〈◊〉. 1. cap. 88  about the year of our saviour .406.  
Petrus Ciruelus, writeth thus: Legimus & circa annos Christianae Salutis .500. fere, iam institutas Epistolas in officio missali. etc. About 500 years almost, the Epistle saith he, was first brought into the mass.  
Honorius lib. 1. Epistolam & evangelium Alexander Papa legi ad missam constituit. Hieronimus autem praesbiter lexionarium, & Euangeliarium, ut hody habet Ecclesia, collegit. Sed Damasus Papa, ut nunc moris est, legi censuit. Alexander saith he, appointed the Epistle, and the Gospel, to be read at Mass. The translation and the disposition of them, in that order, as they stand, Jerome the Priest collected: but Damasus would them to be read in the Church, 
〈◊〉. Ibid.  so as the use is now  
Betwixt the Epistle and the Gospel, the old Canons of the spaniards did forbid any Hymn or Canticle to be song, in the order of the Mass, which now by the Romish order is broken.   

¶ The Creed.  
The Creed was made by the Synod of Constantinople, 
Honor.  but by Damasus the Pope, ordained to be song at the Mass. And where some affirm that it was brought in by Pope Marcus, about the year of our Lord .340. to reconcile these two together, peradventure thus it may be taken, that the one brought in the Creed, 
 or Symbol of Nicene counsel, the other appointed the Creed of Constantinople, as is said.   

¶ The Offertory.  
After this, 
Ex Rabano lib. 1. cap. 33. De institu. Cleric.  oblations were wont to be offered of the people to the Priest: and the offertory to be song of the quere.  
☞ Of these oblations speaketh Irenaeus. Pro diversis sacrificiorum ritibus, simplex oblatio panis & vini fidelibus sufficiat. etc.  
In stead of the sundry rites of sacrifices, let the simple oblation of bread and wine suffice the faithful. 
Ireneus lib. 4. cap. 18.   
Item, Walafrid. omnis populus intrans ecclesiam debet sacrificare, sicut docet ordo institutionis ecclesiasticae. i. Every person entering in the Church must do sacrifice, 
Walafrid. in expositione ordinis Rom.  as the order of Ecclesiastical institution doth teach, what order this was, it is declared in ordine Romano by these words: populus dat oblationes suas, id est panem & vinum: primo masculi, deinde faeminae novissimè vero sacerdotes & Diaconi offerunt, sed solum panem, & hoc ante altar. i. The people give every one his oblations, that is, bread and wine: first the men, than the women, after them Priests and Deacons offer, but bread only. etc.  
Likewise Bucardus testifieth the same In synodo Matiscon decretum est, ut in omnibus Dominicis diebus, 
Burchardus. lib. 5. cap. 32.  alijsque festivitatibus oblatio ab omnibus qui ad Missam convenerint utriusque sexus offeratur in Ecclesia, singulas oblationes offerentes, finita missa oblationes a praesbitero accipiant. i. In the Synod Matiscon it was ordained that every sunday and festival day oblation was made of all the people which came to the mass, or liturgy, both men and women, in the church, 
Ex council. Matiscon. cap. 50.  every person bringing and offering his own oblation.  
The liturgy being done, they receive the oblations of the priest. etc.  
☞ Thus ye may see what was their oblations and sacrifice in the ancient time, in their liturgy. Whereof now remaineth nothing, but the name only with the song.  
This offertory some ascribe to Eutichianus about the year of our Lord .280. but thereof no certain evidence appeareth.  Orate pro me fratres. etc. 
Nauclerus writeth that Pope Leo brought in that which is said in the Mass: Orate pro me fratres & sorores. etc. 
Nauclerus. lib. ●▪ general. 5.    

¶ The Preface and the Canon.  
THe Preface of the Canon from verè dignum & justum est. etc. to per Christum Dominum nostrum is given to Gelasius. su●sum corda, 

Ex vetusto quodam libro de officio miss. Cyprianus de oratione dominica.  
August. Tho. Waldensis. B. Rhenanus in Tertul. De coro. militis.   seemeth to be borrowed out of the old manner of the Greek Church, S. Cyprian also maketh mention of the same and S. Aust. de vera religione. cap 3.  
☞ And therefore Thomas Waldensis judgeth that this part of the preface cannot be attributed to Gelasius.  
After Christum dominum nostrum, in the old liturgy than followed Qui predie quàm pateretur as Rhenanus supposeth, but then came Pope Gelasius the first, about the year of our Lord 497. which inserted that which followeth: Te igitur clementissime. etc.  
☞ Whereby it is to be noted that Polidorus Virgilius (which ascribeth Qui predie to Pope Alexander) De invent. lib. 5. cap. 10. is deceived. 
Polidorus Vergilius contraried.   
The like is also to be said of Panormitanus, who referreth the same clause Qui pridie. etc. to the Apostles. 
Panormitanus deceived.  lib. de celebratione Missae Cap. Cum Martha.  
Furthermore note (good reader) how this doth agree with the long Canon of Saint Ambrose lib. 4 De sacramentis. cap. 5. Dicit Sacerdos: fac nobis hanc oblationem adscriptam, rationalem, acceptabilem quod est figura corporis & sanguinis Domini nostri jesu Christi. Qui pridie quam pateretur, in sanctis manibus suis accepit panem, respexit ad coelum ad te sancte pater omnipotens aeterne Deus, gratias agens benedixit, fregit. etc. if it be true that either Panormitanus saith, or that Gelasius made Qui pridie. etc. How can this Canon then be fathered upon S. Ambrose? And by the same reason also his whole book entitled De Sacramentis may be suspected, as of divers learned men it is.  
Then came Pope Sixtus, 10. years after him, which brought into the Canon Sanctus, Sanctus, 
Rupertus.  thrice to be song out of the book of Esay. And to annex it together, joined also that which goeth before: per quem maiestatem tuam. etc. 
Ex pont. Damas. Liturgia Basilij.   
☞ He that writeth the liturgy of Basilius, ascribeth it to his name: whether he doth it truly or no, I will not here contend. This is to be noted, that seeing in the said liturgy of Basilius, the same Particle, sanctus, sanctus sanctus Dominus Deus Sabaoth: pleni sunt coeli & terra gloria tua, hosanna in excelsis, is song: Therefore it must needs follow, that either Leo which was about the year of our lord 460. borrowed this out of Basilius Liturgy, or else the same is falsely attributed to Basilius.  
After this followeth: Sanctum sacrificium immaculatam hostiam, till ye come to placatus accipias, which Leo the first did make and institute.  

Humbertus Episc. contra libellum Nicete, Monachi.  The words in the communion, Hoc quotiescunque feceritis in mei memoriam facietis, etc. were put in by Pope Alexander. i. as Humbertus writeth: under Bishop Alexander martyr & papa .5. ab Apost. Petro passionem Domini inserens Canoni Missae, ait: Hoc quotiescunque feceritis. etc.  

Ex acts Ro. pontiff.  Pope Gregory the third about the year of our Lord .732. put to his piece: Et eorum quorum memoria. etc.  
☞ This Gregory the 3. called a council at Rome where in he decreed that Images should not only be had in temples, but also worshipped, and that all gaynesayers should be counted as heretics.  
Innocentius the 3. of that name affirmeth Pope Gelasius, 
Innocent. 3.  which was about 490. years after Christ, to have made a great piece of that Canon, as he himself did something therein, about the year of our Lord .1215.  
Panormitanus affirmeth that Gregory did add to the Canon, 
Panor. de celebratione miss.  this clause, Diesque nostros in pace disponas.  
Briefly Gregorius in registro saith that one Scholasticus made the most part of the Canon, finding also fault with the same, that in composing the canon, he would put in his own prayers, & leave out the Lords prayer. etc.  

Autor● reconciled.  ☞ Where is to be noted, for the reconciling of these writers together, of whom some impute the Canon to Gelasius, some again to Scholasticus: In my conjecture it may be said, 
Ex vetusto libro de officio miss.  that both these be one, and so the matter is reconciled. The reason that moveth me is this, for so I find In vetusto quodam libro de officio missae, after these words, Gelasius Papa ex Scolastico effectus in ordine 48. fecit tractatus & hymnos. 
Gelasius & Scholasticus both one.  etc.  

The elevation and adoration.  
The elevation and adoration of the sacrament, we cannot find to come in by any other, then by Honorius the iij. about the year of our Lord 1222. which ordained that the people than should kneel down and worship the sacrament. 
Ex Actis Roma. p●nt.    

The Pater noster.  

〈…〉 Diaconus i● vita Gregor●●.  joannes Diaconus writing of Gregory, saith: Orationem dominicam mox post Canonem super hostiam censuit recitari. i that Gregory caused the lords prayer to be recited immediately after the Canon upon the host. etc.  
☞ Although the Apostles ever used the lords prayer at the supper of the Lord, as is said before: yet Gregory belike placed it so in that order after the Canon, and brought it in with those words: praeceptis salutaribus etc.  
Gregorius in Reg. Dominica oratio apud Graecos ab omni populo: 
Gregorius lib. 9 Reg. ad joan. Syra.  Apud nos vero a solo sacerdote cantatur. i. The Lords prayer, saith he, among the Grecians was wont to ●ee song generally of all the people: with us it is sung only of the priest.   

Agnus.  
The Agnus Pope Sergius about the year of our Lord .700. brought into the Mass, 
Exposit. Rom. 〈◊〉.  as witnesseth Exposit. R. ord. officium confractionis dominici corporis, constitutum est a papa Sergio ut agnus dei decantetur. etc.   

The Pax.  
Innocentius ordained the pax to be given to the people. 
〈◊〉 decretis In●●●entij PP. 〈◊〉. ●.  Pacis ait, osculum dandum post confecta mysteria, ut constet populum ad omnia quae in mysterijs aguntur, praebuisse consensum. etc.  
☞ Peter Martyr in his commentaries in jud. saith that it it was brought in by Pope Leo .2. as it is said: and yet supposeth the same not to be so, saying that this was an ancient custom in the Apostles time, for Christians to salute one an other with the kiss of peace. etc.  
To this of Peter Martyr agreeth also Gabriel Biel. writing in these words: 
〈◊〉 Biel. 〈◊〉. ●ect. 81.  Porrexit in primitiva ecclesia sacerdos osculum pacis ministro, caeteris impartiednum, ut per hoc significaret, etc. i. In the primitive Church, the priest gave a kiss of peace to the minister, to be given by him to the people.   

The distribution and communion.  
After this followeth the communion, where in our popish Mass and Ministers thereof do much alter and degenerate from ancient antiquity, two manner of ways.  
First in that they make no communion thereof, receiving only to themselves, contrary both to their own words: where they say after their receiving: Sacramenta que sumpsimus. etc. and also to the ancient examples and decrees of the Apostles and others. And where it is decreed in the Epistle of Anacletus. Paracta autem consecratione omnes communicent, qui noluerint Ecclesiasticis carere liminibus. Sic enim & Apostoli statuerunt, & S. Romana tenet ecclesia. etc. i. The consecration being done, let all communicate together, unless they will be thrust out of the church doors. etc.  
☞ Here note by the way (gentle Reader) how Gratianus the writer of the Pope's decrees, is overseen, 
Anaclet●● Epist▪ 1. De cons●●crat. 〈…〉 Cocleu● contra M●●●culum, 〈◊〉 officio miss. Gratian●● & Cochl●● taken in untruth. Cano. 〈◊〉 Cap. 9 Cano. 〈◊〉 Cap. 8. Micrologic de ecclesi●astica. observat.  which in his book De consecrat. dist. 2. referreth this saying of Anacletus to Pope Calixtus. And likewise also Chocleus writing against Musculus, followeth Gracianus in the same error.  
Likewise in the Canons of the Apostles (if the Canons were theirs) we read: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. etc. i. All the faithful which resort to the Church, and tarry not out the end of the service, and receive not the holy communion, such, as bringing in disorder to the Church, aught to be dissevered, etc. And again: Si quis episcopus, praesbiter, aut diaconus, aut quicunue ex sacerdotali consortio, oblatione facta●, non communicaverint, causam dicito. etc.  
For how can that be a communion called, which is not common but private to one? As Micrologus writeth: Nec enim proprie communio dici potest, nisi plures de eodem sacrificio participent. i. It can not be called a communion, except more than one do participate of one sacrifice. etc.  
And Durandus: In primitiva ecclesia omnes qui celebrationi Missarum intererant, singulis diebus communicare solebant, 
Guliel. Durand. Ration. 〈◊〉 4 cap. 53.  eo uod Apostoli omnes de calice biberunt. etc. i. In the primitive time all that were present at the ministration, were wont every day to communicate, because that the apostles did altogether drink of the cup. etc.  
Secondly, they altar and degenerate therein from ancient antiquity, in that when they communicate also with the people, yet they deprive them of the holy cup: which depravation was not in the church before the counsel o● Constance, about the year of our Lord .1414. For before it was so autentikly received, that it was counted a sacrilege, to receive the one without the other, 
Gelasius joan. & 〈◊〉 Maiorico● episc.  as appeareth by the words of Pope Gelasius: Comperimus quod quidam sumpta tantum modo corporis sacri portione. etc. the whole in english is thus: we understand that there be some, which receiving the one part only of the holy body, 
De cons●crat. Dist. 1. 〈◊〉 comperimu●  abstain from the cup of the sacrate blood: who (because they be taught so to do, by what superstition I cannot tell) either let them receive the sacrament whole together, or let them abstain from the whole sacrament altogether, because the division of that one and whole sacrament, cannot be without great sacrilege. etc.  
Hitherto also pertaineth the testimony of S. Austen in these words: Et ibi vos estis in mensa, 
August. sermone ferie 2. pasche.  & in chalice nobiscum vos estis. Simul enim hoc sumimus, simul bibimus, quia simul vivimus. etc. i. There be you at the table, and at the cup there also be you with us: for together we receive, and together we drink, because we live together.  
As also out of the book of Gregory it is manifest that not only the people received then in both kinds: 
Ex libro sacramentorum Gr●●gorij.  but also the words were prescribed to the minister, what he should say in giving the cup: Item sacerdos calicem dando dicat: Sanguis Domini nostri jesu Christi custodiat te ad vitam aeternam. i. Let the priest say in giving the cup: The blood of our lord jesus Christ keep thee to everlasting life. Amen.  
Further in rendering the cause, why it should so be done, Thomas Aquine writeth: 
Thomas. part. que 76. A●t.  Nam hoc valet ad repraesentand●m passionem Christi, in qua seorsum fuit sanguis a corpore separatus. etc. Secundo, hoc est conveniens usui huius sacramenti, ut seorsum exhibeatur corpus Christi fidelibus in cibum, & sanguis in potum. i. For that serveth to represent the passion of Christ, wherein his blood was parted severally from the body. etc. Secondly, for that is convenient to the use of the sacrament, that the body should severally be given to the faithful to meat. and the blood to drink.  
And therefore served the office of the deacons as we read, ut oblata a populo super altare consecranda disponant, 
Amb. 〈◊〉 de omni Diuini● officijs.  & perfectis mysterijs calicem sacrosancti sanguinis Domini, fidelibus propinent i. To lay the offerings of the people upon the altar to be hallowed, and when the mysteries be consecrated, to distribute the cup of the sacrate blood of the Lord to the faithful, etc.  
But among all other testimonies to prove that the sacrament ought to be common to all people in both kinds, there is none more evident than the place of Jerome. 
Hieronimus in epist. 1. 〈◊〉 cap. 11. Conuen●●entibus.  Caeterum dominica caena omnibus debet esse communis, quia ille omnibus discipulis suis, qui aderant aequaliter tradidit sacramenta. i. The supper of the Lord ought to be indifferently comen to all his disciples there present. etc.  
And thus have ye heard the Canon described, which otherwise is called secretum. i. the secret of the mass, being so termed, because the priest was wont to read it in secret or in silence. 
Innocen●●●● De 〈◊〉 altaris 〈…〉 cap. 1.  The reason thereof Pope Innocentius three declareth in his third book, for that the holy words, saith he of the Canon, should not grow in contempt with the people by the daily use and hearing thereof. And bringeth in an example concerning the same of certain shepherds which in the fields using the same words of the canon upon their bread and wine, the matter was turned saith he, into flesh and blood, and they plagued therefore from heaven: but with such popish tales the Church hath been long replenished.   

The Postcommon.  

 After the Canon and communion, then followeth the Postcommon, with the collects, which the mass book requireth always to be used in an odd number, sometime teaching to use but one, as in the sundays in Lent: and sometime three: as in certain masses, from lowsonday, till the Ascension: but never to pass the number of seven.   

Ite Missa est.  
Last of all cometh Ite missa est, whereby the minister dimitteth and sendeth away all the congregation there present to their business, 
 for as you heard before, it was decreed in ancient time, that it was not lawful to depart from the congregation in the time of holy ministration, before the end of the whole communion. And therefore, all things being accomplished, the minister turning to the assembly, pronounceth Ite missa est.  
☞ Where note that upon sundays and festival days only when Gloria in excelsis, was song, Ite missa est was wont to be said: on the workedayes, Benedicamus Domino: sometime Requiescant in pace.  
NOw concerning such trinkets as were to the foresaid Mass appertaining or circumstant, first the linen Albes and Corporasses were brought in by Pope Marcus. 
 Ann. 340. if that be true which is thought of some, where note again, that in the time of this Pope, it was nothing offensive for every honest Priest, to have his own proper wife. In the time also of this Marcus, was concilium Elib●rtinum, which condemned all kinds of Images and pictures in temples.  
Contrary to the which counsel, Pope Gregory the third, about the year of our Lord. 732. calling a counsel at Rome, did not only 'stablish the Images before condemned, but condemned the gaynesayers for Heretics, as is aforesaid.  
By Sixtus the second it was ordained that no liturgy should be done save only upon altars hallowed, 
Hallowing of Altars.  about the year of our Lord 260. as some suppose. But as I see no firm probation upon the same: so have I probable conjecture the same not to be true.  
Some there be that shame not to say that S. Clement brought in the Albe and vestments, 
Vestments Albes.  to the popish mass.  
Item that the sacrament of the blood of the Lord should be consecrated in chalices of glass and not of wood, as it was in time before, 
Chalices of ●asse.  they say it was the ordinance of Pope Severinus.  
After this came in golden chalices, and a true proverb with all. That once they had wooden chalices, and golden Priests, now they have golden Chalices, and wooden Priests.  
Schenianus ordained the ringing of bells, and burning of lamps in churches. 
  
Uitalianus the playing on the organs.  

 Damasus by the instinct of Jerome appointed gloria patri after the psalms.  
Pelagius devised the Memento for the dead.  

 Leo brought in the Incense.  

 Eutichianus as other say, brought in the offertory, which was then after a far other wise than it is, or hath been used now a great while. For what time as many of the Heathen being greatly accustomed with offerings▪ were converted unto Christ, and could not be well brought from their old long use of Offerings, 
 the Pope thought to bear somewhat with the weak, and permitted them to bring meres into the congregation or church, that when the bishop had blessed them, they that brought them, might distribute them to the poor, or take them to their own use. But afterward did Pope Gregory so help up this sentence: Non apparebis in conspectu Dei tui vacuus. etc. Thou shalt not appear in the sight of thy God empty. etc. that as he willed the people to lay their offerings upon the Aultare: so they did, and have not yet forgotten to do● so still.  
Soul masses, and masses applied for the dead, came in partly by Gregory, partly by Pelagius, which brought in the Memento as is said. 
  
☞ Wherein note (good Reader) and mark, how these two stand together, that which our Saviour saith in his evangely, hoc facite in mei commemorationem, do this in remembrance of me: 
 and that which they say In quorum memoria Corpus Christi sumitur. etc. i. In whose commemoration the body of Christ is taken. etc. Christ would it to be done in his remembrance, and the Pope saith, do it in remembrance of the dead. etc. What can be more contrary.  
Innocentius the third, ordained that the Sacrament should be reserved in the Church. 
Reservation of the Sacrament. Auricular confession. A policy for unity in popery.  The same brought also in auricular confession as a law, about the year of our Lord 1215. he did also constitute that no Archbishop should enjoy the pall, unless he were of his own religion: and therefore no great marvel if there be such unity in popery.  
Uigilius ordained that the Priest should say mass having his face toward the east.  
Platina writeth how the first latin mass was song in the sixth counsel of constantinople, 
The first Latin Mass song at Constantinople. A Conjecture probable that the Roman mass is of no great antiquity.  which was about the year of our Lord, 680. so that the said Mass was there & then first allowed and not before. And yet they (I think) the greek Church should have known as soon the mass, if it had proceeded from james or Basilius, as the Latin Church did know it.  
The opinion to think the Mass to help souls in Purgatory was confirmed by Pope joannes 19 by reason of a dream wherein he dreamt that he saw and heard the voices of devils lamenting and bewailing, 
The feast of all souls.  that souls were delivered from them, by the saying of Masses and diriges. And therefore did approve and ratify the feast of all souls brought in by Odilo: 
The feast of all hallows.  moreover adjoined also to the same, the feast of all hallows, about the year of our Lord. 1003.  
Concerning lent fast, some think that Telesphorus, about the year of our Lord. 140. was the author thereof. 
Lent fast.  But that peradventure may be as true, as that which they also attribute to him, that he ordained three masses of one priest to be said on Christmas day. Or if he did ordain that fast, yet he did ordain it but freely to be kept: 
3. Masses on Christmas day: Censing of the Sacrament. Covering of the Altars.  for so I find among the decrees, that lent was commanded first to be fasted, but only of the Clergy or church men.  
Pope Leo commanded the Sacrament to be censed.  
Pope Boniface set in his foot for coverting of the altars.  
In S. Cyprians time, it seemeth that water was then mingled with the wine, 
Cyprianus. li. 2. epist. 3. Ex libro ordinis Rom. officij. The breaking of the host in 3. Ex Rom. ordine. de officio Miss.  whereof we read mention in his second book of Epistles: which mixture is referred to Alexander the first, in the order of the Roman Canon.  
As concerning the breaking of the body in 3. parts we read also mention to be made in the same book of order, but no certain author thereof to be named. The words of the book be these: Tripliciter, inquit, corpus Domini intelligitur. unum quod resurrexit a mortuis, quod significat particula in sanguinem missa: Aliud quod adhuc vivit in terra significatum per particulam a sacerdote consumptam. Tertium, quod iam requiescit in Christo, quod etiam a tertia particula in altari reseruata apte figuratur. etc. i Three ways is the body of the Lord understanded: One which rose again from the dead, being signified by that part, which is let fall to the blood in the chalice. The other is, that yet is living in the earth, which the part of the priest eaten doth signify. The third is that now resteth in Christ, which also is figured by that particle, that is reserved upon the altar.  
Dedication of churches came in by Felix the third: and that Churches might not be hallowed but by a bishop an. 492. 
Dedication of Churches,   
The canticle Gloria laus. etc. in the procession before the Mass▪ on Palmesonday, was instituted by Theodulphus bishop of Aurelia, as Sygibertus writeth, about the year of our Lord. 843.  
giving of holy bread came in by this occasion, as it is to be gathered, partly out of Honorius, partly out of Durandus, and other. The manner was in ancient time, that the Ministers were wont to receive certain meal of every house or family, wherewith a great loaf was made, called Panis Dominicus, able to serve in the Communion and to be distributed unto the people, which then was wont every day to be present and to receive, especially they that offered the meal: 
Honorius in gemma lib. 1. cap. 66. Guliel· Durand in Ration. lib. 4. cap. 53.  for whom it was wont therefore to be said in the Canon: Omnium circumstantium, qui tibi hoc sacrificium laudis offerunt. etc. But afterward the number of the people increasing, and piety decreasing, as Durandus writeth, it was then ordained to communicate but only upon sundays.  
At length followed the third constitution, that thrice a year, at least at Easter, every man should communicate, being thus provided, that in stead of the daily communion before used, the pax did serve. And in stead of receiving upon the Sunday, bread was hallowed and sondaylye given and distributed unto the people, which also was called Eulogia: the constitution whereof seemeth to proceed from Pope Pius. For so we read in the decrees of the said Pope Pius: Vt de oblationibus quae offeruntur a populo, & consecrationibus supersunt, 
Holy bread.  vel de panibus quos deferunt fideles ad ecclesiam, vel certe de suis praesbiter convenienter parts incisas habeat in vase nitido & convenienti, & post Missarum solennia qui communicare non fuerint parati, eulogias omni die dominico, & in diebus festis exinde accipiant. That is: That the Minister shall take of the oblations offered of the people, 
Ex sanctionibus Ecclesiasticis. Class. 3. decreta pij. pape  remaining of the consecration, or else of the bread, which the faithful bring unto the Church or else to take of their own bread and cut it conveniently in portions in a clean, & a convenient vessel: so that after the solemnity of the ministration being done, they that were not prepared and ready to communicate, may receive every sunday or festival day, Eulogies, or benedictions with the same. Hec ille.  
As concerning holy water which they used to sprinkle at the Church door, upon them that entered in, I will not say that it sprung from the Idolatrous use of the Gentiles.  
This I say as I find in historia Sozomeni. Erat autem Romanis vetusta consuetudo ut quum limen templi transeundum esset, 
Zozom. lib 6. cap. 6. Theodoritus. lib. 3. cap 16.  sacerdos secundum morem ethnicum madidos quosdam olive ramusculos manu tenens ingredientes aspergebat. etc. i. It was an old custom among the Romans, that at the entering in at the Church door, the priest after the usual manner of the Ethniks, having in his hand moist branches of Olive, did sprinkle with the same such as entered in. etc.  
To the which custom this our manner of giving of holy water is so like, that it seemeth to proceed out of the same.  
In the book of the Pope's decrees, & in the distinctions of Gratianus, there is a certain decree fathered upon Alexander the first, 
Ex lib. conciliorum. De conscra. dist. 3. c. Aquam.  about the year of our Lord. 121. Which decree may well seem to be a bastard decree, neither agreeing to such a father, nor such a time, concerning the conjuring of holy water. The words of the decree be these: Aquam sale conspersam in populis benedicimus, ut ea cuncti aspersi sanctificentur, & purificentur, quod omnibus sacerdotibus faciendum esse mandamus. Nam si cinis vitule aspersus populum sanctificabat, atque mundabat, multo magis aqua sale aspersa, divinisque precibus sacrata populum sanctisicat atque mundat. Et si sale asperso per Helisaeum Prophetam sterilitas aquae sanata est: quanto magis divinis precibus sacratus sal sterilitatem rerum aufert humanarum, & coinquinatos sanctisicat & purgat, & caetera bona multiplicat, & insidias diaboli avertit, & a phantasmatis versutijs homines defendit? That is: We bless water sprinkled with salt among the people, that all such as be sprinkled with the same may be sanctified and purified: which thing we charge and command all priests to do, for if the ashes of the Cow, in the old law, being sprinkled among the people did sanctify, and cleanse them, much more water sprinkled with salt, and hallowed with godly prayers sanctifieth and cleanseth the people: and if that Heliseus the Prophet by the sprinkling of salt, did heal and help the barrenness of the water: how much more the salt being hallowed by godly prayers taketh away the barrenness of human things, and sanctifieth and purgeth them that be defiled: also multiplieth other things that be good and turneth away the snares of the devil, and defendeth men from deceptions of fantasy. etc.  
Thus ye have heard the author and father of holy water, which some also ascribe to Pope Sixtus which succeeded Alexander. But as the Papists do not agree in the first author or institutor of this hallowing of Elements, so I think the same untruly to be ascribed to either, but leaving the probation of this to farther leisure, let us now hear in our own tongue their own words, which the use in this their conjuration.   

The form and words used of the Priest in conjuring Salt.  
I conjure thee thou creature of Salt by the ✚ living God, 
Salt conjured.  by the ✚ true God, by the holy God. etc. That thou mayest be made a conjured Salt, to the salvation of them that believe: And that unto all such as receive thee, thou mayest be health of soul and body: and that from out of the place, wherein thou shalt be sprinkled, may fly away and departed all fantasy, wickedness, or craftiness of the devils subtlety, and every foul spirit. etc.   

The form of conjuring water.  

Water conjured.  I conjure thee, thou creature of water in the name of ✚ God the father almighty, and in the name of jesus Christ his son, our Lord, and in the virtue ✚ of the holy Ghost that thou become a conjured water to expel all power of the enemy. etc.  
Who seethe not in these words blasphemy intolerable, how that which only is due to the blood of Christ, and promised to faith only in him, the same is transferred to earthly and insensate creatures, to be salvation both to body and spirit, inwardly to give remission of sins, to give health and remedy against evils and devils, against all fantasies, wickedness, and all foul spirits, and to expel the power of the enemy. etc. If this be true whereto serveth the blood of Christ, and the virtue of Christian faith?  
Therefore judge thyself (gentle Reader) whether thou think this trumpery rightly to be fathered upon those ancient father's aforenamed, or else whether it may seem more like truth that john Sleydan writeth, whose words in his second book de Monarchijs are these: 
joan 〈◊〉 danu●. 〈◊〉 the 4. ●●●narch.  Horum decreta sunt in libris inserta conciliorum, sed ex his plaeraque tam sunt levicula, tam nugatoria, tam aliena prorsus a sacris literis, ut credibile sit ab alijs longo post tempore fuisse conficta. etc. That is: The decrees of these foresaid Bishops and Martyrs be inserted in the book of Counsels, but of these decrees many thereof be so childish, so trifling, and so far disagreeing from the holy scripture, 
Many 〈…〉 impute● the old● the●● which 〈◊〉 none o● theirs.  that it is very like that the same were feigned and counterfeited of others, long after their time. etc. Thus much saith Sleydane with more words in that place. Unto whose testimony, if I might be so bold also to add my conjecture, I would suppose the conjuration of this foresaid water and Salt, to spring out of the same fountain, from whence proceeded the conjuring of flowers and branches, because I see the order and manner of them both to be so like and uniform, as may appear.   

The manner of hallowing flowers and branches.  
I conjure thee, thou creature of flowers and branches in the name of ✚ God the father almighty: 
Flowers branch hallows  and in the name ✚ of jesus Christ his son, our Lord: and in the virtue of the holy ✚ Ghost. Therefore be thou rooted out, and displanted from this creature of flowers and branches all thou strength of the adversary, all thou host of the devil, and all the power of the enemy: even every assault of the devils. etc.  
And thus much concerning the antiquity of holy bread and holy water: whereby thou mayst partly conjecture the same not to be so old, as Steven Gardiner, in his Letter against master Ridley above mentioned, would have, Pag. 753. being both deceived himself, and also going about to seduce other.  
Furthermore as touching the reserving of relics & the memorial of saints brought into the mass, 
Ex Acts Rom. 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉 Gregori●●  Gregory the third is the author thereof, who also added to the canon thereof, this clause: Quorum solennitates hody in conspectu divinae maiestatis tuae celebrantur. etc.  
Finally it were to long to recite every thing in order devised and brought in particularly to the mass, and to the Church. For after that man's brain was once set on devising, it never could make an end of heaping rite upon rite, and ceremony upon ceremony, till all religion was turned well nigh to superstition. Thereof cometh oil and cream brought in by Pope Silvester not wont to be hallowed but by a bishop. 
Oil 〈◊〉 cream. The 〈◊〉 onel● linen.  That the corporas should not be of silcke, but only of fine linen cloth. That the Psalms should be song on sides, the one side of the quire singing one verse the other an other with gloria patri. etc. That baptism should be ministered at no other time in the year but only at Easter and at whitsuntide (save only to infants and such as were in extreme infirmity) and that it should be required 40. days before: 
Author 〈◊〉 Concili●● Tomo. 〈◊〉 Hollow of the 〈◊〉 at Easte●● Whitso●●tide. Christ i● of bell● Ex pon● cali 〈…〉. No bea●●  so determined by Pope Siricius: and therefore was it that fontes were hallowed only at these two seasons, the which hallowing they keep yet still, but the ordinance they have reject. Item that bells also were Christened. Item, no Priest should wear a beard, or have long hair, so appointed by Pope Martin the first. Item that auricular confession should be made, that the book of decrees and decretals should be established and transubstauntiation confirmed, in which three Acts Pope Innocentius the third was the chiefest doer, 
Transu●●stantiat●●  about the year of our Lord. 1215. 
  
And thus have ye in sum the gatherings of the mass, with the canon and all the appurtenaunce of the same, which, not much unlike to the Crow of Esope being patched with the feathers of so many birds, was so long a gethering, that the temple of Solomon was not so long in building, as the Pope's Mass was in making. Whereby judge now thyself (good Reader) whether this Mass did proceed from james and other Apostles or no. And yet this was one of the principal causes for which so much turmoil was made in the Church, with the bloodshed of so many Godly men, suffering in so many quarters of this realm: some consumed by fire, some pined away with hunger, some hanged, some slain, some racked, some tormented one way, some another: and that only or chiefly, for the cause of this aforesaid popish Mass, as by the reading of this story following, by the grace of Christ our Lord, shall appear more at large. In whom I wish thee to continue in health and to persevere in the truth.    


Anno 1549.  ❧ The first entering of Queen Mary to the Crown, with the alteration of Religion, and other perturbations happening the same time in this Realm of England.  

Anno 1553.  WHat time King Edward by long sickness began to appear more feeble and weak, in the mean while during the time of this his sickness, 
The reign of Queen Mary.  a certain marriage was provided, concluded and shortly also upon the same solemnized in the month of May, between the Lord Gilford, son to the Duke of Northumberland, 
〈◊〉 ●●tweene the Lor● Gilfo●d and the Lady ●ane.  and the Lady jane the Duke of Suffolk's daughter, whose mother being then alive, was daughter to Mary King Henry's second sister, who first was married to the French king, and afterward to Charles Duke of Suffolk. But to make no long tarriance hereupon, the marriage being ended, and the king waxing every day more sick than other, where as in deed there seemed in him no hope of recovery, it was brought to pass by the consent not only of the Nobility, but also of all the chief Lawyers of the Realm, that the king by his Testament did appoint the foresaid Lady jane, daughter to the Duke of Suffolk, to be inheretrice unto the crown of England, passing over his two sisters Mary and Elizabeth.  
To this order subscribed all the kings Counsel, and chief of the Nobility, 
Sir james Hales standeth with Queen Mary.  the Mayor and city of London, and almost all the judges and chief Lawyers of this Realm, saving only justice Hales of Kent, a man both favouring true Religion, and also an upright judge as any hath been noted in this Realm, who giving his consent unto Lady Mary, would in no case subscribe to Lady jane. Of this man (God willing) you shall perceive more in the sequel of this story. The causes laid against Lady mary, were as well for that it was feared she would marry with a Stranger, and thereby entangle the crown: as also that she would clean alter Religion, used both in king Henry her father, and also in king Edward her brother's days, & so bring in the pope, to the utter destruction of the Realm, which indeed afterward came to pass, as by the course and sequel of this story may well appear.  

Two things feared in Queen Mary.  Much probable matter they had thus to conjecture of her, by reason of her great stubbornness showed and declared in her brother's days, as in the letters before mentioned, passing between her and king Edward, & the Counsel, may appear. The matter being thus concluded, and after confirmed by every man's hand, King Edward an Imp of so great hope, not long after this departed, by the vehemency of his sickness, when he was sixteen years of age: with whom also decayed in manner the whole flourishing estate and honour of the English nation.  

Queen jane proclaimed at ●ondon. Comparisō●●tweene 〈◊〉 king ●dward & ●oung Lady 〈◊〉. This 〈◊〉 of the Lady jane was M. Elmer.  When king Edward was dead, this jane was established in the kingdom by the Nobles consent, and was forthwith published Queen by proclamation at London, and in other Cities where was any great resort, and was there so taken and named. Between this young damosel and king Edward there was little difference in age, though in learning & knowledge of the tongues she was not only equal, but also superior unto him, being instructed of a Master right notably learned. If her fortune had been as good as was her bringing up, joined with fineness of wit: undoubtedly she might have seemed comparable, not only to the house of the Uaspasians, Semp●onians, and mother of the Grachies, yea, to any other women beside that deserved high praise for their sigulart learning: but also to the university men, which have taken many degrees of the Schools.  
In the mean time while these things were a working at London, Marry which had knowledge of her Brother's death, writeth to the Lords of the Council in form as followeth.  

¶ A Letter of the Lady Mary, sent to the Lords of the Counsel, wherein she claimeth the Crown after the decease of king Edward, 
Lady mary's letter sent to the Counsel, wherein she 〈◊〉 the Crown.   
MY Lords, we greet you well, and have received sure advertisement that our dearest Brother the king our late sovereign Lord, is departed to God's mercy: which news how they be woeful unto our hart, he only knoweth, to whose will and pleasure we must and do humbly submit us and our wills. But in this so lamentable a case, that is to wit, now after his majesties departure and death, concerning the Crown and governance of this Realm of England, with the title of France, and all things thereto belonging, what hath been provided by Act of Parliament and the Testament and last will of our dearest Father, besides other circumstances advancing our right, you know, the Realm, and the whole world knoweth, the Rolls and Records appear by the authority of the king our said Father, and the king our said brother, and the subjects of this Realm, so that we verily trust that there is no good true subject, that is, can, or would pretend to be ignorant thereof, and of our part we have of ourselves caused, and as God shall aid and strength us, shall cause our right and title in this behalf to be published and proclaimed accordingly. And albeit this so weighty a matter seemeth strange, that the dying of our said brother upon Thursday at night last passed, we hitherto had no knowledge from you thereof, yet we consider your wisdoms and prudence to be such, that having eftsoons amongst you debated, pondered, and well weighed this present case with our estate, with your own estate, the common wealth, and all our honours, we shall and may conceive great hope and trust with much assurance in your loyalty and service, and therefore for the time interpret and take things not to the worst, and that ye yet will like Noble men work the best. Nevertheless we are not ignorant of your consultations, to undo the provisions made for our preferment, nor of the great bands and provisions forcible, wherewith ye be assembled and prepared, by whom, and to what end, God and you know, and nature can but fear some evil. But be it that some consideration politic, or whatsoever thing else hath moved you thereto, yet doubt you not my Lords, but we can take all these your doings in gracious part, being also right ready to remit & fully pardon the same, with that freely to eschew bloodshed and vengeance against all those that can or will intend the same: trusting also assuredly you will take and accept this grace and virtue in good part as appeateyneth, and that we shall not be enforced to use the service of other our true subjects and friends which in this our just and right cause, God in whom our whole affiance is, shall send us. Wherefore my Lords we require you and charge you, and every of you, that every of you, of your allegiance which you own to God and us, and to none other, for our honour and the surety of our parson, only employ yourselves, & forth with upon receipt hereof, cause our right and title to the Crown and government of this Realm to be proclaimed in our City of London, and other places as to your wisdoms shall seem good, and as to this case appertaineth, not failing hereof as our very trust is in you. And thus our Letter signed with our hand, shallbe your sufficient warrant in this behalf.  
Yeven under our Signet, at our Manor of Kenyngall, the ninth of Iuly●. 1553.  
To this Letter of the Lady mary, the Lords of the Counsel make answer again as followeth.   

¶ Answer of the Lords unto the Lady mary's Letter.  
Madam, 
A letter of the Counsel answering again to the Lady Mary.  we have received your letters the ninth of this instant, declaring your supposed title, which you judge yourself to have to the Imperial crown of this Realm, & all the dominions thereunto belonging. For answer whereof, this is to advertise you, that forasmuch as our sovereign Lady Queen jane is after the death of our sovereign Lord Edward the sixth, a prince of most noble memory invested and possessed with the just and right title in the Imperial Crown of this Realm, 
Lady jane invested in possession of the crown by king Edward's will and assent of the whole counsel.  not only by good order of old ancient laws of this Realm, but also by our late sovereign Lords Letters patents signed with his own hand, and se●led with the great seal of England in presence of the most part of the Nobles, counsellors, judges, with divers other grave and sage personages, assenting & subscribing to the same: We must therefore as of most bound duty and allegiance assent unto her said Grace, and to none other, except we should (which faithful subjects can not) fall into grievous and unspeakable enormities. Wherefore we can no less do, but for the quiet both of the realm and you also, to advertise you, that forasmuch as the divorce made between the king of famous memory K Henry the 8. & the Lady Katherine your mother, was necessary to be had both by the everlasting laws of God, and also by the Ecclesiastical laws, & by the most part of the noble & learned Universities of Christendom, and confirmed also by the sundry acts of parliaments remaining yet in their force, and thereby you justly made illegitimate and unheritable to the crown Imperial of this realm, and the rules and dominions, and possessions of the same: 
Lady Mary recounted illegitimate.  you will upon just consideration hereof, and of divers other causes lawful to be alleged for the same, & for the just inheritance of the right line and godly order taken by the late king our sovereign Lord king Edward the sixth, and agreed upon by the Nobles and greatest personages aforesaid, surcease by any pretence to vex and molest any of our sovereign Lady Queen jane her subjects from their true faith and allegiance due unto her grace: assuring you, that if you will for respect show yourself quiet and obedient (as you ought) you shall find us all and several ready to do you any service that we with duty may, and be glad with your quietness to preserve the common state of this realm: wherein you may be otherwise grievous unto us, to yourself, and to them. And thus we bid you most heartily well to far,  
from the Tower of London, this 9 of july. 1553. Your Ladyship's friends, showing yourself an obedient subject. 

Thomas Caunterbury.  
The Marquis of Winchester.  
john Bedford.  
Wil Morthhampton.  
Thom. Ely Chancellor.  
Northumberland.  
Henry Suffolk.  
Henry Arundel.  
Shrewesbury.  
Pembroke.  
Cobham.  
R. rich.  
Huntingdon.  
Darcy.  
Cheyney.  
R. Cotton.  
john Gates.  
W. Peter.  
W. Cicelle.  
john Cheek.  
john Mason.  
Edward North.  
R. Bowes.    
All these aforesaid, except only the Duke of Northumberland and sir john Gates, afterward were either by especial favour or special or general pardon discharged.  
After this answer received, and the minds of the Lords perceived, 
Lady Mary keepeth herself from the City of London.  Lady Mary speedeth herself secretly away far of from the City, hoping chief upon the good will of the Commons, and yet perchance not destitute altogether of the secret advertisements of some of the Nobles. When the Counsel heard of her sodiene departure, and perceived her stoutness, & that all came not to pass as they supposed, they gathered speedily a power of men together, appointing an army, and first assigned that the Duke of Suffolk should take that enterprise in hand, & so have the leading of the Band. 
The Duke of Northumberland sent forth against Lady Mary.  But afterward altering their minds, they thought it best to sand forth the Duke of Northumberland, with certain other Lords and Gentlemen, and that the Duke of Suffolk should keep the Tower, where the Lord Gilford and the Lady jane the same time were lodged.  
In the which expedition the guard also, albeit they were much unwilling at the first thereunto, yet notwithstanding through the vehement persuasions of the Lord Treasurer, M. Chomley, & other, they were induced to assist the duke, and to set forward with him.  
These things thus agreed upon, and the Duke now being set forward after the best array out of London, having notwithstanding his times prescribed, and his journeys appointed by the Counsel, to the intent he would not seem to do any thing but upon warrant, Marry in the mean while tossed with much travel up and down, to work the surest way for her best advantage, withdrew herself into the quarters of Norfolk and Suffolk, 
Policy of the Lady Mary.  where she understood the Duke's name to be had in much hatred, for the service that had been done there of late under king Edward, 
The Lady Mary taketh Framingham castle.  in subduing the rebels: and there gathering to her such aid of the commons in every side as she might, keepeth herself close for a space within Framingham Castle. To whom first of all resorted the suffolk men: who being always forward in promoting the procedings of the Gospel, 
The Suffolk men gather to the Lady mary's side.  promised her their aid & help, so that she would not attempt the alteration of the religion which her Brother king Edward had before established by laws and orders publicly enacted and received by the consent of the whole Realm in that behalf.  
To make the matter short, unto this condition she eftsoons agreed, with such promise made unto them, that no innovation should be made of religion, 

The Lady Mary promiseth faithfully that she would not alter religion.  
Breach of promise in Queen Mary.   as that no man would or could then have misdoubted her. Which promise, if she had as constantly kept, as they did willingly preserve her with their bodies and weapons, she had done a deed both worthy her blood, & had also made her reign more stable to herself through former tranquillity. For though a man be never so puissant of power, yet breach of promise is an evil upholder of quietness, fear is worse, but cruelty is the worst of all.  
Thus Mary being guarded with the power of the Gospelers, did vanquish the Duke, and all those that came against her. In consideration whereof, it was (me thinkest an heavy word that she answered to the suffolk men afterwards, which did make supplication unto her grace to perform her promise: 
Q Marie● answer the Surfol● men, and one M. Dobbe●●●nished.  For so much (saith she) as you being but members, desire to rule your head you shall one day well perceive that members must obey their head, and not look to bear rule over the same. And not only that, but also to cause the more terror unto other, a certain Gentleman named M. Dobbe, dwelling about Wyndam side, for the same cause, that is, for advertising her by humble request, of her promise, was punished, being three sundry times set on the pillory to be a gazing stock unto all men. divers other delivered her books and supplications made out of the Scripture, to exhort her to continue in the true doctrine then established, and for their good wills were sent to prison. But such is the condition of man's nature (as here you see) that we are for the most part more ready always to seek friendship when we stand in need of help, 
perfit f●d●●litie shut out of the doors, yet 〈◊〉 to be 〈◊〉 in heaven.  them ready to requite a benefit once past & received. Howbeit against all this, one shoot anchor we have, which may be a sure comfort to all miserable creatures, the equity & fidelity are ever perfect and certainly found with the Lord above, though the same being shut out of the doors in this world, be not to be found here among men. But seeing our intent is to write a story, not to treat of office, let us lay Suffolk men aside for a while, whose deserts for their readiness and diligence with the Queen, I will not here stand upon. What she performed on her part, the thing itself, and the whole story of this persecution doth testify, as hereafter more plainly will appear.  
On the contrary side, the Duke of Northumberlande, having his warrant under the broad Seal, with all furniture in readiness, as he took his voyage and was now forward in his way, what ado there was, what stirring on every side, what sending, what riding and posting, what letters, messages, and instructions went to and fro, what talking among the soldiers, what hartburning among the people, what fair pretences outwardly, inwardly what privy practices there were, what speeding of Ordinance daily and hourly out of the Tower, what rumours and coming down of soldiers from all quarters there was, a world it was to see, & a process to declare, enough to make a whole Ilias. The greatest help that made for the Lady Mary, was the short journeys of the Duke, which by commission were assigned to him before, as is above mentioned. For the longer the Duke lingered in his voyage, the Lady mary the more increased in puissance, the hearts of the people being mightily bend unto her. Which after the Counsel at London perceived, and understood how the common multitude did withdraw their hearts from them to stand with her, 
Queen Mary proclaimed at London.  and that certain Noble men begun to go the other way, they turned their song, and proclaimed for Queen the Lady Mary, eldest daughter to king henry the eight, and appointed by Parliament to succeed K. Edward dying without issue. 
The Duke of Northu●●berland overthrown▪   
And so the Duke of Northumberland, being by counsel and advise sent forth against her, was left destitute and forsaken alone at Cambridge, with some of his sons, & a few other, among whom the Earl of Huntingdon was one: 
The Duke of Northū●berland brought to the Tower as a Traitor.  who there were arrested and brought to the Tower of London, as traitors to the Crown, notwithstanding that he had there proclaimed her Queen before.  
Thus have you Mary now made a Queen, and the sword of authority put into her hand, which, how she afterward did use, we may see in sequel of this book. Therefore (as I say) when she had been thus advanced by the gospelers, 
Queen Mary cometh up to London.  & saw all in quiet by means that her enemies were conquered, sending the Duke captive to the Tower before (which was the xxv. of july) she followed not long after, being brought up the third day of August to London, with the great rejoicing of many men, but with a greater fear of more, and yet with flattery peradventure most great, of feigned hearts.  
Thus coming up to London, her first lodging she took at the Tower, 
The Lady jane and th● Lord Gilford pri●oners in the Tower.  where as the foresaid Lady jane with her husband the Lord Gilford, a little before her coming▪ were imprisoned: where they remained waiting her pleasure almost five months. But the Duke within a month after his coming to the Tower, being adjudged to death, was brought forth to the scaffold, and there beheaded. Albeit he having a promise, 
The Duke of Northu●●berland condemned to die.  and being put in hope of pardon (yea though his head were upon the block) if he would recant and hear mass, consented thereto, and denied in words that true religion, which before time, as well in K. Henry the 8. days, as in K. Edward's he had oft evidently declared himself both to favour and further: exhorting also the people to return to the Catholic faith (as he termed it. 
 ) Whose recantation the papists forthwith did publish and set abroad, rejoicing not a little at his conversion or rather subversion, as then appeared.  
Thus the Duke of Northumberland with Sir john Gates, and sir Thomas Palmer (which Palmer on the other side confessed his faith that he had learned in the gospel, and lamented that he had not lived more Gospellike) being put to death: In the mean time Queen mary, entering thus her reign with the blood of these men: besides hearing Mass herself in the Tower, gave a heavy show and signification hereby, but especially by the sudden delivering of Steven Gardiner out of the Tower, that she was not minded to stand to that which she so deeply had promised to the Suffolk men before, concerning the not subverting or altering the state of religion: as in very deed the surmise of the people was therein nothing deceived.  
Besides the premises, other things also followed which every day more and more discomforted the people, declaring the Queen to bear no good will to the present state of religion: as, not only the releasing of Gardiner being then made Lord Chancellor of England and B. of Winchester, Doct. Poynet being put out, but also that Boner was restored to his bishopric again, 
The t●●e preaching ●●shop▪ ●●spla●ed.  and D. Ridley displaced. Iten, D. Day to the bishopric of Chichester, john Scory being put out. Item, D. Tonstall to the bishopric of Duresme. Item, D. Heath to the bishopric of Worcester, and john Hooper committed to the Fleet. Item, D. Uesi● to Exeter, and Miles Coverdale put out. These things being marked and perceived, great heaviness and discomfort grew more and more to all good men's hearts: but contrary to the wicked, great rejoicing. In which discord of minds, and diversity of affections, was now to be seen a miserable face of things in the whole common wealth of England. They that could dissemble, took no great care how the matter went. But such whose consciences were joined to truth, perceived already coals to be kindled, which after should be the destruction of many a true Christian man, as in deed it came to pass. In the mean while Queen Mary after these beginnings, 
A Parliament Summoned.  removing from the Tower to Hampton Court, caused a Parliament to be summoned against the x. day of Octob. next ensuing, whereof more is to be said hereafter.  
Ye heard before how divers Bishops were removed, and other placed in their rooms: amongst whom was D. Ridley B. of London, a worthy man both of fame and learning. This D. Ridley in time of Queen jane had made a Sermon at Paul's cross, so commanded by the Counsel: 
Bishop Ridley preacheth 〈◊〉 Queen mary's 〈◊〉▪  declaring there his mind to the people, as touching the Lady Mary, and dissuading them, alleging there the incommodities and inconveniences which might rise by receiving her to be their Queen, prophesying as it were before, that which after came to pass, that she would bring in foreign power to reign over them: besides the subverting also of Christian Religion then already established: showing moreover, that the same Mary being in his Diocese, he according to his duty, being then her Ordinary, had travailed much with her to reduce her to this Religion, and notwithstanding in all other points of civility, she showed herself gentle and tractable, yet in matters that concerned true faith and doctrine, she showed herself so stiff and obstinate, that there was no other hope of her to be conceived, but to disturb and overturn all that which with so great labours had been confirmed and planted by her brother afore. Shortly after this Sermon, Queen Mary was proclaimed, whereupon he speedily repairing to Framingham to salute the Queen, had such cold welcome there: that being despoiled of all his dignities, he was sent back upon a lame halting horse to the Tower.  
After him preached also Master Rogers the next sunday, 
M. Rogers preacheth.  entreating very learnedly upon the Gospel of the same day.  
This so done, Queen Mary seeing all things yet not going so after her mind as she desired, deviseth with her Counsel, to bring to pass that thing by other means, which as yet by open law she could not well accomplish, directing forth an Inhibition by Proclamation, that no man should preach or read openly in churches the word of God, besides other things also in the same Proclamation Inhibited, the copy whereof here followeth.   

¶ An inhibition of the Queen, for preaching, Printing, etc.  
THe Queen's highness well remembering what great inconvenience and dangers have grown to this her highness Realm in times past, 
August. 18.  through the diversity of opinions in questions of religion, 
An inhibition of the Queen for preaching and printing.  and hearing also that now of late, sithence the beginning of her most gracious Reign, the same contentions be again much revived through certain false and untrue reports and rumours spread by some light and evil disposed persons, hath thought good to do to understand to all her highness most loving subjects, her most gracious pleasure in manner following.  
First, 
Q. Mary beginneth to set forth her popish religion. Religion here grounded upon the Queens will.  her Majesty being presented by the only goodness of God, settled in her just possession of the Imperial Crown of this Realm, and other Dominions thereunto belonging, cannot now hide that religion which God and the world knoweth she hath ever professed from her infancy hitherto. Which as her Majesty is minded to observe and maintain for herself by gods grace during her time, so doth her highness much desire and would be glad the same were of all her subjects quietly and charitably embraced.  
And yet she doth signify unto all her majesties loving subjects, that of her most gracious disposition & clemency, her highness mindeth not to compel any her said subjects thereunto, unto such time as further order by common assent may be taken therein: forbidding nevertheless all her subjects of all degrees, at their perils to move seditions, or stir unquietness in her people by interpreting the Laws of this Realm, after their brains and fantasies, but quietly to continue for the time, till (as before is said) further order may be taken, and therefore willeth and straightly chargeth and commandeth all her said good loving subjects, to live togethers in quiet sort and Christian charity, leaving those new found devilish terms of Papist or heretic, and such like, and applying their hole care, study and travail to live in the fear of God, exercising their conversations in such charitable & godly doing, as their lives may in deed express that great hunger and thirst of God's glory and holy word, 
Terme● of Papist and Heretic forbidden.  which by rash talk & words many have pretended: and in so doing they shall best please God, and live without dangers of the laws, and maintain the tranquility of the Realm. Whereof as her highness shall be most glad, so if any man shall rashly presume to make any assemblies of people, or at any public assemblies or otherwise, shall go about to stir the people to disorder or disquiet, she mindeth according to her duty, to see the same most surely reform & punished according to her highness laws.  
And furthermore, forasmuch also as it is well known, 
False surmise against true preachers, Printers and players.  that sedition and false rumours have been nourished and maintained in this Realm by the subtlety and malice of some evil disposed persons, which take upon them without sufficient authority to preach & to interpret the word of God after their own brain in churches and other places, both public and private, 
Here was the head of Winchester.  & also by playing of Interludes, and printing of false fond books, ballads, rhymes, and other lewd treatises in the English tongue, concerning doctrine in matters now in question, and controversy touching the high points and mysteries of christian religion, which books, ballads, rhymes, and treatises, 
Preaching, Printing, Reading and playing of Interludes, restrained.  are chief by the Printers and Stationers set out to sale to her grace's subjects of an evil zeal, for lucre and covetousness of vile gain. Her highness therefore straightly chargeth and commandeth all and every of her said subjects, of whatsoever state, condition or degree they be, that none of them presume from henceforth to preach, or by way of reading in Churches or other public or private places, except in schools of the University, to interpret or teach any scriptures or any manner points of doctrine concerning religion, neither also to print any books, matter, ballad, rhyme, Interlude, process or treatise, nor to play any Interlude, except they have her graces special licence in writing for the same, upon pain to incur her highness indignation and displeasure.  
And her highness also further chargeth and commandeth all and every her said subjects, that none of them of their own authority do presume to punish, or to rise against any offender in the causes abovesaid, or any other offender in words or deeds in the late rebellion▪ committed or done by the Duke of Northumberland or his complices, or to cease any of their goods, or violently to use any such offender by striking or imprisoning, or threatening the same, but wholly to refer the punishment of all such offenders unto her highness and public authority, whereof her majesty mindeth to see due punishment, according to the order of her highness laws. 
Anno 1553.   
Nevertheless, as her highness mindeth not hereby to restrain and discourage any of her loving subjects, to give from time to time true information against any such offenders in the causes abovesaid, unto her grace or her Counsel, for the punishment of every such offender, according to the effect of her highness laws provided in that part: so her said highness exhorteth and straightly chargeth her said subjects to observe her commandment & pleasure in every part aforesaid, as they will avoid her highness said indignation and most grievous displeasure. The severity and rigour whereof, as her highness shall be most sorry to have cause to put the same in execution: so doth she utterly determine not to permit such unlawful and rebellious doings of her subjects, whereof may ensue the danger of her royal estate to remain unpunished, but to see her said laws touching these points, to be thoroughly executed, which extremities, she trusteth all her said loving subjects will foresee, dread, and avoid accordingly: her said highness straightly charging and commanding all Mayors, sheriffs, justices of Peace, Bailiffs, Constables, and all other public Officers and Ministers, diligently to see to the observing and executing of her said commandments and pleasure, and to apprehend all such as shall wilfully offend in this part, committing the same to the next jail, there to remain without bail or maineprise, till upon certificate made to her highness or her privy Counsel, of their names and doings, and upon examination had of their offences, some further order shall be taken for their punishment to the example of others, according to the effect and tenor of the laws aforesaid. yeven at our Manor of Richmond, the 18. day of August, in the 1. year of our most prosperous reign.   

M. Bourne preaching at Paul's Crosse.  

M. Bournes Sermon at Paul's cross August. 13.  ABout this time or not long before, Boner B. of London being restored, appointed M. Bourne a Canon of Paul's, to preach at the Cross, who afterward was B. of bath, he taking occasion of the Gospel of the day to speak somewhat largely in justifying of Boner being them present: 
No marvel if Boner were so foul fallen away in such a vile dungeon in the marshalsea.  which Boner said he, upon the same text in that place, that day four years had preached before, and was upon the same most cruelly and unjustly cast into the most vile Dungeon of the marshalsea, and there kept during the time of King Edward. His words sounded so evil in the ears of the hearers, that they could not keep silence but began to murmur and to stir in such sort, that the Mayor and Aldermen with other estates than present, feared much an uproar. But the truth is, that one hurled a dagger at the preacher, but who it was, it could not then be proved, albeit afterward it was known.  
In fine, the stir was such, that the Preacher plucked in his head, and durst no more appear in that place. The matter of his Sermon tended much to the derogation and dispraise of King Edward: 
M. john Bradford appeaseth the people.  which thing the people in no case could abide. Then M. Bradford at the request of the Preachers brother, and other then being in the pull: pit, stood forth and spoke so my●●ely, Christianly, and effectuously, that with few words he appeased all: and afterward he and M. Rogers conducted the Preacher betwixt them from the Pulpit to the Grammar school door, where they left him safe, as further in the story of Master Bradford is declared. But shortly after they were both rewarded with long imprisonment, and last of all, with fire in Smithfield.  
By reason of this tumult at Paul's Cross, an order was taken by the Lords of the Counsel with the Mayor and Aldermen of London, 
Bradford, and Rogers guarded the preacher.  that they calling the next day following a common counsel of the City, should thereby charge every householder to cause their children, apprentices, and other servants, to keep their own parish Churches upon the holidays, and not to suffer them to attempt any thing to the violating of the common peace. Willing them also to signify the said assembly the Queen's determination uttered unto them by her highness the 12. of August in the Tower. Which was, that albeit her grace's conscience is stayed in matters of religion: yet she graciously meant not to compel or strain other men's conscience otherwise then God shall (as she trusted) put in their hearts a persuasion of the truth that she is in, through the opening of his word unto them, by godly virtuous, & learned preachers, etc.  
Also it was then ordered, that every Alderman in his Ward, should forthwith send for the Curates of every parish within their liberties, and to warn them not only to forbear to preach themselves, but also not to suffer any other to preach, or make any open or solemn reading of scripture in their churches, unless the said preachers were severally licenced by the Queen.  
After this Sermon at Paul's Cross aforenamed, the next day after it followed, that the Queen's Guard was at the cross with their weapons to guard the Preacher. And when men withdrew themselves from the Sermon, order was taken by the Mayor, that the Ancients of all companies should be present, lest the preacher should be discouraged by his small Auditory.   

August. 1553.  
The 5. of August, 
5. of Au● an. 1553.  an. 1553. was one William Rutler committed (by the Counsel) to the marshalsea, for uttering certain words against Master Bourne Preacher, for his Sermon at Paul's Cross on Sunday last before.  
The 16. of August, was Humphrey Palden committed to the Counter for words against the said Bournes sermon at Paul's cross.  
A letter to the Sheriff of Buckingham and Bedford, for the apprehending of one Fisher person of Ammersham a preacher. 
Fisher.   
Another letter to the B. of Norwich, not to suffer any preacher or other to preach or expound the scripture openly without special licence from the Queen.  
The same day was M. Bradford, M. Uernon and M. Beacon preachers committed to the charge of the Lieutenant of the Tower.  
The same day also was M. john Roger's Preacher commanded to keep himself prisoner in his own house at Paul's, without having conference with any other than those of his own household.  
The 22. of August, there was two letters directed to M. Coverdall B. of Exeter, & M. Hooper B. of Gloucester, for their indelayed repair to the Court, and there to attend the Counsels pleasure.  
The same day Fisher person of Ammersham made his appearance before the Counsel, 
Fisher.  according to their letter the 16. of August, and was appointed the next day to bring in a note of his sermon.  
The 24. of August was one john Meluin a Scotte and and Preacher sent to Newgate in London by the Counsel.  
The 26. of August there was a letter sent to the Mayor of Coventry and his brethren, for the apprehension of one Symonds of Worcester preacher, and then Vicar of S. Michael's in Coventry, 
Symons.  and for the sending of him up to the counsel with his examinations and other matters they could charge him with. With a Commission to them to punish all such as had by means of his preaching▪ used any talk against the Queen's proceed.  
The 29. of August, M. Hooper B. of Worcester made his personal appearance before the Counsel, according to their letters the 22. of August.  
The 31. of August, M. Coverdall B. of Exeter, made his appearance before the Counsel, according to their letters the 22. of August.   

September. 1553.  
The 1. of September, M. Hooper and M. Coverdall appeared again before the Counsel, whence M. Hooper was committed to the Fleet, and M. Coverdall commanded to attend the lords pleasure.  
The 2. of September M. Hugh Saunders Vicar of S. Michael's in Coventry, was before the Counsel for a sermon, and was commanded to appear again upon Monday next after.  
The 4. of September a Letter was directed from the Counsel to M. Hugh Latimer for his appearance before them.  
About the 5. day of September the same year, Peter Martyr came to London from Oxford, where for a time he had been commanded to keep his house, & found there the Archbishop of Canterbury, who offered to defend the doctrine of the book of Common prayer, both by the scriptures and Doctors, assisted by Peter Martyr and a few other, as hereafter ye shall hear. But whilst they were in hope to come to Disputations, the Archbishop and other were imprisoned, but Peter Martyr was suffered to return whence he came.  
The same day there was a letter sent to the Mayor of Coventry to set Hugh Symonds at liberty if he would recant his Sermon, or else to stay him, 
Simons.  and to signify so much to the Counsel.  
The 13. of September M. Hugh Latymer appeared before the counsel according to their letter the 4. of September, and was committed to the Tower close prisoner, having his servant Austen to attend him.  
The same day the Archbishop of Caunterbury appearing before the Counsel, was commanded to appear the next day at after noon before them in the Star chamber.  
The 14. of September, the Archbishop of Caunterbury, according to their former days commandment, made his appearance before the Lords in the Star chamber. Where, they charging him with treason, & spreading abroad of seditious bills, to the disquieting of the estate, they committed him from thence to the Tower of London, there to remain till further justice and order at the Queen's pleasure.  
The 15. of September, there was a letter sent to M. Horn Deane of Durham, for his appearance before them, and another was sent to him the 7. of October next after, for his speedy appearance.  
The 16. of September, there was letters sent to the Mayors of Dover and Rye, to suffer all French Protestants to pass out of this Realm, except such, whose names shall be signified to them by the French Ambassador.   

October. 1553.  

October 1. Queen Mary crowned. October. 10. The Parliament beginneth with a Mass. Two Bishops withdrew themselves from the sigh of the Mass. M. Harley Bishop of Her●ford put out of his Bishopric.  The first day of October, Queen Mary was crowned at Westminster, and the x. day of the said month of October then following, began the parliament with a solemn Mass of the holy Ghost, after the popish manner, celebrated with great pomp in the palace of Westminster. To the which Mass among the other Lords, according to the manner, should come the bishops, which yet remained undeposed, which were the Archb. of York, D. Taylor B. of Lincoln, john Harley B. of Herford. Of the bishops, D. Taylor, and M. Harley presenting themselves according to their duty, and taking their place amongst the Lords, after they saw the Mass begin, not abiding the sight thereof, withdrew themselves from the company: for the which cause the Bishop of Lincoln being examined, and protesting his faith, was upon the same commanded to attend: who not long after at Ankerwyke by sickness departed. M. Harley, because he was married, was excluded both from the Parliament, and from his bishopric.  
Mass being done, the Queen accompanied with the Estates of the Realm, was brought into the Parliament house, there according to the manner, to enter and begin the consultation. 
Statutes of Praemunire and other repealed. Altars and Masses erected.  At which consultation or Parliament were repealed all statutes made in the time of king Henry the 8. for Praemunire, & statutes made in K. Edward the sixtes' time for administration of common prayer & the sacraments in the English tongue: & further, the attainder of the duke of Northumberland was by this Parliament confirmed. In this mean while many men were forward in the erecting of altars & masses in churches. And such as would stick to the laws made in K. Edward's time, till other should be established: some of them were marked, & some presently apprehended. 
Sir james Hales Knight.  Among whom sir james Hales, a knight of Kent, and justice of the Common place was one, who notwithstanding he had ventured his life in Queen Mary's cause, in that he would not subscribe to the disheriting of her by the kings will, yet for that he did at a quarter Sessions give charge upon the statutes made in the time of Henry the 8. and Edward the 6. for the supremacy and religion, 
The trouble of judge Hales.  he was imprisoned in the marshalsea, Counter, and Fleet, and so cruelly handled & put in fear by talk, that the Warden of the Fleet used to have in his hearing, 
A subtle policy.  of such torments as were in preparing for heretics (or for what other cause God knoweth) that he sought to rid himself out of this life, by wounding himself with a knife: and afterward was contented to say as they willed him: whereupon he was discharged, but after that he never rested till he had drowned himself in a river, half a mile from his house in Kent. Of whom more is to be seen when you come to his story.  
During the time of this parliament, the Clergy likewise after their wonted manner, 
A convocation begun.  had a Convocation, with a disputation also appointed by the Queen's commandment, at Paul's Church in London the same time, which was about the 18. of October. In the which Convocation, first M. john Harpesfield Bachelor of Divinity, made a sermon ad Clerum, the 16. of October. After the sermon done, it was assigned by the bishops, that they of the clergy house, for avoiding confusion of words should choose them a Prolocutor. To the which room and office by common assent, was named Doc. Weston Deane of Westminster, and presented to the Bishops, with an Oration of M. Pie Deane of Chichester, 
Orations of M. pie and M. Wimsley, of Doct. Wes●on & of B. Boner. in the convocation house.  and also of Master Wymbisley Archdeacon of London. Which D. Weston being chosen and brought unto the bishops, made his gratulatory Oration to the house, with the answer again of B. Boner.  
After these things thus sped in the convocation house, they proceeded next to the Disputation appointed, as is abovesaid, by the Queen's Commandment, about the matter of the sacrament. Which disputation continued six days. Wherein D. Weston was chief on the Pope's part who behaved himself outrageously in taunting and checking. In conclusion, such as disputed on the contrary part were driven some to flee, some to deny, & some to die, though to the most men's judgements that heard the disputation, they had the upper hand, as here may appear by the report of the said disputation, the copy whereof we thought here to annex, as followeth.   

The true report of the disputation had and begun in the Convocation house at London, the 18 of October. Anno. 1553.  
WHere as divers and uncertain rumors be spread abroad of the Disputation had in the Convocation house, 
A disputation of Religion in Paul's Church in London the 18. of October.  to the intent that all men may know the certainty of all things therein done and said, as much as the memory of him that was present▪ thereat can bear away, he hath thought good at request, thoroughly to describe what was said therein on both parties of the matters argued and had in question, and of the entrance thereof.  

¶ Act of the first day.  
FIrst upon Wednesday, being the 18. of October, 
October. 18.  at after noon, M. Weston the Prolocutor certified the house that it was the Queen's pleasure, 
D. Weston Prolocutor against the book of Catechism set forth in king Edward's time.  that the company of the same house being learned men, assembled, should debate of matters of Religion, and constitute laws thereof, which her grace and the Parliament would ratify. And for that (said he) there is a book of late set forth, called the Catechism (which he showed forth) bearing the name of this honourable Synod, & yet put forth without your consents as I have learned, being a book very pestiferous, and full of heresies, and likewise a book of Common prayer very abominable (as it pleased him to term it) I thought it therefore best, first to begin with the articles of the Catechism, concerning the sacrament of the altar, to confirm the natural presence of Christ in the same, and also transubstantiation: Wherefore (said he) it shall be lawful on Friday next ensuing, for all men freely to speak their conscience in these matters, that all doubts may be removed, and they fully satisfied therein.   

¶ Act of the second day.  
The Friday coming, being the 20. of October, when men had thought they should have entered Disputation of the questions proposed, 
October. 20. Two▪ bills exhibited in the Convocation house by the prolocutor.  the Prolocutor exhibited two several bills unto the house: the one for the natural presence of Christ in the sacrament of the altar, the other concerning the Catechism, that it was not of that houses agreement set forth, and that they did not agree thereunto: requiring all them to subscribe to the same, as he himself had done. Whereunto the whole house did immediately assent, except six, which were the Dean of Rochester, 
M Phillips. M. Haddon. M. Philpot. M. Cheyney M. Elmar. and one other refused to subscribe to the bills.  the Dean of Exeter, the Archdeacon of Winchester, the Archdeacon of Hertford, the Archdeacon of Stow, and one other. And while the rest were about to subscribe these two articles. john Philpot stood up and spoke first concerning the Article of the Catechism, that he thought they were deceived in the title of the Catechism, in that it beareth the title of the Synod of London last before this, although many of them which then were present, were never made privy thereof, in setting it forth, 
The book of the Catechism defended by M. john Philpot.  for that this house had granted the authority to make ecclesiastical laws unto certain persons to be appointed by the king's majesty, & what so ever ecclesiastical laws they or the most part of them did set forth, according to a statute in that behalf provided, it might be well said to be done in the Synod of London, although such as be of this house now, had no notice thereof before the promulgation. And in this point he thought the setter forth thereof, nothing to have slandered the house as they by their subscription went about to persuade the world, since they had our synodal authority unto them committed, to make such spiritual laws as they thought convenient and necessary.  
And moreover he said, as concerning the article of the natural presence in the sacrament, that it was against reason and order of learning, and also very prejudicial to the truth, that men should be moved to subscribe before the mat were thoroughly examined and discussed. But when he saw that allegation might take no place, 
Against the article of natural presence.  being as a man astonished at the multitude of so many learned men as there were of purpose gathered together to maintain old traditions more than the truth of God's holy word, he made his request unto the Prolocutor, that where as there were so many ancient learned men present on that side, 
M. Philpots request to the Prolocutor.  as in the realm the like again were not to be found in such number, & that on the other side of them that had not subscribed, were not passed v. or vj. both in age and learning far inferior unto them: therefore, that equality might be had in this disputation, he desired that the Prolocutor would be a mean unto the Lords, that some of those that were learned, & setters forth of the same Catechism might be brought into the house to show their learning that moved them to set forth the same, 
Request to have Doct. Ridley & M. Rogers at the disputation. Answer of the Bishops unto the request.  and that D. Ridley & M. Rogers, with two or three more, might be licensed to be present at this disputation, and to be associate with them.  
This request was thought reasonable, and was proposed unto the Bishops, who made this answer: that it was not in them to call such persons unto our house, since some of them were prisoners. But they said, they would be petitioners in this behalf unto the Counsel, and in case any were absent that aught to be of the house, they willed them to be taken in unto them if they listed. After this they minding to have entered into disputation, there came a Gentleman as messenger from the Lord great master, signifying unto the Prolocutor, that the L. great master, and the Earl of Devonshire would be present at the disputations, and therefore he deferred the same unto monday, at one of the clock at after noon.   

¶ The Act of the third day.  
Upon Monday the xiii. of October, at the time appointed, 
The third Session. October. 23.  in the presence of many Earls, Lords, Knights, gentlemen, and divers other of the Court and of the City also, the Prolocutor made a Protestation, that they of the house had appointed this disputation, not to call the truth into doubt, to the which they had already all subscribed, saving v. or six, but that those gainsayers might be resolved of their arguments in the which they stood, as it shall appear unto you, not doubting but they will also condescend unto us.  

M. Haddon and M Elmar refuse to answer, except their request were granted.  Then he demanded of M. Haddon whether he would reason against the questions proposed, or no. To whom he made answer, that he had certified him before in writing, that he would not, since the request of such learned men as were demanded to be assistant with them, would not be granted. M. Elmar likewise was asked. Who made the Prolocutor the like answer, adding moreover this, that they had done too much prejudice already to the truth, to subscribe before the matter was discussed: and little or nothing it might avail to reason for the truth, since all they were now determined to the contrary. After this he demanded of M. Cheyney, whom the Prolocutor said allowed the presence with them, 
M. Cheyny the Archdeacon of Herford now B. of Gloucester.  but he denied the transubstantiation by the means of certain authorities upon the which he standeth, and desireth to be resolved, as you shall hear, whether he will propose his doubts concerning Transubstantiation or no. Yea, quoth he, I would gladly my doubts to be resolved, which move me not to believe Transubstantiation.  
The first is out of S. Paul to the Cor. who speaking of the Sacrament of the body and blood of Christ, 
M. Cheyny's doubts about transubstantiation.  calleth it oft times bread after the consecration.  
The second is out of Origene, who speaking of this sacrament saith, that the material part thereof goeth down to the excrements.  
The third is out of Theodoretus, who making mention of the sacramental bread and wine after the consecration, saith that they go not out of their former substance, form, and shape. These be some of my doubts among many other, wherein I require to be answered.  
Then the Prolocutor assigned D. Moreman to answer him, 
Moremans' answer to S. Paul.  who to Saint Paul answered him thus: That the Sacrament is called by him bread in deed, but it is thus to be understood, that it is the sacrament of bread, that is, the form of bread.  
Then M. Cheyney inferred and alleged, that Hesychius called the sacrament both bread and flesh.  

M. Cheyny replieth to Moremans' answer.  Yea quoth Moreman, Hesychius calleth it bread, because it was bread, & not because it is so. And passing over Origen, he came to Theodoretus, & said, that men mistook his authority, by interpreting a general into a special, as Peter Martyr hath done in the place of Theodoret, interpreting 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, for substance, 
Moremans' answer to Theodore●tus.  which is a special signification of the word whereas 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, is a general word, as well to accidence, as to substane, and therefore I answer thus unto Theodoret, that the sacramental bread and wine do not go out of their former substance, form, and shape, that is to say, not out of their accidental substance and shape.  
After this M. Cheyney sat him down, & by and by M. Elmar stood up as one that could not abide to hear so fond an answer to so grave an authority, 
M Elmar argueth a●gaynst D. Moremans' answer▪  & reasoned upon the authority of Theodoret alleged before by M. Cheyney▪ & declared that Moremans' answer to Theodoret, was no just nor sufficient answer, but an illusion and a subtle evasion contrary to Theodoret's meaning. For, said he, if 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, should signify an accident in the place alleged, as it is answered by M. Moreman, then were it a word superfluous set in Theodoret there, where do follow two other words which sufficiently do expound the accidences of the bread, that is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which signify in English, shape and form: & so prove out of the same author by divers allegations, 
Moremans' shift is overthrown.  that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in Greek could not be so generally taken in that place as Moreman for a shift would have it. But Moreman, as a man having no other salve for that sore, affirmed still that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which signifieth substance, must needs signify an accidental substance properly. To whose importunity, since he could have no other answer. Elmar as a man wearied with his importunity, gave place.  
After this stood up john Philpot and said, 
Philpots replication to Moremans' shif●▪  that he could prove that by the matter that Theodoret entreateth of in the place above alleged, and by the similitude which he maketh to prove his purpose, by no means M. Moremans' interpretation of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, might be taken for an accidental substance, as he for a shift would interpret it to be. For the matter which Theodoret entreateth of in that place, 
The place of Theod●●ret opene●  is against Eutiches an heretic, which denied two natures of substance to remain in Christ being one person, and that his humanity after the accomplishment of the mystery of our salvation, ascending into heaven, 
The argu●ment of Theodore● a simili.  & being joined unto the Divinity, was absorbed or swallowed up of the same, so that Christ should be no more but of one divine substance only by his opinion. Against which opinion Theodoret writeth, and by the similitude of the sacrament proveth the contrary against the heretic: that like as in the sacrament of the body of Christ after the consecration, there is the substance of Christ's humanity, with the substance of bread, remaining as it was before, not being absorbed of the humanity of Christ, but joined by the divine operation thereunto, even so in the person of Christ being now in heaven, of whom this sacrament is a representation, there be two several substances, that is, his divinity & humanity united in one hypostasy or person, which is Christ, the humanity not being absorbed by the conjunction of the divinity, but remaining in his former substance.  
And this similitude quoth Philpot, brought in of Theodoret to confound Eutiches, should prove nothing at all, if the very substance of the sacramental bread did not remain, as it did before. But if D. Moremans' interpretation might take place for transubstantiation, then should the heretic have thereby a strong argument by Theodoret's authority, so taken to maintain his heresy, 
The plac● of Theod●●ret falsely taken of 〈◊〉 Papists.  and to prove himself a good christian man, and he might well say thus unto Theodoret. Like as thou Theodoret, if thou were of D. Moremans' mind, dost say, that after the consecration in the sacrament, the substance of the bread is absorbed or transubstantiate into the human body of Christ coming thereunto, so that in the sacrament is now but one substance of the humanity alone, and not the substance of bread as it was before: even likewise may I affirm and conclude by thine own similitude, that the humanity ascending up by the power of God into heaven, & adjoined unto the deity, was by the might thereof absorbed & turned into one substance with the deity: so that now there remaineth but one divine substance in Christ, no more then in the sacramental signs of the Lords supper, 
The fals● exposition of D. Mo●●●man vpo● Theodo●●●tus, ouer●throwe●▪  after the consecration doth remain any more than one substance, according to your belief and construction.  
In answering to this D. Moreman stackerd, whose defect Philpot perceiving, spoke on this wise. Well, M. Moreman, if you have no answer at this present ready, I pray you devise one, if you can conveniently, against our next meeting here again. 
Weston 〈◊〉 offende● Philpot● replyca●● aunswer● by commanding him to silence.   
With that his saying the Prolocutor was grievously offended, telling him that he should not brag there, but that he should be fully answered· Then said Philpot, it is the thing that I only desire, to be answered directly in this behalf, & I desire of you, & of all the house at this present▪ that I may be sufficiently answered, which I am sure you are not able to do, saving Theodoretus authority and similitude upright, as he ought to be taken. None other answer than was made to Philpots reasons, but that he was commanded to silence.  
Then stood up the Dean of Rochester offering himself to reason in the first question against the natural presence, 
 wishing that the scripture and the ancient Doctors in this point might be weighed, believed, and followed. And against this natural presence he thought the saying of Christ in Saint Matthew to make sufficiently enough, if men would credit and follow scripture, who said there of himself, that poor men we should have always with us, but him we should not have always: which was spoken, quoth he, concerning the natural presence of Christ's body, therefore we ought to believe as he hath taught, that Christ is not naturally present on earth in the sacrament of the altar.  
To this was answered by the Prolocutor, that we should not have Christ present always to exercise alms deeds upon him, 
 but upon the poor.  
But the Deane prosecuted his argument, and showed it out of S. Austen further, 
 that the same interpretation of the scripture alleged, was no sufficient answer, who writeth in the 50. treatise of S. john on this wise, on the same sentence: When as he said (saith S. Austen) me shall ye not have always with you, he spoke of the presence of his body. For by his majesty, 
August. in 〈◊〉 tract. ●●.  by his providence, by his unspeakable & unvisible grace, that is fulfilled which is said of him. Behold I am with you until the consummation of the world. But in the flesh which the word took upon him, in that which was borne of the virgin, 
A notable authority 〈◊〉 of Saint Augusty●●.  in that which was apprehended of the jews, which was crucified on the Cross, which was let down from the cross, which was wrapped in clouts, which was hid in the Sepulchre, which was manifested in the resurrection, you shall not have me always with you. And why? for after a bodily presence he was conversant with his disciples forty days, and they accompanying him, seeing and not following him, he ascended & is not here, for there he sitteth at the right hand of the father, and yet here he is, because he is not departed in the presence of his majesty. After another manner we have Christ always by presence of his majesty, but after the presence of his flesh it is rightly said: You shall not verily have me always with you. For the Church had him in the presence of his flesh a few days, and now by faith it apprehendeth him and seethe him, not with eyes.  

watson's answer to Saint Augustine. August in 〈◊〉 tract. ●70.  To this authority D. Watson took upon him to answer, and said, he would answer S. Austen by S. Austen, and having a certain book in his hand of notes, he alleged out of the 70. treatise upon S. john, that after that mortal condition and manner we have not now Christ on the earth as he was heretofore before his passion.  
Against whose answer, john Philpot replied and said, 
Philpot against Watson.  that M. Watson had not fully answered S. Augustine by S. Augustine, as he would seem to have done, for that in the place above mentioned by M. Deane of Rochester, he doth not only teach the mortal state of Christ's body before his passion, but also the immortal condition of the same after his resurrection: in the which mortal body S. Augustine seemeth plainly to affirm, that Christ is not present upon the earth, neither in form visibly, neither in corporal substance invisibly, as in few lines after the place above alleged. S. Augustine doth more plainly declare by these words, saying: Now these two manners of Christ's presence declared, which is by his majesty, providence, & grace now present in the world, which before his ascension was present in flesh, and being now placed at the right hand of the father, is absent in the same from the world, I think (saith Saint Augustine) that there remaineth no other question in this m●t●er.  
Now quoth Philpot, if S. Augustine acknowledged no more presence of Christ to be now on earth, but only his divine presence, and touching his humanity to be in heaven, we ought to confess and believe the same. But if we put a third presence of Christ, that is, corporally to be present always in the sacrament of the altar invisibly, according to your suppositions, whereof S. Augustine maketh no mention at all in all his works: you shall seem to judge that which S. Augustine did never comprehend.  

 Why, quoth Watson, S. Augustine in the place by me alleged, maketh he not mention how S. Steven being in this world, saw Christ after his ascension?  
It is true, said Philpot, but he saw Christ, as the scripture telleth, 
 in the heavens being open, standing at the right hand of God the father. Further to this Watson answered not.  
Then the Prolocutor went about to furnish up an answer to S. Augustine, saying, that he is not now in the world after that manner of bodily presence, 
●. Weston.  but yet present for all that in his body.  
To whom Philpot answered, that the Prolocutor did grate much upon this word Secundum, in S. Augustine, 
Philpot replieth to Weston.  which signifieth after the manner, or in form: but he doth not answer to id quod, which is that thing or substance of Christ, in the which Christ suffered, arose, and ascended into heaven, in the which thing and substance he is in heaven, and not on earth, as S. Augustine in the place specified most clearly doth define.  
To this nothing else being answered, the Dean of Rochester proceeded in the maintenance of his argument, 
The Dean of Rochester.  and read out of a book of Annotations, sundry authorities for the confirmation thereof. To the which Moreman, who was appointed to answer him, made no direct answer, but bade him make an argument, 
Moreman.  saying that master Deane had recited many words of Doctors, but he made not one argument.  
Then said the Dean, the authorities of the doctors by me rehearsed, be sufficient arguments to prove mine intent, to the which my desire is to be answered of you. But still Moreman cried, make an argument to shift of the authority, which he could not answer unto. After this the Deane made this argument out of the institution of the sacrament: Do this in remembrance of me: and thus ye shall show forth the lords death until he come.  
The sacrament is the remembrance of Christ: Ergo, 
Argument.  the sacrament is not very Christ: for yet he is not come. For these words, Until he come, do plainly signify the absence of Christ's body. Then the Prolocutor went about to show that these words Until he come, 

Weston answereth to the Argument.  
Donec in Scripture.  
M. Deans questions.   did not import any absence of Christ on the earth, by other places of scripture, where, Donec, until, was used in like sense: but directly to the purpose he answered nothing.  
In conclusion, the Deane fell to questioning with Moreman, whether Christ did eat the Paschal lamb with his disciples, or no? He answered, Yea. Further, he demanded whether he eat likewise the Sacrament with them, as he did institute it? Moreman answered, Yea. 
Moreman affirmeth that Christ did eat his own body.  Then he asked what he did eat, and whether he eat his own natural body, as they imagine it to be, or no? Which when Moreman had affirmed, then said the Dean, it is a great absurdity by you granted, and so he sat down.  
Against this absurdity, Philpot stood up and argued, 
Philpot.  saying, he could prove it by good reason deduced out of scripture, that Christ eat not his own natural body at the institution of the sacrament, and the reason is this.  
Basilius- Receiving of Christ's body hath a promise of remission of sins with it annexed. 
Argument.   
ro- Christ eating the sacrament, had no promise of remission of sin.  
co. Ergo, Christ in the Sacrament did not eat his own body.  
To this reason Moreman answered, 
Moreman denieth the Sacramen to have a promise of remission of sins annexed unto it. Philpot.  denying the former part of the argument, that the sacrament had a promise of remission of sins annexed unto it.  
Then Philpot showed this to be the promise in the sacrament: Which is given for you, which is shed for you for the remission of sins. But Moreman would not acknowledge that to be any promise, so that he drove Philpot to the 6. of S. john, to vouch this saying with these words: The bread which I will give, is my flesh, which I will give for the life of the world.  
Moreman answering nothing directly to this argument, 
Harpesfield affirmeth that which his fellow denied.  Harpsfield start up to supply that which wanted in his behalf, and thinking to have answered Philpot, confirmed more strongly his argument, saying: Ye mistake the promise which is annexed to the body of Christ in the Sacrament: for it pertained not to Christ, but to his Disciples, to whom Christ said: This is my body which is given for you, and not for Christ himself.  
You have said well for me, quoth Philpot, 
Philpot.  for that is mine argument. The promise of the body of Christ, took no effect in Christ: Ergo, Christ eat not his own body.  
Then the prolocutor to shoulder out the matter, said: the argument was nought. 
Weston also is contrary to Moreman.  For by the like argument he might go about to prove that Christ was not baptized, because the remission of sin which is annexed unto Baptism, took no effect in Christ. To the which Philpot replied, that like as Christ was baptized, 
M. Philpots argument not soluted.  so he eat the sacrament: but he took on him Baptism, not that he had any need thereof, or that it took any effect in him, but as our master, to give the church an example to follow him in the ministration of the sacrament, and thereby to exhibit unto us himself, and not to give himself to himself.  
No more was said in this. But afterward the Prolocutor demanded of Philpot, whether he would argue against the natural presence, or no? To whom he answered, Yea, if he would hear his Argument without interruption, and assign one to answer him, and not many, which is a confusion to the Opponent, & specially for him that was of an ill memory. By this time the night was come on, wherefore the Prolocutor broke up the disputation for that time, and appointed Philpot to be the first that should begin the disputation the next day after, 
The convocation continued to the next day.  concerning the presence of Christ in the sacrament.   

¶ The Act of the fourth day.  

M. Philpot not suffered by the Prolocutor to make his declaration.  ON the Wednesday the xxv. of Octob. joh. Philpot, as it was before appointed, was ready to have entered the disputation, minding first to have made a certain Oration, and a true declaration in Latin of the matter of Christ's presence, which was then in question. Which thing the Prolocutor perceiving, by and by he forbade Philpot to make any Oration or declaration of any matter, commanding him also, that he should make no argument in Latin but to conclude on his arguments in English.  

D. Weston contrary to his own words.  Then said Philpot, this is contrary to your order taken at the beginning of this disputation. For than you appointed that all the arguments should be made in Latin, and thereupon I have drawn and devised all mine arguments in Latin. And because you M. Prolocutor have said heretofore openly in this house, that I had no learning, I had thought to have showed such learning as I have, in a brief Oration and short declaration of the questions now in controversy, thinking it so most convenient also, that in case I should speak otherwise in my declaration then should stand with learning, or then I were able to warrant and justify by god's word, it might the better be reformed by such as were learned of the house, so that the unlearned sort being present, might take the less offence thereat. But this allegation prevailed nothing with the Prolocutor, who bade him still form an argument in English, or else to hold his peace.  
Then said Philpot, You have sore disappointed me, thus suddenly to go from your former order: but I will accomplish your commandment, leaving mine oration apart: and I will come to my arguments, the which as well as so sudden a warning will serve, I will make in English. 

The presence of Christ in the Sacrament distincted.  
The true presence of Christ in the Sacrament not denied.   But before I bring forth any argument, I will in one word declare what manner of presence I disallow in the sacrament, to the intent the hearers may the better understand to what end & effect mine arguments shall tend: not to deny utterly the presence of Christ in his Sacrament truly ministered according to his institution, but only to deny that gross & carnal presence which you of this house have already subscribed unto, to be in the sacrament of the altar contrary to the true & manifest meaning of the scriptures: 
The gross presence of the Papists denied.  that by Transubstantiation of the sacramental bread and wine, Christ's natural body should by the virtue of the words pronounced by the Priest, be contained and included under the forms or accidences of bread & wine. This kind of presence imagined by men, I do deny, quoth Philpot, and against this I will reason. But before he could make an end of that he would have said, he was interrupted of the Prolocutor, and commanded to descend to his argument. At whose unjust importunity Philpot being offended, and thinking to purchase him a remedy therefore, 
Philpot craveth of the lords 〈◊〉 prosecute his arguments without interruption. Philpot again interrupted by the Prolocutor.  he fell down upon his knees before the Earls and Lords which were there present, being a great number: whereof some were of the Queen's counsel, beseeching them that he might have liberty to prosecute his arguments without interruption of any man: the which was gently granted him of the Lords. But the Prolocutor putting in ure a point of the practice of Prelates, would not condescend thereunto, but still cried: hold your peace, or else make a short argument. I am about it, quoth Philpot, if you would let me alone. But first I must needs ask a question of my Respondent (who was D. Chedsey) concerning a word or twain of your supposition, that is, of the sacrament of the altar, what he meaneth thereby, and whether he take it as some of the ancient writers do, 
Altar diversly taken.  terming the lords Supper the Sacrament of the altar partly because it is a Sacrament of that lively sacrifice which Christ offered for our sins upon the altar of the Cross, and partly because that Christ's body crucified for us, was that bloody sacrifice which the bloodshedding of all the beasts offered upon the altar in the old law, did prefigurate and signify unto us: in signification whereof the old writers sometime do call the Sacrament of the body and blood of Christ, among other names which they ascribe there unto the sacrament of the altar, or whether you take it otherwise, as for the sacrament of the aultare, which is made of lime and stone, over the which the sacrament hangeth, and to be all one with the sacrament of the Mass, as it is at this present in many places. This done, I will direct mine arguments according as your answer shall give me occasion.  
Then made D. Chedsey this answer, 
Chadsey.  that in their supposition they took the sacrament of the altar, and the sacrament of the Mass to be all one.  
Then quoth Philpot, I will speak plain English, as M. Prolocutor willeth me, and make a short resolution thereof: that the sacrament of the altar which ye reckon to be all one with the mass, once justly abolished, & now put in full use again, is no sacrament at all, neither is Christ in any wise present in it: and this his saying he offered to prove before the whole house, if they listed to call him thereunto: and likewise offered to vouch the same before the Queen's grace, & her most honourable Counsel, before the face of vj. of the best learned men of the house of the contrary opinion, and refused none. And if I shall not be able (quoth he) to maintain by God's word that I have said, & confound those vj. which shall take upon them to withstand me in this point, let me be burned with as many faggots as be in London, before the court gates. This he uttered with great vehemency of spirit.  
At this the Prolocutor with divers other, were very much offended, demanding of him whether he witted what he said, or no? Yea, quoth Philpot, I wot well what I say, desiring no man to be offended with his saying, for that he spoke no more than by god's word he was able to prove. 
Philpots offer in the Convocation house.  And praised be God, quoth he, that the Queen's grace, hath granted us of this house (as our Prolocutor hath informed us) that we may freely utter our consciences in these matters of controversy in Religion: and therefore I will speak here my conscience freely grounded upon gods holy word for the truth, albeit some of you here present mislike the same.  
Then divers of the house beside the Prolocutor, taunted & reprehended him for speaking so unfaringly against the Sacrament of the Mass: 
The Prolocutor thre●neth Phil●pot.  and the Prolocutor said he was mad, & threatened him that he would send him to prison, if he would not cease his speaking.  
Philpot seeing himself thus abused, 
Argument a loco tropico carceris.  & not permitted with free liberty to declare his mind, fell into an exclamation, casting his eyes up towards the heaven, and said, O Lord what a world is this, that the truth of thy holy word may not be spoken & abidden by? and for very sorrow and heaviness, the tears trickled out of his eyes.  
After this, the Prolocutor being moved by some that were about him, 
Philpot permitted to make ● brief arg●●ment.  was content that he should make an argument, so that he would be brief therein. I will be as brief, quoth Philpot, as I may conveniently be in uttering all that I have to say. And first I will begin to ground mine arguments upon the authority of scriptures, whereupon all the building of our faith ought to be grounded: & after I shall confirm the same by ancient doctors of the church. And I take the occasion of my first argument out of the 28. of Matthew, 
Math. 28▪ Luck. 13.  of the saying of the angel to the th●e Mary's seeking Christ at the sepulchre, saying: He is risen, he is not here: and in S. Luke in the 23. chap. the angel asketh them, why they sought him that liveth among the dead. 
Argument of M. Philpot.  Likewise the scripture testifieth that Christ is risen, ascended into heaven, and sitteth on the right hand of the father: all the which is spoken of his natural body: Ergo, it is not on earth included in the sacrament.  
I will confirm this yet more effectually by the saying of Christ, in the 16. of S. john: 
john. 16.  I came (saith Christ) from my father into the world, and now I leave the world, and go away to my father. The which coming and going he meant of his natural body. Therefore we may affirm thereby, that it is not now in the world.  
But I look here (quoth he) to be answered with a blind distinction of visibly and invisibly, 
The 〈◊〉 distinction of the P●●pistes. Visibly. Invisibly  that he is visibly departed in his humanity, but invisibly he remaineth, not withstanding in the sacrament. But that answer I prevent myself, that with more expedition I may descend to the pith of mine arguments, whereof I have a dozen to propose, & will prove that no such distinction ought to take away the force of that argument, by the answer which Christ's disciples gave unto him, speaking these words: Now thou speakest plainly, and uttrest forth no Proverb. 
Cyrill●●  Which words S. cyril interpreting, saith: That Christ spoke without any manner of ambiguity, or obscure speech. And therefore I conclude hereby thus, that if Christ spoke plainly & without parable, saying: I leave the world now, and go away to my father, than that obscure, dark, & inperceptible presence of Christ's natural body to remain in the sacrament upon earth invisibly, contrary to the plain words of Christ, ought not to be allowed. For nothing can be more uncertain, or more parabolical & unsensible, then so to say. Here now will I attend what you will answer, & so descend to the confirmation of all that I have said, by ancient writers.  
Then D. Chedsey reciting his argument in such order as it was made, 
Anno 1554.  took upon him to answer severally to every part therefore on this wise. First to the saying of the Angel, 
 That Christ is not here: And why seek ye the living among the dead? He answered, that these sayings pertained nothing to the presence of Christ's natural body in the sacrament, but that they were spoken of Christ's body being in the Sepulchree when the three Maries thought him to have been in the grave still. And therefore the Angel said: Why do ye seek him that liveth, among the dead? And to the authority of the 16. of john where Christ saith: Now I leave the world, and go to my Father. He meant that of his Ascension. And so likewise did Cyril, interpreating the saying of the disciples that knew plainly that Christ would visibly ascend into heaven, but that doth not exclude the invisible presence of his natural body in the Sacrament. For S. chrysostom writing to the people of Antioch, doth affirm the same, comparing Helias and Christ together, and Helias cloak unto Christ's flesh. 
Chrisost. ●d populum Antioch.  Helias (quoth he) when he was taken up in the fiery chariot, left his cloak behind him unto his disciple Helisaeus. But Christ ascending into heaven, took his flesh with him, and left also his flesh behind him. Whereby we may right well gather, that Christ's flesh is visibly ascended into heaven, and invisibly abideth still in the Sacrament of the altar.  
To this Philpot replied, and said, you have not directly answered to the saying of the angel: Christ is risen, and is not here, because you have omitted that which was the chiefest point of all. 
 For (said he) I proceeded further, as thus: He is risen, ascended, and sitteth at the right hand of God the father: Ergo, he is not remaining on the earth. Neither is your answer to Cyril, by me alleged, sufficient. But by and by I will return to your interpretation of cyril, and more plainly declare the same, after that I have first refelled the authority of chrysostom, which is one of your chief Principles that you alleged to make for your gross carnal presence in the sacrament. Which being well weighed and understanded, pertaineth nothing thereunto.  
At that the Prolocutor startled, that one of the chief pillars in this point should be overthrown, & therefore recited the said authority in Latin first, & afterward Englished the same, willing all that were present, to note that saying of chrysostom, which he thought invincible on their side. But I shall make it appear, quoth Philpot, by and by to make little for your purpose. And as he was about to declare his mind in that behalf, the Prolocutor did interrupt him as he did, almost continually. Wherewith Philpot not being content, 
Philpot alaine interrupted by the Prolocutor.  said: Master Prolocutor thinketh that he is in a Sophistry school, where he knoweth right well the manner is, that when the Respondent perceiveth that he is like to be enforced with an argument to the which he is not able to answer, than he doth what he can with cavillation & interruption to drive him from the same. This saying of Philpot was ill taken of the Prolocutor and his adherents: and the Prolocutor said, that Philpot could bring nothing to avoid that authority, but his own vain imagination. Hear quoth Philpot, and afterward judge. For I will do in this as all other authorities wherewith you shall charge me in refelling any of my arguments that I have to prosecute, answering either unto the same by sufficient authorities of scripture, or else by some other testimony of like authority to yours, & not of mine own imagination: the which if I do, I will it to be of no credit. And concerning the saying of Chrysostom, I have 2. ways to beat him from your purpose, the one out of Scripture, the other of chrysostom himself, in the place here by you alleged.  
First, where he seemeth to say, that Christ ascending, took his flesh with him, 
The Place ●f Chri●ostome of Christ ta●ing up his ●●esh and leaving his 〈◊〉, answered to by Philpot. How christ left his flesh ●●●inde him. Ephes. 5.  and lest also his flesh behind him, truth it is: for we all do confess and believe that Christ took on him our human nature in the virgin mary's womb, and through his passion in the same, hath united us to his flesh, and thereby are we become one flesh with him, so that chrysostom might therefore right well say, that Christ ascending took his flesh which he received of the virgin Mary, away with him: and also left his flesh behind him, which are we that be his elect in this world, which are the members of Christ, and flesh of his flesh: as very aptly S. Paul to the Ephes. in the 5. chap. doth testify, saying: We are flesh of his flesh, and bones of his bones. And if percase any man will reply, that he entreateth there of the Sacrament, so that this interpretation can not so aptly be applied unto him in that place, 
chrysostom expounded by chrysostom.  then will I yet interpret chrysostom an other way by himself. For in that place a few lines before those words, which were here no rather read, are these words: that Christ after he Ascended into heaven, lea●t unto us endued with his Sacraments, his flesh in mysteries, that is, Sacramentally. And that mystical flesh Christ leaveth as well to his Church in the Sacrament of Baptism, as in the sacramental bread and wine. And that S. Paul justly doth witness, saying: As many of us as are baptized in Christ, have put upon us Christ. 
Gal. 3.  And thus you may understand that S. chrysostom maketh nothing for your carnal and gross presence in the Sacrament, as you wrongfully take him.  
Now in this mean while M. pie rounded the Prolocutor in the ear to put Philpot to silence and to appoint some other, mistrusting lest he would shrodely shake their carnal presence in conclusion, if he held on long, seeing in the beginning he gave one of their chief foundations such a pluck. Then the Prolocutor said to Philpot, 
Weston.  that he had reasoned sufficiently enough, & that some other should now supply his room. Wherewith he was not well content, saying: Why sir, I have a dozen Arguments concerning this matter to be proposed, and I have not yet scarce overgone my first Argument: for I have not brought in any confirmation thereof out of any ancient writer (whereof I have for the same purpose many) being hitherto still letted by your oft interrupting of me.  
Well, quoth the Prolocutor, you shall speak no more now, and I command you to hold your peace. You perceive, quoth Philpot, that I have stuff enough for you, and am able to withstand your false supposition, and therefore you command me to silence. If you will not give place, quoth the Prolocutor, I will send you to prison. This is not, 
A good solution for all his arguments.  quoth Philpot, according to your promise made in this house, nor yet according to your brag made at Paul's cross, that men should be answered in this disputation, to whatsoever they can say, since you will not suffer me of a dozen arguments to prosecute one.  
Then M. Pie took upon him to promise that he should be answered an other day. Philpot seeing he might not proceed in his purpose, being therewith justly offended, ended, saying thus: A sort of you here, which hitherto have lurked in corners, and dissembled with God & the world, are now gathered together to suppress the sincere truth of God's holy word, and to set forth every false devise, which by the Catholic doctrine of the Scripture, ye are not able to maintain.  
Then stepped forth M. Elmar Chaplain to the Duke of Suffolk: 
M. Elmar again steppeth forth.  whom M. Moreman took upon him to answer. Against whom M. Elmar objected divers and sundry authorities for the confirming of the argument he took the day before in hand to prove, that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the sentence of Theodoret brought in by M. Cheiney, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  must needs signify substance, and not accidence. Whose reasons and approbations, because they were all grounded and brought out of the Greek I do pass over, for that they want their grace in English, and also their proper understanding. 
Moreman desireth a day to imagine some crafty shift.  But his allegations so encumbered M. Moreman, that he desired a day to overuiew them, for at that instant he was without a convenient answer.  
Then did the Prolocutor call M. Haddon dean of Exeter, & Chaplain to the Duke of Suffolk, 
Watson confounded by M. Haddon.  who prosecuted Theodoretes authority in confirming M. Elmars argument. To whom D. Watson took upon him to give answer, who after long talk was so confounded, that he was not able to answer to the word Mysterium. But for as much as he seemed to doubt therein, M. Haddon took out of his bosom a Latin author to confirm his saying, & showed the same to M. Watson, ask him whether he thought that translation to be true, or that the Printer were in any fault. 
M. Watson for a bare shift putteth the fault in the Printer.  There may be a fault in the Printer, quoth Watson, for I am not remembered of this word. Then did M. Haddon take out of his bosom a Greek book, wherein he showed forth with his finger the same words, which M. Watson could not deny. His arguments further I omit to declare at large, because they were for the most part in Greek, about the bolting out of the true signification of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
Then stepped forth M. Perne, 
M. Pearne against transubstantiation.  & in argument made declaration of his mind against transubstantiation, & confirmed the sayings and authorities alleged by M. Elmar & M. Haddon. To whom the Prolocutor answered, saying: I much marvel, M. Perne, that you will say thus, for somuch as on friday last you subscribed to the contrary. Which his saying master Elmar did mislike, saying to the Prolocutor that he was to blame so to reprehend any man, 
D. Weston praiseth their learning to flatter them, but he answereth not their arguments.  partly for that this house (quoth he) is an house of free liberty for every man to speak his conscience, and partly for that you promised yester day, that notwithstanding any man had subscribed, yet he should have free liberty to speak his mind. And for that the night did approach, and the time was spent, the Prolocutor giving them praises for their learning, did yet notwithstanding conclude, that all reasoning set apart, the order of the holy church must be received, & all things must be ordered thereby.   

The act of the fift day.  
ON Friday the 27. of Octob. D. Weston the Prolocutor did first propound the matter, showing that the Convocation had spent 2. days in disputation already about one only doctor, 
October 27.  which was Theodoret, & about one only word, which was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Yet were they come the 3. day to answer all things that could be objected, so that they would shortly put out their arguments. So M. Haddon Deane of Exeter, desired leave to appose M. Watson, which with 2. other more, that is, Morgan & Harpsfield, was appointed to answer. 
M. Haddon Deane of Exeter disputeth against M. Watson, Morgan and Harpsfield.  M. Haddon demanded this of him, whether any substance of bread or wine did remain after the consecration. Then Master Watson asked of him again, whether he thought there to be a real presence of Christ's body or no? M. Haddon said, it was not meet nor orderlike, that he which was appointed to be respondent, should be opponent, & he whose duty was to object, should answer. Yet M. Watson along while would not agree to answer, but that thing first being granted him. At last an order was set, and M. Haddon had leave to go forward with his argument.  
Then he proved by Theodoret's words, a substance of bread and wine to remain. For these are his words: The same they were before the sanctification, 
The words of Theodoretus alleged.  which they are after. M. Watson said, that Theodoret meant not the same substance, but the same essence. Whereupon they were driven again unto the discussing of the Greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and M. Haddon proved it to mean a substance, 
A popish distinction between substance and essence.  both by the Etymology of the word, and by the words of the Doctor. For 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (quoth he) cometh of the Participle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which descendeth of the verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and so cometh the Noun 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which signifieth substance.  
Then M. Watson answered that it had not that signification only. But M. Haddon proved that it must needs so signify in that place. Then he asked Watson when the bread & wine became Symbols? Whereunto he answered: after the consecration and not before. Then gathered M. Haddon this reason out of his author.  
Da- The same thing, saith Theodoret, that the bread and wine were before they were Symbols, the same they remain still in nature and substance, 
Argument of M. Haddon.  after they are Symbols.  
ti- Bread and wine they were before:  
si. Therefore bread and wine they are after.  
Then M. Watson fell to the denial of the author, and said he was a Nestorian: 
Watson is driven to a shameful shift, to deny the author when he cannot answer.  and he desired that he might answer to master Cheiney, which stood by, for that he was more meet to dispute in the matter, because he had granted and subscribed unto the real presence. M. Cheyney desired patience of the honourable men to hear him, trusting that he should so open the matter, that the verity should appear: protesting furthermore, 
M. Cheyney.  that he was no obstinate nor stubborn man, but would be conformable to all reason: and if they by their learning, which he acknowledged to be much more than his, could answer his reasons, than he would be ruled by them, and say as they said: for he would be no author of schism, nor hold any thing contrary to the holy mother the church, which is Christ's spouse. D. Weston liked this well, and commended him highly, saying that he was a well learned and a sober man, & well exercised in all good learning, and in the Doctors, and finally a man meet for his knowledge to dispute in that place: I pray you hear him, quoth he. Then Master Cheiney desired such as there were present to pray 2. words with him unto God, and to say, Vincat veritas, Let the verity take place, and have the victory: 
M. Cheyny's prayer.  and all that were present cried with a loud voice, Vincat veritas, vincat veritas.  
Then said D. Weston to him, that it was hypocritical. Men may better say (quoth he) Vincit veritas, Truth hath gotten the victory. 
Weston.  Master Cheyny said again, if he would give him leave, he would bring it to that point that he might well say so.  
Then he began with M. Watson after this sort: you said, 
M. Cheny and Watson disputeth.  that M. Haddon was unmeet to dispute, because he granteth not the natural and real presence: but I say you are much more unmeet to answer, because you take away the substance of the sacrament.  
M. Watson said, he had subscribed to the real presence, & should not go away from that. 
M. Haddon challenged for subscribing to the real presence.  So said Weston also, & the rest of the Priests, in so much that for a great while he could have no leave to say any more, till the Lords spoke, and willed that he should be heard.  
Then he told them what he meant by his subscribing to the real presence, far otherwise then they supposed. So then he went forward, and prosecuted M. Haddons argument in proving that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was a substance, using the same reason that M. Haddon did before him: and when he had received the same answer also that was made to M. Haddon, he said it was but a le●d refuge, when they could not answer, to deny the author, & proved the author to be a catholic doctor: and that being proved, he confirmed that was said of the nature and substance, further. The similitude of Theodorete is this, quoth he: As the token of Christ's body and blood after the invocation of the Priest, do change their names, & yet continue the same substance, so the body of Christ after his ascension changed his name, & was called immortal, yet had it his former fashion, figure, & circumscription, and to speak at one word, the same substance of his body. Therefore said M. Cheiney, 
The argu●ment of Theodore renewed by M. Chey●▪  if in the former part of the similitude you deny the same substance to continue, then in the later part of the similitude which agreeth with it, I will deny the body of Christ after his ascension to have the former nature & substance. But that were a great heresy: therefore it is also a great heresy to take away the substance of bread and wine after the sanctification.  
Then was M. Watson enforced to say, that the substance of the body in the former part of the similitude brought in by him, did signify quantity & other accidents of the sacramental tokens which be s●ene, and not the very substance of the same: and therefore Theodoret saith, Quae videntur. etc. that is, Those things which be seen. For according to Philosophy, the accidents of things be seen, and not the substances.  
Then M. Cheiney appealed to the honourable men, and desired that they should give no credit to them in so saying: for if they should so think as they would teach, 
M. Chey●● appealed 〈◊〉 the Lord●  after their Lordships had ridden 40. miles on horseback (as their business doth sometime require) they should not be able to say at night, that they saw their horses all the day, but only the colour of their horses: and by his reason Christ must go to school & learn of Aristotle to speak. For when he saw nathanael under the fig tree, if Aristotle had stand by, he would have said no Christ, thou sawest not him, but the colour of him. After this Watson said, what if it were granted that Theodoret was on the other side? whereas they had one of that opinion, there were an hundred on the other side.  
Then the Prolocutor called for M. Morgan to help: and said, 
Morgan is called for 〈◊〉 help at 〈◊〉 pinch.  that Theodoret did not more than he might lawfully do. For first he granted the truth, and then for fear of such as were not fully instructed in the faith, he spoke, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, covertly, and in a mystery: and this was lawful for him to do, for first he granted the truth, and called them the body of Christ, & blood of Christ. Then afterward he seemed to give somewhat to the senses, and to reason, but that Theodorete is of the same mind that they were of, the words following, quoth he, do declare. For that which followeth is a cause of that which went before, and therefore he saith: The immortality. etc. 
Morgan is taken with false alleging of th● text.  Whereby it doth appear, that he meant the divine nature, & not the human. Then was Morgan taken with misalleging of the text. For the book had not this word (for). For the Greek word did rather signify (truly) & not (for) so that it might manifestly appear that it was the beginning of a new matter, & not a sentence rendering a cause of that he had said before.  
Then was it said by Watson again: suppose that Theodoret be with you, which is one that we never heard 〈◊〉 printed, but two or three years ago: Yet he is but one, and what is one against the whole consent of the church? After this M. Cheyney inferred, that not only Theodorete was of that mind, that the substance of bread and wine do remain, but divers other also, & specially Irenaeus, who making mention of this sacrament, saith thus: when the cup which is mingled with wine, and the bread that is broken, 
Irenaeus. Lib. 5. contra Valen●●um.  do receive the word of God, it is made the eucharist of the body and blood of Christ, by the which the substance of our flesh is nourished, and doth consist. If the thanks giving do nourish our body, than there is some substance besides Christ's body.  
To the which reason both Watson and Morgan answered, that Ex quibus, By the which, 
Watson▪  in the sentence of Irenaeus, was referred to the next antecedent, that is, to the body and blood of Christ, and not to the wine which is in the cup, and the bread that is broken.  
Master Cheiney replied, 
M. Cheyn●●  that it was not the body of Christ which nourished our bodies. And let it be that Christ's flesh nourisheth to immortality, yet it doth not answer that argument, although it be true, no more than that answer which was made to my allegation out of S. Paul: The bread which we break, etc. with certain other like: whereunto you answered, that bread was not taken there in his proper signification, but for that it had been: no more than the rod of Aaron which was taken for the serpent, because it had been a serpent. After this M. Cheyney brought in Hesechius, 
Anno 1553.  and used the same reason that he did of the custom of burning of Symbols, and he asked them what was burnt. Master Watson said, we must not inquire nor ask, but if there were any fault, impute it to Christ. Then said M. Cheiney, whereof came those ashes? not of a substance? or can any substance arise of accidents?  
Then was M. Harpsfield called in to see what he could say in the matter. 
Harpesfield calle● 〈◊〉 to help watson.  Who told a fair tale of the omnipotency of God, and of the imbecility and weakness of man's reasons not able to attain to godly things. And he said, that it was convenient whatsoever we saw, felt, or tasted, not to trust our senses. And he told a tale out of S. Cyprian, how a woman saw the Sacrament burning in her coffer, 
Here is goodly 〈◊〉, as if 〈◊〉 were out of the Legends of ●yes.  and that which burned there, quoth Harpsfielde, burneth here, and becometh ashes. But what that was that burned he could not tell. But M. Cheiney continued still, and forced them with this question, what it was that was burnt? It was either (said he) the substance of bread, or else the substance of the body of Christ, which were too much absurdity to grant. At length they answered, that it was a miracle, whereat M. Cheiney smiled, and said that he could then say no more.  
Then D. Weston asked of the company there, whether those men were sufficiently answered or no: 
West●● would know whether they were sufficiently answered, when he and his had answered no argument.  Certain Priests cried Yea, but they were not heard at all: for the great multitude which cried No, no. Which cry was heard and noised almost to the end of Paul's. Whereat D. Weston being much moved, answered bitterly, that he asked not the judgement of the rude multitude & unlearned people, but of them which were of the house. Then asked he of M. Haddon and his fellows, whether they would answer them other three days. Haddon, Cheiney, and Elmar, said No. But the Archdeacon of Winchester stood up and said, that they should not say but they should be answered, and though all other did refuse to answer, yet he would not, 
M. Philpot.  but offered to answer them all one after another: 
Mark Weston● impudency.  with whose proffer the Prolocutor was not contented, but raised on him, and said that he should go to Bedlam: to whom the Archdeacon soberly made this answer: that he was more worthy to be sent thither, who used himself so ragingly in that disputation, without any indifferent equality. Then rose D. Weston up, and said:  
All the company hath subscribed to our Article, saving only these men which you see. 
A strong argument of Weston. Where he is not able to answer he would out face.  What their reasons are, you have heard. We have answered them 3. days, upon promise (as it pleased him to descant, without truth, for no such promise was made) that they should answer us again as long, as the order of disputation doth require, and if they be able to defend their doctrine, let them so do.  
Then M. Elmar stood up & proved how vain a man Weston was, 
M. Elmers' reason why they would not answer.  for he affirmed that they never promised to dispute, but only to open & testify to the world their consciences: For when they were required to subscribe, they refused, and said that they would show good reasons which moved them that they could not with their consciences subscribe, as they had partly already done, and were able to do more sufficiently: therefore (quoth he) it hath been ill called a disputation, & they were worthy to be blamed that were the authors of that name. For we meant not to dispute, nor now mean not to answer, before our arguments (quoth he) which we have to propound, be soluted, according as it was appointed: For by answering we should but encumber ourselves, and profit nothing, since the matter is already decreed upon and determined, what soever we shall prove, or dispute to the contrary.   

The act of the sixth day.  

The 6. Act or Session.  ON monday following, being the 30. of October, the Prolocutor demanded of john Philpot Archdeacon of Winchester, whether he would answer in the questions before propounded to their objections, or no? To whom he made this answer, that he would willingly so do, if, according to their former determination, they would first answer sufficiently to some of his arguments, as they had promised to do: whereof he had a dozen, not half of the first being yet decided: And if they would answer fully, and sufficiently but to one of his Arguments, he promised that he would answer all the objections that they should bring.  
Then the Prolocutor bade him propound his Argument, and it should be resolutely answered by one of them: whereunto M. Morgan was appointed. 
Philpot.  Upon Wednesday last (quoth he) I was enforced to silence before I had prosecuted half of mine Argument: the sum whereof was this (as was gathered by the just context of the scripture) that the human body of Christ was ascended into heaven, and placed on the right hand of God the father: wherefore it could not be situate upon earth in the sacrament of the altar, invisible after the imagination of man. The argument was denied by Morgan: For the proof whereof, Philpot said, that this was it wherewith he had to confirm his first argument, if they would have suffered him the other day, as now he trusted they would.  
Fe- one self and same nature (quoth he) receiveth not in itself any thing that is contrary to itself. 
Argument.   
ri- But the body of Christ is an human nature, distinct from the Deity, and is a proper nature of itself.  
o. Ergo, it cannot receive any thing that is contrary to that nature, and that varieth from itself.  
But bodily to be present, and bodily to be absent, to be on earth, and to be in heaven, and all at one present time, be things contrary to the nature of an humane body, Ergo, it cannot be said of the humane body of Christ, that the self same body is both in heaven, & also in earth at one instant, either visibly or invisibly.  
Morgan denied the Mayor, that is, 
Morgan.  the first part of the argument. The which Philpot vouched out of Vigilius an ancient writer. 
Here is a new evasion invented by Morgan who dare not plainly deny Vigilius authority, but under a colour.  But Morgan cavilled that it was no scripture, and bade him prove the same out of scripture.  
Philpot said he could also so do, and right well deduce the same out of S. Paul, who sayeth, that Christ is like unto us in all points, except sin: and therefore like as one of our bodies cannot receive in itself any thing contrary to the nature of a body, as to be in Paul's church, and at Westminster at one instant, or to be at London visibly, & at Lincoln invisibly at one time: for that is so contrary to the nature of a body, 
One body can not be at once in divers places.  and of all creatures (as Didimus and Basilius affirm) that an invisible creature, as an Angel, cannot be at one time in divers places, wherefore he concluded, that the body of Christ might not be in more places then in one, which is in heaven, and so consequently, not to be contained in the sacrament of the altar.  
To this the Prolocutor took upon him to answer, 
Weston.  saying, that it was not true that Christ was like unto us in all points, as Philpot took it, except sin, 
Christ after his incarnation, was in all points like man, sin only except▪  For that Christ was not conceived by the seed of man, as we be.  
Whereunto Philpot again replied, that Christ's conception was prophesied before by the Angel to be supernatural, but after he had received our nature by the operation of the holy Ghost in the virgin's womb, he became in all points like unto us, except sin.  
Then Morgan inferred that this saying of Paul did not plainly prove his purpose. Well, quoth Philpot, 
Morgan.  I perceive that you do answer but by cavillation, yet am I not destitute of other scriptures to confirm my first argument, 
Philpot.  although you refuse the probation of so ancient and catholic a doctor as Vigilius is. saint Peter in the sermone that he made in the third of the Acts, making mention of Christ, saith these words, whom heaven must receive until the consummation of all things. etc. 
Acts. 3.  Which words are spoken of his humanity. If heaven must hold Christ, then can he not be here on earth in the Sacrament, as is pretended.  
Then Morgan laughing at this, 
Harpsfield steppeth in.  and giving no direct answer at all, Harpfield stood up, being one of the Bishop of London's chaplains, and took upon him to answer to the saying of S. Peter, & demanded of Philpot, whether he would, ex necessitate, that is, of necessity, force Christ to any place, or no?  
Philpot said, that he would no otherwise force Christ of necessity to any place, 
Philpot.  than he is taught by the words of the holy Ghost, which sound thus: that Christ's humane body must abide in heaven until the day of judgement, as I rehearsed out of the chapter before mentioned.  
Why quoth Harpsfield, do you not know that Christ is God omnipotent? Yes said Philpot, 
Harpsfield▪  I know that right well, neither doubt I any thing at all of his omnipotency. But of Christ's omnipotency what he may do, is not our question, but rather what he doth. I know he may make a stone in the wall a man, if he list, and also that he may make more worlds, but doth he therefore so? It were no good consequent so to conclude: he may do this, or that, therefore he doth it.  
Basilius- Only so much is to be believed of God's omnipotency, as is in the word expressed.  
ra- That Christ's body is both in heaven and here also really in the sacrament, is not expressed in the word.  
co. Ergo, it is not to be believed that the body of Christ, being in heaven is here also really in the sacrament.  
Why quoth the Prolocutor, than you will put Christ in prison in heaven. To the which Philpot answered, do you reckon heaven to be a prison? God grant us all to come to that prison.  
After this, Harpsfield inferred that this word Oportet in S. Peter, 
If Weston charge them for prisoning christ in heaven, how may they charge the papists for prisoning Christ in a box.  which signifieth in English must, did not import so much as I would infer of necessity, as by other places of Scripture it may appear, as in the first to Tim. where Paul sayeth, Oportet Episcopum esse unius uxoris virum: A bishop must be the husband of one wife. Here quoth he, Oportet doth not import such a necessity, but that he that never was married may be a Bishop.  
To this Philpot said again, that the places were not like which he went about to compare, and that in comparing of the Scriptures we must not consider the naked words, 
M. Philpot.  but the meaning rather of the Scriptures, for that in the place by him alleged, 
Oportet how it is taken diversly in Scripture.  S. Paul doth declare of what quality a Bishop ought to be. But in the other S. Peter teacheth us the place where Christ must necessarily be until the end of the world: which we ought to believe to be true. And this comparison of this word Oportet, doth no more answer mine argument, then if I should say of you now being here Oportet te hic esse, you must needs be here, which importeth such necessity for the time, that you can no otherwise be but here, & yet you would go about in words to avoid this necessity with another Oportet, in an other sense, as this, Oportet te esse virum bonum, you must be a good man, where Oportet doth not in very deed conclude any such necessity, but that you may be an evil man. Thus you may see that your answer is not sufficient, & as it were, no answer to mine argument.  
Then the Prolocutor brought in another Oportet, to help this matter (if it might be) saying, 
Weston.  what say you to this, Oportet haereses esse, must heresies needs be therefore because of this word Oportet?  

Philpot.  Yea truly, quoth Philpotte, it cannot otherwise be, if you will add that which followeth immediately upon these words of Paul, that is, Vt qui electi sunt, manifestentur, that is: That such as be the elect of God, may be manifested and known.  
Why, quoth the Prolocutor, the time hath been that no heresies were. 
Weston.  I know no such time quoth Philpot. For since the time of Abel and Cain, heresies have been, and then began they. 
Philpot.  Then said the Prolocutor, will you now answer Morgan an argument or two? I will quoth Philpot, if I may first be answered to my argument any thing according to truth and learning. 
Weston.  What quoth the Prolocutor, you will never be answered. How I am answered, quoth Philpot, 
Philpot.  let all men that are here present, judge: and specially such as be learned, & with what cavillations you have dallied with me.  
First to the ancient authority of Vigilius, you have answered nothing at all, but only denying it to be scripture that he saith. Secondly, to the saying of S. Peter in the acts, ye have answered thus, demanding of me whether I would keep Christ in prison or no, let men now judge if this be a sufficient answer or no.  
Then stood Morgane up again, and asked Philpotte whether he would be ruled by the universal church, 
Morgan.  or no.  
Yes, quoth he, if it be the true Catholic Church. And sith you speak so much of the Church, 
Philpot.  I would feign that you would declare what the church is.  
The church, quoth Morgan, is diffused and dispersed throughout the whole world. 
Morgan.  That is a diffuse definition quod Philpot, for I am yet as uncertain as I was before what you mean by the church: 
Philpot.  but I knowledge no church, but that which is grounded and founded on God's word, as S. Paul saith, 
Moreman. Whether the Church was before the Scripture.  upon the foundation of the Apostles & Prophets, and upon the scriptures of God.  
What quoth Moreman, was the Scripture before the church? yea quoth Philpot. But I will prove nay, quoth Moreman, and I will begin at Christ's time. The Church of Christ was before any scripture written. For matthew was the first that wrote the Gospel, about a dozen years after Christ, Ergo, the church was before the scripture.  
To whom Philpot answering, denied this argument. Which when Moreman could not prove, Philpot showed that his argument was Elenchus, or a fallace, that is, a deceivable argument. For he took the Scripture only to be that, which is written by men in letters, whereas in very deed, 
Scripture consisteth not only in letters but is that which is inspired in the hearts of good men by the holy Ghost.  all Prophecy, uttered by the spirit of God, was counted to be Scripture before it was written in paper & ink, for that it was written in the hearts, and graven in the minds, yea, and inspired in the mouths of good men, and of Christ's Apostles by the spirit of Christ: As the salutation of the Angel was the scripture of Christ, and the word of God before it was written. At that Moreman cried, fie, fie, wondering that the Scripture of God should be counted scripture, before it was written, and affirmed that he had no knowledge that said so.  

Philpot.  To whom Philpot answered, that concerning knowledge in this behalf, for the trial of the truth about the questions in controversy, he would wish himself no worse matched then with Moreman.  
At the which saying the Prolocutor was grievously offended, saying, that it was arrogantly spoken of him, 
Weston.  that would compare with such a worshipful learned man as Moreman was, being himself a man unlearned, 
Weston ray●eth against Ph●●●pot, to be mad 〈◊〉  yea a mad man, meeter to be sent to Bedlam, then to be among such a sort of learned and grave men as there were, and a man that never would be answered, and one that troubled the whole house: and therefore he did command him that he should come no more into the house, demanding of the house whether they would agree thereupon, or no. To whom a great number aunsweraed, yea. Then said Philpot again, that he might think himself happy that was out of that company.  
After this, Morgan rose up, and rounded the Prolocutor in the ear. 
Philpot commau●●ded to 〈◊〉 in a long gown and a ●ippet or else to 〈◊〉 no more to the conuo●cation.  And then again the Prolocutor spoke to Philpot and said, lest you should slander the house, & say that we will not suffer you to declare your mind, we are content you shall come into the house as you have done before, so that you be appareled with a long gown & a tippette as we be, and that you shall not speak, but when I command you. Then quoth Philpot, I had rather be absent altogether.  
Thus they reasoning to and fro, at length about the 13. of December, Q. Marry, to take up the matter, sendeth her commandment to Boner bishop of London, that he should dissolve and break up the convocation. 
Decemb●●  The copy of which commandment here followeth.    

The precept of the Queen to Boner, Bishop of London, for the dissolving of the foresaid Convocation.  
MAria. etc. Reverendo in Christo patri & Domino, Domino Edmundo London. Episcopo, salutem. 
Q. Mary breaketh 〈◊〉 the Convocation.  Cum praesens cō●●catio Cleri Cantuariensis provinciae apud Sanctum Paulum London. iam modo tenta & instans existit, certis tamen urgentibus causis & considerationibus nos specialiter moventibus, de advisamento Consilij nostri ipsam praesentem convocationem duximus dissoluendam: Et ideo vobis mandamus quòd eandem praesentem convocationem apud sanctum Paulum praedictum debito modo asque aliqua dilatione dissoluatis. dissoluive faciatis prout convenit, significantes ex part nostra universis & singulis Episcopis, nec non Archidiaconis, Decanis, & omnibus alijs personis Ecclesiasticis quibuscunque dictae Cantuariensis Provinciae quorum interest, vel interesse poterit, quod ipsi & eorum quilibet huic mandato nostro exequendo intendentes sint & obedientes prout decet. Teste meipsa apud Westmonasterium 13. die Decembris. Anno regni nostri primo.  
During the time of this disputation, the 20. day of November, the Maior of Coventrie sent up unto the Lords of the Counsel Baldwine Clarke, I. Careless, Tho. Wilcockes, and Richard Estlin, for their behaviour upon All hallow day last before. Whereupon Careless and Wylcocks were committed to the gatehouse, and Clerk and Astelyn to the marshalsea.  
The same day there was a letter directed to Sir Christopher Heydon, and Sir William Farmer knight, for the apprehension of john Huntingdon preacher, for making a rhyme against D. Stokes and the sacrament. Who appearing before the counsel the 3. of December next after, was upon his humble submission and promise, to amend aswell in doctrine as living, again suffered to departed.  
In the days of king Henry, 
This Lord Courtney was son to the M●●●ques of Ex●●ceter.  and also of king Edward reigning after him, divers noble men, Bishops and other, were cast into the Tower, some charged with treason as Lord courtney and the Duke of Norfolk (whose son Lord Henry Earl of Surrey had been the same time beheaded, a worthy & ingenious gentlemen, for what cause, or by whom, I have not hear to deal, this is certain, that not many years after his death, followed the beheading of both the L. Semers, and at last of the Duke of Northumberland also) some for the Pope's supremacy, 
Steven Gar●diner Bishop of Winchester made Lor● Chancellor of England.  and suspicious letters tending to sedition, as Tonstal B. of Durham, and other for other things, all which continued there prisoners till Q. Mary's coming in. Unto whom the said Q. eftsoons granted their pardon, and restored them to their former dignities. Amongst whom also was Gardiner B. of Winchester, whom she not only freed out of captivity, but also advanced him to be high chancellor of England. Furthermore to the L. Courtney she showed such favour, 
The Lord Courtney made Earl of devonshire.  that she made him Earl of Devonshire, in so much that there was a suspicion amongst many, that she would marry him, but that proved otherwise.  
The same time Bonner also had been prisoner in the marshalsea, whom likewise Queen Mary delivered, & restored to the Bishopric of London again, displacing Doct. Ridley, with divers other good Bishops more, as is above mentioned, as Cranmer from Canterb. the archbishop of York likewise, Poynette from Winchester, john Hooper from Worcester, 
 Barlow from Bath, Harley from Hereforde, Taylor from Lincoln, Ferrar from S. David's, Coverdale from Excester, Scorye from Chichester, etc. with a great number of Archdeacon's, Deans, and briefly all such beneficed men, which either were married, or would constantly adheere to their profession. All which were removed from their livings, 
〈…〉 intruded by Q. ●●ry.  and other of the contrary sect set in the same, as Cardinal Poole (who was then sent for) Gardiner, Heath, White, day, Troublefield, etc.  
And as touching Cranmer, of whom mention was made before, 
 for so much as there was a rumour spread of him the same time at London, that he had recanted, and caused Mass to be said at Caunterburye, for purging of himself he published abroad a declaration of his truth and constancy in that behalf, protesting that he neither had so done, 
〈…〉 Peter 〈◊〉 and 〈…〉 the 〈◊〉 of their 〈◊〉, against all men.  nor mineded so to do: adding moreover, that if it would so please the Queen, he with Peter Martyr, and certain other whom he would choose, would in open disputation sustain the cause of the doctrine taught and set forth before in the time of king Edward, against all persons whomsoever. But while he was in expectation to have this disputation obtained, he with other bishops were laid fast in the Tower, and P. Martyr permitted to departed the realm, and so wen● he to Argentine.  
After this, in the month of novemb. the Archbishop Cranmer (notwithstanding he had earnestly refused to subscribe to the kings will, 
D. Cranmer with the Lady 〈◊〉 arraigned of treason in the Guildhall. Archbishop Cranmer quit of treason.  in disheriting his sister mary, alleging many grave and pithy reasons for her legitimation, was in Guild hall of London arraigned and attainted of treason, with the L. jane, and three of the Duke of northumberlands sons, which at the entreaty of certain persons were had again to the Tower, and there kept for a time. All which notwithstanding, Cranmer being pardoned of treason, stood only in the action and case of doctrine, why●h they called heresy, whereof he was right glad and joyful.  
This being done in November, the people, and especially the Churchmen, perceiving the Queen so eagerly set upon her old religion, they likewise for their parts, to show themselves no less forward to serve the Queen's appetite (as the manner is of the multitude, commonly to frame themselves after the humour of the Prince and time present) began in their Quires to set up the pageants of s. Katherine, 
Going about of S. Katherine, and S. Nicholas.  and of S. Nicholas, and of their processions in Latin, after all their old solemnity with their gay garde●iance, and grey ami●es.  
And when the month of December was come, the Parliament broke up, but first of all such statutes were repealed, which were made either of Praemunire, or touched any alteration of religion and administration of Sacraments under king Edward. In the which parliament also communication was moved of the Queen's marriage, with king Philip the Emperor's son.  
In this mean while Cardinal Poole being sent for by Q. Mary, 
Cardinal Poole se●t 〈◊〉.  was by the Emperor requested to stay with him, to the intent (as some think) that his presence in England should not be a let to the marriage which he intended between Philip his son and Q. mary. For the making whereof, he sent a most ample Ambassade, with full power to make up the marriage betwixt them: which took such success that after they had communed of the matter a few days, they knit up the knot.  

Anno. 1554.  
The 13. of januarie 1554. Doctor Crome for his preaching upon Christmas day without licence, was committed to the Fleet.  
The 21. of januarie, M. Thomas Wootten Esquire, was for matters of religion committed to the Fleet close prisoner.  

arriage between 〈◊〉 and 〈…〉.  This mention of marriage was about the beginning of january, and was very evil taken of the people, & of many of the nobility, who for his, and for religion, conspiring among themselves, made a rebellion: whereof sir Thomas Wyate knight was one of the chief beginners: who being in Kent, 
Ann. 1454.  said (as many else perceived) that the Queen and the Counsel would by foreign marriage bring upon this Realm most miserable servitude, & establish popish religion. About the 25. of january news came to London of this stur in Kent, 
●●nuary 25.  and shortly after of the D. of Suffolk, who was fled into Warwikeshier & Lecestershire: there to gather a power. The Queen therefore caused them both with the two Carewes of Devonshire to be proclaimed Traitors: and sent into Kent against Wyate, 
The Duke of No●folke se●● against M. Wyat.  Thomas D. of Norfolk, who being about Rochester bridge forsaken of them that went with him, returned s●●e to London with out any more harm done unto him, and without bloodshed on either party.  
Furthermore to apprehend the Duke of Suffolk, being fled into Warwikeshiere, was sent the Earl of Huntingdon in post, 
The Duke of Suffolk apprehended.  who entering the City of Coventrie before the Duke, disappointed him of his purpose. Wherefore the Duke in great distress committed himself to the keeping of a servant of his named Underwoode in Astley Park, who like a false traitor bewrayed him. And so was brought up to the Tower of London.  
In the mean while Sir Peter Carewe hearing of that was done, fled into France, but the other were taken, 
Queen Mary cometh into the Guildhall.  and Wyatt came towards London in the beginning of February. The Queen hearing of Wyates coming, came into the City to the Guild Hall, where she made a vehement Oration against Wyate: the contents, at least, the effect whereof here followeth, as near as out of her own mouth could be penned.    

The Oration of Queen Marie in the Guild Hall.  
I Am come unto you in mine own person, to tell you that, 
Queen mary's Oration to the Londoners.  which already you see and know, that is, how traitorously and rebelliously, a number of Kentish men have assembled themselves against both us and you. Their pretence (as they said at the first) was for a marriage determined for us: to the which, and to all the Articles thereof ye have been made privy. But sithence we have caused certain of our privy Counsel to go again unto them, and to demand the cause of this their rebellion, and it appeared then unto our said Counsel, 
Demands pretended to be sent from M. Wyatt and his company to Queen Mary.  that the matter of the marriage seemed to be but as a Spanish cloak to cover their pretenced purpose against our religion, so that they arrogantly and traitorously demanded to have the governance of our person, the keeping of the Tower, and the placing of our Counsellors.  
Now loving subjects, what I am ye right well know, I am your Queen, to whom at my Coronation when I was wedded to the Realm, and laws of the same (the spousal Ring whereof I have on my finger, which never hitherto was, nor hereafter shall be left off) you promised your allegiance and obedience unto me. And that I am the right, and true inheritor of the crown of this Realm of England I take all Christendom to witness. My Father, as ye all know, possessed the same regal state, which now rightly is descended unto me: and to him always ye showed yourselves most faithful and loving subjects, and therefore I doubt not, but ye will show yourselves likewise to me, and that ye will not suffer a vile Traitor to have the order & governance of our person, and to occupy our estate, especially being so vile a Traitor as Wyatt is. Who most certainly as he hath abused mine ignorant subjects, which be on his side, 
How he pretended the spoil of their goods it appeareth in that he coming to Southwa●ke, did hurt neither man, woman, nor child, neither in body no● in a penny of their goods.  so doth he intend and purpose the destruction of you, and spoil of your goods. And this I say to you in the word of a Prince, I can not tell how naturally the mother loveth the child, for I was never the mother of any, but certainly, if a Prince and governor may as naturally and earnestly love her subjects, as the Mother doth the Child, then assure yourselves, that I being your Lady and Mistress, do as earnestly and as tenderly love & favour you. And I thus loving you, cannot but think that ye as heartily and faithfully love me, and then I doubt not, but we shall give these rebels a short & speedy overthrow.  
As concerning the Marriage, ye shall understand that I enterprised not the doing thereof without advise, and that by the advice of all our privy Counsel, who so considered and weighed the great commodities that might ensue thereof, that they not only thought it very honourable, but also expedient, both for the wealth of the Realm, and also of you our Subjects. And as touching myself, I assure you, I am not so bent to my will, neither so precise, nor affectionate, that either for mine own pleasure, 
Q. Mary excuseth her marriage.  I would choose where I lust, or that I am so desirous, as needs I would have one. For God I thank him, to whom be the praise therefore, I have hitherto lived a Virgin, and doubt nothing, but with God's grace am able so to live stil. But if as my progenitors have done before, it might please God that I might leave some fruit of my body behind me, to be your Governor, I trust you would not only rejoice thereat, but also I know it would be to your great comfort. And certainly, if I either did think or know, that this Marriage were to the hurt of any of you my Commons, or to the impeachment of any part or parcel of the royal state of this realm of England, I would never consent thereunto, neither would I ever marry while I lived. And in the word of a Queen I promise you, that if it shall not probably appear to all the Nobility and Commons in the high Court of Parliament, that this Marriage shall be for the high benefit & commodity of all the whole Realm, than I will abstain from Marriage while I live.  
And now good Subjects, pluck up your hearts, and like true men, 
The promise of Queen Mary touching her Marriage.  stand fast against these rebels, both our enemies and yours, and fear them not: for I assure you I fear them nothing at all, And I will leave with you my Lord Haward, & my Lord Treasoror, who shallbe assistants with the Mayor for your defence.  
¶ Here is to be noted, that at the coming of Queen Mary to the Guild hall, being bruited before that she was coming with harnessed men, such a fear came among them that a number of the Londoners fearing lest they should be there entrapped & put to death, made out of the gate before her entering in. Furthermore note, that when she had ended her Oration (which she seemed to have perfectly conned without book) Winchester standing by her, when the Oration was done, with great admiration cried to the people: O how happy are we, to whom God hath given such a wise and learned Prince. etc.  
Two days after, which was the 3. of February, the L. Cobham was committed to the Tower, 
February 3. M. Wyatt in southwark.  and M. Wyatt entered into Southwark. Who, for so much as he could not enter that way into London, returning another way by Kingston with his army, came up through the streets to Ludgate, and returning thence, he was resisted at Temple bar, 
M. Wyatt came to Ludgate.  and there yielded himself to Sir Clement Parson, and so was brought by him to the Court, & with him the residue of his army (for before, Sir George Harper & almost half of his men ran away from him at Kingston bridge) were also taken, 
M. Wyatt apprehended at Templebar.  and about an 100 killed, and they that were taken were had to prison, and a great many of them were hanged, and he himself afterward executed at the Tower hill, and then quartered, whose head after being set up upon Haihil, 
M. Wyatt executed.  was thence stolen away, and great search made for the same. Of which story ye shall here more (the Lord willing) hereafter.  
The 12. day of February was beheaded the lady jane, to whom was sent M. Fecknam, alias Howman, from the Queen 2. days before her death, 
February 12.  to commune with her, and to reduce her from the doctrine of Christ, to Queen Mary's religion. The effect of which communication here followeth.   

The communication had between the Lady jane and Fecknam.  FEcknam. 
Madam, I lament your heavy case, and yet I doubt not, 
Talk between the Lady jane and Fecknam.  but that you bear out this sorrow of yours with a constant and patiented mind.  jane. 
You are welcome unto me sir, if your coming be to give Christian exhortation. And as for my heavy case (I thank God) I do so little lament it, that rather I account the same for a more manifest declaration of God's favour toward me, than ever he showed me at any time before: And therefore there is no cause why either you, or other, which bear me good will, 
Lady jane comfortably taketh her trouble.  should lament or be grieved with this my case, being a thing so profitable for my soul health.  Feck. 
I am here come to you at this present sent from the Queen and her counsel, to instruct you in the true doctrine of the right faith: although I have so great confidence in you, that I shall have (I trust) little need to travail with you much therein.  jane. 
Forsooth I heartily thank the Queen's highness, which is not unmindful of her humble subject: and I hope likewise that you no less will do your duty therein both truly and faithfully according to that you were sent for.  Feck. 
What is then required of a Christian?  jane. 
That he should believe in God the Father, the Son, and the holy Ghost, three persons and one God.  Feck. 
What? is there nothing else to be required or looked for in a Christian, but to believe in him?  jane. 
Yes, we must also love him with all our heart, with all our soul, and with all our mind, and our neighbour as ourself.  Feck. 
Why? then faith justifieth not, nor saveth not.  jane. 
Yes verily, faith (as Paul saith) only justifieth.  Feck. 
Why? S. Paul sayeth: If I have all faith without love it is nothing.  jane. 

Faith only justifieth.  True it is: for how can I love him whom I trust not? or how can I trust him whom I love not? Faith and love go both together, and yet love is comprehended in faith.  Feck. 
How shall we love our neighbour?  jane. 
To love our neighbour is to feed the hungry, to clothe the naked, and give drink to the thirsty, and to do to him, as we would do to ourselves.  Feck. 
Why? then it is necessary unto salvation, to do good works also, and it is not sufficient only to believe.  jane. 
I deny that, and I affirm that faith only saveth: 
Good 〈…〉 in a 〈…〉 they 〈◊〉 profit to saluatio●  but it is meet for a Christian, in token that he followeth his Master Christ, to do good works: yet may we not say that they profit to our salvation. For when we have done all, yet we be unprofitable servants, and faith only in Christ's blood saveth us.  Feck. 
How many Sacraments are there?  jane. 
Two. The one the Sacrament of Baptism, 
2. Sacra●mente●.  and the other the Sacrament of the lords Supper.  Feck. 
No, there are seven.  jane. 
By what Scripture find you that?  Feck. 
Well, we will talk of that hereafter. 
The Sac●●●ment of Baptism what it ●●●●nifieth.  But what is signified by your two Sacraments?  jane. 
By the Sacrament of Baptism I am washed with water, and regenerated by the spirit, and that washing is a token to me that I am the child of God. The Sacrament of the lords Supper offered unto me, 
The Sac●●●ment of 〈◊〉 lords 〈◊〉 what signifies  is a sure seal and testimony that I am by the blood of Christ, which he shed for me on the Cross, made partaker of the everlasting kingdom.  Feck. 
Why? what do you receive in that Sacrament? Do you not receive the very body and blood of Christ?  jane. 
No surely, I do not so believe. I think that at the Supper I neither receive flesh nor blood, 
What 〈◊〉 receive with th● sacrament  but bread and wine: Which bread when it is broken, and the wine when it is drunken, putteth me in remembrance how that for my sins the body of Christ was broken, & his bloodshed on the Cross, and with that bread and wine I receive the benefits that come by the breaking of his body, & shedding of his blood for our sins on the Crosse.  Feck. 
Why? doth not Christ speak these words: Take eat, this is my body? Require you any plainer words? doth he not say it is his body?  jane. 
I grant he sayeth so: and so he saith, I am the vine, I am the door, 
Rom. 4.  but he is never the more for that the door not the vine. Doth not S. Paul say, He calleth things that are not as though they were? God forbidden that I should say that I eat the very natural body and blood of Christ: for then either I should pluck away my redemption, either else there were two bodies, or two Christ's. One body was tormented on the Crosse. And if they did eat an other body, than had he two bodies: either else if his body were eaten, than was it not broken upon the Cross: or if it were broken upon the Cross, it was not eaten of his Disciples.  Feck. 
Why? is it not possible that Christ by his power could make his body both to be eaten and broken, as to be borne of a woman without seed of man, and as to walk upon the sea having a body, and other such like miracles as he wrought by his power only?  jane. 
Yes verily: 
Christ 〈◊〉 power to turn the bread into his body▪ no argument to prove that he 〈◊〉 so.  if God would have done at his Supper any miracle, he might have done so: but I say that then he minded no work nor miracle, but only to break his body, and shed his blood on the Cross for our sins. But I pray you to answer me to this one question: where was Christ when he said: Take, eat, this is my body? Was he not at the table when he said so? He was at that time alive, and suffered not till the next day. What took he but bread? What broke he but bread? and what gave he but bread? Look what he took, he broke: and look what he broke, he gave: and look what he gave, they did eat: and yet all this while he himself was alive, and at Supper before his disciples, or else they were deceived.  Feck. 
You ground your faith upon such authors as say and unsay both with a breath, and not upon the Church, 
Feckna● goeth from the word 〈◊〉 the church  to whom ye ought to give credit.  jane. 
No, I ground my faith on God's word, and not upon the Church. For if the Church be a good Church, 
faith to grounde● upon the word and not upon the church  the faith of the Church must be tried by God's word, and not God's word by the Church, either yet my Faith. Shall I believe the Church because of antiquity? or shall I give credit to the Church that taketh away from me the half part of the lords Supper, and will not let any man receive it in both kinds? 
A note 〈◊〉 the false 〈◊〉 Church  Which thing if they deny to us, then deny they to us part of our salvation. And I say that it is an evil Church, and not the Spouse of Christ, but the Spouse of the Devil that altereth the lords Supper, and both taketh from it, and addeth to it. To that Church (say I) God will add plagues, and from that Church will he take their part out of the book of life. Do they learn that of S. Paul, when he ministered to the Corinthians in both kinds? Shall I believe this Church? God forbidden.  Feck. 
That was done for a good intent of the Church, to avoid an heresy that sprung on it. 
God's 〈◊〉 not to be altered 〈◊〉 good ●●tentes.   jane. 
Why? shall the church alter Gods will & ordinance for a good intent? How did king Saul? The Lord God defend.  
With these and such like persuasions he would have had her leave to the Church, but it would not be. There were many more things whereof they reasoned, but these were the chiefest.  
After this Fecknam took his leave, saying, that he was sorry for her: For I am sure (quoth he) that we two shall never meet.  jane. 
True it is (said she) that we shall never meet, except God turn your hart. 
The words 〈◊〉 spoken 〈◊〉.  For I am assured, unless you repent and turn to God, you are in an evil case: and I pray God, in the bowels of his mercy, to send you his holy spirit: for he hath given you his great gift of utterance, if it pleased him also to open the eyes of your hart.   

¶ A letter of the Lady jane sent unto her father.  
FAther, although it hath pleased God to hasten my death by you, by whom my life should rather have been lengthened: yet can I so patiently take it, 
〈◊〉 janes' 〈◊〉 sent to her father.  as I yield God more hearty thanks for shortening my woeful days, then if all the world had been given into my possession with life lengthened at my own will. And albeit I am well assured of your impatient dolours, redoubled manifold ways, both in bewailing your own woe, and especially (as I hear) my unfortunate state, yet my dear father (if I may without offence rejoice in my own mishaps) me seems in this I may account myself blessed, that washing my hands with the innocency of my fact, my guiltless blood may cry before the Lord, mercy to the innocent. And yet though I must needs acknowledge, that being constrained, and, as you wots well enough, continually assayed, in taking upon me I seemed to consent, and therein grievously offended the Queen and her laws: yet do I assuredly trust that this mine offence towards God is so much the less, in that being in so royal estate as I was, mine enforced honour being never with mine innocent hart. And thus good father I have opened unto you the state wherein I presently stand. Whose death at hand, although to you perhaps it may seem right woeful, to me there is nothing that can be more welcome, then from this vale of misery to aspire to that heavenly throne of all joy and pleasure with Christ our Saviour. 
This Parenthesis includeth with a prayer, a privy admonition to her father that he fall not from his religion.  In whose steadfast faith (if it may be lawful for the daughter so to write to the Father) the Lord that hitherto hath strengthened you, so continue you that at the last we may meet in heaven with the Father, the Son, and the holy Ghost.  
At what time her father was flourishing in freedom and prosperity in the time of King Edward, there belonged unto him a certain learned man, student and Graduate of the University of Oxford. Who then being chaplain to the said Duke, and a sincere Preacher (as he appeared) of the Gospel, according to the doctrine of that time set forth and received, shortly after that the state of Religion began to alter by Queen Mary, altered also in his profession with the time, and of a Protestant, became a friend and defender of the Pope's proceed. At whose sudden mutation and inconstant mutability, 
February.  this Christian Lady being not a little aggrieved, and most of all lamenting the dangerous state of his soul, in sliding so away for fear from the way of truth, writeth her mind unto him in a sharp and vehement letter: which as it appeareth to proceed of an earnest and zealous hart, so would God it might take such effect with him, as to reduce him to repentance, and to take better hold again for the health and wealth of his own soul. The copy of the letter is this as followeth.   

¶ Another letter of the Lady jane to M. Harding, late chaplain to the Duke of Suffolk her father, and then fallen from the truth of Gods most holy word.  
SO oft as I call to mind the dreadful and fearful saying of God: That he which layeth hold upon the plough, and looketh back, 
Luke 9 A sharp letter or exhortation of the ●ady jane to M. Harding.  is not meet for the kingdom of heaven: and on the other side, the comfortable words of our Saviour Christ to all those that forsaking themselves, do follow him: I can not but marvel at thee and lament thy case: which seemedst sometime to be the lively member of Christ, but now the deformed imp of the devil, sometime the beautiful temple of God, but now the stinking and filthy kennel of Satan, sometime the unspotted spouse of Christ, but now the unshamefast paramour of Antichrist, sometime my faithful brother, but now a stranger and Apostata, sometime a stout Christian soldier, but now a cowardly runneaway. Yea, when I consider these things, I can not but speak to thee, and cry out upon thee, thou seed of Satan, and not of juda, whom the devil hath deceived, the world hath beguiled, and the desire of life subverted, and made thee of a Christian an Infidel: wherefore hast thou taken the Testament of the Lord in thy mouth? 
* This man a little before K. Edward died, was heard openly in his 〈◊〉 in London to exhort the people with great vehemency after this so●te: that if trouble came, they should never shrink from the true doctrine of the Gospel which they had received, but should take it rather for a trial sent of God to prove them whether they would abide by it or no All which to be true, they can testify that heard him, and be yet alive: who also foreseeing the plague to come were then much confirmed by his words.  Wherefore hast thou preached the law and the will of God to others? Wherefore hast thou instructed other to be strong in Christ, when thou thyself dost now so shamefully shrink, and so horrible abuse the Testament and law of the Lord? When thou thyself preachest, not to steal, yet most abominably stealest, not from men but from God, and committing most heinous sacrilege, robbest Christ thy Lord of his right members thy body and soul, and choosest rather to live miserably with shame to the world, then to die and gloriously with honour to reign with christ in whom even in death is life? Why dost thou now show thyself most weak, when in deed thou oughtest to be most strong? The strength of a for● is unknown before the assault: but thou yieldest thy hold before any battery be made.  
Oh wretched and unhappy man, what art thou but dust and ashes? and wilt thou resist thy maker that fashioned thee and framed thee? Wilt thou now forsake him that called thee from the custom gathering among the Romish Antichristians, to be an Ambassador & messenger of his eternal word? He that first framed thee, and since thy first creation and birth preserved thee, nourished and kept thee, yea and inspired thee with the spirit of knowledge (I cannot say of grace) shall he not now possess thee? Darest thou deliver up thyself to an other, 
Anno. 1554.  being not thine own but his? How canst thou having knowledge, or how darest thou neglect the law of the Lord, and follow the vain traditions of men: 
Februarye.  and whereas thou hast been a public professor of his name, become now a defacer of his glory? Wilt thou refuse the true God, and worship the invention of man, the golden calf, the whore of Babylon, the Romish Religion, the abominable Idol, the most wicked mass? Wilt thou torment again, rent, and tear the most precious body of our Saviour Christ with thy bodily and fleshly teeth? Wilt thou take upon thee to offer up any sacrifice unto God for our sins, considering that Christ offered up himself (as Paul saith upon the cross a lively sacrifice once for all? Can neither the punishment of the Israelites (which for their Idolatry they so oft received) nor the terrible threatenings of the Prophets, nor the curses of Gods own mouth fear thee to honour any other God than him? Dost thou so regard him that spared not his dear and only son for thee, so diminishing, yea, utterly extinguishing his glory that thou wilt attribute the praise and honour due unto him to the Idols, which have mouths and speak not, eyes and see not, ears and hear not: which shall perish with them that made them?  
What saith the Prophet Baruc, 
Baruch. 6.  where he recited the Epistle of jeremy written to the captive jews? Did he not forewarn them that in Babylon they should see Gods of gold, silver, wood, & stone borne upon men's shoulders, to cast a fear before the Heathen: But be not ye afraid of them (saith jeremy) nor do as other do? But when you see other worship than, say you in your hearts: it is thou (O Lord) that oughtest only to be worshipped: for as for those Gods, the Carpenter framed them and polished them, yea gilded be they, and laid over with silver, and vain things and cannot speak. He showeth moreover, the abuse of their deckings, how the Priests took off their ornaments and appareled their women withal: how one holdeth a sceptre, an other a sword in his hand, and yet can they judge in no matter, nor defend themselves, much less any other, from either battle or murder, nor yet from gnawing of worms, nor any other evil thing. These, & such like words, speaketh jeremy unto them, whereby he proveth them to be but vain things, and no Gods. And at last he concludeth thus: Confounded be they that worship them. They were warned by jeremy, and thou as jeremy hast warned other, and art warned thyself by many Scriptures in many places. God saith: he is a jealous God, which will have all honour, glory, and worship given to him only. And Christ saith in the 4. of Luke to Satan which tempted him: even to the same Satan, the same Belzebub, the same devil, which hath prevailed against thee: 
Math. ●.  It is written (saith he) thou shalt honour the Lord thy God, and him only shalt thou serve.  
These and such like do prohibit thee and all Christians to worship any other God then which was before all worlds, and laid the foundations both of heaven and earth: and wilt thou honour a detestable Idol, invented by Romish Popes, and the abominable College of crafty Cardinals? Christ offered himself up once for all, and wilt thou offer him up again daily at thy pleasure? 
Good inten●.  But thou wilt say, thou dost it for a good intent. O sink of sin: Oh child of perdition: dost thou dream therein of a good intent, where thy conscience beareth thee witness of God's threatened wrath against thee? How did Saul? who for that he disobeyed the word of the Lord for a good intent was thrown from his worldly and temporal kingdom. Shalt thou then that dost deface God's honour, and rob him of his right, inherit the eternal and heavenly kingdom? Wilt thou for a good intent dishonour God, offend thy brother, and danger thy soul, wherefore Christ hath shed his most precious blood? Wilt thou for a good intent pluck Christ out of heaven, and make his death void, and deface the triumph of his cross by offering him up daily? Wilt thou either for fear of death, or hope of life, deny and refuse thy God, who enriched thy poverty, healed thy infirmity, and yielded to thee his victory, if thou couldst have kept it? Dost thou not consider that the thread of thy life hangeth upon him that made thee, who can (as his will is) either twine it harder to last the longer, or untwine it again to break it the sooner? Dost thou not then remember the saying of David a notable King, to teach thee a miserable wretch, in his 104. Psalm, where he saith thus: When thou takest away thy spirit (oh Lord) from men, they die and are turned again to their dust: 
Psal. 104.  but when thou lettest thy breath go forth, they shall be made, and thou shalt renew the face of the earth. Remember the saying of Christ in his Gospel: Whosoever seeketh to save his life, shall lose it: but whosoever will lose his life for my sake, shall find it. And in the same place: Whosoever loveth father or mother above me, is not meet for me. 
Math. 10.  He that will follow me, let him forsake himself, and take up his cross and follow me. What cross? the cross of infamy and shame, 
Math. 16.  of misery and poverty, of affliction and persecution for his name's sake. Let the oft falling of those heavenly showers, pierce thy stony hart. Let the two edged sword of God's holy word there asunder the sinews of worldly respects, 
The cross for Christ's sake.  even to the very marrow of thy carnal hart, that thou mayest once again forsake thyself and embrace Christ. And like as good subjects will not refuse to hazard all in the defence of their earthly and temporal Governor, so fly not like a white liuered milksop from the standing wherein thy chief captain Christ hath set thee in array of this life. Viriliter age, confortetur cor tuum, 
Psal. 26.  sustine dominum. Fight manfully, come life, come death: the quarrel is Gods, and undoubtedly the victory is ours.  
But thou wilt say, I will not break unity. What? not the unity of Satan and his members? not the unity of darkness, 
Antichrist also hath his unity, which is not to be kept.  the agreement of Antichrist and his adherents? Nay thou deceivest thyself with the ●ond imagination of such an unity as is among the enemies of Christ. Were not the false Prophets in an unity? Were not josephes' bre●thren and jacobs' sons in an unity? Were not the Heathen, as the Amelechites, the Ph●resites and jebusites in an unity? Were not the Scribes and Phariseis in an unity? Doth not King David testify: Conuenerunt in unum adversus dominum? Yea thieves, murderers, conspirators, have their unity. But what unity? Tully sayeth of amity: Amicitia non est, nisi inter bonos. But mark my friend, yea friend, if thou be not God's enemy: there is no unity but where Christ knitteth the knot among such as be his. Yea, be well assured, that where his truth is resident, there it is verified that he himself sayeth: Non veni mittere pacem in terram, sed gladium, etc. but to set one against another, the son against the father, and the daughter against the mother in law. Deceive not thyself therefore with the glittering and glorious name of unity: 
The agreements of evil men is no unity but a conspiracy.  for Antichrist hath this unity, not yet in deed, but in name. The agreement of ill men is not an unity, but a conspiracy.  
Thou hast heard some threatenings, some curses, and some admonitions out of the scripture to those that love themselves above Christ. Thou hast heard also the sharp and biting words to those that deny him for love of life: 
Math. 10.  Saith he not: He that denieth me before men, I will deny him before my father in heaven? And to the same effect writeth Paul Heb. 6. 
Heb. 6.  It is impossible (saith he) that they which were once lightened, and have tasted of the heavenly gift, and were partakers of the holy Ghost, and have tasted of the good word of God, if they fall and slide away, crucifyeng to themselves the son of God afresh, and making of him a mockingstocke, should be renewed again by repentance. 
Rom. 10.  And again saith he: if we shall willingly sin after we have received the knowledge of his truth, there is no oblation left for sin, but the terrible expectation of judgement and fire which shall devour the adversaries. Thus S. Paul writeth, and this thou readest, and dost thou not quake and tremble?  
Well, if these terrible and thundering threatenings can not stir thee to cleave unto Christ, and forsake the world: yet let the sweet consolations and promises of the scriptures, let the example of Christ and his Apostles, holy Martyrs and Confessors encourage thee to take faster hold by Christ. 
Math. 5.  hearken what he saith: Blessed are you when men revile you, 
Esa. 51.  and persecute you for my sake: rejoice and be glad, for great is your reward in heaven: for so persecuted they the Prophets that were before you. Hear what Esay the Prophet saith: Fear not the curse of men, be not afraid of their blasphemies, for worms and moths shall eat them up like cloth and wool, but my righteousness shall endure for ever, and my saving health from generation to generation. What art thou then (saith he) that fearest a mortal man, the child of man which vadeth away like the flower: and forgettest the Lord that made thee, that spread out the heavens, and laid the foundation of the earth▪ I am thy Lord thy God, that make the sea to rage, and be still, 
Math. 10.  whose name is the Lord of hosts. I shall put my word in thy mouth, and defend thee with the turning of an hand. And our Saviour Christ saith to his Disciples: They shall accuse you and bring you before Princes and Rulers for my name's sake, 
Luke 12.  and some of you they shall persecute and kill: but fear you not (saith he) nor care you not what you shall say: 
Math. 10.  for it is the spirit of your father that speaketh within you. Even the very hears of your head are all numbered. Lay up treasure for yourselves (saith he) where no thief cometh, nor moth corrupteth. Fear not them that kill the body, but are not able to kill the soul, but fear him that hath power to destroy both soul and body. If ye were of the world, the world would love his own: 
john. 15.  but because ye are not of the world, but I have chosen you out of the world, therefore the world hateth you.  
Let these and such like consolations taken out of the Scriptures, strengthen you to godward. Let not the examples of holy men and women go out of your mind, as Daniel and the rest of the prophets, of the three children, of Eleazarus that constant father, of the seven. of the Machabies children, of Peter, Paul, Steven, and other Apostles and holy Martyrs in the beginning of the Church: As of good simeon Archbishop of Seloma, and Zetrophone, with infinite other under Sapores the King of the Persians and Indians, who contemned all torments devised by the tyrants for their saviours sake. Return, return again into Christ's war, 
Ephes. 6.  and as becometh a faithful warrior, put on that armour that S. Paul teacheth to be most necessary for a Christian man. And above all things take to you the shield of faith, and be you provoked by Christ's own example to withstand the devil, to forsake the world, and to become a true and faithful member of his mystical body, who spared not his own body for our sins.  
Throw down yourself with the fear of his threatened vengeance for this so great and heinous an offence of Apostasy: and comfort yourself on the other part with the mercy, blood and promise of him that is ready to turn unto you whensoever you turn unto him. Disdain not to come again with the lost son, seeing you have so wandered with him. Be not ashamed to turn again with him from the swill of strangers, to the delicates of your most benign and loving father, acknowledging that you have sinned against heaven and earth. Against heaven, by staining the glorious name of God, and causing his most sincere and pure word to be evil spoken of through you. Against earth, by offending so many of your weak brethren to whom you have been a stumbling block through your sudden sliding. Be not abashed to come home again with Mary, and weep bitterly with Peter, not only with shedding the tears of your bodily eyes, but also pouring out the streams of your hart, to wash away out of the sight of God the filth and mire of your offensive fall. Be not abashed to say with the Publican, 
Luke. 1●.  Lord be merciful unto me a sinner. Remember the horrible history of julian of old, and the lamentable case of Spyra of late, whose case (me think) should be yet so green in your remembrance, that being a thing of our time, you should fear the like inconvenience, seeing you are fallen into the like offence.  
Last of all, let the lively remembrance of the last day be always afore your eyes, remembering the terror that such shall be in at that time, with the runagates and fugitives from Christ, which setting more by the world then by heaven, more by their life, then by him that gave them life, did shrink, yea, did clean fall away from him that forsook not them: and contrariwise, the inestimable joys prepared for them, that fearing no peril, nor dreading death, have manfully fought, and victoriously triumphed over all power of darkness, over hell, death, and damnation, through their most redoubted Captain Christ, who now stretcheth out his arms to receive you, ready to fall upon your neck and kiss you, and last of all to feast you with the dainties and delicates of his own precious blood, which undoubtedly, if it might stand with his determinate purpose, he would not set to shed again, rather than you should be lost. To whom with the Father and the holy Ghost be all honour, praise and glory everlasting. Amen.  
Be constant, be constant, fear not for no pain,  
Christ hath redeemed thee, and heaven is thy gain.   

¶ A Letter written by the Lady jane in the end of the new Testament in Greek, the which she sent unto her sister Lady Katherine, the night before she suffered.  
I Have here sent you (good Sister Katherine) a book, which although it be not outwardly trimmed with gold, 
〈…〉 of the ●●dy jane the ●ady 〈…〉.  yet inwardly it is more worth than precious stones. It is the book (dear Sister) of the law of the Lord. It is his Testament and last will which he bequeathed unto us wretches: which shall lead you to the path of eternal joy: and if you with a good mind read it, and with an earnest mind do purpose to follow it, it shall bring you to an immortal and everlasting life. It shall teach you to live, and learn you to die. It shall win you more than you should have gained by the possession of your woeful father's lands. For, as if God had prospered him, you should have inherited his lands: so if you apply diligently this book, seeking to direct your life after it, you shall be an inheritor of such riches, as neither the covetous shall withdraw from you, neither thief shall steal, neither yet the moths corrupt. Desire with David (good Sister) to understand the law of the Lord your God Live still to die, that you (by death) may purchase eternal life. 
〈◊〉 live to 〈◊〉, that by 〈◊〉 you 〈◊〉 live.  And trust not that the tenderness of your age shall lengthen your life. For as soon (if God call) goeth the young as the old, and labour always to learn to die. Defy the world, deny the devil, and despise the flesh, and delight yourself only in the Lord. Be penitent for your sins, and yet despair not: be strong in faith, and yet presume not, and desire with S. Paul to be dissolved and to be with Christ, with whom even in death there is life. Be like the good servant, and even at midnight be waking, lest when death cometh and stealeth upon you like a thief in the night, you be with the evil servant found sleeping, and least for lack of oil, you be found like the five foolish women: and like him that had not on the wedding garment, and then ye be cast out from the marriage. Rejoice in Christ, as I do. Fellow the steps of your master Christ, and take up your Cross: lay your sins on his back, and always embrace him. And as touching my death, rejoice as I do (good Sister) that I shall be delivered of this corruption, and put on incorruption. For I am assured that I shall for losing of a mortal life, win an immortal life: the which I pray God grant you, and send you of his grace to live in his fear, and to die in the true Christian faith, from the which (in God's name) I exhort you that you never serve, neither for hope of life, nor for fear of death. For if ye will deny his truth to lengthen your life, God will deny you, and yet shorten your days. And if you will cleave unto him, he will prolong your days to your comfort and his glory: to the which glory God bring me now and you hereafter when it pleaseth him to call you. Far you well good Sister, and put your only trust in God, who only must help you.   

* Hear followeth a certain effectual prayer made by the Lady jane, in the time of her trouble.  
O Lord, thou God and father of my life, hear me poor and desolate woman, 
A prayer of the Lady jane.  which flieth unto thee, only in all troubles and miseries. Thou O Lord art the only defender and deliverer of those that put their trust in thee: and therefore I being defiled with sin, encumbered with affliction, unquieted with troubles, wrapped in cares, overwhelmed with miseries, vexed with temptations, and grievously tormented with the long imprisonment of this vile mass of clay my sinful body: do come unto thee (O merciful Saviour) craving thy mercy and help: without the which so little hope of deliverance is left, that I may utterly despair of any liberty. Albeit it is expedient, that seeing our life standeth upon trying, we should be visited sometime with some adversity, whereby we might both be tried whether we be of thy flock or no, and also know thee and ourselves the better: yet thou that saidest that thou wouldst not suffer us to be tempted above our power, be merciful unto me now a miserable wretch, I beseech thee: which with Solomon do cry unto thee, humbly desiring thee, that I may neither be too much puffed up with prosperity, neither too much pressed down with adversity: lest I being too full, should deny thee my GOD, or being too low brought, should despair and blaspheme thee my Lord and Saviour. O merciful GOD, consider my misery best known unto thee, and be thou now unto me a strong tower of defence, I humbly require thee. Suffer me not to be tempted above my power, but either be thou a deliverer unto me out of this great misery, either else give me grace patiently to bear thy heavy hand and sharp correction. It was thy right hand that delivered the people of Israel out of the hands of Pharaoh, which for the space of four hundred years, did oppress them, and keep them in bondage. Let it therefore likewise seem good to thy fatherly goodness, 
Psal. ●●.  to deliver me sorrowful wretch (for whom thy Son Christ shed his precious blood on the Cross) out of this miserable captivity & bondage, wherein I am now. How long wilt thou be absent? for ever? Oh Lord hast thou forgotten to be gracious, and hast thou shut up thy loving kindness in displeasure? wilt thou be no more entreated? Is thy mercy clean gone for ever, and thy promise come utterly to an end for evermore? why dost thou make so long tarrying? shall I despair of thy mercy O God? far be that from me. I am thy workmanship created in Christ jesus: give me grace therefore to tarry thy leisure, and patiently to bear thy works: assuredly knowing, that as thou canst, so thou wilt deliver me when it shall please thee, nothing doubting or mistrusting thy goodness towards me: for thou wottest better what is good for me than I do: Therefore do with me in all things what thou wilt: & plague me what way thou wilt. Only in the mean time arm me I beseech thee, with thy armour, that I may stand fast, my loins being girded about with verity, having on the breast plate of righteousness, & shod with the shoes prepared by the Gospel of peace, 
Ephes. 6.  above all things taking to me the shield of faith, wherewith I may be able to quench all the fiery darts of the wicked, and taking the helmet of salvation & the sword of the spirit, which is thy most holy word: praying always with all manner of prayer & supplication that I may refer myself wholly to thy will, abiding thy pleasure and comforting myself in those troubles that it shall please thee to send me: seeing such troubles be profitable for me, and seeing I am assuredly persuaded that it can not be but well, all that thou dost. Hear me O merciful father for his sake, whom thou wouldst should be a sacrifice for my sins: to whom with thee and the holy Ghost be all honour and glory. Amen.  
After these things thus declared, it remaineth now, coming to the end of this virtuous Lady, next to infer the manner of her execution, with the words and behaviour of her in time of her death.   

¶ These are the words that the Lady jane spoke upon the Scaffold at the hour of her death.  
FIrst when she mounted upon the Scaffold, 
The word●● and behaviour of the Lady Ian● upon the Scaffold.  she said to the people standing thereabout: good people I am come hither to die, and by a law I am condemned to the same. The fact against the Queen's highness was vnlaw full, and the consenting thereunto by me: but touching the procurement and desire thereof by me or on my behalf, I do wash my hands thereof in innocency before God, and the face of you, good Christian people, this day: and therewith she wrong her hands, wherein she had her book. Then said she, I pray you all, good Christian people, to bear me witness that I die a true Christian woman, and that I do look to be saved by no other mean, but only by the mercy of God in the blood of his only son jesus Christ: and I confess that when I did know the word of God, I neglected the same, loved myself and the world, & therefore this plague and punishment is happily and worthily happened unto me for my sins: and yet I thank God of his goodness that he hath thus given me a time and respite to repent: and now (good people) while I am alive I pray you assist me with your prayers. And then kneeling down she turned her to Fecknam saying: shall I say this psalm? and he said, yea. Then said she the Psalm of Miserere mei Deus in English, in most devout manner throughout to the end, and then she stood up and gave her maiden Mistress Ellen her gloves and handkerchefe, and her book to Master Bruges, and then she untied her gown, and the hangman pressed upon her to help her off with it, but she desiring him to let her alone, turned towards her two Gentlewomen, who helped her of therewith, and also with her frowes past and neckerchefe, giving to her a fair handkerchefe to knit about her eyes.  
Then the hangman kneeled down and asked her forgiveness, whom she forgave most willingly. Then he willed her to stand upon the straw: which doing she saw the block. Then she said, I pray you dispatch me quickly. Then she kneeled down, saying: will you take it off before I lay me down? & the hangman said, no Madam. Then tied she the kerchief about her eyes, and feeling for the block she said: what shall I do? where is it? where is it? One of the standers by guiding her thereunto, she laid her head down upon the block, and then stretched forth her body and said: Lord into thy hands I commend my spirit, and so finished her life in the year of our Lord God. 1553. the 12. day of February.   

¶ Certain pretty verses written by the said Lady jane with a pin.  

Non aliena put es homini, quae obtingere possunt.  
Sors hodierna mihi, tunc erit illa tibi.   jane Dudley. 

Deo iuvante, nil nocet livor malus:  
Et non iuvante, nil juuat labor gravis.  
Post tenebras spero lucem.    

¶ Certain Epitaphs written in commendation of the worthy Lady jane Grace.  De jana Graia joan. Parkhursti Carmen. 


Graia being her surname signifieth in Latina Grecyan.  Miraris janam Graio sermone valere?  
Quo primum nata est tempore, Graia fuit.   In historiam janae. I. F. 

Tu, quibus ista legas in certum est lector, ocellis:  
Ipse equidem siccis scribere non potui.   De jana, D. Laurentij Humfredi decastichon. 

jana jacet saevo non aequae vulnere mortis,  
Nobilis ingenio, sanguine, martyrio.  
Ingenium latijs ornavit foemina musis,  
Foemina virgineo tota dicata choro.  
Sanguine clara fuit, regali stirpe creata,  
Ipsaque Reginae nobilitata throno.  
Bis Graia est, pulchrè Graijs nutrita camaenis,  
Et prisco Graiûm sanguine creta ducum.  
Bis Martyr, sacrae fidei verissima testis:  
Atque vacans regni crimine, jana jacet.   
Thus the xii. day of February (as I said) was beheaded the Lady jane, 
February. 12. Lady jane and L. Gylforde Dudley beheaded.  and with her also the Lord Gilford her husband, one of the Duke of Northumberlands sons, two innocents in comparison of them that sat upon them. For they did but ignorantly accept that which the others had willingly devised, and by open Proclamation consented to take from others and give to them.  
Touching the condemnation of this Lady jane, here is to be noted, that the judge Morgan who gave the sentence of condemnation against her, 
A wonderful example upon Morgan the judge who gave sentence against the Lady jane.  shortly after he had condemned her, fell mad, and in his raving cried out continually to have the Lady jane taken away from him, and so ended his life.  
And not long after the death of the Lady jane, upon the xxj. of the same month, was Henry Duke of Suffolk her father also beheaded at the Tower Hill, the iiij. day after his condemnation: about which time also were condemned for this conspiracy many Gentlemen and Yeomen, 
February 21.  whereof some were executed at London, and some in the Country. 

Henry D. of Suffolk beheaded.  
L. Thomas Grace apprehended and executed.   In the number of whom was also Lord Thomas Grace, brother to the said Duke, being apprehended not long after in North Wales, and executed for the same. Sir Nicholas Throgmorton very hardly escaped, as ye shall hear (the Lord willing) in another place.  
The xxiv. of the same month, the year of our Lord 1554. Boner Bishop of London sent down a Commission, directed to all the Curates and Pastors of his diocese, for the taking of the names of such as would not come the Lent following to auricular confession, 
February. 24.  and to the receiving at Easter: the copy of which monition here followeth.   

¶ A monition of Boner Bishop of London, sent down to all and singular Curates of his Diocese, for the certifying of the names of such as would not come in Lent to Confession and receiving at Easter.  
EDmund by the permission of God, Bishop of London, to all Parsons, 
A monition of Boner B. of London to all ministers of his Diocese.  vicars, Curates and Ministers of the Church, within the City and Diocese of London, sendeth grace, peace, and mercy, in our Lord everlasting. For as much as by the order of the Ecclesiastical laws and constitutions of this Realm, and the laudable usage & custom of the whole Catholic Church, by many hundredth years agone, duly and devoutly observed and kept, all faithful people being of lawful age and discretion, are bound once in the year at least (except reasonable cause excuse them) to be confessed to their own proper Curate, and to receive the Sacrament of the altar, with due preparation and devotion: and for as much also as we be credibly informed, that sundry evil disposed and undevout persons, given to sensual pleasures and carnal appetites, following the lusts of their body, and neglecting utterly the health of their souls, do forbear to come to confession according to the said usage, 
Coming to confession.  and to receive the Sacrament of the altar accordingly, giving thereby pernicious and evil example to the younger sort, to neglect and contemn the same: we minding the reformation hereof for our own discharge, 
Receiving the sacrament of the altar.  and desirous of good order to be kept, and good example to be given: do will and command you by virtue hereof, that immediately upon the receipt of this our commandment, ye and every each of you within your cure and charge, do use all your diligence and dexterity to declare the same, straightly charging and commanding all your parishioners, being of lawful age and discretion, to come before Easter next coming, to confession, according to the said ordinance and usage, and with due preparation and devotion to receive the said Sacrament of the altar, and that ye do note the names of all such as be not confessed unto you, and do not receive of you the said Sacrament, certifying us or our Chancellor or Commissary thereof before the sixth day of April next ensuing the date hereof: so that we knowing thereby who did not come to confession, and receiving the Sacrament accordingly, may proceed against them, as being persons culpable, and transgressors of the said ecclesiastical law and usage: Further also certifying us or our said Chancellor or Commissary, before the day aforesaid, whether ye have your altars set up, chalice, book, vestments, and all things necessary for Mass, and the administration of sacraments and sacramentals, with procession and all other divine service prepared and in readiness, according to the order of the Catholic Church, and the virtuous and godly example of the Queen's Majesties: and if ye so have not, ye then with the Churchwardens cause the same to be provided for, signifying by whose fault and negligence the same want or fault hath proceeded, and generally of the not coming of your parishioners to Church, undue walking, talking, or using of themselves there unreverently in the time of divine service, and of all other open faults and misdemeanours, not omitting thus to do, and certify as before, as you will answer upon your peril for the contrary. Given at London the 23. of February, in the year of our Lord 1554.  
The next month following, which was the month of March, and the 4. day of the said month, there was a letter sent from the Queen to Boner Bishop of London, with certain Articles also annexed, to be put in speedy execution, containing as here followeth.   

¶ Articles scent from the Queen to the Bishop of London, by him and his officers at her commandment to be put in speedy execution, with her letter to the said Bishop before prefixed.  
RIght reverend Father in God, right trusty and well-beloved we greet you well. 
A letter o● Q. Marry 〈◊〉 B. Boner. Causes de●clared. March. 3.  And whereas heretofore in the time of the late reign of our most dearest brother K. Edward the 6. whose soul god pardon, divers notable crimes excesses and faults, with sundry kinds of heresies, s●●●ny, adultery, & other enormities have been committed within this our Realm and other our dominions, the same continuing yet hitherto in like disorder since the beginning of our reign, without any correction or reformation at all, & the people both of the laity and also of the clergy, & chief of the clergy have been given to much insolency & ungodly rule, greatly to the displeasure of almighty God, & very much to our regret & evil contentation, & to no little slander of other Christian realms, and in a manner to the subversion & clean defacing of this our realm, and remembering our duty to almighty god, to be to foresee (as much as in us may be) that all virtue and godly living should be embraced, flourish & increase, and therewith also, that all vice & ungodly behaviour should be banished and put away, or at the least wise (so nigh as might be) so bridled and kept under that godliness and honesty might have the over hand, understanding by very credible report and public fame, to ou● no small heaviness and discomfort, that within your diocese as well in not exempted as exempted places, the like disorder and evil behaviour hath been done & used, like also to continue and increase unless due provision be had and made to reform the same, which earnestly in very deed we do mind & intend to the uttermost all the ways we can possible, trusting of God's furtherance and help in that behalf. For these causes, and other most just considerations us moving, we send unto you certain articles of such special matter, as among other things be most necessary now to be put in execution by you & your officers, extending to the end by us desired, and the reformation aforesaid, wherein ye shall be charged with our special commandment, by these our letters to the intent you and your officers may the more earnestly and boldly proceed thereunto without fear of any presumption to be noted on your part, or danger to be incurred of any such our Laws, as by our doings of that is in the said articles contained, might any wise grieve you whatsoever be threatened in any such case. And therefore we straightly charge and command you, and your said officers to proceed to the execution of the said Articles, without all tract and delay, as ye will answer to the contrary. Given under our signet, at our Palace of Westminster the 3. day of march the first year of our reign.   

Articles sent from the Queen unto the Ordinary, and by him and his Officers by her commandment to be put in execution in the whole dioces.  
FIrst, that every Bishop and his Officers, with all other having Ecclesiastical jurisdiction, 
 shall with all speed and diligence, and all manner of ways to them possible, put in execution all such Canons and Ecclesiastical Laws, 
 heretofore in the time of King Henry the eight used within this Realm of England, and the dominions of the same, nor being directly and expressly contrary to the laws and statutes of this Realm.  
Item, that no B. or any his Officer, or other person aforesaid, 
 hereafter in any of their ecclesiastical writings, in process or other extraiuditiall acts, do use to put in this clause or sentence, Regia authoritate fulcitus.  
Item, that no Bishop or any his officers or other person aforesaid, do hereafter exact or demand in the admission of any person to any ecclesiastical promotion, order or office, any oath touching the primacy or succession, as of late in few years passed hath been accustomed and used.  
Item, that every B. and his officers, with all other persons aforesaid, have a vigilant eye, and use special diligence and foresight, that no person be admitted or received to any ecclesiastical function, benefice or office being a sacramentary infected or defamed with any notable kind of heresy or other great crime, and that the said B. do stay and cause to be stayed, as much as lieth in him, that benefices and Ecclesiastical promotions do not notably decay or take hindrance by passing, or confirming of unreasonable leases.  
Item, that every Bishop and all other persons aforesaid, 
For punishing heresies, 〈◊〉 they call them.  do diligently travail for the repressing of heresies and notable crimes, especially in the Clergy, duly correcting and punishing the same.  
Item, that every B. and all the other persons aforesaid, do likewise travel for the condemning and repressing of corrupt and naughty opinions, unlawful books, ballads, and other pernicious and hurtful devices, engendering hatred amongst the people, and discord amongst the same: And the Schoolmasters, Preachers, and Teachers, do exercise and use their offices and duties without teaching, preaching, or setting forth any evil and corrupt doctrine, and that doing the contrary, they may be by the Bishop and his said officers punished and removed.  
Item, that every B. and all the other persons aforesaid, proceeding summarely & with all celerity & speed, 
 may and shall deprive or declare deprived and amove, according to their learning & discretion, all such persons from their benefices & ecclesiastical promotions, who contrary to the state of their order, & the laudable custom of the church, have married & used women as their wives, or otherwise notably, and slanderously disordered or abused themselves: sequestering also, during the said process, the fruits and profits of the said benefices and Ecclesiastical promotions.  
Item, that the said B. and all other persons aforesaid, do use more lenity and clemency with such as have married, whose wives be dead, then with other whose women do yet remain alive. And likewise such Priests, as with the consents of their wives or women openly in the presence of the B. do profess to abstain, 
Provision 〈◊〉 priests which re●●unce their 〈◊〉.  to be used more favourably. In which case after penance effectually done, the Bishop according to his discretion and wisdom, may upon just consideration, receive and admit them again to their former administration, so it be not in the same place, appointing them such a portion to live upon, to be paid out of their benefice, whereof they be deprived, by discretion of the said Bishop, or his Officer as he shall think may be spared of the said Benefice.  
Item, that every Bishop, and all other persons aforesaid, 
Married Priests ●●uorced ●●th from ●ife and ●enefice.  do foresee that they suffer not any religious man, having solemnly professed chastity, to continue with his woman, or wife, but that all such persons, after deprivation of their benefice or Ecclesiastical promotion, be also divorced every one from his said woman, and due punishment otherwise taken for the offence therein.  
Item, that every Bishop and all other persons aforesaid, do take order and direction with the Parishioners of every Benefice where Priests do want, 
Provision 〈◊〉 want of Priests.  to repair to the next Parish for divine service, or to appoint for a convenient time, till other better provision may be made, one Curate to serve, Alienis vicibus, in divers Parishes, and to allot to the said Curate for his labour some portion of the Benefice that he so serveth.  
Item, that all and all manner of processions of the Church, be used, 
〈…〉 Latin. holidays 〈◊〉 fasting ●●yes▪  frequented, and continued after the old order of the Church in the latin tongue.  
Item, that all such holidays and fasting days be observed and kept, as were observed and kept in the latter time of king Henry the eight.  
Item, that the laudable & honest ceremonies which were wont to be used, frequented and observed in the Church, 
Ceremonies restored.  be also hereafter frequented, used and observed.  
Item that children be christened by the Priest, and confirmed by the Bishop, as heretofore hath been accustomed and used.  
Item, touching such persons as were heretofore promoted to any orders after the new sort and fashion of orders: considering they were not ordered in very deed, 
Orders.  the bishop of the Diocese finding otherwise sufficiency and ability in those men, may supply that thing which wanted in them before, and then according to his discretion admit them to minister.  
Item, 
Coming to divine service.  that by the bishop of the Diocese an uniform doctrine be set forth by Homilies, or otherwise for the good instruction & teaching of all people: And that the said bish. and other persons aforesaid, do compel the parishioners to come to their several Churches, and there devoutly to hear divine service, as of reason they ought.  
Item, that they examine all Schoolmasters & teachers of children, & finding them suspect, 
Provision for Catholick● schoolmasters.  in any wise to remove them and place Catholic men in their rooms, with a special commandment to instruct their children, so as they may be able to answer the priest at the mass, and so help the priest to mass, as hath been accustomed.  
Item, that the said Bishop, and all other the persons aforesaid, have such regard, respect, and consideration of and for the setting forth of the premises with all kind of virtue godly living, and good example, with repressing also and keeping under of vice and unthriftiness as they and every of them may be seen to favour the restitution of true Religion, and also to make an honest account and reckoning of their office and cure, to the honour of God, our good contentation, and the profit of this our Realm: and the dominions of the same.  
A like prescript also with Articles, was sent from the said Queen Mary to the Lord Mayor of London, 
March. 4.  the 4. day of March, in the year abovesaid, which Lord Mayor upon the same directed his commandment to the Aldermen, every one severally in his ward, conteing as followeth.   

* By the Lord Mayor.  
ON the Queen our most gracious & most benign sovereign Lady's behalf, 
A prescript of the Lord Mayor to the Aldermen.  we most straightly charge & command you, that ye the said Aldermen, fail not personally to call before your own person in such place within your said ward as to you shall seem most convenient & meet upon Wednesday next coming, which shallbe the 7. day of this present month, at 7. of the clock in the morning of the same day, all and every the householders both poor and rich of your said ward, & then & there, openly and plainly for your own discharge and for the eschewing of the perils that to you might otherwise be justly imputed & laid, do not only straightly admonish, charge, & command in the Queen our said sovereign ladies name and behalf, all and every the said householders, that both in their own persons, and also their wives, children, and servants being of the age of xii. years and upwards and every of them, do at all and every time, and times from henceforth, and namely at the holy time of Easter now approaching, honestly, quietly, obediently, and Catholickely, use and behave themselves like good and faithful christian people in all and every thing and things touching & concerning the true faith, profession, and Religion of his Catholic Church, both according to the laws and precepts of almighty God, and also their bounden duty of obedience towards our sovereign Lady the Queen her laws and Statutes, and her highness most good example & gracious proceeding according to the same, and according also to the right wholesome charitable & godly admonition, charge and exhortation late set forth and given by the right reverend father in God the bishop of London, our Diocesan and ordinary to all the Persons, Uicares, and Curates within this Diocese: but also that they and every of them do truly without delay advertise you of the names & surnames of all and every person and persons that they or any of them, can or may at any time hereafter know, perceive, or understand to transgress or offend in any point or Article concerning the premises, at their uttermost perils▪ That ye immediately after such notice thereof to you given do forthwith advertise us thereof, fail ye not thus to do with all circumspection and diligence, as ye will answer to our said most dread sovereign Lady the Queen, for the contrary at your like peril. Given at the Guildhall of the City of London, the v. day of March in the first of the reign of our said saveraigne Lady the Queen. Blackwell.  
And likewise do you give to every of the said householders straightly in commandment, that they or their wives depart not out of the said City until this holy time of Easter be past.  
ABout the same year and time, when Doct. Boner set forth this prescript or monitory, there came from the Queen another proclamation against strangers and foreigners within this realm. The purpose & intent of which proclamation, because it chief and most specially concerned religion and doctrine, and the true professors thereof, I thought here to annex the tenor and manner of the same.   

* A copy of the Queen's Proclamation for the driving out of the Realm Strangers and Foreigners.  

Q. mary's proclamation for driving out of strangers.  THE Queen our sovereign Lady understanding that a multitude of evil disposed persons, being borne out of her highness dominions in other sundry nations, flying from the obeisance of the Princes and Rulers under whom they be borne, some for heresy, some for murder, treason, robbery, and some for other horrible crimes, be resorted into this her majesties Realm, and here have made their demour, and yet be commoraunt and lingering, partly to eschew such conding punishment as their said horrible crimes deserve, and partly to dilate, plant, and sow the seeds of their malicious doctrine and lewd conversation among the good subjects of this her said Realm, of purpose to infect her good subjects with the like, in so much as (besides innumerable heresies, which divers of the same being heretics have preached and taught within her highness said Realm) it is assuredly known unto her Majesty, 
Causes laid against strangers.  that not only their secret practices have not failed to stir, comfort and aid divers her highness subjects to this most unnatural rebellion against God and her grace, but also some other of them desist not still to practise with her people eftsoons to rebel, her Majesty therefore having (as afore is said) knowledge and intelligence hereof, hath for remedy herein determined, and most straightly chargeth and commandeth, that all and every such person or persons borne out of her highness dominions, now commoraunt or resident within this Realm, of whatsoever Nation or Country, being either Preacher, Printer, Bookeseller, or other Artificer, or of whatsoever calling else, not being Denizen or Merchant known, using the trade of Merchandise, or servant to such Ambassadors as be leigers here from the Princes and states joined in league with her grace, shall within 24. days after this Proclamation, avoid the Realm, upon pain of most grievous punishment by enprisonment and forfeiture and confiscation of all their goods and movables, and also to be delivered unto their natural Princes, or Rulers, against whose persons or laws they have offended. giving to all Mayors, Sheriffs, Bailiffs, Constables, and all other her ministers, officers, and good subjects, straightly also in charge, if they know any such person not borne in the Queen's highness dominion● (〈◊〉 before excepted) that shall after the time and day limited in ●his Proclamation, tarry within this Realm, that they shall apprehend the same person or persons, and commit him or them to 〈◊〉, there to remain without bail or mayneprise, till her grace's pleasure or her Counsels be signified unto them for the further ordering of the said person or persons. And that if any of her said officers, after the said 24. days apprehend, take, or know of any such, they shall with diligence immediately certify her said Counsel thereof, to the intent order may forthwith be given for their punishment according.  
In the mean while, upon the Proclamation before mentioned, not only the strangers in K. Edward's time received into the Realm for Religion, 
Pet. Martyr and johannes Alasco, banished the realm.  among whom was Pet. Martyr, john Alasco uncle to the King of Poleland, but many Englishmen fled, some to Friesland, some to Cleveland, some to high Germany, where they were diversly scattered into divers companies & congregations, at weasel, at Frankford, Emden, Markpurgh, Strausborough, basil, A-row, Zurich, Geneva, and other places: where by the providence of God they were all sustained, and there entertained with greater favour among strangers abroad, 

Englishmen fled out of the realm for religion.  
The number of English exiles well near 800. persons.  
March 15. Lady Elizabeth and Lord Courtney upon suspicion of Sir Thom. Wyat's rising committed to the Tower.   than they could be in their own country at home, well-near to the number of 800. persons, Students, & other together.  
In the said month of March, the Lord Courtney Earl of Devonshire, whom the Queen at her first entering delivered out of the Tower, and Lady Elizabeth also the Queen's Sister, were both in suspection to have consented to Wiat's conspiracy, and for the same this March were apprehended and committed to the Tower.  
Touching the imprisonment of which Lady Elizabeth and the Lord Courtney, thou shalt note here for thy learning (good Reader) a politic point of practice in Steven Gardiner Bishop of Wint. not unworthy to be considered. This Gardener being always a capital enemy to the Lady Elizabeth, and thinking ●owe by the occasion of master Wyate to pick out some matter against the Lord Courtney, and so in the end, to entangle the Lady Elizabeth, devised a pestilent practice of conveyance, as in the story here following may appear.  
The story is this. The same day that Sir Tho. Wyate died, 
A point 〈◊〉 practice 〈◊〉 Ste. Gardener against the Lady ●●lizabeth.  he desired the Lieutenant to bring him to the presence of the Lord Courtney. Who there before the Lieutenant and the Sheriffs, kneeling down upon his knees, besought the Lord Courtney to forgive him, for that he had falsely accused both the Lady Elizabeth and him, and so being brought from thence unto the scaffold to suffer, there openly in the hearing of all the people cleared the Lady Elizabeth, and the Lord Courtney to be free and innocent from all suspicion of that commotion. At which confession, 
D. Westo● against 〈◊〉 Lady Eli●●●beth.  Doctor Weston there standing by, cried to the people, saying: Believe him not good people, for he confessed otherwise before unto the Counsel.  
After the execution done of Sir Thomas Wyatt, which was the 11. day of April, word was brought immediately to the Lord Maior Sir Thomas White, a little before dinner, 
The Lor● Mayor's iudgeme●● of D. We●ston.  how master Wyate had cleared the Lady Elizabeth and Lord Courtney, and the words also which Doctor Weston spoke unto the people, whereunto the Lord Maior answering: Is this true quoth he? said Weston so? In sooth I never took him otherwise but for a knave. Upon this, the Lord Maior sitting down to dinner (who dined the same day at the Bridgehouse) cometh in Sir Martin Bows with the Recorder, newly come from the Parliament house, who hearing of the Mayor and Sheriffs this report of Wiat's confession, both upon the Scaffold and also in the Tower, marveled thereat, declaring how there was another tale contrary to this, told the same day in the Parliament house, which was, that Sir Thomas Wyate should desire the Lord Courtney to confess the truth, so as he had done before.  
Upon this it followed not long after that a certain apprentice dwelling in S. Laurence lane, named Cut, as he was drinking with one Denhan a plasterer being one of Queen Mary's servants, amongst other talk made mention how Sir Thomas Wyate had cleared the Lady Elizabeth and the Lord Courtney, to be no consenters to his rising. Which words being brought to Gardiner (by what means I know not) incontinent upon the same, 
Cut pre●●tise in Lonedom brou●●● before 〈◊〉 Gardener▪  Sir Andrew judde was sent by the said Bishop to the Lord Maior, commanding him to bring the said prentice to the Star Chamber, which was accused of these words, that he should say that Wyatt was constrained by the Counsel to accuse the Lady Elizabeth and the Lord Courtney. Which fellow when he was come to the star Chamber, the aforesaid Gardener letting pass other matters that were in hand, began to declare to the whole multitude, how miraculously almighty God had brought the Queen's Majesty to the Crown, the whole Realm in a manner being against her, & that he had brought this to pass for this singular intent and purpose, 
Ste. Gard●●ners tale 〈◊〉 the starr● chamber ●●gaynst th● Lady Eli●●●beth.  that this Realm being overwhelmed with heresies, she might reduce again the same unto the true Catholic faith. And where she took the Lady Elizabeth into her favour, and loved her so tenderly, and also the Lord Courtney, who of long time had been detained in prison, and by her was set at liberty, and received great benefits at her hands, and notwithstanding all this, they had conspired most unnaturally and traitorously against her with that heinous Traitor Wiate, and by the confession of Wyate (said he) and the letters sent to and fro may plainly appear: Yet there was some in the City of London, which reported that Wyatt was constrained by the Counsel to accuse the Lady Elizabeth and the L. Courtney, & yet you my L. Mayor (quoth he) have not seen the same punished.  
The party is here, said the Lord Maior. Take him with you (said Gardiner) and punish him according to his desert, & said further: My Lord, take heed to your charge, the City of London is a whirlpool and sink of all evil rumours, there they be bread, and from thence spread into all parts of this Realm.  
There stood by the same time the Lord Shandoys, 
The Lor● Shandoy● false repo●● in the 〈◊〉 chamber, ●●gaynst La●● Elizabeth and Lord Courtne●▪  who being then Lieutenant of the Tower, and now hearing the Bishop thus speak, to soothe his tale, came in with these words as followeth.  
My Lords (quoth he) this is a truth that I shall tell you, I being Lieutenant of the Tower when Wyatt suffered he desired me to bring him to the Lord Courtney, which when I had done, he fell down upon his knees before him in my presence, and desired him to confess the truth of himself, as he had done before, and to submit himself unto the Queen's majesties mercy.  
And thus much I thought of this matter to declare, to the intent that the Reader perceiving the proceed of the bishop in the premises, and comparing the same with the true testimony of Wyatt himself, & with the testimony o● the Sheriffs which were present the same time when Sir Thomas Wyatt asked the Lord Courtney forgiveness, may the better judge of the whole case and matter for the which the Lady Elizabeth and the Lord Courtney were so long in trouble. Of which her Grace's trouble, hereafter (God willing) more shall be said in the story of her life. In the mean time, to let this matter stay, let us now pass further in our history.  

 NOt long after this, Queen Mary partly fearing the Londoners by occasion of Wiat's conspiracy partly perceiving most part of the City for religions sake not greatly to favour her proceed, to their displeasure and hindrance summoned a Parliament to be held at Oxford: as it were to gratify that City, 
 where both the University, Town, and Country had showed themselves very obedient and forward, especially in restoring popish religion. For this purpose great provision was made, as well by the Queen's officers and by the towns men and inhabitants of Oxford and the Country about.  

 But the Queen's mind in short space changed, and the same Parliament was holden at Westminster in aprill following. Then the Queen, beside other things, proposed concerning her marriage to king Philip, and restoring of the Pope's supremacy. As touching her marriage it was agreed upon: but the other request could not as then be obtained.  
The same time when this Parliament was summoned, she also summoned a convocation of bishops & of the Clergy, 
 writing unto Boner (whom she had made Vicegerent in the stead of Cranmer being in the Tower) after the tenor and form of a new style, differing from the old style of K. Henry, and K. Edward as followeth.   

* The style of Q. Mary altered writing to Boner for the summoning of a Convocation.  
MAria Dei gratia Angliae, Franciae, Hiberniae Regina, fidei defensor. 
 Reverendo in Christo patri Edmondo London. Epis. Salutem. Licet nuper quibusdam arduis & urgentibus negotijs nos securitatem, & defensionem Ecclesiae Anglicanae ac pacem & tranquilitatem &c.  
Where note good Reader, concerning the altering and changing the Queen's style, the latter part thereof to be left out of her title, which is: Ecclesiae Anglicanae Hiberniae supremum caput, because in this present Parliament the supremacy being given away from the crown of England to the Pope, 
 thereupon this parcel of the title was also taken away. Likewise the said Boner giving his certificate upon the same, leaveth out autoritate illustrissimae. etc. legitime suffultus: which parcel also in the same Parliament was reprieved and taken away the same time.   

¶ The dignity of Priests extolled by Bishop Boner.  
IN this foresaid convocation, Bonor B. of London being Vicegerent and Precedent as is said, made a certain exhortation or oration to the Clergy (whether it was in this convocation or much about the said time) wherein he seemeth to show a great piece of his profound and deep learning in setting forth the most incomparable & superangelical order of Priesthood, 
〈◊〉 speaks for the ●●nour of priesthood.  as may appear by this parcel or fragment of his foresaid Oration. Being collected and gathered by some that stood by, which as it came to our hands so I thought to impart it to the Reader, both for that the Author of so worthy a work should not pass unknown, and partly also, for that the estimation of this blessed order should los● nothing of his pre-eminence, but might be known in most ample perfection, so as it standeth above Angels and kings, if it be true that Boner saith.  
¶ A piece or fragment of the exhortation made by Boner Bishop of London, to them of the Convocation house, copied out by them that stood by and heard him.   

Boners' Oration in praise of Priesthood.  
WHerefore it is to be known that Priests & Elders be worthy of all men to be worshipped for the dignity sake which they have of God, 
 as in Mat. 16. Whatsoever ye shall lose upon earth. etc. And whatsoever you shall bind. etc. For a priest by some means is like Mary the Virgin, and is showed by three points: As the blessed virgin by five words did conceive Christ, as it is said: Luke. 1. Fiat mihi secundum verbum tuum: that is to say. Be it unto me according to thy word: 
Priests compared to the virgin Mary in three points.  so the priest by 5. words doth make the very body of Christ. Even as immediately after the consent of Mary, Christ was all whole in her womb: so immediately after the speaking of the words of consecration, the bread is transubstantiated into the very body of Christ. Secondly, as the Virgin carried Christ in her arms, and laid him in an Ox shall after his birth: even so the Priest after the consecration, doth lift up the body of Christ, & placeth it, & carrieth it, and handleth it with his hands. thirdly, as the blessed Virgin was sanctified before she was conceived: so the Priest being ordained & anointed before he doth consecrate, because without orders he could consecrated nothing, therefore the lay man cannot do the thing, although he be never so holy, and do speak the self same words of consecration. Therefore here is to be known, that the dignity of Priests by some means passeth the dignity of angels, 
Priesthood compared & preferred before the state of Angels.  because there is no power given to any of the Angels to make the body of Christ. Whereby the least priest may do in earth, that the greatest and highest Angel in heaven can not do as S. Barnard saith: O worshipful dignity of Priests in whose hands the Son of God is, as in the womb of the Virgin he was incarnate. S. Augustine saith, that Angels in the consecration of the sacred host do serve him, and the Lord of heaven descendeth to him. Whereupon Saint Ambrose upon Saint Luke saith: Doubt thou not the Angels to be where Christ is present upon the Aultare. Wherefore Priests are to be honoured before all kings of the earth, Princes and Nobles. For a Priest is higher than a King, 
Blasphemy▪  happier than an Angel, Maker of his Creator. Wherefore. etc.  
It was declared a little before, how Doct. Ridley was had from Framingham to the Tower: where being in durance, and invited to the Lieutenants table, he had certain talk or conference with Secretary Bourne M. Fecknam and other concerning the controversies in religion: that sum whereof, as it was penned with his own hand, hereafter ensueth.   

* Hear followeth the sum and effect of the communication between D. Ridley, and Secretary Bourne with others, at the lieutenants table in the Tower.  
Master Thomas of Bridges said at his brother master lieutenants board: I pray you M. Doctors, 
Sir Tho. Abridges.  for my learning tell me what an heretic is. M. Secretary Bourne said, I will tell you who is an heretic: who so stubbornly & stiffly maintaineth an untruth, he is an heretic. 
Who is an heretic.  Ye mean sir (said I) an untruth in matters of religion, & concerning our faith. Yea that is true said he: & in this we are soon agreed. Then said master Fecknam, sitting at the upper end of the table, whom they called M. Deane of Paul's: I will tell you by S. Austin who is an heretic. Qui adulandi principibus vel lucri gratia falsas opiniones gignit vel sequitur, hereticus est, saith S. Austin. 
An heretic defined by S. Austen.  And then he englished the same. Sir said I, I ween S. Austin addeth the third member, which is, vel vanae gloriae causa. Ye say even true M. Doctor, said he, and thus far we did agree all three.  
M. Fecknam began again to say, who so doth not believe that scripture affirmeth, 
Fecknam provoking M. Ridley.  but will obstinately maintain the contrary, he is Haereticus, as in the sacrament of the altar: Matthew doth affirm there to be Christ's body. Mark doth affirm it, Luke affirmeth it, Paul affirmeth it, and none denieth it: therefore to hold the contrary it is heresy. It is the same body and flesh that was borne of the virgin: & this is confirmed by unity, antiquity & universality. For none before Berengarius did ever doubt of this, 
Unity, Antiquity, Universality.  & he was an heretic, as M. doctor there knoweth full well: I do testify his own conscience said he.  
Marry sir, said master Secretary, master Fecknam hath spoken well. These be great matters, unity antiquity and universality. Do ye not think so master Doctor said he to me?  
Here while I strained courtesy and pretended as nothing to talk, said one of the Commissioners: peradventure M. Ridley doth agree with M. Fecknam, and then there needs not much debating of the matter.  
Sir said I in some things I do and shall agree with him, and in some things which he hath spoken to be plain. I do not agree with him at all. Master said I, ye be (as I understand) the Queen's Commissioners here and if ye have commission to examine me in these matters, I shall declare unto you plainly my faith, if ye have not, than I shall pray you either give me leave to speak my mind freely, or else to hold my peace.  
There is none here, said M. Secretary, that doth not favour you: and then every man showed what favour they bore towards me, and how glad they would be of an agreement.  
But as I strained to have licence of them in plain words to speak my mind, 
Anno 1154. April.  so me thought they granted me it but vix or agrè. Well at the last I was content to take it for licensed, and so began to talk.  
To M. Fecknams' arguments of the manifold affirmation where no denial was, 
B. Ridley answering to Fecknam.  I answered: where is a multitude of affirmations in scripture, and where is one affirmation, all is one concerning the truth of the matter: for that any one of the Evangelists spoke inspired by the holy ghost, 
Truth in Scripture goeth not by number of affirmation where one is sufficient.  was as true as that which is spoken of them all. It is as true that john saith of Christ: Ego sum ostium ovium. i. I am the door of the sheep, as if all had said it. For it is not in scripture as in witness of men where the number is credited more than one, because it is uncertain of whose spirit he doth speak. And where M. Fecknam spoke of so many, affirming without any negation. etc. Sir said I, all they do affirm the thing which they meant. Now if ye take their words to leave their meaning then do they affirm what ye take, 
Words in Scripture must be taken with their meaning.  but not what they meant. Sir said I, if in talk with you, I should so utter my mind in words, that ye by the same do, and may plainly perceive my meaning & could (if ye would be captious) cavil at my words & writh them to an other sense, I would think ye were no gentle companion to talk with, except ye would take my words as ye did perceive that I did mean.  
Marry, quoth M. Secretary, we should else do you plain injury and wrong.  
M. Fecknam perceiving whereunto my talk went, why (quoth he) what circumstances can ye show me that should move to think of any other sense, then as the words plainly say: Hoc est corpus meum, quod pro vobis tradetur. i. This is my body which shall be betrayed for you?  
Sir said I, even the next sentence that followeth: vix. Hoc facite in meam commemorationem. i. Do this in my remembrance. 
Hoc est corpus meum expounded.  And also by what reason, ye say the bread is turned into Christ's carnal body: By the same I may say, that is turned into his mystical body. For as that saith of it: Hoc est corpus quod pro vobis tradetur: 
Reasons why these words ought to be taken not literally.  so Paul which spoke by Christ's spirit saith: unus panis & unum corpus multi sumus omnes, qui de uno pane participamus. i. We being many are all but one bread and one body, in as much as we are partakers of one bread.  
Here he calleth one bread, one loaf, said Master Seretary.  
Yea said I, one loaf, one bread, all is one with me.  
But what say ye quoth master Secretary, of the Universalitye, antiquity, and unity, that M. Fecknam did speak of?  
I ensure you said I, I think them matters weighty and to be considered well. 
Unity with verity to be allowed.  As for unity, the truth is, before God, I do believe it and embrace it, so it be with verity, & joined to our head Christ, and such one as Paul, speaketh of saying: una fides, unus Deus, unum Baptisma. i. On faith, one God, 
Antiquity.  one Baptism. And for antiquity I am also persuaded to be true that Iraeneus saith: Quod primum verum. i. That is first is true. In our Religion Christ's faith was first truly taught by Christ himself, by his Apostles and by many good men that from the beginning did succeed next unto them: and for this controversy of the Sacrament I am persuaded, that those old writers which wrote before the controversy and the usurping of the sea of Rome do all agree, if they be well understanded in this truth.  
I am glad to hear, said Master Secretary, that ye do so well esteem the Doctors of the church.  

universality hath a double understanding.  Now as for universality, it may have 2. meanings: one to understand that to be universal which from the beginning in all ages hath been allowed, another, to understand universality for the multitude of our age or of any other singular age.  
No, no, saith master Secretary, these 3. do always agree, and where there is one, there is all the rest, and here he and I changed many words. And finally, to be short in this matter we did not agree.  
There was none quoth master Fecknam, before Berengarius, Wickliff, and Hus, and now in our days Carolostadius, Oecolampadius. And Carolostadius saith, Christ pointeth to his own body and not to the Sacrament, and said: Hoc est Corpus meum. And Melancton writeth to one Micronius (Miconius said I) these or like words: 
Melancton ad Myconium.  Nullam satis gravem rationem invenire possum, propter quam a fide maiorum in hac materia dissentiam. i. I can find no grounded reason to cause me to dissent from the belief of our foreelders.  

The doctrine of the Sacrament not new.  Thus when he had spoken at length, with many other words more: Sir said I, it is certain that other before these have written of this matter. Not by the way only, and obiter, as doth for the most all the old writers, but even ex professo, and their whole books entreat of it alone, as Bertram.  
Bertram said the Secretary, what man was he? & whom was he, and how do ye know? etc. with many questions.  
Sir quoth I, I have read his book: He proponeth the same which is now in controversy, and answereth so directly that no man may doubt but that he affirmeth, that the substance of bread remaineth still in the Sacrament, and he wrote unto Carolus Magnus.  
Marry (quoth he) mark for there is a matter. He wrote quoth he, ad Henricum, and not ad Carolum, for no Author maketh any such mention of Bertramus.  
Yes quoth I, Trithemius in Catalogo illustrium scriptorum, speaketh of him. Trithemius was but o● late time: but he speaketh quoth I of them that were of antiquity. Here, after much talk of Bertram, what authors have ye quoth M. Secretary to make of the sacrament a figure?  
Sir quoth I, ye know (I think) that Tertullian in plain words speaketh thus: Hoc est corpus, id est, 
Doctor that 〈◊〉 the Sac●●●ment b● figure.  figu●● Corporis mei. i. This is my body, that is to say, a figure o● my body. And Gelasius saith plainly that Substantia panis manet. i. The substance of bread remaineth. And Origene saith likewise, Quod sanctificatur secundum materiam, ingreditur stomachum & vadit in secessum. i. 
Tertul●●nus. 〈…〉  That which is sanctified, as touching the matter or substance, passeth away into the draft. This when I had englished, M. Secretarye said to me, you know very well as any man. etc. and here, if I would, I might have been set in a foolish Paradise of his commendation of my learning, and quòd essem vir multae Lectionis. i. A man of much reading. But this I would not take at his hand. He set me not up so high, but I brought myself as low again: and here was much ado.  
As for Melancton (quoth I) whom M. Fecknam spoke of, I marvel that ye will allege him, for we are more nigh an agreement here in England, than the opinion of Melancton to you: for in this point we all agree here, that there is in the sacrament but one material substance: & Melancton as I ween, saith there are two.  
Ye say truth quoth M. Secretary: Melancthons' opinion is so. But I pray you, ye have read that the sacrament was in old time so reverenced, that many were then forbidden to be present at the ministration thereof. Catecumeni (quoth he) and many more.  
Truth sir (quoth I) there were called some Audientes, some Poenitentes, some Catechumeni, and some Euergumeni, 
Catec●●●meni 〈◊〉 other● out at 〈◊〉▪  which were commanded to departed.  
Now (quoth he) then. And how can ye then make but a figure or a sign of the Sacrament, as that book which is set forth in my Lord of Canterburyes name, I wisse, 〈◊〉 can tell who made it, did not ye make it? 
The 〈◊〉 of Ca●●●chism●  & here was much murmuring of the rest, as though they would have given me the glory of the writing of the book, which yet there was said of some there, to contain most heinous heresy that ever was.  
Master Secretary (quoth I) that book was made of a great learned man, and him which is able to do the like again: as for me I ensure you (be not deceived in me) I was never able to do or write any such like thing, he passeth me no less, than the learned master his young scholar.  
Now, here every man would have his saying, which I pass over, not much material for to tell. But sir quoth I, me thinks it is not charitably done, to bear the people in hand that any man doth so lightly esteem the sacrament, as to make of it a figure. For that [but] maketh it a bare figure without any more profit, which that book doth often deny, as appeareth to the reader most plainly.  
Yes quoth he that they do.  
Sir, no quoth I, of a truth: and as for me, I ensure you I make no less of the sacrament then thus: I say whosoever receiveth the sacrament, he receiveth therewith either life or death.  
No quoth M. Secretary, scripture saith not so.  
Sir quoth I, although not in the same sound of words, yet it doth in the same sense, and S. Augustine saith, in the sound of words also: for Paul saith: The bread which we break, is it not the partaking or fellowship of the body of Christ? And S. Augustine, Manduca vitam, Bibe vitam, i. eat life, drink life.  
Then said master Pope, what can ye make of it when ye say, there is not the real body of Christ? Which I do believe. etc. & I pray God I may never believe other. How can it bring (as ye say) either life or death, 
The 〈◊〉 bring 〈◊〉 with 〈◊〉  when Christ's body is not there?  
Sir quoth I, when you hear God's word truly preached, if ye do believe it and abide in it, ye shall and do receive life withal: and if ye do not believe it, it doth bring unto you death: and yet Christ's body is still in heaven and not carnal in every preachers mouth.  
I pray you tell me quoth he, how can you answer to this: 
 Quod pro vobis tradetur, which shall be given for you: was the figure of Christ's body given for us?  
No sir quoth I, but the very body itself, whereof the sacrament is a sacramental figure.  
How say ye then quoth he, to Quod pro vobis tradetur: which shall be given for you.  

 Forsooth quoth I, Tertullian'S exposition maketh it plain, for he saith, Corpus est figura Corporis. i. The body is a figure of the body. Now put to Quod pro vobis tradetur: Which shall be given for you, and it agreeth exceeding well.  
In faith quoth he, I would give xl. pound that ye were of a good opinion. For I ensure you I have heard you, and had an affection to you.  
I thank you master Pope, for your hart and mind, and ye know quoth I, I were a very fool if I would in this matter dissent from you, if that in my conscience the truth did not enforce me so to do. For iwise (as ye do perceive, I trow) it is somewhat out of my way, if I would esteem worldly gain.  

●●prian.  What say ye, quoth he, to Cyprian? Doth he not say plainly, Panis quem dedit Dominus non effigie sed natura mutatus omnipotentia verbi factus est caro? i. The Bread which the Lord did deliver, being changed, not according to the form, but according to the nature thereof, by the omnipotent word is made flesh.  
True Sir, so he doth say, and I answer even the same which once by chance I preached at Paul's Cross in a Sermon, 
〈◊〉 Ridley falsely departed for 〈◊〉 Sermon 〈…〉 Paul's.  for the which I have been as unjustly & as untruly reported as any poor man hath been. For there, I speaking of the sacrament, and inveighing against them that esteemed it no better than a piece of bread, told even the same thing of Poenitentes, Audientes, Catecumeni, Energumeni, that I spoke of before: and I bade them departed as unworthy to hear the mystery, and then I said to those that be Sancti: Cyprian the Martyr shall tell you how it is that Christ calleth it, saying Panis est corpus, cibus, potus, caro, etc. i. Bread is the body, 
The place of Saint Cyprian expounded.  meat, drink, flesh, because that unto this material substance is given the property of the thing whereof it beareth the name: and this place than took I to utter as the time would then suffer, that the material substance of bread doth remain. M. Fecknam (which as is reported to me) did bely me openly in the same matter at Paul's cross, heard all this my talk (as red as scarlet in his face) and herein answered me never one word.  
You do know well, quoth M. Secretary, that Origenes and Tertullian were not Catholic but erred.  

〈◊〉 of all 〈◊〉 Doctor's 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉 points.  Sir quoth I, there is none of all the Doctors that are holden in all points, but are thought to have erred in some things. But yet I never heard that it was either laid to Origens charge or to Tertullian, that ever they were thought to have erred in this matter of the sacrament.  
What quoth M. Chomley, late chief justice, doth not christ say plainly, that it is his very flesh, & his very blood, and we must needs eat him, 
 or we can have no life? Sir, quoth I: if you will hear how S. Augustin expoundeth that place, you shall perceive that you are in a wrong box. And when I began to tell S. Augustine's mind in his book de Doctrina Christiana: Yea, yea, quoth M. Secretary, that is true, S. Augustine doth take it figuratively in deed.  
Forty years ago quoth M. Fecknam, all were of one opinion in this matter.  
Forty years ago (quoth I) all held that the Bishop of Rome was supreme head of the universal Church.  
What then? was master Fecknam beginning to say. etc. but M. Secretary took the tale, and said, that was but a positive law.  
A positive law? quoth I, No Sir, he would not have it so: for it is in his decrees, that he challenged it by Christ's own word. 
 For his decree saith: Nullis Synodicis constitutis, neque Consilijs, sed viva voce Domini praelata est Ecclesia Romana omnibus Ecclesijs in toto Mundo: dicente Domino Petro, tu es Petrus. etc. The Church of Rome was advanced above all other Churches in the world, not by any Synodical constitutions, nor yet any counsel, but by the lively voice of the Lord, according as the Lord said to Peter: Thou art Peter. etc. And in an other place he entreateth. Tu es Cephas, id est, caput. i. Thou art Cephas, that is to say, the head.  
Tush, it was not counted an article (quoth M. Secretary) of our faith.  
Yes, said I, if ye call that an article of our faith, which is to be believed under pain of damnation. For he sayeth: Omninò definimus, declaramus, pronunciamus, omnem creaturam subesse Romano pontifici, de necessitate salutis. i. We do absolutely determine, declare, and pronounce, that every creature is subject to the obedience of the Bishop of Rome upon necessity of salvation.  
And here when we spoke of laws and decrees M, Roger Chomley thought himself much wrounged, that he could not be suffered to speak, the rest were so ready to interrupt him: and then he up and told a long tale what laws were of kings of England made against the bishop of Rome, and was vehement to tell how they always of the Clergy did fly to him. And here because he seemed to speak of many things beside our purpose, whereof we spoke before, he was answered of his own fellows, and I let them talk.  
Finally, we departed in peace, 
B. Ridleys' books given away.  and Master Secretary promised in the end, that of their talk there should come to me no harm. And after I had made my moan for lack of my books, he said they were all once given him: but sith I know (said he) who hath them now, writ me the names of such as ye would have and I will speak for you the best I can.  
Upon the Articles above mentioned, 
Ministers divorced from their wives.  and Inquisitition made upon the same, divers Ministers were divorced from their wives. Amongst whom was one john Draper, and joane Gold his wife, in the Diocese of London, troubled and vexed for the same by Boner Bish. of London, who sent forth a Commission with a process, to sequester and separate them, enjoining also penance to the poor woman.  
Besides this john Draper, divers other also were divorced the same time against their wills, & some contented of their own unconstant accord, to be separated of their wives: as of Chichester one (who because he soon recovered again shall be here nameless) an other named Edmond Alstone, an other Alexander Bull, amongst whom also was D. Standish, with many other: whose names together in the end of this story of Queen Mary, we may peradventure, by God's grace in a general Catalogue, together comprehend.  

March. 1554.  
The 10. of March a letter was sent to the Lieutenant of the Tower to deliver the bodies of M. Doc. Cranmer the Archhishop of Caunterbury, M.D. Ridley, and M. Latimer, to Sir john Williames' to be conveyed by him unto Oxford.  
The 26. of March there was a letter directed to Sir Henry Doell and one Foster to attach the bodies D. Tailor Parson of Hadley, and of Henry Askew, and to send them up to the Counsel.    

¶ How Thomas Cranmer Archbishop, Bishop Ridley, and M. Latimer were sent down to Oxford to dispute, with the order and manner, and all other circumstances unto the said disputation, and also to their condemnation appertaining.  
ABout the tenth of April, 
April. 10. D. Cranmer, D. Ridley, & M. Latimer sent down to Oxford to dispute  Cranmer Archbishop of Canterbury, Ridley B. of London, and Hugh Latimer B. also sometime of Worcester, were conveyed as prisoners from the Tower to Windsor: and after from thence to the university of Oxford, there to dispute with the Divines & learned men of both the Universities, Oxford and Cambridge, about the presence, substance and sacrifice of the sacrament. 
The University Doctors appointed to dispute against the Archb and his fellows.  The names of the University doctors and Graduates, appointed to dispute against them were these: Of Oxford, Doctor Weston Prolocutor, D. Tresham, Doctor Cole, D. Oglethorp, D. Pie, M. Harpsfield, M. Fecknam. Of Cambridge, D. Young Uicechauncellor, Doctor Glin, Doctor Seton, D. Watson, D. Sedgewike, D. Atkinson, etc. The Articles or questions whereupon they should dispute, were these.  
1 Whether the natural body of Christ be really in the sacrament after the words spoken by the Priest, or no? 
Three questions.   
2 Whether in the Sacrament after the words of consecration, any other substance do remain, than the substance of the body and blood of Christ.  
3 Whether in the Mass be a sacrifice propitiatory for the sins of the quick and the dead.  
Touching the order and manner of all which things there done, with the notes, arguments, 
L●tters sent down from Steph. Gardiner to Cambridge.  & all circumstances there unto pertaining, to deduce the matter from the beginning-leaving out nothing (as near as we may) that shall seem necessary to be added, first here is to be understand that upon saturday the 7. day of April, the heads of the Colleges in Cambridge being congregate together, letters coming down from Steven Gardiner L. Chancellor, were red with Articles therewith annexed, that should be disputed upon at Oxford: the contents of the which three Articles are sufficiently expressed before. Whereupon in the said congregation of the aforesaid University of Cambridge, there was granted first a grace in this form proposed by the senior Proctor: Placet vobis ut instrumentum fiat, quod horum iam praelectorum articulorum doctrina sana sit & catholica, atque, cum veritate orthodoxae fidei consentiens, & vestro consensu, & suffragijs comprebetur? That is: may it please you to have an instrument made that the doctrine of these foresaid Articles may be sound and catholic and consonant with the verity of the right meaning faith, 
A grace for Articles.  & that the same may be approved by your consent and voices? Secondly in the said congregation, an other grace was given and granted, that Doctor Young being the Uicechauncellor, D. Glin Doct. Atkinson, 
A grace for the Cambridge Doctors to dispute against Cranmer, Ridley & Latimer.  Doct. Scot, and M. Sedgewicke should go to Oxford to defend the said Articles against Caunterbury, London, and Latimer: Also to have letters to the Oxford men, sealed with their common seal: Item, an other grace granted to M. Sedgewike, to be actual Doctor, being thereupon immediately admitted. The foresaid letters being then drawn out, the third day after (which was the 11. day of April) were read in the foresaid congregation house and there sealed.  
Whereupon the next day after (the 12. of the said month) the foresaid Doctors, with the full grace of that university, set forward to Oxford: 
The coming of the Cambridge men to Oxford.  and coming thither the next day after (being friday, the 13. of April) were lodged all at the Cross Inn, with one Wakecline, being sometime servant to Bishop Boner.  
Anon after their coming, Doct. Crook presented them with wine for their welcome: 
Their welcoming to Oxford.  and shortly after, two of the Beadles came from the Uicechauncellor of Oxford, and presented the Uicechauncellour of Cambridge with a dish of Apples, and a galen of wine. After whom, next came M. pie and Fecknam to welcome them. Then after consultation concerning the delivery of their letters and instrument of grace (which was in Doctor Seton and watson's keeping) they went all to Lincoln College to Doct, 
The Cambridge Doctors repair to D. Weston.  Weston the Prolocutor, and to the Uicechauncellour D. Tresham: and there they delivered their letters, and declared what they had done touching the articles, letters, and graces. Half hour after 8. they returned to their Inn again: but first they concluded of a Procession, Sermon, & convocation to be had the morrow following, and that the Doctors of Cambridge should be incorporate in the University of Oxford, & likewise that the Doctors of Oxford should be incorporate in the University of Cambridge. The same day the forenamed prisoners were dissevered, as was said afore: Doctor Ridley to Alderman Iryshes house M. Latimer to an other, and Doctor Cranmer remained still in Bocardo. 
The three prisoners Cranmer, Ridley, & Latimer dissevered.   
On Saturday (being the 14. of April) at eight of the clock, the foresaid Uicechauncellour of Cambridge with the other Doctors of the same university: repaired to Lincoln College again, and found the Prolocutor above in a Chapel, with the company of the house singing Requiem Mass, 
Consultation.  and tarried there until the end. Then they consulting altogether in the masters lodging, about 9 of the clock came all to the University church called S. Maries, and there, after short consultation in a Chapel, the Uicechauncellor the Prolocutor. 
The Doctors in their scarlet robes.  etc. of Oxford, caused the Uicechauncellor of Cambridge & the rest of the Doctors of that University, to send for their scarlet robes, brought from Cambridge, save that Doct. Seton and Watson borrowed of the Oxford men. And in this time, the Regentes in the congregation house, had granted all the Cambridge Doctors their graces, to be incorporate there, and so they went up and were admitted immediately, D. Oglethorpe presenting them, and the Proctor reading the statute, and giving them their oaths.  
That done, they came all into the Quire, and there held the convocation of the University. They had Mass of the holy Ghost solemnly sung in pricksong, 

Mass in pikesance, in pricksong I would say.  
The causes of their assembly declared.   by the Quire men of Christ's Church. But first the cause of the Convocation was opened in English, partly by the Uicechauncellour, and partly by the Prolocutor, declaring that they were sent by the Queen, and wherefore they were sent: and caused Master Say the Register, openly to read the Commission. That done, the Uicechauncellor read Cambridge letters openly, and then concluded that 3. Notaries, Master Say for the Convocation, 

Cambridge letters read.  
Three notaries assigned.  
Subscribing to the articles.   a Beadle of Cambridge for that university, and one Master White for Oxford, should testify of their doing: and then willed the said notaries to provide parchment, that the whole assembly might subscribe to the Articles, save those that had subscribed before in the convocation house at London and Cambridge, and so the Uicechauncellour began first: after him the rest of the Oxford men, as many as could in the Mass time.  
The Mass being done, they went in procession: 
Process●●● in Oxfor●● The 〈◊〉 the sole●● procession  First the Quire in their surplices followed the Cross: then the first year Regentes and Proctors: then the Doctors of law, and their Beadle before them: then the Doctors of divinity of both Universities intermingled, the divinity & art Beadles going before them, the Uicechauncellour and the Prolocutor going together. After them Bachelors of Divinity, Regentes, & non Regentes, in their array: and last of all, the Bachelors of Law and Art. After whom followed a great company of scholars and students not graduate. And thus they proceeded through the street to Christ's church, and there the quire sang a Psalm, and after that a collect was read. This done, departed the Commissioners, doctors, and many other to Lincoln College, where they dined with the Mayor of the town, one Alderman, four Beadles, Master Say, and the Cambridge Notary. After dinner they went all again to S. Mary's Church: 
another consultati●● of the D●●●tours and Priests.  & there after a short consultation in a Chapel, all the Commissioners came into the quire, and sat all on seats before the Altar, to the number of 33. persons: And first they sent to the Mayor, that he should bring in Doct. Cranmer, which within a while was brought to them with a great number of rusty billmen.  
Thus the reverend Archb. when he was brought before the Commissioners, 
Archbishop Cranmer brought ●●●fore the Doctors high Pri●●● at S. 〈◊〉 Church. The reu●●rend h●●●litie & b●●hauiou● 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 before 〈◊〉▪  reverenced them with much humility, and stood with his staff in his hand: who notwithstanding having a stool offered him, refused to sit. Then the Prolocutor sitting in the midst in a scarlet gown, began with a short Preface or Oration, in praise of unity, and especially in the church of Christ: declaring with all his bringing up, and taking degrees in Cambridge, and also how he was promoted by king Henry, and had been his counsellor and a Catholic man, one of the same unity, and a member thereof in times past: but of late years did separate and cut of himself from it, by teaching & setting forth of erroneous doctrine, making every year a new faith: and therefore it pleased the Queen's grace, to send them of the Convocation & other learned men to bring him to this unity again, if it might be. Then showed he him how they of the Convocation house, had agreed upon certain articles, whereunto they willed him to subscribe.  
The Archb. answered to the preface very wittily, modestly, and learnedly, 
The aun●swere of Archb. to D. West●●  showing that he was very glad of an unity, forasmuch as it was Conseruatrix omnium rerum publicarum, tam Ethnicorum quam Christianorum. i. the preserver of all common wealths, as well of the Heathen, as of the Christians: and so he dilated the matter with one or two stories of the Romans Common wealth. Which thing when he had done, he said, that he was very glad to come to an unity, so that it were in Christ, and agreeable to his holy word.  
When he had thus spoken his full mind, the Prolocutor caused the articles to be read unto him, and asked if he would grant and subscribe unto them. Then the Bishop of Canterbury did read them over three or four times & touching the first article he asked what they meant by these terms verum & naturale. i true & natural. Do you not mean saith he, Corpus organicum. i. a sensible body? Some answered, Idem quod natus est ex virgine. i. the same that was borne of the Virgin: and so confusedly, some said one thing, some an other. Then the Bishop of Canterbury denied it utterly, 
The art denied 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉  and when he had looked upon the other two, he said they were all false and against God's holy word: And therefore would not agree he said, in that unity with them. Which done, 
Scarbou●rough 〈…〉 to Cran●●● to dispu●●●  the Prolocutor first willing him to write his mind of them that night, said moreover that he should dispute in them, and caused a copy of the articles to be delivered him, assigning him to answer thereunto on Monday next, and so charged the Mayor with him again, to be had to Bocardo where he was kept before: offering moreover unto him, to name what books he would occupy, and he should have them brought unto him. The Archbishop was greatly commended of every body for his modesty: In so much, that some Masters of Art were seen to weep for him, which in judgement were contrary to him.  
Then was Doctor Ridley brought in, 
D. Rid●●● brought Answer Bish. 〈◊〉 to the 〈◊〉.  who hearing the articles read unto him, answered, without any delay, saying: they were all false, and said further, that they sprang out of a bitter and sour root. His answers were sharp witty and very learned. Then did they lay to his charge a sermon that he made when he was Bishop of Rochester, wherein (they said) he spoke with transubstantiation. 
B. Rid●●● falsely ●●●ported his 〈◊〉  He denied it utterly, and asked whether they could bring out any that heard him, which would say and affirm with them the same. They could bring no proof of it at all. After that he was asked of one whether he desired not my lord Chancellor that now is, to stick to the mass, and other things? He said, that my Lord would say no such things or words of him: for if he did, he reported not the truth of him.  
Then he was asked whether he would dispute or no? He answered: 
 that as long as god gave him life, he should not only have his hart, but also his mouth & pen to defend his truth: but he required time and books. They said he could not, and that he should dispute on Thursday, and till that time he should have books. 
 He said it was not reason that he might not have his own books, and time also to look for his disputations. Then gave they him the articles, & ●ad him write his mind of them that night, & so did they command the Mayor to have him from whence he came.  
Last of all came in M. Latimer in like sort, with a kerchief, 
 & 2. or 3. caps on his head, his spectacles hanging by a string at his breast, and a staff in his hand, and was set in a chair: for so was he suffered by the Prolocutor. And after this denial of the articles, when he had wednesday appointed for disputation, he alleged age, sickness, disuse & lack of books, 
 saying that he was almost as meet to dispute as to be a captain of Calais: but he would (he said) declare his mind either by writing or by word, and would stand to all that they could lay upon his back: complaining moreover that he was permitted to have neither pen, nor ink, nor yet any book, but only the new testament there in his hand, 
〈◊〉 he 〈◊〉 by 〈…〉 of the 〈◊〉, read 〈◊〉 in his ●●●testation 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 Prolocutor.  which he said, he had read over 7. times deliberately, & yet could not find the mass in it, neither the marowbones nor sinews of the same. At which words the Commissioners were not a little offended, & D. Weston said, that he would make him grant, that it had both marowbones & sinews in the new Testament. To whom M. Latimer said again: that you will never do M. Doct. and so forthwith they put him to silence, so that where he was desirous to tell what he meant by those terms, he could not be suffered: there was a very great press and throng of people: and one of the Beadles swooned by reason thereof, and was carried into the Uestry. After this, bringing home the Prolocutor first, the Cambridge men, videlicet: ●. Young Uicechauncellour, Seton, Glin, Atkinson, Scotte, Watson, Sedgewicke, went to the Cross Inn to supper. And this was on Saturday being the 14. day of April. 
●●rill. 15.   
On Sunday after, M. Harpsfielde preached at Saint Maries the University Church, at 9 of the clock, where were divers of the Doctors of the University in their robes and placed accordingly. After the Sermon they went all to dinner to Magdalen College, & there had a great dinner. They supped at Lincoln College with the Prolocutor: whether Doct. Cranmer sent answer of his mind upon the Articles, 
●●rill. 16.  in writing.  
On Monday (being the 16. of April) Master Say, & M. Whit● notaries, 
●●scription.  went about in the morning to the Colleges, to get subscriptions to the Articles. And about viii. of the clock the Prolocutor with all the Doctors and the Uicechauncellour met together at Exeter College, 
●xcepto●●● Argu●●●torum.  and so they went into the schools: and when the Uicechauncellour, the Prolocutor, and Doctors were placed, and four appointed to be Exceptores Argumentorum, set a table in the midst, and four notaries sitting with them, 
 D. Cranmer came to the answerer's place, the Mayor and Aldermen sitting by him, and so the disputation began to be set a work by the Prolocutor with a short Praeludium. Doctor Chedsey began to argue first: and ere he left, the Prolocutor divers times, Doctor Tresham, Oglethorpe, Marshal Uicechauncellor, Pie, Cole, & Harpsfield did interrupt and press him with their Arguments, so that every man said somewhat, as the Prolocutor would suffer disorderly, sometime in Latin, sometime in English, so that three hours of the time was spent, ere the Uicechancellour of Cambridge began: who also was interrupted as before. He began with three or four questions subtly. Here the Beadles had provided drink, and offered the Aunswerer: 
〈◊〉 Archb. 〈…〉.  but he refused with thanks. The Prolocutor offered him, if he would make water or otherwise ease himself, he should. Thus the disputation continued until almost two of the clock, with this applausion Audientium: 
 vicit veritas. Then were all the Arguments (written by the four appointed) delivered into the hand of Master Say, Register. And as for the prisoner, he was had away by the Mayor: And the Doctors dined together at the University College.  
And thus much concerning the general order and manner of these disputations, with such circumstances as there happened, and things there done, as well before the disputations, and in the preparation thereof, as also in the time of their disputing. Now followeth to infer and declare the Orations, Arguments, and answers, used and brought forth in the said disputations on both parts.   

* The Arguments, reasons, and allegations used in this disputation.  
ON Monday D. Weston, 
April. 16.  withal the residue of the Uisitours, Censors, and Opponentes: repairing to the Divinity school, each one installed themselves in their places. D. Cranmer with a rout of rusty bills was brought thither, and set in the answers place, with the Mayor & Aldermen sitting by him. Where D. Weston Prolocutor, appareled in a scarlet gown (after the custom of the University) began the disputation, with this Oration. His words in latin as he spoke them were these.  
Conuenistis hody fratres profligaturi detestandam illam haeresin de veritate corporis Christi in Sacramento. etc. that is: 
D. Weston speaketh truer th●n he will.  Ye are assembled hither (brethren) this day, to confound the detestable heresy of the verity of the body of Christ in the sacrament. etc. At which words thus pronounced of the Prolocutor unwares, divers of the learned men there present, considering and well weighing the words by him uttered, burst out into a great laughter as though even in the entrance of the disputations, he had bewrayed himself and his Religion, that termed the opinion of the verity of Christ's body in the Sacrament a detestable heresy. The rest of his Oration tended all to this effect, that it was not lawful by God's word to call these questions into controversy: for such as doubted of the words of Christ, might well be thought to doubt both of the truth and power of God. Whereunto Doctor Cranmer desiring licence, answered in this wise.  
We are assembled (saith he) to discuss these doubtful controversies, 
D. Cranmers' answer to the preface.  and to lay them open before the eyes of the world: whereof ye think it unlawful to dispute. It is in deed no reason (saith he) that we should dispute of that which is determined upon, before the truth be tried. But if these questions be not called in controversy, surely mine answer then is looked for in vain. This was the sum and effect of his answer: and this done, he prepared himself to disputations.  
Then Chedsey the first Opponent began in this wise to dispute. 
D. Chadsey.   
Reverend M. Doctor, these 3. conclusions are put forth unto us at this present to dispute upon.  
1 In the Sacrament of the altar is the natural body of Christ, 
Articles.  conceived of the Virgin Mary, and also his blood present really under the forms of bread & wine, by virtue of God's word pronounced by the priest.  
2 There remaineth no substance of bread and wine after the consecration, nor any other substaunc, but the substance of God and man.  
3 The lively sacrifice of the Church is in the Mass, propitiatory as well for the quick as the dead.  
These be the conclusions propounded, whereupon this our present controversy doth rest. Now to the end we might not doubt how you take the same, you have already given up unto us your opinion thereof. I term it your opinion, in that it disagreeth from the catholic. Wherefore thus I argue.  Ched. 
Your opinion differeth from the scripture.  
Ergo, you are deceived. 
Argument.   Cranmer. 
I deny the antecedent.  Ched. 
Christ when he instituted his last supper, spoke to his Disciples: Take, eat, this is my body, which shall be given for you.  
But his true body was given for us:  
Ergo, his true body is in the sacrament.  
☞ The right form of this Argument is thus to be framed.  
Da- The same which was given for us, is in the sacrament. 
Argument.   
ri- But his true body was given for us:  
j Ergo, his true body is in the sacrament.  Cran. 
His true body is truly present to them that truly receive him: but spiritually. 
Answer. How Christ's body is present in his Sacrament  And so is it taken after a spiritual sort. For when he said: This is my body, it is all one as if he had said, this is the breaking of my body, this is the shedding of my blood. As oft as you shall do this, it shall put you in remembrance of the breaking of my body, and the shedding of my blood: that as truly as you receive this sacrament, so truly shall you receive the benefit promised by receiving the same worthily.  Ched. 
Your opinion differeth from the church, which saith that the true body is in the sacrament. 
Argument of the authority of the Church.   
Ergo your opinion therein is false.  Cran. 
I say and agree with the Church, that the body of Christ is in the sacrament effectually, because the Passion of Christ is effectual. 
Answer.   Ched. 
Christ, when he spoke these words: This is my body, spoke of the substance, but not of the effect.  Cran. 
I grant he spoke of the substance, and not of the effect after a sort: and yet it is most true that the body of Christ is effectually in the sacrament. But I deny that he is there truly present in bread, 
Christ's body effectually, not substantially in the Sacrament.  or that under the bread in his organical body. And because it should be to tedious (he said) to make discourse of the whole, he delivered up there his opinion thereof to D. Weston written at large, with answers to every one of their 3. propositions: which he disired D. Weston, 
Papists false of promise.  sitting there on high, to read openly to the people: which he promised to do. But it was not the first promise that such Papists have broken.  
The copy of this writing although it were not there read, yet the contents thereof here we have drawn out as followeth.   

¶ An explication of Cranmer upon the foresaid Conclusions exhibited in writing.  CRan. 

The contents of Cranmers' explication given up in writing.  In the assertions of the Church and of religion, trifling and new fangled novelties of words, so much as may be, are to be eschewed, whereof riseth nothing but contention and brawling about words and we must follow so much as we may, the manner of speaking of the scripture.  

How Christ is really present  In the first conclusion if ye understand by this word [really] reipsa. i. in very deed and effectually, so Christ by the grace and efficacy of his Passion is in deed and truly present to all his true and holy members.  
But if ye understand by this word [really] Corporaliter. i. Corporally, 
Organical is called that which is a perfect body, having all the members and parts complete belonging unto the same.  so that by the body of Christ is understanded a natural body and organical: so the first proposition doth vary, not only from usual speech and the phrase of scripture, but also is clean contrary to the holy word of God & christian profession: when as both the scripture doth testify by these words, and also the Catholic church hath professed from the beginning. Christ to have left the world and to sit at the right hand of the father till he come unto judgement.  
And likewise I answer to the second question: that is that it swerveth from the accustomed manner and speech of Scripture. 
Answer to the 2. Conclusion.   
The third conclusion, as it is intricate and wrapped in all doubtful and ambiguous words, 
Answer to the 3. Conclusion. The 3. Conclusion contumelious against Christ.  & differing also much from the true speech of the Scripture, so as the words thereof seem to import in open sense: it is most contumelious against our only Lord and Saviour Christ jesus, and a violating of his precious blood, which upon the altar of the Cross is the only sacrifice and oblation for the sins of all mankind.  Ched. 
By this your interpretation which you have made upon the first conclusion, this I understand, the body of Christ to be in the Sacrament only by the way of participation: in so much as we communicating thereof: do participate the grace of Christ: so that you mean hereby only the effect thereof. But our conclusion standeth upon the substance, and not the efficacy only, which shall appear by the testimony both of Scriptures, and of all the fathers a thousand year after Christ.  
And first to begin with the Scripture, let us consider what is written in Math. 26. Mark. 14. Luke 22. first to the Corinthians. 11. Matthew saith: 
Math. 26.  As they sat at supper jesus took bread. etc. In Mark there is the same sense although not the same words: 
Math. 14.  who also for one part of the Sacrament speaketh more plainly, jesus taking bread. etc. After the same sense also writeth Luke. 22. 
Luke. 22.  And when jesus had taken bread. etc. In the mouth of two or three witnesses saith the Scripture, standeth all truth. Here we have three witnesses together, that Christ said that to be his body which was given for many: and that to be his blood which should be shed for many: whereby is declared the substance and not only the efficacy alone thereof.  
Ergo it is not true that you say there to be, not the substance of his body, but the efficacy alone thereof.  Cran. 

Substance and efficacy both granted in the Sacrament.  Thus you gather upon mine answer, as though I did mean of the efficacy, and not of the substance of the body: but I mean of them both, as well of the efficacy as the substance. And for so much as all things come not readily to memory, to a man that shall speak ex tempore, therefore for the more ample and fuller answer in the matter, this writing here I do exhibit.   


another explication for answer exhibited in writing, by the Archb.  ¶ An explication exhibited by Cranmer.  
OUr Lord and Saviour jesus Christ, at the time of his Maundy, preparing himself to die for our cause, that he might redeem us from eternal death, to forgive us all our sins, and to cancel out the handwriting that was against us: that we through ingrateful oblivion should not forget his death: therefore he at the time of his holy supper did institute a perpetual memory of this his death, to be celebrated among christians in bread & wine, 
The 〈◊〉 cause 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 wa● 〈◊〉.  according as it is said: Do this in remembrance of me. And so often as you shall eat this bread & drink this cup, you shall show forth the lords death till he come. And this remembrance or sacrament of his holy passion, that is, of his body slain & blood shed, he would all christians to frequent & celebrate in bread and wine, according as he said: Take eat: and drink ye all of this. Therefore, whosoever for man's tradition denieth the cup of Christ's blood to lay men, they manifestly repugn against Christ, forbidding that which Christ commandeth to be done, and be like to those Scribes and Phariseis of whom the Lord spoke: Ye hypocrites, ye have rejected the commandments of God for your traditions. 
Math. 2●  Well did Isaiah prophecy of you, saying: This people honoureth me with their lips, but their hart is far from me. 
Luke. 7.  Without cause do they worship me, teaching the doctrines and precepts of men.  
The sacrament and mystical bread, being broken and distributed after the institution of Christ, and the mystical wine likewise being taken and received be not only sacraments of the flesh of Christ wounded for us, and of his bloodshedding but also be most certain sacraments to us and (as a man would say) seals of God's promises and gifts, 
Sacrament seals 〈◊〉 God's p●●●mises.  and also of that holy fellowship which we have with Christ and all his members. Moreover they be to us memorials of that heavenly food and nourishment wherewith we are nourished unto eternal life, and the thirst of our boiling conscience quenched, and finally whereby the hearts of the faithful be replenished with unspeakable joy, and be corroborated and strengthened unto all works of godliness. We are many (saith S. Paul) one bread and one body, all we which do participate of one bread, 
1. Cor. 11.  and one cup▪ And Christ saith, Eat ye, this is my body. And drink ye this is my blood. 
Math. 2  And I am the living bread which came down from heaven. He that eateth me, shall also live for me. 
john. 6.  Not as your fathers did eat Manna in the desert and are dead: He that eateth me, shall also live for me.  
Thus therefore true bread and true wine remaynfull in the Eucharist until they be consumed of the faithful to be signs & as seals unto us annexed unto God's promises making us certain of God's gifts towards us. 
Bread 〈◊〉 wine remain in the E●●charist, 〈◊〉 be seal us 〈◊〉 with 〈◊〉 promis●●  Also Christ remaineth in them, & they in Christ, which eat his flesh, & drink his blood, as Christ himself hath promised. They that eat my flesh & drink my blood abide in me, & I in them. Moreover he abideth also in them which worthily receiveth the outward sacrament, neither doth he departed so soon as the sacraments is consumed, but continually abideth, feeding and nourishing us so long as we remain bodies of that head, & members of the same. I acknowledge not here the natural body of Christ, which is only spiritual, intelligible, and unsensible, having no distinction of members & parts in it: but that body only I acknowledge, & worship, which was borne of the virgin, which suffered for us, which is visible, palpable, & hath all the form & shape and parts of the true natural body of man.  
Christ spoke not these words of any uncertain substance, but of the certain substance of bread, which he then held in his hands & showed his disciples when he said: 
Christ● worde● spoken of an 〈◊〉 certain substance of a 〈…〉 bread, 〈◊〉 which had in 〈◊〉 hande●  Eat ye, this is my body: and likewise of the cup: when he said: Drink ye, this is my blood: meaning verily of that bread which by nature is usual and common with us, which is taken of the fruit of the ground, compacted by the uniting of many grains together made by man, & by man's hand brought to that visible shape being of a round compass & without all sense or life, which nourisheth the body, and strengtheneth the hart of man: Of this same bread (I say) and not of any uncertain and wandering substance the old fathers say that Christ spoke these words: Eat ye, this is my body. 
How doctor's do 〈◊〉 speeches Chris●● Tropi●●● Figura●●●● Anago●●●call. 〈◊〉 Bread 〈◊〉 by 〈◊〉 name 〈◊〉 body.  And likewise also of the wine which is the creature and fruit of the vine pressed out of many clusters of grapes, & maketh men's hart merry, of the very same wine (I say) Christ spoke, drink ye, this is my blood. And so the old Doctors do call this speaking of Christ, tropical, figurative, anagogical, allegorical, which they do interpret after this sort, that although the substance of bread & wine do remain and be received of the faithful, yet notwithstanding Christ changed the appellation thereof, & called the bread by the name of his flesh, & the wine by the name of his blood, non rei veritate, sed significant misterio. i. not that it is so in very deed, but signified in a mystery. So that we should consider, not what they be in their own nature. But what they import to us and signify, and should understand the Sacrament not carnally, but spiritually, and should, attend not to the visible nature of the Sacraments, neither have respect only to the outward bread. & cup, thinking to see there with our eye, no other things but only bread and wine, but that lifting up our minds we should look up to the blood of Christ with our faith, 
Ann. 1454. april.  should touch him with our mind, and receive him with our inward man, and that being like Eagles in this life, we should fly up into heaven in our hearts, where that Lamb is resident at the right hand of his father, 
〈◊〉 Sacra●●●● to 〈…〉 what it 〈◊〉 ●ature, 〈◊〉 wha● it 〈…〉.  which taketh away the sins of the world, by whose stripes we are made whole, by whose passion we are filled at his table, and whose blood we receiving out of his holy side, do live for ever being made the guests of Christ, having him dwelling in us through the grace of his true nature, and through the virtue and efficacy of his whole passion, being no less assured and certified, that we are fed spiritually unto eternal life by Christ's flesh crucified, and by his bloodshed, the true food of our minds, then that our bodies be fed with meat and drink in this life: and hereof this said mystical bread on the table of Christ, & the mystical wine, being administered and received after the institution of Christ, be to us a memorial, a pledge, a token, a sacrament, 
The Sacrament is a memorial, 〈◊〉 pledge, a 〈◊〉, a sacrament, 〈…〉▪ ●hat is 〈◊〉 by 〈◊〉 the 〈…〉.  and a seal.  
And thereof is it that Christ saith not thus: This is my body, eat ye: but after he had bidden them eat, than he said: This is my body which shallbe given for you. Which is to mean, as though he should say: In eating of this bread, consider you that this bread is no common thing, but a mystical matter, neither do you attend that which is set before our bodily eyes, but what feedeth you within. Consider & behold my body crucified for you, that eat and digest in your minds. Chaw you upon my passion, be fed with my death. This is the true meat, this is the drink that moisteneth, wherewith you being truly fed, and inebriate, shall live for ever. The bread and the wine which be set before our eyes are only declarations of me, 
What the 〈◊〉 ●ody of Christ doth ●o our s●●les.  but I myself am the eternal food. Wherefore whensoever at this my table you shall behold the sacraments, have not regard so much to them, as consider ye what I promise to you by them, which is myself to be meat for you of eternal life.  
The only oblation of Christ (wherewith he offered himself to God the father once to death upon the altar of the cross for our redemption) was of such efficacy, that there is no more need of any sacrifice for the redemption of the whole world, 
The sacrifice of Christ's 〈…〉 all.  but all the sacrifice of the old law he took away, performing that in very deed, which they did signify and promise. Whosoever therefore shall fix the hope of his salvation in any other sacrifice, he falleth from the grace of Christ, and is contumelious against the blood of Christ. (For) he was wounded for our transgressions, and was broken for our iniquities. 
〈◊〉. 53.  All we like sheep have wandered astray. Every man hath turned after his own way, and the Lord hath laid all our iniquities upon him. (For he) hath entered once for all into the holy place by the blood, not of Goats or Calves, but by his own blood, 
Heb. 9  finding eternal redemption: (And) hath entered into heaven, to appear now in the sight of God for us, not to offer himself oftentimes (for so should he have suffered many times) but now hath he appeared once to put away sin, through his own oblation. And as it is appointed to all men once to die, so also Christ once was offered: 
Heb. 17.  Who offering up one oblation for sins, sitteth now for ever on the right hand of God. For by one oblation hath he made perfect for ever those that be sanctified. (For) where is remission of sins, there is now no more oblation for sin (but this only sacrifice of Christ) whosoever shall seek any other sacrifice propitiatory for sin, 
〈◊〉 sacrifice 〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉 but 〈◊〉.  maketh the sacrifice of Christ of no validity, force, or efficacy. For if it be sufficient to remit sins, what need is there of any other? For the necessity of another, argueth and declareth this to be insufficient. Almighty God grant that we may truly leave to one sacrifice of Christ, and that we to him again may repay our sacrifices of thanksgiving, of praise, of confessing his name, of true amendment, of repentance, of mercifulness towards our neighbours, and of all other good works of charity. 
Christ 〈…〉 for 〈◊〉, we 〈…〉.  For by such sacrifices we shall declare ourselves neither ingrateful to God, nor altogether unworthy of this holy sacrifice of Christ. And thus you have out of the testimonies of holy scripture, and of the ancient Doctors of the Church, the true and sincere use of the Lords holy supper, and the fruit of the true sacrifice of Christ. Which whosoever through captious or wrested interpretations, or by men's traditions, shall go about otherwise then Christ ordained them, to alter or transubstantiate, he shall answer to Christ in the latter day, when he shall understand (but then to late) that he hath no participation with the body and blood of Christ, but that out of the supper of eternal life he hath eaten and drunken eternal damnation to himself.  West. 
Because we will not consume and spend the time in waste, this your writing which you exhibit, hereafter shall be read in his place. In the mean season let us now fall to the Arguments.  Ched. 
The Scriptures in many places do affirm, 
Argument.  that Christ gave his natural body. Mat. 26. Mark. 14. Luk. 22 Ergo, 
Auns●●●●▪  I do conclude that the natural body is in the Sacrament.  Cran. 
To your argument I answer: If you understand by the body natural (organicum) that is, having such proportion and members as he had living here, than I answer negatively.  
Furthermore, concerning the Evangelists, thus I say and grant, that Christ took bread and called it his body.  Ched. 
The text of the Scripture maketh against you: for the circumstance thereto annexed doth teach us, not only there to be the body, but also teacheth us what manner of body it is, and saith: The same body which shall be given.  
Basilius- That thing is here contained, that is given for us. 
Argum●●●.   
ro- But the substance of bread is not given for us.  
co. Ergo, the substance of bread is not here contained. 
Answer. This wo●d (c●teyned) distinguished.   Cran. 
I understand not yet what you mean by this word [contained]: If ye mean really, than I deny your Mayor.  Ched. 
The Mayor is the text of scripture. He that denieth the Mayor, denieth the scripture. For the Scripture saith: This is my body which shall be given for you.  Cran. 
I grant he said it was his body that should be given, 

The body of Christ contained not really but sacramentally.  
Christ saith not, this is my body which is here contained, but this is my body which shall be given for you·   but he said it was not his body which is here contained: but the body (saith he) that shall be given for you. As though he should say: This bread is the breaking of my body, and this cup is the shedding of my blood. What will ye say then? is the bread the breaking, and the cup the shedding of the blood really? If you so say, I deny it.  Ched. 
If you ask what is the thing therein contained, because his apostles should not doubt what body it was that should be given, he saith: This is my body which shall be given for you, and my blood which shall be shed for many. Ergo, here is the same substance of the body, which the day after was given, and the same blood which was shed. And here I urge the scripture, which teacheth that it was no fantastical, no feigned, no spiritual body, nor body in faith, but the substance of the body.  Cran. 
You must prove that it is contained: but Christ said not which is contained. He gave bread, and called that his body. I stick not in the words of the Scripture, but in your word which is feigned and imagined of yourself.  Ched. 
When Christ took bread and broke it, what gave he?  Cran. 
He gave bread. The bread sacramentally & his body spiritually, and the bread there he called his body.  Ched. 
This answer is against the Scripture, which saith that he gave his body.  Cran. 
It did signify that which he did eat.  Ched. 
They did not eat the body as the Capernaites did understand it, but the self same body which was given for the sins of the world. Ergo, it was his body which should be given, and his blood which should be shed.  

¶ In some other copies I find this Argument to be made by Chedsey.  
Basilius- The same body is in the sacrament, which was given for us on the cross. 
Argument.   
ro- But bread was not given on the cross for us:  
co. Ergo, bread is not given in the sacrament. 
Answer.    Cran. 
I deny the Mayor, which is, that the same natural body is given in the sacrament, which was given on the cross, except you understand it spiritually. And after he● denied also the argument as utterly nought, as he might well do, the Mayor in the second figure being not universal.  
When M. Chedsey had put forth his Argument, and prosecuted the same, and Doct. Cranmer answered as before is showed, Doctor Oglethorpe, one of those Doctors which the Prolocutor called Censores (belike to be Arbiters to order the disputations) said on this wise. 

D. Oglethorp breaketh Priscian's ●ead & speaketh false latin. Cranmer answereth to Oglethorpe.  
Doct. Cranmer might have found fault with this argument as well as with his latin being made in no mood or figure.    D. Ogle. 
You come in still with one evasion or starting hole to flee too. He urgeth the scriptures, saying the Christ gave his very body. You say that he gave his body in bread. Quo modo praedicatur corpus? qualis est corpus? qualis est praedicatio, pa●is est corpus.  Cranmer. 
You should say, Quale corpus. I answer to the question: It is the same body which was borne of the virgin, was crucified, ascended: but tropically, & by a figure. And so I say, Panis est corpus, is a figurative speech, speaking sacramentally, for it is a sacrament of his body.  Oglethorpe. 
This word body being praedicatum. doth signify substance. 
Anno. 1554. April.   
But substantia is not predicated denominatively:  
Ergo, it is an essential predication, and so it is his true body, and not the figure of his body.  Cran. 
Substantia may be predicated denominatively in an allegory or in a metaphor, or in a figurative locution.  Ogle. 
It is not a likely thing that Christ hath less care for his spouse the church, than a wise householder hath for his family in making his will or testament.  Cran. 
Your reason is drawn out of the affairs of men, and not taken out of the holy scriptures.  Ogle. 
But no householder maketh his Testament after that sort.  Cran. 
Yes, there are many that so do. For what matter is it so it be understood and perceived? 
Tropes may be used in men's testaments, why not?  I say Christ did use figurative speech in no place more, then in his sacraments, and specially in this his supper.  Ogle. 
No man of purpose doth use tropes in his testament, for if he do, he deceiveth them that he comprehendeth in his testament: therefore Christ useth none here.  Cran. 
Yes, he may use them well enough. You know not what tropes are.  Ogle. 
The good man of the house hath a respect that his heirs after his departure, may live in quiet and without brabbling.  
But they cannot be in quiet if he do use tropes:  
Therefore (I say) he useth no tropes.  Cran. 
I deny your Minor.  West. 
Augustine in his book entitled, De unitate Ecclesiae, the x. chap. hath these words following. 
A place of Augustine recited by the Prolocutor.   
Quid hoc est rogo▪ cum verba novissima hominis morientis audiantur itur ad inferos, nemo eum dicit esse mentitum, & illius non judicatur haeres qui fortè ea contempserat. Quomodo ergo effugiemus iram dei, si vel non credentes, vel contemnétes, expulerimus verba novissima & unici filii Dei & domini nostri salvatoris, & ituri in coelum & inde prospecturi quis ea negligat, quis non obseruet, 
August. de unitate Ecclesie.  & inde venturi ut de omnibus judicet?  
That is to say.  
What a thing is this I pray you? when the last words of one lying on his death bed are heard: which is ready to go to his grave, no man saith that he hath made a lie: and he is not accounted his heir, which regardeth not those words. How shall we then escape gods wrath, if either not believing or not regarding, we shall reject the last words both of the only son of God, and also of our lord and saviour, both ascending into heaven, & beholding from thence who despiseth, and who observeth them not, & so shall come from thence to judge all men?  
The argument is thus form.  
Basilius- Whosoever saith that the Testator lied, is a wicked heir. 
Argument.   
ba- But whosoever sayeth that Christ spoke by figures, saith that he did lie:  
ra. Ergo, whosoever sayeth that Christ here spoke by figures, is a wicked heir.  Cran. 
I deny the Minor. As who say it is necessary that he which useth to speak by tropes and figures, 
Answer.  should lie in so doing.  Ogle. 
Your judgement is disagreeing with all churches.  Cran. 
Nay, I disagree with the papistical church.  Ogle. 
This you do through the ignorance of Logic.  Cran. 
Nay, this you say through the ignorance of the Doctors.  Weston. 
I will go plainly to work by Scriptures. What took he?  Cran. 
Bread,  West. 
What gave he?  Cran. 
Bread.  West. 
What broke he?  Cran. 
Bread.  West. 
What did they eat?  Cran. 
Bread.  West. 
He gave bread, therefore he gave not his body.  

Argument.  He gave not his body, therefore it is not his body verily in deed and in truth.  Cran. 
I deny the argument.  Cole. 
This argument holdeth a disparatis. It is bread: Ergo, 
Disparata, is a School term, meaning divers substances being so sundered in nature, that one can never be said to be the other.  it is not the body, and it is such an argument or reason, as cannot be dissolved.  Cran. 
The like argument may be made. He is a rock: Ergo, he is not Christ.  Cole. 
It is not like.  West. 
He gave not his body in deed: Ergo, it was not his body in deed.  Cran. 
He gave his death, his passion, and the sacrament of his passion. And in very deed setting the figure aside, formally it is not his body.  West. 
Why? then the scripture is false. 
The Sacr●●ment setti●● the figure aside formally 〈…〉 Christ's body.   Cran. 
Nay, the scripture is most true.  West. 
This saith chrysostom Homil. 61. ad populum Antiochenum▪ Necessarium est dilectissimi, mysteriorum dicere miraculum quid tandem sit, & quare sit datum, & quae rei utilitas, etc.  
That is to say.  
Needful it is (dear friends) to tell you what the miracle of the mysteries is, and wherefore it is given, 
Chrysost. hom. 61.  and what profit there is of the thing. We are one body and members of his flesh, and of his bones. We that be in the mystery, let us follow that thing which was spoken. Wherefore that we may become this thing, not only by love, but also that we may become one with that flesh in deed, that is brought to pass by this food which he gave unto us, minding to show his great good will that he hath toward us: and therefore he mixed himself with us, and united his own body with us, that we should be made all as one thing together, as a body joined and annexed to the head, for this is a token of most ardent and perfect love. And the same thing job also insinuating, said of his servants, of whom he was desired above measure, in so much that they, showing their great desire toward him, said: who shall give unto us to be filled with his flesh? Therefore also Christ did the same, who, to induce us into a greater love toward him, and to declare his desire toward us, did not only give himself to be seen of them that would, but also to be handled and eaten, and suffered us to fasten our teeth in his flesh, and to be united together, and so to fill all our desire. Like Lions therefore, as breathing fire, let us go from that table, being made terrible to the devil, remembering our head in our mind, & his charity which he showed unto us. For parents many times give they● children to other to be fed, but I do not so (saith he) but feed you with mine own flesh, and set myself before you, desiring to make you all jolly people, and pretending to you great hope and expectation to look for things to come, who here give myself to you, but much more in the world to come. I am become your brother, I took flesh & blood for you. Again my flesh and blood by the which I am made your kinsman, I deliver unto you.  
Thus much out of chrysostom. Out of which words I make this argument.  
The same flesh whereby Christ is made our brother & kinsman, is given of Christ to us to be eaten. 
D. Weston argument without true form● or figure.   
Christ is made our brother and kinsman, by his true, natural, and organical flesh:  
Ergo, his true, natural, and organical flesh, is given to us to be eaten.  Cran. 
I grant the consequence, and the consequent. 
D. Weston argument denied 〈◊〉 eat the true body 〈◊〉 Christ: Ergo we eat it wit● our mouth▪ A figure●● Argument▪   West. 
Therefore we eat it with our mouth.  Cran. 
I deny it. We eat it through faith.  West. 
He gave us the same flesh to eat, whereby he became our brother and kinsman.  
But he became our brother and kinsman by his true, natural and organical flesh:  
Therefore he gave his true, natural, and organical flesh to be eaten.  Cran. 
I grant he took and gave the same true, natural, and organical flesh wherein he suffered, and yet he feedeth spiritually, and that flesh is received spiritually.  Weston. 
He gave us the same flesh which he took of the Virgin: 
Fallax a dicto secu●●dum qu●d ad simpli●citer.   
But he took not the true flesh of the virgin spiritually, or in a figure:  
Ergo, he gave his true natural flesh not spiritually.  Cran. 
Christ gave to us his own natural flesh, the same wherein he suffered, but feedeth us spiritually. 
Aunswer●▪   West. 
chrysostom is against you. Homil. 83. in 26. cap. Mat. where he saith: 
Chrisost▪ alleged D. Westo● Hom. 83.26. cap. Mat.  Veniat tibi in mentem quo sis honore honoratus, qua mensa fruaris. Ea namque re nos alimur, quam angeli▪ etc.  
That is to say.  
Let it come into thy remembrance with what honour thou art honoured, and what table thou sittest at: for with the same thing we are nourished, which the angels do behold and tremble at: neither are they able to behold it without great fear, for the brightness which cometh thereof: and we be brought and compact into one heap or mass with him. Being together one body of Christ, and one flesh with him. Who shall speak the powers of the Lord, and shall declare forth all his praises? What Pastor hath ever nourished his sheep with his own members? Many mothers have put forth their Infants after their birth, to other Nurses: which he would not do, but feedeth us with his own body, & conjoineth and uniteth us to himself.  
Whereupon I gather this argument.  
Like as Mother's nurse their children with milk: so Christ nourished us with his body.  
But mothers do not nourish their Infants spiritually with their milk: 
  
Therefore Christ doth not nourish those that be his, spiritually with his blood.  Cran. 
He gave us the wine for his blood.  West. 
If he gave the wine for his blood (as you say) than he gave less than mothers do give.  
But chrysostom affirmeth that he gave more than mothers give.  
Therefore he gave not the wine for his blood.  Cran. 

 You pervert mine answer. He gave wine, yet the blood is considered therein. As for example. When he giveth Baptism, we consider not the water, but the holy Ghost, and remission of sins. We receive with the mouth the Sacrament: but the thing and the matter of the Sacrament we receive by faith.  West. 
When Christ said, eat ye, whether meant he by the mouth or by faith?  Cran. 
He meant that we should receive the body by faith, the bread by the mouth.  West. 

 Nay, the body by the mouth.  Cran. 
That I deny.  West. 
I prove it out of chrysostom, writing upon the fifty Psalm.  

●hrysost. 〈◊〉 by D. Weston.  Erubescit fieri nutrix, quae facta est matter. Christus autem non ita ipse nutritor est noster: ideo pro cibo carne propria nos pascit, & pro potu suum sanguinem nobis propinavit. Item in 26. Mathaei, Homil. 83. Non enim sufficit ipsi hominem fieri, flagellis interim caedi: 
Chrysost. in ●sal. 50. 〈◊〉, Hom. 〈◊〉 26. 〈◊〉. Mat.  sed nos secum in unam ut ita dicam, massam reducit, neque id fide solum, sed reipsa nos corpus suum efficit?  
That is to say.  
She that is a mother, shameth sometime to play the Nurse. But Christ our Nurse doth not so play with us. Therefore in stead of meat he feedeth us with his own flesh, and in stead of drink he feedeth us with his own blood. Likewise, upon the 26. chap. of Matthew, the 83. homily, he saith: For it shall not be enough for him to become man, and in the mean while to be whipped: but he doth bring us into one mass or lump with himself (as I may so call it) and maketh us his body not by faith alone, but also in very deed.  Cran. 
I grant: We make one nature with Christ. But that to be done with mouth we deny.  West. 

Chrysost. alleged by ●. Weston. 〈◊〉. 29. Epist. 2. 〈◊〉. cap. 13.  Chrysost. 2. Cor. cap. 13. Homil. 29. hath these words: Non vulgarem honorem consecutum est os nostrum, accipiens corpus dominicum. i. No little honour is given to our mouth, receiving the body of the Lord.  Cran. 
This I say, that Christ entereth into us both by our ears & by our eyes. With our mouth we receive the body of Christ, and tear it with our teeth, that is to say, the Sacrament of the body of Christ. Wherefore I say and affirm that the virtue of the sacrament is much: & therefore Chrysostom many times speaketh of sacraments no otherwise, 
sword's Chrysost. ●●unded.  then of Christ himself, as I could prove, if I might have liberty to speak, by many places of Chrysostom, where he speaketh of the sacrament of the body of Christ.  

●. Cole 〈◊〉 the ●●●●ament 〈◊〉 a Sacrament of 〈◊〉 body of 〈◊〉, but 〈◊〉 a Sacrament of congregation, that 〈◊〉 of the 〈…〉 of 〈…〉 ●●rysost. 〈◊〉 by 〈◊〉 Cran●●●. ●●●●sost. 〈◊〉. de 〈…〉. 3.  With the which word of the sacrament of the body, etc. D. Cole being highly offended, denied it to be the Sacrament of the body of Christ, save only of the mystical body which is the Church.  Cran. 
And why should we doubt to call it the Sacrament of the body of Christ offered upon the Cross, seeing both Christ and the ancient Fathers do so call it?  Cole. 
How gather you that of chrysostom?  Cran. 
chrysostom declareth himself. Lib. 3. De Sacerdotio, cap. 3. O miraculum, O Dei in nos benevolentia, qui sursum sedet ad dextram patris, sacrificij tamen tempore hominum manibus continetur, traditurque lambere cupientibus eum. Fit autem id nullis praestigijs, sed apertis & circumspicientibus circumstantium omnium oculis.  
That is to say.  
O miracle, O the good will of God towards us, which sitteth above at the right hand of the father, and is held in men's hands at the sacrifice time, & is given to feed upon, to them that are desirous of him. And that is brought to pass by no subtlety or craft, but with the open and beholding eyes of all the standers by.  
Thus ye hear Christ is seen here in earth every day, is touched, is torn with the teeth, that our tongue is red with his blood: which no man having any judgement will say or think to be spoken without trope or figure,  West. 
What miracle is it if it be not his body: & if he speak only of the sacrament, as though it were his body?  
But hearken what chrysostom saith: 
chrysostom alleged by D. Weston.  Homil. 34. Quod summo honore dignum est, id tibi in terra ostendo. Nam quemadmodum in regijs non parietes, non lectus aureus, sed regium corpus in throno sedens omnium praestantissimum est: ita quoque in coelis regium corpus, quod nunc in terra proponitur. Non Angelos, non Archangelos, non coelos coelorum, 
Chrysost. Hom. 24.  sed ipsum horum omnium Dominum tibi ostendo. Animaduertis quonam pacto quod omnium maximum est atque praecipuum in terra, non conspicaris tantum sed tangis, neque solum tangis, sed eomedis, atue eo accepto domum redis. Absterge igitur ab omni sorde animam tuam.  
That is to say.  
I show forth that thing on the earth unto thee, which is worthy the greatest honour. For like as in the palace of kings, neither the walls, nor the sumptuous bed, but the body of Kings sitting under the cloth of estate, and royal seat of Majesty, is of all things else the most excellent: so is in like manner, the king's body in heaven, which is now set before us on earth. I show thee neither Angels nor archangel's, nor the heaven of heavens, but the very Lord & master of all these things. Thou perceivest after what sort thou dost not only behold, but touchest, and not only touchest, but eatest that which on the earth is the greatest and chiefest thing of all other, and when thou hast received the same, thou goest home: Wherefore cleanse thy soul from all uncleanness.  
Upon this, I conclude that the body of Christ is showed us upon the earth.  Cran. 
What? upon the earth? no man seethe Christ upon the earth? He is seen with the eyes of our mind, 
How the body of Christ is showed us upon the earth.  with faith and spirit.  West. 
I pray you what is it that seemeth worthy highest honour on the earth? It is the Sacrament or else the body of Christ.  Cran. 
chrysostom speaketh of the sacrament, and the body of Christ is showed forth in the Sacrament.  Weston. 
Ergo, than the Sacrament is worthy greatest honour.  Cran. 
I deny the Argument.  West. 
That thing is showed forth, and is now in the earth [ostenditur & 
* 
This word [est] is not in chrysostom.  
This argument of Weston standing only upon affirmatives in the second figure, hath no perfect form in Logic.   est] which is worthy highest honour.  
But, only the body of Christ is worthy highest honour?  
Ergo, the body of Christ is now on the earth.  Cran. 
I answer, the body of Christ to be on the earth, but so as in a Sacrament, and as the holy Ghost is in the water of Baptism.  West. 
chrysostom saith [ostendo [I show forth which noteth a substance to be present.  Cran. 
That is to be understood Sacramentally.  West. 
He saith [ostendo in terra] I show forth on the earth, 
Cranmer answereth to the place of chrysostom how christ is showed forth on the earth, not bodily but in a Sacrament, that is Sacramentally & figuratively.  declaring also the place where.  Cran. 
That is to be understood figuratively.  Weston. 
He is showed forth, and is now on the earth, etc. as before.  Cran. 
Your Mayor and conclusion are all one.  Weston. 
But the Mayor is true: Ergo, the conclusion also is true.  
That thing is on the earth, which is worthy of most high honour.  
But no figure is worthy of highest honour:  
Ergo, that which is on the earth is no figure.  Cran. 
I answer, that is true Sacramentally.  
¶ Here Weston crieth to him that he should answer to one part, bidding him repeat his words. Which when he went about to do, such was the noise and crying out in the school, that his mild voice could not be heard. 
Weston falsifieth the words of chrysostom.  For when he went about to declare to the people how the Prolocutor did not well english the words of chrysostom, using for ostenditur in terra, he is showed forth on the earth, est in terra, he is on the earth, where as chrysostom hath not [est] nor any such word of being on the earth, but only of showing, as the grace of the holy Ghost, in baptismo ostenditur, i. is showed forth in Baptism: and oftentimes did inculcate this word ostenditur. Then the Prolocutor stretching forth his hand, set on the rude people to cry out at him, filling all the school with hissing, clapping of hands, 
unreverend words used in the School against Doctor Cranmer.  and noise, calling him indoctum, imperitum, impudentem, i unlearned, unskilful, impudent. Which impudent and reproachful words, this reverend man most patiently and meekly did abide, as one that had been enured with the suffering of such like reproaches. And when the Prolocutor not yet satisfied with this rude and unseemly demeanour, did urge and call upon him to answer the argument. Then he bade the Notary repeat his words again.  Notary. 
That which is worthy most high honour, here I show forth to thee in earth.  
The body of Christ is worthy highest honour.  
Ergo, he showeth forth the body of Christ here in earth.  Cran. 
That is showed forth here on the earth which may be seen, 
The body of Christ is showed forth to us here in earth divers ways: as in reading of the Scriptures, sometimes in hearing Sermons, & also in Sacraments, and yet neither the Scriptures nor Sermons, nor Sacraments are to be worshipped.  which may be touched, and which may be eaten, but these things be not true of the body.  Cole. 
Why should not these things be true of the body of Christ.  Cran. 
The Mayor out of chrysostom is true, meaning of the Sacrament. For in the Sacrament the true body of Christ, and not the figurative body is set forth.  Weston. 
Show me somewhat in earth worthy greatest honour.  Cran. 
I cannot, but in the sacrament only.  West. 
Ergo, the Sacrament is worthy greatest honour.  Cran. 
So it is.  judges. 
Let it be written.  Cran. 
I pray you let my answer be written likewise: I affirm that the body of Christ is showed forth unto us. It is our faith that seethe Christ.  West. 
Ostendo tibi. i. I show it to thee, saith chrysostom, not to thy faith.  Cran. 
He speaketh sacramentally.  West. 
Ergo, chrysostom lieth. For he speaking of showing, saith: Ego Chrysostomus ostendo. i. I chrysostom do show. But he can show nothing sacramentally.  Ched. 
By force of argument we are brought to this point that the body of Christ is proved to be on earth, not only sacramentally, but in very deed also, by this reason, that it is worthy highest honour. The reason is indissoluble.  Cran. 
I never heard a more vain argument, & it is most vain: also it hath mine answer unto it.  Ched. 
Will you affirm that it is absurd which Chrysostom saith, that the body of Christ is touched?  
I touch the body of Christ in the Sacrament, as Thomas touched Christ. 
The argument of Chedsey is not formal.   
Thomas touched Christ, and said Dominus meus, Deus meus, my Lord, my God:  
Ergo, that which he touched, was the Lord God.  
¶ This Argument as I received it out of the Notary's book, is not formal: but rather he should conclude in the third figure thus:  
Da- As Thomas touched the body of Christ, so we touch it in the sacrament.  
ti- Thomas touched the body of Christ corporally:  
si. Ergo, we touch the body of Christ corporally in the sacrament.  Cran. 

God cannot be touched.  I deny your Argument. He touched not God, but him which was God. Neither is it sound doctrine to affirm that God is touched.  Ched. 
This is because of the union: so that God is said to be touched, when Christ which is both God and man, is touched.  

Tertull. De resurrectione carnis.  Tertullian De carnis resurrectione, saith: Videamus de propria Christiani hominis forma, quanta huic substantiae frivolae & sordidae apud deum praerogativa sit. Etsi sufficeret illi quod nulla omnino anima salutem posset adipisci nisi dum est in carne, crediderit: adeò caro salutis cardo est, de qua cum anima deo alligatur, ipsa est quae efficit, ut anima alligari possit: sed & caro abluitur, 
Quod symbolorum est, rei attribuitur.  ut anima emaculetur: caro inungitur, ut anima consecretur: signatur, ut anima muniatur: caro manus impositione adumbratur, ut anima spiritu illuminetur, caro corpore & sanguine Christi vescitur, ut anima de deo saginetur.  
That is to say.  
Let us consider as concerning the proper form of the christian man, what great prerogative this vain & foul substance of ours hath with God. Although it were sufficient to it, that no soul could ever get salvation, unless it believe while it is in the flesh: so much the flesh availeth to salvation, by the which flesh it cometh, that where as the soul so is linked unto god, it is the said flesh that causeth the soul to be linked: yet the flesh moreover is washed, that the soul may be cleansed: the flesh is anointed that the soul may be consecrated, the flesh is signed that the soul may be defended, the flesh is shadowed by the imposition of hands, that the soul may be illuminated with the spirit: the flesh doth eat the body and blood of Christ, that the soul may be fed of God. Whereupon I gather this argument.  
The flesh eateth the body of Christ.  
Ergo, the body of Christ is eaten with the mouth.  
Item Phocëus 1. ad Cor. cap. 11. upon these words: Reus erit corporis & sanguinis, 
Argument.  etc.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
Phoceu● Cor. cap.  
Phoceu● leaged b● Chelsey  i. Quod ait, reus corporis & sanguinis, istud declarat quod sicuti Iudas ipsum quidem tradidit, judaei contumeliosè in ipsum insaniebant: sic ipsum inhonorant qui sanctissimum ipsius corpus impuris manibus suscipiunt, tanquam judaei ipsi tenent & execrabili ore recipiunt. Quòd crebro mentionem facit corporis & sanguinis Domini, manifestat quòd non sit simplex homo qui sacrificatur, sed ipse Dominus omnium factor, tanquam per haec quidem ipsos perterrefaciens.  
That is to say.  
Where as he saith: Is guilty of the body and blood: this he declareth, that like as judas betrayed him, & the jews were fierce and spiteful against him: so do they dishonour him which receive his holy body with their impure hands and as the jews did hold him then, do now receive him with unpure mouths. And where as he often maketh mention of the body & blood of the Lord, he declareth that it is not simply man that is sacrificed, but even the Lord himself, being the maker of all things, hereby (as it were) making them afraid.  
Ergo, (as it is hereby gathered) the body of Christ is touched with the hands.  Cranmer. 
You vouch two authors against me upon sundry things. First I must answer Tertullian, and then the other.  Ched. 
They tend both to one meaning.  Cran. 
Unto Tertullian I answer (because our disputation is wandering and uncertain) that he calleth that the flesh which is the Sacrament. 
Answer to Tertul●●anus.  For although God work all things in us invisibly beyond man's reach: yet they are so manifest, that they may be seen, and perceived of every sense. Therefore he setteth forth Baptism, unction, and last of all the supper of the Lord unto us, which he gave to signify his operation in us. The flesh liveth by the bread, but the soul is inwardly fed by Christ.  Weston. 
Stick to those words of Tertullian: Corpus vescitur ut anima saginetur, id est, 
D. West●● urgeth 〈◊〉 with the words o● Tertullia●▪  The body eateth that the soul may be fed.  Ched. 
The flesh eateth the body of Christ, that the soul may be fed therewith.  West. 
Here you see two kinds of food: of the soul and of the body.  Ched. 
He sayeth, that not only the soul, but the flesh is also fed.  Cran. 
The soul is fed with the body of Christ, the body with the sacrament.  Ched. 
Is the soul fed with the body of Christ, & not with the sacrament?  Cran. 
Read that which followeth, and you shall perceive that by things external, 
Inwardly we eat 〈◊〉 body: ou●●wardely 〈◊〉 Sacrament  an operation internal is understood. Inwardly we eat Christ's body, and outwardly we eat the sacrament. So one thing is done outwardly, an other inwardly. Like as in Baptism the external element whereby the body is washed, is one: so the internal thing whereby the soul is cleansed, is another.  Ched. 
The soul is fed by that which the body eateth.  
But the soul is fed by the flesh of Christ:  
Ergo. the body eateth the flesh of Christ.  Cran. 
We eat not one thing outwardly and inwardly. Inwardly we eat Christ's body: Outwardly we eat the Sacrament.  Ched. 
I will repeat the Argument.  

* The for●● of this ar●gument 〈◊〉 which h● repeatet● stood 〈◊〉 before: 〈◊〉 the four●● of this annexion answereth none of three 〈◊〉 of Sillogis●●es.  The flesh eateth Christ's body, that the soul may be fed therewith.  
The soul is not fed with the Sacrament, but with Christ's body.  
Ergo, the flesh eateth the body of Christ.  Cran. 
The Sacrament is one thing, the matter of the Sacrament is another. Outwardly we receive the Sacrament: Inwardly we eat the body of Christ.  Ched. 
I prove that we receive that outwardly wherewith the soul is fed.  
The soul is fed with the body of Christ. 
Consequence.   
Ergo, we eat the body of Christ outwardly.  
The flesh eateth Christ his body, 
Consequence.   
Ergo, the soul is fed therewith.  Cranmer. 
The flesh (I say) eateth the Sacrament. It eateth not Christ's body. 
Aunswe●●  For Tertullian speaketh of the Sacrament: and the place hath not [inde] thereof, but [de deo] of God.  Ched. 
What say ye to Phoceus saying: They which receive the body with impure hands, are guilty of the lords blood, as judas was.  West. 
That which followeth in Tertullian doth take away your shift, where as he sayeth: Non possunt ergo separari in mercede, quos opera coniungit. i. They cannot be separated in reward, whom one work joineth together.  
But manducation is the work or labour, Ergo, etc.  
¶ The form of this Argument may be thus collected.  

Di- One work or labour joineth body & soul together.  
●i- Manducation is a work or labour:  
j Ergo, one manducation joineth together both body and soul.   


〈…〉. For as 〈…〉 with 〈◊〉 that the 〈◊〉 ma● be 〈…〉 our 〈◊〉 eateth 〈◊〉 outward ●span.  
Answer 〈◊〉 Tertulli●● 〈…〉.   To the Mayor of which Argument, thus it may be answered: expounding the saying of Tertullian, una opera coniungit, sed non idem operandi modus. Again, opera here in Tertullian, may be taken for temptations and afflictions.  * Cran. 
Your authority (I suppose) is taken out of the book, De resurrectione carnis. i. of the resurrection of the flesh: & the meaning thereof is this. Tertullian goeth about there to prove that the flesh shall rise again, because it is joined together in one work with the soul. Through Baptism in this world, the body is washed, and the soul is washed: the body outwardly, the soul inwardly, the work is one. In this work they are joined. And he speaketh of signs.  West 
He speaketh of eating in a sign.  
Ergo, the reward is in a sign.  Cran. 
They are coupled in one work, namely, in the Sacrament.  West. 
There are two works:  
Ergo, there are two rewards.  
I● the work be in a figure.  
Ergo, the reward is in a figure.  Cran. 
He speaketh not of two works. Two works are but one work. And yet he saith not, quos una opera coniungit. i. Whom one work joineth together, but opera. i. A work: as in Baptism the soul and the body are joined in understanding.  West. 
The flesh and soul shall have one and the self same reward, because they have one work.  Cran. 
Because they be joined together in one work.  Tres. 
For as much as the reverend Doctors here have impugned, 
D. Tresham disputeth.  and overthrown your assertion & your answers sufficiently: I will fall to an other matter, not altogether impertinent to the purpose, and that in few words, against a certain sequel of your opinion. The sequel is this: that between us and Christ there is no further conjunction, whiles we receive the Eucharist, than a conjunction of the mind, or a spiritual conjunction, whereby we are united & knit unto Christ through faith & love. As for the presence of Christ concerning the substance that you utterly deny. Whereupon in very deed you leave but a spiritual union and joining together of mind. Howbeit you would seem to think otherwise by your subtle answers. But I will declare by manifest testimonies of the fathers, that this your sequel which you account so sure, is far wide from the truth. And I will begin with S. hilary, who is both an ancient and a learned author. For disputing against the Arrians, octavo de Trinitate, he sayeth that this was their opinion: that the father and the son are conjoined only through unity of wil Whereupon Arrius himself, when scripture was alleged against him, did (as you do now) elude the right meaning of it by his false interpretations. But the catholic church hath always believed and ever maintained, that Christ is one with the father in nature, and not by consent of will only. To the proof whereof, when the Catholics vouched this testimony of john, Pater & ego unum sumus. i. The father and I are one. The Arrians answered, that [unum sumus] was to be understand by the assent of their wills, and agreement of their minds, not by unity of their natures. Thus it happeneth now a days, where men do doubt of the sacrament. But hilary going on, and proving the natural conjunction between the father and the son a fortiori, 
 questioneth with his adversaries after this manner, I demand of them now which will needs have the unity of will only, between the father and the son, whether Christ be now in us truly by nature, or only by the agreement of wills? If (saith he) the word be incarnate in very deed, and we receive at the lords table the word made flesh, how then is he to be thought not to dwell in us naturally, who being borne man, hath both taken the nature of our flesh upon him that is now inseparable, and hath also mingled the nature of his own flesh, unto the nature of eternity under the Sacrament of his flesh, to be communicated unto us. 
Conjunction between Christ and us.  Thus much hath hilary. Whereupon I ask of you this question. How Christ dwelleth now in us? according to faith, or according to nature?  Cran. 
I say that Christ dwelleth dearly in us carnally and naturally, 
Answer to hilary.  for that he hath taken of the Virgin our flesh upon him, and because he hath communicated his nature unto us.  Tres. 
Bucer contra Abrincensem, 
Bucer cont●● Abrince●se● alleged by Tre●ham.  referreth these words only to the Eucharist, saying: Christ doth exhibit all this unto us in his holy supper, & according to the holy fathers (saith he) Christ liveth thereby in us, not only by faith and love, as absent, but naturally, corporally, and carnally. Wherefore he is not absent, neither are we joined to Christ only by a spiritual union, (as you suppose) but also by a corporal and carnal union.  Cran. 
I know that M. Bucer was a learned man. But your faith is in good case, which leaneth upon Bucer.  Tres. 
I do not bring Bucer as a Patron of our faith, but because he is a man of your sort, & yet bringeth this place of hilary for that union which we have by the sacrament, and confesseth that by it we are carnally united to Christ, where as you think that we are joined by it, only through faith and love.  Cran. 
I say that Christ was communicated unto us, 
Christ communicated & 〈◊〉 to us by birth▪ by unity of 〈◊〉 Church, by the communi●●, by Baptism, by faith.  not only by faith, but in very deed also when he was borne of the virgin. We have fellowship with Christ, when we are united in the unity of the church, when we are made flesh of his flesh, & bones of his bones: and so we are united in the communion, in baptism, and in faith.  Tres. 
I pray you what fellowship have we with Christ, in that he is made man? Are not the Turks & jews therein joined with him? For they are men as we are, and are joined with him in man's nature, in that he was born of a woman, I speak now of a more near unity. We are made one with Christ by the communion in a perfect unity.  Cran. 

* We are 〈◊〉 to Christ by ●●●munion 〈…〉 are by Baptism.  We are made so, I grant: but we are made so also by baptism: and the unity in baptism is perfect.  Tres. 
We are not made one by baptism in a perfect unity, as hilary there speaketh, but by the communion, by which we are carnally made one, but not likewise by Baptism: wherefore you understand not hilary. You shall hear his words, which are these. 
Objection of hilary.  He had now declared afore the Sacrament of his perfect union, saying: As the living father sent me, so do I also live by the father. And he that eateth my flesh, shall also live through me. And a little after that he writeth thus: This truly is the cause of our life, that we have Christ dwelling by his flesh in us that are fleshly, which also by him shall live in such sort as he liveth by his father. Wherefore, of these words it is manifest, that we obtain this perfect unity by means of the sacrament, & that Christ by it is carnally united unto us.  Cran. 
Nay hilary in that same place doth teach, 
Answer to the place of hilary.  that it is done by baptism: and that doctrine is not to be suffered in the Church, which teacheth, that we are not joined to Christ by Baptism.  West. 
Repeat the Argument.  Cran. 
You must first make an Argument.  Tres. 
It is made already, 
Argument.  but it shall be made again in this form.  
Da- As Christ liveth by his father, so they that eat Christ's flesh, live by the same flesh.  
ti- But Christ liveth by the father, not only by faith and love, but naturally:  
si. Ergo, we live not through the eating of Christ's flesh by faith and love only, but naturally.  Cran. 
We live by Christ, not only by faith and love, but eternally in deed.  Tresh. 
Nay 
* The Papists by this one word [naturally] confound themselves. For if the natural body of christ were eaten and went naturally into our bodies, than should it follow, that the nature o● his body being immaculate, & now also immortal, our bodies united in nature to his pure & immortal body, naturally should never sin nor die. Wherefore it remaineth that the natural uniting to Christ's body cometh not by the bodily eating of the Sacrament unto our body, but to our soul, & so shall redound at length unto our bodies.  naturally. I prove it thus.  
As Christ liveth by the Father▪ so live we by his flesh eaten of us:  
But Christ liveth not by his father only by faith and love, but naturally:  
Therefore we do not live by eating of Christ's flesh only by faith and love (as you suppose) but naturally.  Cran. 
The Minor is not true.  Tres. 
This is the opinion of Arrius, that Christ is united to his father by conjunction of mind, and not naturally.  Cran. 
I say not so yet, neither do I think so. But I will tell you what I like not in your Minor. You say that Christ doth not live by his father, only by faith and love: but I say that Christ liveth not at all by his faith.  West. 
Mark and consider well this word [by faith] least any occasion of cavilling be given.  Tres. 
Let that word [by faith] he omitted. Neither did I mean that Christ liveth by his father through faith. Yet the strength of the Argument remaineth in force. 
If that union of the substance of flesh should be granted unto our bodies then should our bodies never die nor see corruption.  For else hilary doth not con●ute the Arrians, except there be a greater conjunction between us & Christ, when he is eaten of us, then only a spiritual conjunction. You do only grant a union. As for a carnal or natural union of the substance of flesh, by which we are joined more than spiritually, you do not grant. But our lord jesus give you a better mind, and show you the light of his truth, that you may return into the way of righteousness.  West. 
We came hither to dispute, and not to pray.  Tres. 
Is it not lawful to pray for them that err?  West. 
It is not lawful yet. But proceed.  Tres. 
Again, I reason thus: As Christ liveth by his father, after the same manner do we live by the eating of his flesh.  
But Christ liveth not by his father only in unity of will, 
The same argument again repeated.  but naturally:  
Ergo, we do not live when we eat the flesh of Christ, only by faith and unity of will, but naturally.  Cran. 
This is my faith, and it agreeth with the scripture: Christ liveth by his father naturally, 
Answer.  & maketh us to live by himself in deed: naturally, and that not only in the sacrament of the Eucharist, but also in Baptism. For Infants, when they are baptized, do eat the flesh of Christ.  Weston. 
Answer either to the whole argument, or to the parts thereof. For this argument is strong and cannot be dissolved.  Cran. 
This is the argument.  
As Christ liveth by his father, after the same manner do we live by his flesh, 
The Archb. repeateth the argument.  being eaten of us:  
But Christ liveth not by his father only in unity of will, but naturally:  
Ergo, we eating his flesh, do not live only by faith and love, but naturally.  
But the Mayor is false: namely, that by the same manner we live by Christ, as he liveth by his father.  West. 

* Christ not after his manhood but after his divine nature liveth naturally by his father, which divine nature of his worketh also in his manhood an immortality: So our spirit and soul receiving the natural body of Christ in the mysteries, by faith do receive also the nature of his body, that is, his pureness, justification, & life, the operation whereof redounding likewise unto our bodies, doth make the same also capable of the same glory and immortality. And thus it is true, that as Christ liveth naturally by his father, so we live naturally by the body of Christ eaten in the mysteries, having respect both to the manhood of him and of us. For as the flesh of Christ, in respect of bare flesh, liveth not naturally by the father, but for that it is joined to his divinity: So our flesh liveth not naturally by Christ's body eaten in the Sacrament (for then every wicked man eating the Sacrament should live naturally by him) but for that our flesh is joined to the spirit and soul, which truly eateth the body of Christ by faith: and so only the bodies of the faithful do live by eating the body of Christ naturally, in particypating the natural properties of the body of Christ.  hilary saith: after the same manner, upon these words: he that eateth my flesh shall live by me. Ergo, Christ liveth by his father, and as he liveth by his father, after the same manner we shall live by his flesh. Here you see, that hilary saith, after the same manner.  Cran. 
After the same manner, doth not signify like in all things, but in deed and eternally: for so do we live by Christ, and Christ liveth by his father. For in other respects Christ liveth otherwise by his father, than we live by Christ.  West. 
He liveth by his father naturally and eternally:  
Ergo, we live by Christ naturally, and eternally.  Cran. 
We do not live naturally, but by grace if you take naturally for the manner of nature. As Christ hath eternal life of his Father, so have we of him.  West. 
I stick to this word naturally.  Cran. 
I mean it touching the truth of nature. For Christ liveth otherwise by his Father, than we live by Christ.  West. 
hilary in the 8. book De Trinitate, denieth it when he saith: he liveth therefore by his father, and as he liveth by his Father, 
Natural expounded.  after the same manner we shall live by his flesh.  Cran. 
We shall live after the same manner, as concerning the nature of the flesh of Christ: for as he hath of his father the nature of eternity, so shall we have of him.  West. 
Answer unto the parts of the Argument.  
As Christ liveth by his father, after the same manner shall we live by his flesh: 
The argument the third time repeated.   
But Christ doth not live by his father only in unity of will, but naturally:  
Ergo, we eating his flesh do not live only by faith and love, but naturally.  Cran. 
I grant (as I said) we live by Christ naturally: but I never heard that Christ liveth with his Father in unity of will only.  West. 
Because it seemeth a marvel unto you, hear what hilary saith: These things are recited of us to this end: because the heretics feigning an unity of will only between the father and the son, did use the example of our unity with god● as though that we being united to the son, and by the son to the father only by obedience and will of religion, had no propriety of the natural communion by the sacrament of the body and blood.  
But answer to the argument. Christ liveth by his father naturally and eternally: therefore do we live by Christ naturally and eternally.  Cran. 
cyril and hilary do say, that Christ is united to us not only by will, but also by nature: he doth communicate to us his own nature, 
Ex ex●●●plari 〈◊〉 Cranmer descriptor  and so is Christ made one with us carnally and corporally, because he took our nature of the virgin Mary. And hilary doth not only say that Christ is naturally in us, but that we also are naturally in him, and in the father: that is, that we are partakers of their nature, which is eternity or everlastingness. For as the word receiving our nature, did join it unto himself in unity of person, and did communicate unto that our nature, the nature of his eternity, 
Naturally expound●● that is 〈◊〉 bodies to participate the nature & property of Christ holy & i●●mortall b●●dy.  that like as he being the everlasting word of the Father, had everlasting life of the Father: even so he gave the same nature to his flesh. Likewise also did he communicate with us the same nature of eternity, which he and the father have, and that we should be one with them, not only in will & love, but that we should be also partakers of the nature of everlasting life.  West. 
Hilary where he saith: Christ communicated to us his nature, he meaneth that, not by his nativity, but by the sacrament.  Cranmer. 
He hath communicated to us his flesh by his nativity.  West. 
We have communicated to him 
* Then 〈◊〉 Christ a sinful flesh.  our flesh when he was borne.  Cran. 
Nay, he communicated to us his flesh when he was borne, and that I will show you out of cyril upon this place: Et homo factus est.  West. 
Ergo, Christ being borne gave us his flesh.  Cran. 
In his nativity he made us 
* That is▪ made us partakers the prope●●ties, life, i●●nocencye, resurrection of his bod● D Chad●● again d●●●puteth. Hillar. 8. 〈◊〉 Trinitate.  partakers of his flesh.  West. 
Writ Sirs.  Cran. 
Yea writ.  Ched. 
This place of Hilary is so dark, that you were compelled to falsify it in your book, because you could not draw it to confirm your purpose.  
If Christ have taken verily the flesh of our body, and the man that was verily borne of the Virgin Mary is Christ, and also we receive under the true mystery the flesh of his body, by means whereof we shallbe one (for the father is in Christ, and Christ in us) how shall that be called the unity of will, when the natural property brought to pass by the Sacrament, is the Sacrament of unity? we must not speak in the sense of man, or of the world in matters concerning God: neither must we perversely wrest any strange or wicked sense out of the wholesome meaning of the holy scripture, through impudent and vile contention. Let us read those things that are written, and let us understand those things that we read, and then we shall perform the duty of perfect faith. For as touching that natural and true being of Christ in us except we learn of him, we speak foolishly and ungodly that thing that we do speak: For he saith: My flesh is meat in deed, and my blood is drink in deed: He that eateth my flesh, and drinketh my blood, abideth in me and I in him. As touching the verity of his flesh and blood, there is left no place of doubt: for now, both by the testimony of the Lord, and also by our faith, it is verily flesh, and verily blood.  
Here you have falsified hilary, 
Thus 〈◊〉 was their talk in English Seeing M. Cranme● had twy●● veré & 〈◊〉 once ver● they had cause to 〈◊〉 grieved, 〈◊〉 that they were 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 a knot in rush.  for you have set verò sub mysterio, for verè sub mysterio, we receive truly under a mystery. hilary thrice reporteth verè sub mysterio, and you interpret it twice verè sub mysterio, but the third time you have verò for verè.  Cran. 
Assuredly, I am not guilty of any deceit herein. It may be that the copy which I followed, had Sub vero mysterio, i. under a true mystery: although touching the sense it differeth little. God I call to witness, I have always hated falsifying, and if you had laisure and lust to hear false citations, I could recite unto you vj. hundred.  West. 
Here shall be showed you two copies of Hilary, the one printed at basil, the other at Paris.  Cran. 
I suppose that D. Smith's books hath vero.  Weston. 
Here is Doctor Smith: let him answer for himself.  
M. Smith, M. Doctor: what say you for yourself? speak if you know it.  
¶ Here Doctor Smith, either for the truth in his book alleged, or else astonished with Doctor weston's hasty calling, stayd to answer. For he only put of his cap, and kept silence.  West. 
But your own book printed by Wolf your own Printer, hath vero.  Cran. 
That Book is taken from me, which easily might have ended this controversy. I am sure the book of Decrees hath vero.  Cole. 
Now you admit the book of Decrees, when it maketh for you. 
  Cran. 
Touching the sense of the matter, there is little difference. The change of one letter for an other, is but a small matter.  West. 
No●s? Pastor (as you know) signifieth a Bishop, and Pistor signifieth a Baker, But Pastor shallbe Pistor, a Bishop shall be a Baker by this your change of one letter. If verè and vero do nothing change the sense.  Cran. 
Let it be so that in Pistor and Pastor one letter maketh some difference: Yet let Pistor be either a Baker or maker of bread, ye see here the change of a letter, and yet no great difference to be in the sense.  Young. 
This disputation is taken in hand, that the truth might appear. I perceive that I must go an other way to work than I had thought. 
 It is a common saying: against him that denieth principles, we must not dispute. Therefore that we may agree of the principles, I demand whether there be any other body of Christ then his instrumental body.  Cran. 
There is no natural body of Christ, but his organical body.  Young. 
Again I demand whether sense & reason ought to give place to faith.  Cran. 
They ought.  Yong. 
Thirdly, whether Christ be true, in all his words?  Cran. 
Yea, he is most true, and truth itself.  Yong. 
Fourthly, whether Christ at his supper mineded to do that which he spoke or no?  Cran. 
Dicendo dixit, non fecit dicendo: sed fecit Discipulis Sacramentum. That is: In saying he spoke, but in saying he made not, but made the sacrament to his disciples.  Yong. 
Answer according to the truth: whether did Christ that as God and man, 
〈◊〉 youngs ●●ophisticall 〈◊〉.  which he spoke, when he said: This is my body.  Cran. 
This is a sophistical cavillation: go plainly to work. There is some deceit in these questions. You seek subtleness, leave your crafty fetches.  Young. 
I demand whether Christ by these words wrought any thing or no?  Cran. 
He did institute the Sacrament.  Yong. 
But answer, whether did he work any thing?  Cran. 
He did work in instituting the Sacrament.  Yong. 
Now I have you: for before you said it was a figurative speech.  

〈…〉 spea●●●g of a 〈◊〉, hath 〈◊〉 perfect 〈◊〉 nor 〈◊〉.  But a figure worketh nothing.  
Ergo, it is not a figurative speech. A liar ought to have a good memory.  Cran. 
I understood your Sophistry before. You by working understand converting into the body of Christ: but Christ wrought the Sacrament, not in converting, but in instituting.  Young. 
Woe be to them that make Christ a deceiver. Did he work any other thing than he spoke, or the self same thing?  Cran. 
He wrought the sacrament, and by these words he signified the effect.  Fes- Yong. 
A figurative speech is no working thing.  
ti- But the speech of Christ is working:  
no. Ergo, it is not figurative.  Cran. 
It worketh by instituting, not by converting.  Young. 
The thing signified in the sacrament, is it not in that Sacrament?  Cran. 

●●were D. young 〈◊〉 Saint 〈◊〉.  It is. For the thing is ministered in a sign. He followeth the letter that taketh the thing for the sign. Augustine separateth the Sacrament from the thing. The Sacrament (sayeth he) is one, and the thing of the Sacrament an other.  Weston. 
Stick to this Argument.  
It is a figurative speech.  
Ergo, it worketh nothing.  Young. 
But the speech of Christ is a working thing.  
Ergo, it is not figurative.  Cran. 
O how many crafts are in this Argument? they are mere fallacies: I said not that the words of Christ do work, but Christ himself: and he worketh by a figurative speech.  Weston. 
If a figure work, it maketh of bread the body of Christ.  Cran. 
A figurative speech worketh not.  West. 
A figurative speech by your own confession, worketh nothing.  
But the speech of Christ in the supper (as you grant) wrought somewhat:  Ergo. 
The speech of Christ in the Supper was not figurative.  Cran. 
I answer these are mere sophisms: 
The figurative speech worketh not, but Christ by the figurative speech worketh the Sacrament.  the speech doth not work, but Christ by the speech doth work the sacrament.  
I look for Scriptures at your hands: for they are the foundation of disputations.  Young. 
Are not these words of scripture: This is my body, The word of Christ is of strength: and by the lords words the heavens were made. He said: This is my body. Ergo, he made it.  Cranmer. 
He made the Sacrament: and I deny your Argument.  Young. 
If he wrought nothing, nothing is left there. He said: This is my body. You say contrary to the Scriptures, it is not the body of Christ, and fall from the faith.  Cran. 
You interpret the scriptures contrary to all the old writers, and feign a strange sense.  Yong. 
Ambrose. De ijs qui initiantur sacris, cap. 9 sayeth: De totius mundi● operibus legisti, quia ipse dixit. & facta sunt, 
Ambros. De ij. qui initiantur, etc. cap. 9  ipse mandavit & creata sunt. Sermo Christi qui potuit ex nihilo facere quod non erat, non potest ea quae sunt in id mutare quae non erant 〈◊〉 enim minus est novas res dare, quam mutare naturas: Sed quid argumentis utimur? suis utamur exemplis, incarnationisque exemplo astruamus mysterij veritatem. Nunquid naturae usus praecessit cum Dominus jesus ex Maria nasceretur? Si ordinem quaerimus, viro mixta foemina generare consuevit, Liquet igitur quod praeter naturae ordinem virgo generavit: & hoc quod conficimus corpus ex virgine est. Quid hic quaeris naturae ordinem in Christi corpore, cum praeter naturam sit ipse Dominus jesus partus ex virgine? Vera utique caro Christi quae Crucifixa est, quae sepulta est: verè ergò illius Sacramentum est. Clamat Dominus jesus: Hoc est corpus meum. Ante benedictionem verborum coelestium alia species nominatur, post consecrationem corpus significatur. Ipse dicit sanguinem suum. Ante consecrationem aliud dicitur: post consecrationem sanguis nuncupatur. Et tu dicis, Amen: hoc est▪ verum est. Quod os loquitur, mens interna fateatur: quod sermo sonat, affectus sentiat.  
That is.  
Thou hast read of the works of all the world, that he spoke the word and they were made: he commanded and they were created. Can not the word of Christ which made of nothing that which was not, change those things that are, into that they were not? For it is no les matter to give new things, then to change natures. But what use we Arguments? let us use his own examples, and let us confirm the verity of the mystery by example of his incarnation. Did the use of nature go before, when the Lord jesus was borne of mary? If you seek the order of nature, conception is wont to be made by a woman joined to a man. It is manifest therefore, that contrary to the 
* As Christ jesus was conceived against the order of nature: so in the instituting of this Sacrament the order of nature is not ot be sought.  order of nature, a virgin did conceive: and this that we make, is the body of the virgin. What seekest thou here the order of nature in the body of Christ, when against the order of nature the Lord jesus was conceived of a virgin? It was the true flesh of Christ which was crucified, and which was buried: therefore it is truly the sacrament of him. The lord jesus himself crieth: This is my body. Before the blessing of the heavenly words, it is named another kind: but after the consecration the body of Christ is signified. He calleth it his blood. Before consecration, it is called an other thing: after consecration it is called blood, and thou sayest Amen: that is, it is true, That the mouth speaketh, let the inward mind confess: that the word soundeth, let the hart perceive.  
The same Ambrose in his 4. book of sacraments the 4. chap. saith thus: Panis iste, 
Ambrose lib. De Sacramentis cap. 4.  panis est ante verba Sacramentorum ubi accesserit consecratio, de pane fit caro Christi. Hoc igitur astruamus: quomodo potest, qui panis est, corpus esse Christi consecratione? consecratio igitur quibus verbis est, & cuius sermonibus? Domini jesu. Nam ad reliqua omnia quae dicuntur, laus Deo defertur, oratione petitur pro populo, pro regibus, pro caeteris, ubi venitur ut conficiatur venerabile Sacramentum, iam non suis sermonibus Sacerdos utitur, sed sermonibus Christi. Ergò sermo Christi hoc conficit Sacramentum. Quis sermo nempe is quo facta sunt omnia. jussit Dominus & factum est coelum: jussit Dominus & facta est terra: jussit Dominus & facta sunt Maria. etc. Vides ergo quam operatorius sit sermo Christi. Si ergo tanta vis est in sermone Domini, ut inciperent esse quae non erant, quanto magis operatorius est, ut sint quae erant & in aliud commutentur.  
That is to say.  
This bread is bread before the words of the Sacraments, when the consecration cometh to it, 
The words of Ambrose in English.  of bread it is made the flesh of Christ. Let us confirm this therefore: how can that which is bread, by consecration be the body of Christ? by what words then is the consecration made, and by whose words? by the words of our Lord jesus. For touching all other things that are said, praise is given to God, prayer is made for the people, for kings, and for the rest. When it cometh, that the reverent Sacrament must be made, than the Priest useth not his own words, but the words of Christ: therefore the word of Christ maketh this Sacrament. What word? That word, by which all things were made, The Lord 
* But the Lord jesus here used not such words of commanding in the sacrament as in creation: for we read not, fiat, hoc corpus meum as we read, fiat lux. &.  commanded, and heaven was made: the Lord commanded and the earth was made: the Lord commanded, and the seas were made. the Lord commanded, and all creatures were made. Dost thou not see then how strong in working the word of Christ is? If therefore, so great strength be in the Lord's word, that those things should begin to be which were not before, how much the rather is it of strength to work, that these things which were, should be changed into an other thing? Ambrose saith that the words are of strength to work.  Weston. 
You omit those words which follow, which maketh the sense of Ambrose plain. Read them.  Young. 
Coelum non erat, mare non erat, terra non erat. Sed audi dicentem: 
Ambros. de Sacr. cap. 5.  ipse dixit & facta sunt, ipse mandavit & creata sunt. Ergo tibi ut respondeam, non erat corpus Christi ante consecrationem, sed post consecrationem dico tibi quòd iam 
* Alloiosis rerum & symbolorum.  corpus Christi est. That is. Heaven was not, the sea was not, the earth was not, but hear him that said: he spoke the word and they were made: he commanded, and they were created. Therefore to answer thee, it was not the body of Christ before consecration, but after the consecration I say to thee, that now it is the body of Christ.  Cran. 
All these things are common. I say that God doth chief work in the Sacraments.  Yong. 
How doth he work?  Cran. 
By his power as he doth in Baptism.  Yong. 
Nay, by the word he changeth the bread into his body, This is the truth, acknowledge the truth, give place to the truth.  Cran. 
O glorious words, you are too full of words.  Yong. 
Nay O glorious truth, you make no change at all.  Cran. 
Not so, but I make a great change, as in them that are baptized, is there not a great change when the child of the bondslave of the devil, is made the son of God? So it is also in the sacrament of the supper when he receiveth us into his protection and favour.  Yong. 
If he work in the sacraments, he worketh in this sacrament.  Cran. 
God worketh in his Faithful, not in the Sacraments.  West. 
In the supper the words are directed to the bread: in baptism to the spirit. He said not, the water is the spirit, but of the bread he said: This is my body.  Cran. 
He called the spirit a Dove: when the spirit descended in likeness of a Dove. 
As the Dove is called the spirit: so the bread is called the body.   West. 
He doth not call the spirit a Dove: but he saith, that he descended as a Dove. He was seen in the likeness of a Dove. As in Baptism, the words are directed to him that is baptised, so in the supper the words are directed unto the bread.  Cran. 
Nay it is written: Upon whomsoever thou shalt see the spirit descending. 
john. 1.  He calleth that which descended, the holy spirit. And Augustine calleth the dove the spirit. Hear what Augustine saith in 1. john. 
August. in. john. cap. 1.  Quid voluit per columbam, id est, per spiritum sanctum, docere, qui miserat eum. That is: What meant he by the Dove, that is, by the holy Ghost? forsooth to teach who sent him.  Yong. 
He understandeth of the spirit descending as a dove: the spirit is invisible. 
Ambrose again repeated, de Sacrament. cap. 4.  If you mind to have the truth heard let us proceed. Hear what Ambrose saith: Vides quam operatorius sit sermo Christi. Si ergo tanta vis in sermone domini. etc. ut supra. That is: You see what a working power the word of Christ hath. Therefore if there be so great power in the lords word, that those things which were not, begin to be, how much more of strength is it to work that those things that were, should be changed into an other thing?  
And in the 5. chap. Antequam consecretur, panis est: ubi autem verba Christi accesserint, 
Idem. cap. 5.  corpus est Christi. i. Before it is consecrated, it is bread: but when the words of Christ come to it, it is the body of Christ.  
But hear what he saith more: Accipite, edite, hoc est corpus meum: Take ye, eat ye, this is my body. Ante verba Christi calix est vini & aquae plenus: ubi verba Christi operata fuerint, ibi sanguis efficitur, qui redemit plebem. That is.  
Before the words of Christ, the cup is full of wine and water, when the words of Christ have wrought, there is made the blood of Christ, which redeemed the people. What can be more plain?  Cran. 

Answer to Ambrose.  Nay, what can be less to the purpose? The words are of strength to work in this Sacrament, as they are in Baptism.  Pie. 
The words of Christ (as Amb. saith) are of strength to work. What do they work? Ambrose sayeth, they make the blood which redeemed the people.  
Ergo, the natural blood is made.  Cran. 
The Sacrament of his blood is made. The words make the blood to them that receive it: not that the blood is in the cup, but in the receiver.  Pie. 
There is made the blood which redeemed the people.  Cran. 
The blood is made: that is, the Sacrament of the blood, by which he redeemed the people. [Fit) it is made: that is to say [ostenditur] it is showed forth there. And Ambrose saith: we receive in a similitude. As thou hast received the similitude of his death, so also thou drinkest the similitude of his precious blood.  West. 
He saith in a similitude, 
Mark D. Wes● expound to eat similitude  because it is ministered under another likeness. And this is the argument.  

* If this logism●● in the 〈…〉 stand●● the 〈◊〉 appear then i● false, because it concludeth firmation Ambr. ● cap. 1. d●●crament Opera●● Mutare Convert  There is made the blood which redeemed the people.  
But the natural blood redeemed the people.  
Ergo, There is the natural blood of Christ.  
You answer, that words make it blood to them that receive it: not that blood is in the cup, but because it is made blood to them that receive it. That all men may see how falsely you would avoid the fathers, hear what Ambrose saith in the 6. book and 1. chap.  
Forte dicas, quomodo vera? qui similitudinem video, non video sanguinis veritatem. Primum omnium dixi tibi de sermone Christi qui operatur, ut possit mutare & convertere genera instituta naturae. Deinde ubi non tulerunt sermonem discipuli eius, sed audientes, quod carnem suam dedit manducari, & sanguinem suum dedit bibendum, recedebant. Solus tamen Petrus dixit: Verba vitae eternae habes. & ego a te quò recedam? Ne igitur plures hoc dicerent, veluti quidam esset horror cruoris, sed maneret gratia redemptionis, ideò in similitudinem quidem accipis sacramentum, sed verè naturae gratiam virtutemque consequeris.  
That is to say.  
Peradventure thou wilt say, how be they true? I which see the similitude, do not see the truth of the blood. First of all I told thee of the word of Christ, which so worketh, that it can change & turn kinds ordained of nature. Afterward, when the Disciples could not abide the words of Christ, but hearing that he gave his flesh to eat, and his blood to drink, they departed: Only Peter said, thou hast the words of eternal life: whether should I go from thee? Lest therefore more should say this thing, as though there should be a certain horror of blood, and yet the grace of redemption should remain: therefore in a similitude thou receivest the sacrament: but in deed thou obtainest the grace and power of his nature.  Cranmer. 
These words of themselves are plain enough. (And he read this place again: 
Aunsw●●● to Amb●●  Thou receivest the Sacrament for a similitude) But what is that he saith: Thou receivest for a similitude.) I think he understandeth the sacrament to be the similitude of his blood.  Ched. 
That you may understand that truth discenteth not from truth, to overthrow that which you say of that similitude, hear what Ambrose saith lib. 4. De sacrament.  
Si operatus est sermo coelestis in alijs rebus, non operatur in sacramentis coelestibus? 
Ambros. sacram. 〈◊〉  Ergo didicisti quod e pane corpus fiat Christi, & quod vinum & aqua in calicem mittitur. sed fit sanguis consecratione verbi coelestis. Sed forte dices, speciem sanguinis non videri. Sed habet similitudinem. Sicut enim mortis similitudinem sumpsisti, ita etiam similitudinem preciosi sanguinis bibis, ut nullus horror cruoris sit, & pretium tamen operetur redemptionis. Didicisti ergo, quia quod accipis corpus est Christ●.  
That is to say.  
If the heavenly word did work in other things, doth it not work in the heavenly sacraments? Therefore thou hast learned, that of bread is made the body of Christ, and that wine and water is put into that cup: but by consecration of the heavenly word, it is made blood. But thou wilt say peradventure, that the likeness of blood is not sent. But it hath a similitude.  
For as thou hast received the similitude of his death, so also thou drinkest the similitude of his precious blood, 
Note th● Ambrose saith: 〈◊〉 drink 〈◊〉 Christe● blood. Answers the plac● Ambros● Sacrament be called the nam●● the things Ambros● 1. Cor. 〈◊〉  so that there is no horror of blood, & yet it worketh the price of redemption. Therefore thou hast learned, that that which thou receivest, is the body of Christ.  Cran. 
He speaketh of sacraments sacramentally. He calleth the sacraments by the names of the things: for he useth the signs for the things signified: and therefore the bread is not called bread, but his body, for the excellency and dignity of the thing signified by it. So doth Ambrose interpreat himself when he sayeth: In cuius typum nos calicem mysticum sanguinis ad tuitionem corporis & animae nostrae percepimus. 1. Cor. 11.  
That is.  
For a type or figure whereof we receive the mystical cup of his blood, for the safeguard of our bodies and souls.  Ched. 
A type? he calleth not the blood of Christ a type or sign: but the blood of Bulls and Goats in that respect was a type or sign.  Cran. 
This is new learning: you shall never read this among the fathers.  Ched. 
But Ambrose sayeth so.  Cran. 
He calleth the bread and the cup a type or sign of the blood of Christ, and of his benefit.  West. 
Ambrose understandeth for a type of his benefit, that is, of redemption: not of the blood of Christ, but of his passion. The cup is the type or sign of his death, seeing it is his blood.  Cran. 
He sayeth most plainly, that the cup is the type of Christ's blood. 
  
Da- Ched. As Christ is truly and really incarnate, so is he truly and really in the Sacrament.  
ri- But Christ is really and truly incarnate.  
j Ergo, the body of Christ is truly and really in the sacrament.  Cran. 

●●gument.  I deny the Mayor.  Ched. 

 I prove the Mayor out of justine in his 2. Apology: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Cran. 

answer 〈◊〉 the place justinus.  This place hath been falsified by Marcus Constantius. justine meant nothing else, but that the bread which nourisheth us, is called the body of Christ.  Ched. 
To the Argument. As Christ is truly and naturally incarnate. etc. ut supra.  Cran. 
I deny your Mayor.  Ched. 
The words of justine are thus to be interpreted word for word.  
Quemadmodum per verbum Dei caro factus jesus Christus salvator noster, 
* Mutationem.  carnem habuit & sanguinem pro salute nostra: sic & cibum illum consecratum per sermonem precationis ab ipso institutae, quo sanguis carnesue nostrae per communionem nutriuntur, eiusdem jesu qui caro factus est, carnem & sanguinem esse accepimus. That is to say.  
As by the word of God jesus Christ our saviour, being made flesh, had both flesh and blood for our salvation: so we are taught that the meat 
* Of thanks giving.  consecrated by the word of prayer, instituted of him, whereby our blood and flesh are nourished by 
* Mutation.  communion, is the flesh and blood of the same jesus, which was made flesh.  Cran. 
You have translated it well: But I deny your Mayor. This is the sense of justine: 
Answer.  that that bread is called the body of Christ, and yet of that sanctified meat our bodies are nourished.  Ched. 
Nay, he sayeth of that sanctified meat, both our bodies and souls are nourished.  Cran. 
He saith not so: but he saith that it nourisheth our flesh and blood: and how can that nourish the soul, that nourisheth the flesh and blood? 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. I. Blood and flesh.   Cole. 
It feedeth the body by the soul.  Cran. 
Speak uprightly. Can that which is received by the soul and the spirit, be called the meat of the body?  West. 
Hear then what Irenaeus sayeth: Eum calicem qui est creatura, 
Irenaeus.  suum corpus confirmavit, ex quo nostra auget corpora. Quando & mixtus c●lix. & Fractus panis percipit verbum Dei, fit Eucharistia sanguinis & corporis Christi, ex quibus augetur, & consistit carnis nostrae substantia This is the same cup which is a creature, he confirmed to be his body, by which he increaseth our bodies. When both the cup mixed, and the bread broken, hath joined to it the word of God, it is made the Sacrament of the body and blood of Christ, of which the substance of our flesh is increased, and consisteth.  
The substance of our flesh is increased by the body and blood of Christ: 
Argument.   
Ergo, our body is nourished by the body and blood of Christ.  Cran. 
I deny your Argument. He calleth it the flesh and blood: for the Sacrament of the body and blood, as Tertullian also saith: 
●●●naeus ●●●wered 〈◊〉 Tertul.  Nutritur corpus pane Symbolico, anima corpore Christi. That is, Our flesh is nourished with Symbolical or sacramental bread, but our soul is nourished with the body of Christ.  West. 
Look what he sayeth more. Quomodo carnem negant capacem esse donationis Dei quae est vita aeterna, quae sanguine & corpore Christi nutritur. li. 5. post duo folia a principio. 
●●●naeus 〈◊〉. 5.  That is: How do they say, that the flesh can not receive the gift of God that is eternal life, which is nourished with the blood and body of Christ? That is in the 5. book 2. leaves from the beginning.  Cran. 
The body is nourished both with the sacrament, and with the body of Christ, with the sacrament to a temporal life: with the body of Christ to eternal life.  Ched. 
I cannot but be sorry when I see such a manifest lie in your writings. For where you translate justine on this fashion: that the bread, water and wine, are not so to be taken in this sacrament, as common meats and drinks are wont to be taken of us: but are meats chosen out peculiarly for this, namely for the giving of thanks, 
Note that the Archb. here did not translate the words of justine, but only gather the effect of his meaning.  and therefore be called of the Greeks Eucharistia, that is, Thanks giving, they are called moreover the blood and body of Christ (so have you translated it): the words of justine are thus: We are taught that the meat consecrated by the word of prayer, by the which our flesh and blood is nourished by Communion, is the body & blood of the same jesus which was made flesh.  Cran. 
I did not translate it word for word, but only I gave the meaning: and I go nothing from his meaning. 
Cranmer purgeth himself.   Harps. 
You remember, touching justine, to whom this Apology was written, namely to an Heathen man. The Heathen thought that the Christians came to the Church to worship bread. justine aunsweareth, that we come not to common bread, but as to. etc. as is said afore. Weigh the place well, it is right worthy to be noted: Our flesh is nourished: according to mutation.  Cran. 
We ought not to consider the bare bread: 
In eating the sacrament no bread is considered but only the true body of Christ.  but whosoever cometh to the Sacrament, eateth the true body of Christ.  West. 
You have corrupted Emissenus, for in stead of cibis satiandus, that is, to be filled with meat: you have set cibis satiandus spiritualibus: that is, to be filled with spiritual meats.  Cran. 
I have not corrupted it, for it is so in the Decrees.  West. 
You have corrupted an other place of Emissenus. For you have omitted these words: Mirare cum reverendum altare cibis spiritualibus satiandus ascendis: 
De consecra. Dist. 2. Quia.  sacrum Dei tui corpus & sanguinem fide respice, honorem mirare, merito continge. etc. That is: Marvel thou when thou comest up to the reverend altar to be filled with spiritual meats: look in faith to the holy body and blood of thy God: marvel at his honour: worthily touch him.  Cran. 
This book hath not that  West. 
Also you have falsified this place by evil translating Honora corpus Dei tui. i. Honour the body of thy God. 
Cranmer charged with false translating.  You have translated it: Honora eum qui est Deus tuus. i. Honour him which is thy God. Whereas Emissenus hath not [honour him] but [honour the body of thy God.]  Cran. 
I have so translated him, and yet no les truly, than not without a weighty cause, 
Cranmer purgeth himself.  for else it should not have been without danger, if I had translated it thus: Honour the body of thy God: because of certain, that according to the error of the Anthropomorphites, dreamt that God had a body.  West. 
Nay you most of all, have brought the people into the error, which so long have taught that he sitteth at the right hand of God the father: and counted me for an heretic because I preached the God had no right hand. Then I will appose you in the very Articles of your faith.  
Christ sitteth at the right hand of God the Father. 
Argument.   
But God the Father hath no right hand:  
Ergo, Where is Christ now?  Cran. 
I am not so ignorant a novice in the articles of my faith, but that I understand, 
The right hand of God what it signifieth.  that to sit at the right hand of God, doth signify to be equal in the glory of the Father.  West. 
Now then take this Argument.  
wheresoever God's authority is, there is Christ's body,  
But God's authority is in every place:  
Ergo, what letteth the body of Christ to be in every place?  
Moreover you have also corrupted Duns. 
Cranmer charged with mistranslating Duns.   Cran. 
That is a great offence, I promise you.  West. 
For you have omitted secundum apparentiam. i. as it appeareth. Where his words are these: Et si quaeras quare voluit Ecclesia eligere istum intellectum ita difficilem huius articuli, cum verba Scriptura possint salvari secundum intellectum facilem & veriorem, secundum apparentiam, de hoc articulo. etc. That is: And if you demand why the Church did choose this so hard an understanding of this Article, where as the words of scripture may be salved after an easy & true understanding (as appeareth) of this article, etc.  Cran. 
It is not so.  West. 
Also you have set forth a catechism in the name of the Synod of London, and yet there be 50, 
D. Cranmer challenged for setting forth the Catechism in the name of the Convocation. D. Cranmer purgeth himself concerning the Catechism  which witnessing that they were of the number of the Convocation, never heard one word of this Catechism.  Cran. 
I was ignorant of the setting too of that title: and as soon as I had knowledge thereof, I did not like it. Therefore when I complained thereof to the Council, it was answered me by them, that the book was so entitled, because it was set forth in the time of the Convocation.  West. 
Moreover, you have in Duns translated in Romana Ecclesia, pro Ecclesia Catholica. i. In the Church of Rome, for the Catholic Church.  Cran. 
Yea, but he meant the Romish Church.  West. 
Moreover you have depraved S. Thomas, namely where he hath these words: 
D. Cranmer charged with mistranslating. Tho. Aquinas.  In quantum vero est sacrificium, habet vim satisfactivam: Sed in satisfactione attenditur magis affectio offerentis, quàm quantitas oblationis. unde Dominus dicit apud Lucamde vidua quae obtulit duo aera, quòd plus omnibus misit. Quamuis ergo haec oblatio ex sui quantitate sufficiet ad satisfaciendum pro omni poena: tamen fit satisfactoria illis pro quibus offertur, vel etiam offerentibus secundum quantitatem suae devotionis, & non pro tota poena. That is: In as much as it is a sacrifice, it hath the power of satisfaction: But in satisfaction the affection of the offerer is more to be weighed then the quantity of the oblation. Wherefore the lord said in Luke's Gospel, of the widow which offered two mites, that she cast in more than they al. Therefore, although this oblation of the quantity of itself will suffice to satisfy for all pain, yet it is made satisfactory to them, for whom it is offered, or to the offerers, according to the quantity of their devotion, and not for all the pain.  
You have thus turned it: Quod sacrificium Sacerdotis habet vim satisfactivam. etc. That is, That the Sacrifice of the priest hath power of satisfaction. etc. And therefore in this place you have chopped in this word [Sacerdotis] of the priest, whereas in the translation of all the new Testament, you have not set it, but where Christ was put to death. And again, where s. Thomas hath [pro omni poena] for all pain, your book omitteth many things there.  
Thus you see brethren the truth steadfast and invincible, you see also the craft and deceit of heretics, 
Weston triumpheth before the victory.  the truth may be pressed, but it cannot be oppressed: therefore cry altogether, Vincit veritas. i. The truth overcometh.  
This disordered disputation sometime in latin, sometime in English, continued almost till 2. of the clock. Which being finished, and the arguments written and delivered to the hands of M. Say, the prisoner was had away by the Mayor, and the Doctors dined together at the university College.   

Disputation at Oxford between D. Smith, with his other Colleagues and Doctors, and Bishop Ridley. April. 17.  

April. 17.  THe next day following which was the 17. of April, was brought forth D. Ridley to dispute, against whom was set D. Smith to be principal opponent. Touching which D. Smith, 
D. Smith sent to dispute against B. Ridley.  for so much as mention here happeneth of his name, first the reader is to be advertised what is to be attributed to his judgement in religion, which so oftentimes before hath turned and returned to and fro, grounded (as it seemeth) upon no firm conscience of doctrine, as both by his articles by him recanted may appear, and also by his own letter sent a little before in king Edward's days to the Archbishop of Caunterbury from scotland. Which letter I thought here to exhibit as a certain Preface before his own arguments, or rather as a testimony against himself, whereby the reader may understand how devoutly he magnified them, and their doctrine a little before, against whom he now disputeth so busily. Read (I beseech thee, his Epistle, and judge.  

The true copy of a certain Epistle of Doctor Rich. Smith, declaring his affection to the setting forth of God's sincere word.  
MOst honourable, I commend me unto your Lordship, doing the same to understand, 
A letter of D. Smith to Doct. Cranner Archbishop of Cant.  that I wrote letters to your grace in Ianuarye last, and the 10. day of February, declaring the causes of my sudden & unadvised departing from your grace over the sea, and desiring your good lordship of your charity toward them that repent of their ill Acts, to forgive me yourself all that wrong I did towards your grace, and to obtain in writing the king's majesties pardon for me in all points concerning his laws: 
D. Smith purposing to write for the marriage of Priests.  upon the receipt whereof I would return again home, & within half a year (at the uttermost) afterward write, de Sacerdotum connubijs. etc. a Latin book that should be a just satisfaction for any thing that I have written against the same. Reliqua què omnia dogmata vestra, tum demum libenter amplexurum, ubi Deus mentem meam, ut ea citra conscientiae laesionem agnoscam, doceamquè. I wrote not this that I want any good living here, but because mine absence out of the realm, is dishonour to the King's highness and Realm, and because I must needs (if I tarry here a quarter of a year longer) write an answer to your Grace's book of the Sacrament, and also a Book of common places against all the doctrine set forth by the kings Majesty, which I cannot do with good conscience. Wherefore I beseech your Grace help me home, assoon as ye may conveniently for God's sake, and ye shall never I trust in God repent that fact.  
Ex urbe divi Andreae 14. Feb. Richardus Smithaeus.   
And thus much touching the forenamed Doctor Rich. Smith, being set here (as is said) to dispute against Bishop Ridly, 
Disputer● against D. Ridley.  who was brought now the next day after to the Archb. to answer in the divinity school. Against whom also besides D. Smith disputed, D. Weston, D. Tresham, D. Oglethorpe, D. Glin, D. Seton, D. Cole, M. Warde, M. Harpsfielde, D. Watson, M. pie, M. harding, M. Curtop, M. Fecknam. To all them he answered very learnedly. He made a preface to these questions, but they would not let him go forth in it, but caused him to make an end of the same, and said it was blasphemy, and some said he drove of the time in ambiguous things, nothing to the purpose, & so they would not suffer him to say his mind. D. Smith could get nothing at his hand: in so much that other did take his arguments and prosecuted them. He showed himself to be learned, & a great clerk. They could bring nothing, but he knew it as well as they.   

The disputation beginneth.  West. Prolocutor. 
Good Christian people and brethren, we have begun this day our school, by God's good speed I trust, and are entering into a controversy, whereof no question ought to be moved, concerning the verity of the body of our Lord jesus Christ in the Eucharist. Christ is true, which said the words. The words are true which he spoke, yea truth itself that cannot fail. Let us therefore pray unto God to send down unto us his holy spirit, which is the true interpreater of his word: which may purge away errors, and give light that verity may appear. Let us also ask leave and liberty of the Church to permit the truth received, to be called this day in question, without any prejudice to the same. Your parts therefore shallbe to implore the assistance of almighty God, to pray for the prosperity of the Queen's majesty, and to give us quiet and attentive ears. Now go to your questions.  Doct Smith. 
This day (right learned M. Doctor) 3. questions are propounded, whereof no controversy among christians ought to be moved, to wit:  
1. Whether the natural body of Christ our Saviour, conceived of the Virgin Marie, 
The ques●●●ons.  and offered for man's redemption upon the cross, is verily and really in the sacrament by virtue of God's word spoken by the Priest. etc.  
2. Whether in the sacrament after the words of consecration, be any other substance. etc.  
3. Whether in the Mass be a sacrifice propitiatory. etc.  
Touching the which questions, although you have publicly and partly professed your judgement and opinion on Saturday last: yet being not satisfied with that your answer, I will assay again to demand your sentence in the first question: Whether the true body of Christ, after the words pronounced, be really in the Eucharist, or else only the figure. In which matter I stand here now to hear your answer.   

The Preface or protestation of D. Ridley, before his disputation.  
I Received of you the other day right worshipful M. prolocutor, and ye my reverend Masters, 
The prote●station of B. Ridley.  Commissioners from the Queen's majesty, and her honourable Counsel, three propositions: whereunto ye commanded me to prepare against this day, what I thought good to answer concerning the same.  
Now whilst I weighed with myself, how great a charge of the Lords flock was of late committed unto me, for the which I am certain I must once render an account to my Lord God (and that how soon, he knoweth) and that moreover by the commandment of the Apostle Peter, I ought to be ready always to give a reason of the hope that is in me with meekness and reverence, unto every one that shall demand the same: besides this, considering my duty to the Church of Christ, 
What m●●ued Doct. Ridley to alter his iudgeme●● from the Church of Rome.  and to your worships being commissioners by public authority: I determined with myself to obey your commandment, and so openly to declare unto you my mind touching the foresaid propositions. And albeit plainly to confess unto you the truth in these things which ye now demand of me, I have thought otherwise in times past than I now do, yet (God I call to record unto my soul, I lie not) I have not altered my judgement, as now it is, either by constraint of any man, or laws, either for the dread of any dangers of this world, either for any hope of commodity: but only for the love of the truth, revealed unto me by the grace of God (as I am undoubtedly persuaded) in his holy word, and in the reading of the ancient Fathers.  
These things I do the rather recite at this present, because it may happen to some of you hereafter, as in times past it hath done to me: I mean, if ye think otherwise of the matters propounded in these propositions, than I now do, God may open unto you in time to come.  
But how so ever it shall be, I will in few words do that which I think ye all look I should do: that is, as plainly as I can, I will declare my judgement herein. Howbeit of this I would ye were not ignorant, that I will not in deed wittingly and willingly speak in any point against God's word, 
●. Ridley submitteth himself to the Church of Christ.  or dissent in any one jot from the same, or from the rules of faith, and Christian religion: which rules that same most sacred word of god prescribeth to the Church of Christ, whereunto I now and for ever submit myself, and all my doings. And because the matter I have now taken in hand is weighty, and ye all well know how unready I am to handle it accordingly, aswell for lack of time, as also lack of books: therefore here I protest that I will publicly this day require of you, that it may be lawful for me concerning all mine answers, explications, and confirmations, to add or diminish what soever shall seem hereafter more convenient and meet for the purpose, through more sound judgement, better deliberation, and more exact trial of every particular thing. Having now by the way of Preface and protestation, spoken these few words, I will come to the answearinge of the propositions propounded unto me, and so to the most brief explication and confirmation of mine answers.  West. 
Reverend master Doctor, concerning the lack of books, there is no cause why you should complain. What books soever you will name, 
The promise was not ●ept.  ye shall have them, & as concerning the judgement of your answers to be had of yourself with farther deliberation: it shall (I say) be lawful for you until Sunday next to add unto them what you shall think good yourself. My mind is that we should use short arguments, lest we should make an infinite process of the thing.  Rid. 
There is an other thing beside, which I would gladly obtain at your hands. I perceive that you have writers and Notaries here present. By all likelihood our disputations shallbe published, I beseech you for god's sake let me have liberty to speak my mind freely, & without interruption, not because I have determined to protract the time with a solemn Preface, but lest it may appear that some be not satisfied. God wot I am no Orator, nor I have not learned Rhetoric to set colours on the matter.  West. 

Two Notaries permitted to Doct. Ridly. These 2. Notaries were M. I●ell, sometime bishop of Salisbury 〈◊〉 M. Gilbert Mounson.  Among this whole company, it shall be permitted you to take two for your part.  Rid. 
I would choose two, if there were any here with whom I were acquainted.  West. 
Here are two which M. Cranmer had yesterday. Take them if it please you.  Rid. 
I am content with them: I trust they are honest men.   

The first proposition.  
In the Sacrament of the aultare, by the virtue of God's word spoken of the Priest, the natural body of Christ borne of the virgin Marie, 
The first proposition.  and his natural blood is really present under the forms of bread and wine.   

The answer of N. Ridley.  
In matters appertaining to God, we may not speak according to the sense of man: 
D. Ridleys' answer to the first proposition.  nor of the world: Therefore this proposition or conclusion is framed after an other manner of phrase or kind of speech, than the Scripture useth. Again, it is very obscure and dark, by means of sundry words of doubtful signification. And being taken in the sense which the Schoolmen teach, 
The proposition put forth in 〈…〉.  and at this time the church of Rome doth defend, it is false and erroneous, and plain contrary to the doctrine which is according to godliness.   

The explication.  
How far the diversity and newness of the phrase in all this first proposition, is from the phrase of the holy Scripture, and that in every part almost, it is so plain & evident to any that is but meanly exercised in holy write, that I need not now (especially in this company of learned men) to spend any time therein, except the same shallbe required of me hereafter.  
First, 
The first doubt·  there is a doubtful sense in these words [by the virtue of God's word.] For it is doubtful what word of God this is: whether it be that which is red in the Evangelists, or in Paul, or any other. And if it be that which is in the Evangelists or in S. Paul, what that is. If it be in none of them, than how it may be known to be God's word, & of such virtue, that it should be able to work so great a matter.  
Again, there is a doubt in these words [of the Priest] whether no man may be called a Priest, 
2. Doubt in the word priest.  but he which hath authority to make propitiatory sacrifice for the quick and the dead: and how it may be proved that this authority was committed of God to any man, but to Christ alone.  
It is likewise doubted, 
3. Doubt in the word sacrificing.  after what order the sacrificing Priest shall be, whether after the order of Aaron, or else after the order of Melchisedech. For as far as I know, the holy scripture doth allow no more.  West. 
Let this be sufficient. 
D. Weston interrupteth him in his explication.   Rid. 
If we lack time at this present, there is time enough hereafter.  West. 
These are but evasions or starting holes, You consume the time in vain.  Rid. 
I can not start far from you, I am captive & bound.  West. 
Fall to it my masters.  Smith. 
That which you have spoken, may suffice at this present.  Rid. 
Let me alone I pray you, for I have not much to say behind.  West. 
Go forward.  Rid. 
Moreover, there is ambiguity in this word, really, whether it be to be taken as the Logicians term it, 
4. Doubt in the word really.  transcendenter, that is, most generally (and so it may signify any manner of thing which belongeth to the body of Christ, by any means: after which sort we also grant Christ's body to be really in the sacrament of the lords Supper, as in disputation, if occasion be given shall be declared) or whether it be taken to signify the very same thing, having body, life and soul, which was assumed & taken of the word of God, into the unity of person. In which sense, sith the body of Christ is really in heaven, because of the true manner of his body, it may not be said to be here in the earth. There is yet a further doubtfulness in these words, 
5. Doubt in the words of forms of bread & wine.  under the forms of bread and wine, whether the forms be there taken to signify the only accidental and outward shows of bread and wine: or there withal the substantial natures thereof, which are to be seen by their qualities, and perceived by exterior senses.  
Now the error and falseness of the proposition, 

The proposition erroneous after the sense of the romish Church.  
Transubstantiation not founded in scripture.   after the sense of the Romish church and schoolmen, may hereby appear, in that they affirm the bread to be transubstantiated and changed into the flesh, assumed of the word of God, and that (as they say) by the virtue of the word, which they have devised by a certain number of words, and cannot be found in any of the Evangelists, or in Paul, and so they gather that Christ's body is really contained in the sacrament of the altar. Which position is grounded upon the foundation of transubstantiation: 
The Analogy of the sacraments is the similitude and likeness which they have with the things they represent.  which foundation is monstruous against reason, and destroyeth the Analogy or proportion of the sacraments, and therefore this proposition also, which is builded upon this rotten foundation, is false erroneous, and to be counted as a detestable heresy of the Sacramentaries.  West. 
We lose time.  Rid. 
You shall have time enough.  West. 
Fall to reasoning. You shall have some other day for this matter.  Rid. 
I have no more to say concerning my explication. If you will give me leave and let me alone, I will but speak a word or two for my confirmation.  West. 
Go to: say on.   

The confirmation of the foresaid answer.  
Fes- THere ought no Doctrine to be established in the church of God, 
Confirmation of his answer.  which discenteth from the word of God, from the rule of faith, and draweth with it many absurdities, that cannot be avoided.  
ti- But this doctrine of the first proposition is such.  
no. Ergo, 
Argument.  it ought not to be established and maintained in the Church of God.  
The Mayor or first part of my argument is plain, and the Minor or second part is proved thus.  
This doctrine maintaineth a real, corporal, and carnal presence of Christ's flesh, assumed and taken of the word to be in the Sacrament of the lords Supper, & that not by virtue & grace only, but also by the whole essence and substance of the body and flesh of Christ. 
The real presence of Christ's body disagreeth from the scriptures.   
But such a presence disagreeth from God's word, from the rule of faith, and cannot but draw with it many absurdities.  
Ergo, the second part is true.  
The first part of this argument is manifest, and the second may yet further be confirmed thus.  West. 
Thus you consume time, which might be better bestowed on other matters. 
D. Weston again interrupted D. Ridley.  Master Opponent, I pray you to your arguments.  Smith. 
I will here reason with you upon transubstantiation, which you say is contrary to the rule and Analogy of faith. The contrary whereof I prove by the Scriptures and the doctors. But before I enter argumentation with you, I demand first whether in the 6. chap. of john, there be any mention made of the sacrament, or of the real presence of Christ in the sacrament.  Rid. 
It is against reason that I should be impeached to prosecute that which I have to speak in this assembly, being not so long, but that it may be comprehended in few words.  West. 
Let him read on.  Rid. 
First of all, this presence is contrary to many places of the holy Scripture.  

7. Inconveniences come of the real peesence.  Secondly, it varieth from the articles of the faith.  
Thirdly, it destroyeth and taketh away the institution of the lords supper.  
Fourthly, it maketh precious things common to profane and ungodly persons: for it casteth that which is holy unto dogs, and pearls unto swine.  
Fiftly, it forceth men to maintain many monstrous miracles without necessity and authority of God's word.  
Sixtly, it giveth occasion to the heretics which erred concerning the two natures in Christ, to defend their heresies thereby.  
seventhly, it falsifieth the sayings of the godly fathers: it falsifieth also the Catholic Faith of the Church, which the Apostles taught, the martyrs confirmed, and the faithful (as one of the Fathers sayeth) do retain and keep until this day. Wherefore the second part of mine argument is true.   

The probation of the antecedent or former part of this argument by the parts thereof.  
THis carnal presence is contrary to the word of God, as appeareth, 
The 7. inconveniences declared by parts.  john. 16. I tell you the truth. It is profitable to you that I go away, for if I go not away, the comforter shall not come unto you. Acts 3. Whom the heavens must receive until the time of restoring of all things which God hath-spoken. 
The first inconvenience.  Math. 9 The children of the Bridegroom cannot mourn so long as the Bridegroom is with them: But now is the time of mourning. john 16. But I will see you again, and your hearts shall rejoice. 
The real presence against the scripture.  john 14. I will come again and take you to myself. Math. 24. If they shall say unto you, behold, here is Christ, or there is Christ, believe them not: for wheresoever the dead carcase is, thither the Eagles will resort.  

2. The real presence against the Articles of the faith.  It varieth from the articles of the faith: He ascended into heaven, and sitteth on the right hand of God the Father. From whence (and not from any other place, sayeth S. Augustine) he shall come to judge both the quick and the dead.  

3. It destroyeth the institution of the lords supper.  It destroyeth and taketh away the institution of the lords supper, which was commanded only to be used and continued until the Lord himself should come. If therefore he be now really present in the body of his flesh, then must the supper cease: For a remembrance is not of a thing present, but of a thing past and absent. And there is a difference between remembrance and presence, and (as one of the Fathers sayeth) A figure is in vain where the thing figured is present.  
It maketh precious things common to profane and ungodly persons, & constraineth men to confess many absurdities. 
4. It profaneth things holy and precious, & gendereth absurdities.  For it affirmeth that whoremongers and murderers, yea and (as some of them hold opinion) the wicked and faithless, mice, rats, & dogs also may receive the very real and corporal body of the Lord, wherein the fullness of the spirit of light and grace dwelleth: contrary to the manifest words of Christ in six places & sentences of the sixth chap. of S. john.  
It confirmeth also and maintaineth that beastly kind of cruelty of the Anthropophagi, that is, the devourers of man's flesh: for it is a more cruel thing to devour a quick man, 
Anthropophagi, are a kind of brutish people that feed on man's flesh.  then to slay him.  Pie. 
He requireth time to speak blasphemies. Leave your blasphemies.  Rid. 
I had little thought to have had such reproachful words at your hands.  West. 
All is quiet. Go to the arguments M. Doctor.  Rid. 
I have not many more things to say.  West. 
You utter blasphemies with a most impudent face: leave off (I say) and get you to the argument.  Rid. 
It forceth men to maintain many monstrous miracles, without all necessity and authority of God's word. 
5. It maintaineth monstrous miracles without ●●●cessiti●.  For at the coming of this presence of the body and flesh of Christ, they thrust away the substance of bread, and affirm that the accidents remain without any subject, and in the stead thereof, they place Christ's body without his qualities and the true manner of a body. And if the Sacrament be reserved so long until it mould, & worms breed some say that the substance of bread miraculously returneth again, and some deny it. 
All the 〈◊〉 that folo●●eth 〈◊〉 read, because the prolocutor made post hast to the argument. By this de●uise of 〈◊〉 comitance the papists imagine 〈◊〉 much to received under 〈◊〉 kind as both. 6. It given occasion to heretics. 7. It falsifi●eth the sa●●inges of 〈◊〉 old doctor.  Other some affirm that the real body of Christ goeth down into the stomach of the receivers, & doth there abide so long only as they shall continue to be good, but another sort hold that the body of Christ is carried into heaven, so soon as the forms of bread be bruised with the teeth. O works of miracles: Truly & most truly I see that fulfilled in these men, whereof S. Paul prophesied. 2. Thess. 2. Because they have not received the love of the truth, that they might be saved, God shall send them strong delusions, that they should believe lies, and be all damned which have not believed the truth. This gross presence hath brought forth that fond fantasy of concomitaunce, whereby is broken at this day and abrogated the commandment of the Lord for the distributing of the lords cup to the laity.  
It giveth occasion to heretics to maintain and defend their errors: as to Martion, which said that Christ had but a fantastical body: and to Eutiches which wickedly confounded the two natures in Christ.  
Finally, it falsifieth the sayings of the godly fathers and the Catholic faith of the church, which Vigilius a Martyr, and grave writer sayeth was taught of the Apostles, confirmed with the blood of Martyrs, and was continually maintained by the faithful, until his tyme. By the sayings of the fathers, I mean of justine, Irenee, Tertullian, Origene, Eusebius, Emisene, Athanasius, cyril, Epyphanius, Jerome, chrysostom, Augustine, Vigilius, Fulgentius, Bertram, and others most ancient fathers. All those places, as I am sure I have read, making for my purpose, so am I well assumed that I could show the same, if I might have the use of mine own books, which I will take on me to do, even upon the peril of my life, and the loss of all that I may lose in this world.  
But now (my brethren) think not, because I disallow that presence which this first proposition maintaineth (as a presence which I take to be forged, fantastical, and besides the authority of God's word, perniciously brought into the Church by the romanists) that I therefore go about to take away the true presence of Christ's body in his Supper rightly and duly ministered, 
The true presence of Christ's b●●dy in the Supper no● denied.  which is grounded upon the word of God, and made more plain by the commentaries of the faithful fathers: They that think so of me, the Lord knoweth how far they are deceived. And to make the same evident unto you. I will in few words declare what true presence of Christ's body in the sacrament of the lords supper I hold and affirm with the word of God and the ancient fathers.  
I say and confess with the Evangelist Luke, 
The faith confession of D. Ridley in affi●●ming the true present in the Sacrament.  and with the Apostle Paul, that the bread on the which thanks are given, is the body of Christ in the remembrance of him and of his death, to be set forth perpetually of the faithful until his coming.  
I say and confess the bread which we break to be the Communion and partaking of Christ's body, with the ancient and the faithful fathers.  
I say and believe that there is not only a signification of Christ's body set forth by the sacrament, 

The grace of 〈◊〉 and immortal given with the Sacrament to the faithful Life eaten. A●●gust.  
The Lord 〈◊〉 grace Emisse. Celestial food received 〈◊〉 The property natural communion rece●●ued Hilar.  
The virtue o● Christ's flesh cyril.  
The mystical ●●uent of Chri●● basil.  
The 〈…〉 Ambros.  
The body by grace 〈…〉 but not that which 〈…〉 Hierom▪ Grace 〈…〉 a sacrifice 〈◊〉 Chrisost. Grace 〈…〉 verity The power of Gods 〈…〉 Bertram.   but also that therewith is given to the godly and faithful, the grace of Christ's body, that is, the food of life & immortality. And this I hold with Cyprian.  
I say also with S. Augustine, that we eat life, and we drink life: with Emisene, that we feel the Lord to be present in grace: with Athanasius, that we receive Celestial food, which cometh from above: the property of natural Communion, with hylarius: the nature of flesh and benediction which giveth life in bread and wine, with cyril: and with the same cyril, the virtue of the very flesh of Christ, life and grace of his body, the property of the only begotten, that is to say, life, as he himself in plain words expoundeth it.  
I confess also with Basil, that we receive the mystical Advent and coming of Christ, grace, & the virtue of his very nature: the sacrament of his very flesh, with Ambrose: the body by grace, with Epiphanius: spiritual flesh, but not that which was crucified, with Jerome: Grace flowing into a sacrifice, and the grace of the spirit, with chrysostom: grace and invisible verity, grace and society of the members of Christ's body, with Augustine.  
Finally, with Bertram (which was the last of all these) I confess that Christ's body is in the Sacrament in this respect: 
 namely (as he writeth) because there is in it the spirit of Christ, that is, the power of the word of God, which not only feedeth the soul, but also cleanseth it. Out of these I suppose it may clearly appear unto all men, how far we are from that opinion, whereof some go about falsely to slander us to the world, saying we teach that the godly and faithful should receive nothing else at the lords table, but a figure of the body of Christ.   

¶ The second proposition.  
After the consecration there remaineth no substance of bread and wine, neither any other substance, than the substance of God and man.   

The Answer.  

unswere to 〈…〉.  THE second conclusion is manifestly false, directly against the word of God, the nature of the Sacrament, and the most evident testimonies of the godly Fathers: and it is the rotten foundation of the other two conclusions propounded by you, 
The ●. proposition of transubstantation de●ye.  both of the first, and of the third. I will not therefore now tarry upon any further explication of this answer, being contented with that which is already added afore to the answer of the first proposition.  

¶ The first argument for the confirmation of this answer.  
IT is very plain by the word of God, that Christ did give bread unto his Disciples, and called it his body.  
But the substance of bread is another manner of substance, then is the substance of Christ's body God and man: 
Confirm▪ thou 〈◊〉 his answer.   
Therefore the conclusion is false.  
The second part of mine argument is plain, and the first 〈◊〉 proved thus:   

¶ The second argument.  
Da- That which Christ did take, on the which he gave thanks, and the which he broke, he gave to his Disciples, and called it his body:  
ri- But he took bread, gave thanks on bread, & broke bread:  
si. Ergo, the first part is true. And it is confirmed with the authorities of the Fathers, Irene, Tertullian, Origene, Cyprian, Epipha●ius, Jerome, Augustine, Theodoret, ciril, Rabanus, and Be●●. Whose places I will take upon me to show most manifest in this behalf, if I may be suffered to have my books, as my request is.  
Bread is the body of Christ:  
Ergo, it is bread.  

* The rule of Logic is this A propositione de tertio adiacente ad came 〈◊〉 est de secundo, 〈◊〉 verbo 〈…〉▪  A tertio adiacente ad secund●m adiacens cum verbi substantivi pura copula.   

¶ The third Argument.  
Basilius- As the bread of the lords table is Christ's natural body, so is it his mystical body.  
ro- But it is not Christ's mystical body by transubstantiation.  
co. Ergo, it is not his natural body by transubstantiation.  
The second part of my argument is plain, and the first is proved thus: As Christ who is the verity, spoke of the bread: This is my body which shall be betrayed for you, speaking there of his natural body: even so Paul moved with the same spirit of truth, 
The Mayor 〈◊〉.  said: We though we be many, yet are we all one bread, and one body, which be partakers of one bread.   


● Cor. 10.  ¶ The fourth Argument.  
We may no more believe bread to be transubstantiate into the body of Christ, 
The argument holdeth a destructione 〈…〉. Math. 26. Mark. 14.  than the wine into his blood.  
But the wine is not transubstantiate into his blood:  
Ergo, neither is that bread therefore transubstantiate into his body.  
¶ The first part of this argument is manifest, & the second part is proved out of the authority of God's word in Matthew & Mark: I will not drink of the fruit of the vine, etc. Now the fruit of the vine was wine, which Christ drank and gave to his disciples to drink. With this sentence agreeth plainly the place of chrysostom on the xx. Chapter of Matthew. 
Chrysostom. Cyprian.  As Cyprian doth also, affirming that there is no blood, if wine be not in the cup.   


〈◊〉 argument holds after 〈◊〉 same 〈◊〉 as 〈…〉.  ¶ The fift Argument.  
Basilius- The words of Christ spoken upon the cup and upon the bread, have like effect and working.  
ro- But the words spoken upon the cup have not virtue to transubstantiate:  
co. Ergo, it followeth that the words spoken upon the bread, have no such virtue.  
The second part of the argument is proved because they should then transubstantiate the cup, or that which is in the cup into the new Testament: but neither of these things can be done, and very absurd it is to confess the same.   

¶ The sixth argument.  
Da- The circumstances of the scripture, the Analogy and proportion of the sacraments, and the testimony of the faithful Fathers ought to rule us in taking the meaning of the holy scripture touching the sacrament.  
ti- But the words of the Lords supper, the circumstances of the scripture, the Analogy of the sacraments, & the saying of the fathers do most effectually & plainly prove a figurative speech in the words of the lords supper.  
si. Ergo, a figurative sense and meaning is specially to be received in these words: This is my body.  
The circumstances of the scripture: 
The circumstances and words of scripture.  Do this in the remembrance of me. As oft as ye shall eat of this bread and drink of this cup, ye shall show forth the lords death. Let a man prove himself, and so eat of this bread, and drink of this cup. They came together to break bread: and they continued in breaking of bread. The bread which we break etc. For we being many, are all one bread, and one body. etc.  
The Analogy of the sacraments is necessary: 
The Analogy of the sacraments.  For if the sacraments had not some similitude or likeness of the things whereof they be sacraments, they could in no wise be sacraments. And this similitude in the sacrament of the Lords supper, is taken three manner of ways.  
1. The first consisteth in nourishing: as ye shall read in Rabana, Cyprian, Augustine, Irenee, 
Analogy or similitude in the sacrament, three manner of ways.  and most plainly in Isodore out of Bertram.  
2. The second, in the uniting and joining of many into one, as Cyprian teacheth.  
3. The third is a similitude of unlike things, where, like as the bread is turned into one body: so we, by the right use of this sacrament, are turned through faith into the body of Christ.  
The sayings of the Fathers declare it to be a figurative speech, as it appeareth in Origen, Tertullian, 
The sayings of the fathers for the figurative speech.  chrysostom in opere imperfecto, Augustine, Ambrose, basil, Gregory, Nazianzene, Hilary, and most plainly of all, in Bertram. Moreover, the sayings and places of all the Fathers, whose names I have before recited against the assertion of the first proposition, do quite overthrow transubstantiation. But of all other, most evidently and plainly, Irenee, Origen, Cyprian, chrysostom to Cesarius the Monk, Augustine against Adamantus, Gelasius, Cyril, Epiphanius, chrysostom again on the xx. of Matthew, Rabane, Damasene and Bertram.  
Here right worshipful master Prolocutor, and ye the rest of the Commissioners, it may please you to understand, that I do not leave to these things only, 
Commendation of Bertram.  which I have written in my former answers and confirmations, but that I have also for the proof of that I have spoken, whatsoever Bertram a man learned, of sound and upright judgement, and ever counted a Catholic for these seven hundredth years until this our age, hath written. His treatise whosoever shall read and weigh, considering the time of the writer, his learning, godliness of life, the allegations of the ancient fathers, and his manifold and most grounded arguments, I cannot (doubtless) but much marvel, if he have any fear of God at all, 
D. Ridley first brought to the knowledge of the sacrament by Bertram.  how he can with good conscience speak against him in this matter of the Sacrament. This Bertram was the first that pulled me by the ear, and that first brought me from the common error of the romish Church, and caused me to search more diligently and exactly, both the scriptures and the writings of the old ecclesiastical Fathers in this matter. And this I protest before the face of God, who knoweth I lie not in the things I now speak.    

¶ The third proposition.  
In the Mass is the lively sacrifice of the Church, propitiable and available for the sins, as well of the quick as of the dead. 
The third proposition touching propitiatory Mass.   

¶ The answer to this proposition.  
I answer to this third proposition, as I did to the first. And moreover I say, that being taken in such sense as the words seem to import, it is not only erroneous, 
Answers to the third prosition.  but with all so much to the derogation and defacing of the death and passion of christ: that I judge it may and ought most worthily to be counted wicked and blasphemous against the most precious blood of our Saviour Christ.   

¶ The explication.  
Concerning the Romish Mass which is used at this day, or the lively sacrifice thereof, propitiatory and available for the sins of the quick and the dead, 
Explication of the same.  the holy scripture hath not so much as one syllable.  
There is ambiguity also in the name of Mass: what it signifieth, 
Anno. 1554.  and whether at this day there be any such in deed as the ancient fathers used: seeing that now there be neither Catechistes nor penitentes to be sent away. 

Doubts in the third proposition.  
In the primitive Church the newly instructed in the faith and the unworthy were sent away from the Communion. The third doubt.    
Again touching these words (The lively sacrifice of the Church) There is doubt whether they are to be understand figuratively and sacramentally, for the sacrament of the lively sacrifice (after which sort we deny it not to be in the Lord's supper) or properly and without any figure: of the which manner there was but one only sacrifice, and that once offered, namely upon the altar of the cross.  
Moreover, in these words [as well as] it may be doubted whether they be spoken in mockage, as men are wont to say in sport of a foolish and ignorant person, that he is apt as well in conditions as in knowledge: being apt in deed in neither of them both.  

The 4. doubt.  There is also a doubt in the world [Propitiable] whether it signify here, that which taketh away sin, or that which may be made available for the taking away of sin: that is to say, whether it is to be taken in the active or in the passive signification.  
Now the falseness of the proposition, after the meaning of the Schoolmen and the romish Church, & impiety in that sense which the words seem to import, is this: that they leaning to the foundation and their fond transubstantiation, would make the quick and lively body of Christ's flesh (united and knit to the divinity) to lie hid under the accidents, 
The falseness of the third proposition reproved.  and outward shows of bread and wine. Which is very false, as I have said afore, and they building upon this foundation, do hold that the same body is offered unto God by the Priest in his daily massings to put away the sins of the quick and the dead, 
But one sacrifice in the scripture.  Whereas by the Apostle to the Hebrews it is evident, that there is but one oblation, and one true and lively sacrifice of the Church offered upon the altar of the cross, which was, is, and shall be for ever the propitiation for the sins of the whole world: and where there is remission of the same, there is (saith the Apostle) no more offering for sin.    

¶ Arguments confirming his answer.  

Ce- No sacrifice ought to be done but where the Priest is meet to offer the same. 
The first argument. Heb. 5.   
la- All other Priests be unmeet to offer sacrifice propitiatory for sin, save only Christ:  
rent. Ergo, no other Priests ought to sacrifice for sin, but Christ alone.   
The second part of my argument is thus proved.  

Fe- No honour in God's Church ought to be taken whereunto a man is not called, as Aaron.  
ri- It is a great honour in God's Church to sacrifice for sin:  

Argument.  son. Ergo, No man ought to sacrifice for sin but only they which are called.  
But only Christ is called to that honour:  
Ergo, no other priest but Christ ought to sacrifice for sin. That no man is called to this degree of honour but Christ alone, 
Heb. 7  it is evident: For there are but two only orders of Priesthood allowed in the word of God: namely, the order of Aaron, and the order of Melchisedech. But now the order of Aaron is come to an end, by reason that it was unprofitable, and weak, and of the order of Melchisedech there is but one Priest alone, even Christ the Lord, which hath a priesthood that can not pass to any other.   

Another Argument.  
Basilius- That thing is in vain and to no effect, where no necessity is wherefore it is done.  
ro- To offer up any more sacrifice propitiatory for the quick and the dead, there is no necessity: for Christ our saviour did that fully and perfectly once for all:  
co. Ergo, to do the same in the Mass, it is in vain.   


Heb. 9  Another Argument.  
Fe- After that eternal redemption is found and obtained, there needeth no more daily offering for the same: 
Ab una causa veritatis ad propositionem habentem illam causam, valet consequentia.   
ri- But Christ coming an high Bishop, etc. found and obtained for us eternal redemption.  
o. Ergo, there needeth now no more daily oblation for the sins of the quick and the dead.   

Another Argument.  
Ca- All remission of sins cometh only by shedding of blood.  
mes- In the Mass there is no shedding of blood:  
tres. Ergo, in the Mass there is no remission of sins: and so it followeth also that there is no propitiatory sacrifice.   

Another Argument.  
In the Mass, the passion of Christ is not in verity, but in a mystery representing the same: yea even there where the Lords supper is duly ministered.  
But where Christ suffereth not, there is he not offered in verity: 
Heb▪ ●.  for the Apostle sayeth: Not that he might offer up himself often times (for then must he have suffered often times sith the beginning of the world) now where Christ is not offered, there is no propitiatory sacrifice:  
Ergo, in the Mass there is no propitiatory sacrifice: For Christ appeared once in the latter end of the world, to put sin to flight by the offering up of himself. And as it is appointed to all men that they shall once die, and then cometh the judgement: even so Christ was once offered to take away the sins of many. And unto them that look for him, shall he appear again without sin, unto salvation.   

Another Argument.  
Da- Where there is any sacrifice that can make the comers thereunto perfect, there ought men to cease from offering any more expiatory and propitiatory sacrifices.  
ri- But in the new testament there is one only sacrifice now already long since offered, which is able to make the comers thereto perfect for ever.  
j Ergo, in the new testament they ought to cease from offering any more propitiatory sacrifice.    

Sentences of the Scripture tending to the same end and purpose, out of which also may be gathered other manifest arguments, for more confirmation thereof.  
BY the which will (saith the Apostle) we are sanctified by the offering up of the body of jesus Christ once for all. 
Heb. 10.  And in the same place: But this man after that he had offered one sacrifice for sin, sitteth for ever at the right hand of God, etc. For with one offering hath he made perfect for ever them that are sanctified, and by himself hath he purged our sins. 
[By ●●mself●]  I beseech you to mark these words [by himself] the which well weighed, will without doubt cease all controversy.  
The Apostle plainly denieth any other sacrifice to remain for him that treadeth under his feet the blood of ●e testament by the which he was made holy. Christ will not be crucified again, he will not his death to be 〈◊〉 derision.  
He hath reconciled us in the body of his flesh. 
Coloss. 1●  Make I beseech you, he saith not, in the mystery of his body: But in the body of his flesh.  
If any man sin, we have an advocate with the father, 
1. joan. ●.  jesus Christ the righteous, and he is the propitiation for our sins, not for ours only, but for the sins of the ●●ole world.  
I know that all these places of the Scripture are avoided by two manner of subtle shifts: 
The popish distinction between bloody and unbloody sacrifice.  the one is by the distinction of the bloody and unbloody sacrifice, as though our unbloody sacrifice of the Church were any other than the sacrifice of praise and thanksgiving, then a commemoration, a showing forth, and a sacramental representation of that one only bloody sacrifice offered up once for all.  
The other is by depraving and wresting the sayings of the ancient Fathers unto such a strange kind of sense, 
The papists maintain their sacrifice propiti●atory, by th● old Doctor falsely wrested.  as the Fathers themselves in deed never meant. For what the meaning of the Fathers was, it is evident by that which S. Augustine writeth in his Epistle to Boniface, & in the 83. chapter of his 9 book against Faustus, the Manichee, besides many other places, likewise by Eusebius, Emisene, Cyprian, chrysostom, Fulgentius, Bertram, and others, 
Doctor's making against the propitiatory sacrifice of the mass.  which do wholly concord and agree together in this unity in the Lord, that the redemption once made in verity for the salvation of man, continueth in full effect for ever, and worketh without ceasing unto the end of the world, that the sacrifice once offered can not be consumed: that the Lords death and passion is as effectual, the virtue of that blood, once shed, as fresh at this day for the washing away of sins, as it was even the same day that it flowed out of the blessed side of our saviour: and finally, that the whole substance of our sacrifice which is frequented of the Church, in the Lord's Supper, 
The whol● substance 〈◊〉 our sacrific● wherein it consisteth.  consisteth in prayers, praise, and giving of thanks, and in remembering and showing forth of that sacrifice once offered upon the altar of the cross: that the same might continually be had in reverence by mystery, which once only, and no more, was offered for the price of our redemption.  
These are the things (right worshipful M. Prolocutor, and ye the rest of the Commissioners) which I could presently prepare to the answering of your three foresaid propositions: being destitute of all help in this shortness of time, sudden warning, and want of books. 
B. Ridley appealeth from the unjust sentence of his adversaries to some other superior competent judge.  Wherefore I appeal to my first protestation, most humbly desiring the help of the same (as much as may be) to be granted unto me. And because ye have lately given most unjust and cruel sentence against me, I do here appeal (so farfoorth as I may) to a more indifferent & just censure & judgement of some other superior, competent, & lawful judge, & that according to the approved state of the church of England. Howbeit, I confess that I am ignorant what that is at this present, through the trouble and alteration of the state of the Realm. 
●. Ridley 〈…〉 of 〈…〉 ●ppealeth 〈◊〉 ●ighty 〈◊〉.  But if this appeal may not be granted to me upon earth, then do I fly (even as to my only refuge and alone haven of health) to the sentence of the eternal judge, that is, of the almighty God, to whose most merciful justice towards his & most just mercifulness, I do wholly commit myself and all my cause, nothing at all despairing of the defence of mine Advocate and alone Saviour, jesus Christ, to whom, with the everlasting Father, and the holy Spirit, the sanctifier of us all, be now, and for ever, all honour and glory, Amen.  
Albeit this learned Bishop was not suffered to read all that is above prefixed before the Disputations, yet because he had it then ready, and offered it up to the Prolocutor after the Disputations & sentence pronounced: I thought here the place not unmeet to annex the same together with the rest. Now let us hear the Arguments and answers between Doctor Smith and him.   

¶ D. Smith beginneth to oppose.  SMith. 
You have occasioned me to go otherwise to work with you, than I had thought to have done. Me seemed you did in your supposition abuse the testimonies of scripture concerning the Ascension of Christ, to take away his presence in the Sacrament, as though this were a strong Argument to enforce your matter withal:  

Smiths argument.  Christ did ascend unto heaven.  
Ergo, he is not in the Sacrament.  
Now therefore I will go about to disprove this reason of yours.  
Christ's Ascension is no let to his real presence in the Sacrament.  
Ergo, you are deceived, whereas you do ground yourself upon those places.  Rid. 
You import as though I had made a strong Argument by Christ's going up into heaven. But howsoever mine Argument is made, 
Answer.  you collect it not rightly. For it doth not only stay upon his Ascension, but both upon his Ascension, and his 
* 
The verity of M. Ridleyes answer touching the real being of Christ in earth to be restrained by his ascending and abiding in heaven, standeth upon a necessity, which we call [Necessitas consequentiae] by this demonstration:  
Da- Every natural body must necessarily be contained in his peculiar and certain place.  
●i● Christ's body is a natural body:  
●. Ergo, Christ's body not to be in one certain place at once contained, it is impossible according to the rule: Omne, propositiones de impossibili & de neces●e equipollent dicto dissimiliter se habenti, & modom similiter.   abiding there also.  Smith. 
Christ's going up to heaven, and his abiding there, hinder not his real presence in the Sacrament.  
Ergo, you are deceived.  Rid. 
Of Christ's real presence there may be a double understanding, if you take the real presence of Christ according to the real and corporal substance which he took of the virgin: that presence being in heaven, can not be on the earth also. But if you mean a real presence, secundum rem aliquam quae ad corpus Christi pertinet. i. according to some thing that appertaineth to Christ's body, certes the Ascension and abiding in heaven are no let at all to that presence. Wherefore Christ's body after that sort is here present to us in the Lord's supper: by grace I say as Epiphanius speaketh it.  West. 
I will cut off from henceforth all equivocation and doubt. For whensoever we speak of Christ's body, we mean that which he took of the Virgin.  Rid. 
Christ's Ascension and abiding in heaven can not stand with this presence.  Smith. 
Christ appeared corporally and really on the earth for all his Ascension and continual abode in heaven unto the day of Dome. 
Argument▪   
Ergo, his Ascension and abiding in heaven, is no let to his real presence in the Sacrament.  Rid. 

Answer.  Master Doctor, this Argument is nothing worth I do not so straightly tie Christ up in heaven, that he may not come into the earth at his pleasure. For when he will, he may come down from heaven, and be on the earth, as it liketh himself. Howbeit I do affirm that it is not possible for him to be both in heaven and earth at one tyme.  Smith. 
Mark I pray you my Masters, diligently that be here, what he answereth. First he saith, that the sitting of Christ at the right hand of his father, is a let to the real presence of his body in the Sacrament: and then afterward he flieth from it again.  Rid. 
I would not have you think that I do imagine or dream upon any such manner of sitting, as these men here sit in the School.  Smith. 
Ergo, it is lawful for Christ then to be here present on the earth, when he will himself.  Rid. 
Yea when he will, it is lawful indeed.  Smith. 
Ergo, his ascending into heaven, doth not restrain his real presence in the Sacrament.  Rid. 
I do not gainsay, but that it is lawful sore him to appear on the earth, when he will: but prove you that he wil 
Christ's abo●e in heaven is no let for him to appear on earth when he will, but whether he will, that must be proved. Again it is one thing to appear on earth, an other still in the Sacrament, and to be present the same time with his body in heaven, when he is bodily present in earth   Smith. 
Then your answer dependeth upon the will of Christ, I perceive, Therefore I will join again with you in this short argument.  
Christ, albeit he doth always abide in heaven after his ascension, was seen really and corporally on the earth. Ergo, not withstanding his Ascension and continual sitting at the right hand of the father, he may be really and corporally in the sacrament.  Rid. 
If the Notaries should so record your Argument, as you have framed it, you peradventure would be ashamed thereof hereafter.  Smith. 
Christ after his Ascension was seen really and corporally upon the earth.  
Ergo, notwithstanding his Ascension and abiding with his father, he may be corporally in the Sacrament.  Rid. 
I grant the antecedent: but I deny the consequent.  Smith. 
Do you grant the antecedent?  Rid 
Yea I grant the antecedent. I am content to let you have so much. Because I know that there be certain ancient fathers of that opinion. I am well content to let you use that proposition as true. And I will frame the argument for you.  
He was seen on earth after his Ascension, Ergo etc.  Smith. 
Nay, nay, I will frame it myself.  
Christ after his Ascension was seen really and corporally on earth, albeit he do abide in heaven continually:  
Ergo, notwithstanding his Ascension and continual abiding at the right hand of the father, he may be really and corporally on the earth.  Rid. 
Let us first agree about the continual sitting at the right hand of the father. 
Christ's continual sitting in heaven expended.   Smith. 
Doth he so sit at the right hand of his father, that he doth never forsake the same?  Rid. 
Nay I do not bind Christ in heaven so straightly. I see you go about to beguile me with your equivocations. Such equinocations are to be distincted. If you mean by his sitting in heaven, to reign with his father, he may be both in heaven and also in earth. But if ye understand his sitting to be after a corporal manner of sitting, so is he always permanent in heaven. 
Christ cannot be both corporally here, and corporally also in heaven at one tyme.  For Christ to be corporally here on earth, when corporally he is resident in heaven, is clean contrary to the holy scriptures, as Augustine saith: Corpus Christi est in coelo, sed veritas eius ubique diffusa est. i. The body of Christ is in heaven: but his truth is dispersed in every place.  
Now if continually he abide in heaven after the manner of his corporal presence, than his perpetual abiding there, stoppeth or letteth that the same corporal presence of him cannot be in the sacrament.  Smith. 
Act. 3. We read that Christ shall sit perpetually at the right hand of God, unto the consummation of the world.  West. 
I perceive you are come here to this issue, whether the body of Christ may be together both in earth and in heaven. I will tell you, that Christ in very deed, is both in earth and in heaven together and at one time, both one & the same natural Christ after the verity and substance of his very body, Ergo, etc.  Rid. 
I deny the Antecedent.  West. 
I prove it by 2. witnesses. First by Chrisost. hom. 17. ad Hebraeos. Nonnè per singulos dies offerimus? Offerimus quidem, 
Chrisost Hom. 17. ad Hebraeos.  sed recordationem facientes mortis eius. Et una est haec hostia, non multae. Et quomodo una, & non multae quae semel oblata est in sancto sanctorum: Hoc autem sacrificium exemplar est illius: id ipsum semper offerimus, nec nunc quidem alium agnum, crastina alium, sed semper eundem ipsum. Proinde unum est hoc sacrificium: alioqui hac ratione, quoniam in multis locis offertur, multi Christi sunt. Nequaquam, sed unus ubique est Christus: & hic plenus existens, & illic plenus, unum Corpus, i. Do we not offer every day? We do so in deed: but doing it for the remembrance of his death. And this offering is one and not many. And how is it one, and not many which was offered in the holy place? This sacrifice is a pattern of that: The self same we always offer: Not now as offering one Lamb to day, and an other to morrow, but always one & the same Lamb. Wherefore here is but one sacrifice: for else by this means, seeing there be many sacrifices in many places be there many Christ's? not so, but one Christ in all places, both perfect here and perfect there, one only body. Now thus I argue.  
We offer one thing at all times. 
Argument.   
There is one Christ in all places, both here compleet, and there complete:  
Ergo, by chrysostom there is one body both in heaven and earth.  Rid. 
I remember the place well. These things make nothing against me. 
Answer.   West. 
One Christ is in all places, here full and there full.  Rid. 

One Christ but not one body, nor after on bodily substance in all places.  One Christ is in all places, but not one body in all places.  West. 
One body saith chrysostom.  Rid. 
But not after the manner of bodily substance he is in all places, nor by circumscription of place. For [hic] & [illic] here and there, 
Answer to Chrysost.  in chrysostom do assign no place, as Augustine saith: Sursum est dominus, sed ubique est veritas domini: The Lord is above: But the truth of the Lord is in all places.  Weston. 
You can not so escape. He sayeth not the verity of Christ is one: but one Christ is in all places, both here and there.  Rid. 
One sacrifice is in all places, because of the unity of him whom the sacrifice doth signify: not that the sacrifices be all one and the same. 
One Christ and one sacrifice in all places, and how: to wit, christ by verity the sacrifice by, signification.   West. 
Ergo, by your saying it is not Christ, but the sacrifice of Christ.  
But chrysostom sayeth, one body & one Christ is there, and not one sacrifice.  Rid. 
I say that both Christ and the sacrifice of Christ is there: Christ by spirit, grace, and verity: the sacrifice by signification. 
* Ex libro Ridlei ipsius manu descripto.  Thus I grant with chrysostom, that there is one Host or Sacrifice, and not many: and this our Host is called one by reason of the unity of that one, which one only all our Hosts do represent. That only host was never other, 
Sacrifice why it is called one.  but that which was once offered on the altar of the cross, of which host all our hosts are but sacramental examples.  
And where you allege out of chrysostom, that Christ is offered in many places at once, 
How one christ is offered in many places at once.  both here full Christ, and there full Christ: I grant it to be true, that is: that Christ is offered in many places at once, in a mystery and sacramentally, and that he is full Christ in all those places, but not after the corporal substance of our flesh which he took, but after the benediction which giveth life: and he is given to the godly receivers in bread and wine as cyril speaketh. Concerning the oblation of Christ, whereof chrysostom here speaketh, he himself doth clearly show what he meaneth thereby, in saying by the way of correction: We always do the selfsame: howbeit by the recordation or remembrance of his sacrifice.  West. 
The second witness is Bernard in a Sermon that he made of the Supper of the Lord, who saith:  
unde hoc nobis pijssime jesu, ut nos vermiculi, reptantes super faciem terrae nos inquam qui pulvis & cinis sumus, 
Bernard.  te praesentem habere mereamur prae manibus, prae oculis, qui totus & integer sedes ad dextram patris, qui etiam unius horae momento, ab ortu solis usque ad occasum, ab Aquilone usque ad Austrum, praesto es, unus in multis, idem in diversis locis? That is to say:  
How cometh this to us, most gentle jesus, that we silly worms, creeping on the face of the earth, that we (I say) which are but dust and ashes, may deserve to have thee present in our hands, and before our eyes, who both together full and whole dost sit at the right hand of the father, and who also in the moment of one hour, from the rising of the Sun, to the going down of the same, art present one, and the selfsame in many and divers places.  Rid. 
These words of bernard make for you nothing at all. But I know that Bernard was in such a time, that in this matter he may worthily be suspected. 
The time of Bernard considered.  He hath many good and fruitful sayings: as also in that same foresaid place by you alleged. But yet he followed in such an age, when as the doctrine of the holy supper was sore perverted. Notwithstanding yet I will so expound him, rather than reject him, that he shall make nothing for you at all. He saith that we have Christ in mystery, 
Bernard rather expounded then rejected.  in a sacrament, under a veil or cover, but hereafter shall have him without all veil or cover. In the mean time, here now he saith, that the verity of Christ is every where. The verity of Christ is both here and there, and in all places.  West. 
What do you call verity? He sayeth not the verity of Christ, but the verity of the body of Christ.  Rid. 
The verity of the body of Christ is the true faith of the body of Christ: 
What is the verity of the body of Christ.  after that verity he is with them which truly believe upon him.  West. 
Christ is one and the same in divers places. I urge these words [in diversis locis] in divers places, and yet I am not satisfied.  Smyth. 
Christ was seen really and corporally on the earth after his ascension, and continually sitting at the right hand of the Father.  
Ergo, the ascension and perpetual sitting in heaven, hinder nothing, but that he may be really and corporally in the Sacrament. 
To be resident & not resident, import contradiction.   Rid. 
If by perpetual sitting, you mean the residence of his body in heaven, your reason containeth manifest contradiction.  Smith. 
These two have no contradiction in them at all, both to sit continually at his Father's right hand, and also to be seen here really in earth after his ascension. First, you will give me that Christ sitteth in heaven at the right hand of his father. For so it is written. Act. 5. Heaven must needs receive him unto the time of the restoring of all, etc. Secondly, he was also seen of Paul here corporally on earth: Wherefore these two do import, as ye see, no contradiction.  Rid. 
What setteth, but that Christ, if it please him, and when it pleaseth him, may be in heaven and in earth, and appear to whom he will? and yet notwithstanding you have not yet proved, that he will so do. And though Christ continually shall be resident in heaven unto the judgement, yet there may be some intermission, that notwithstanding. 
To be he●● & not her● importeth contradict●●on in respect of so●●dry 〈◊〉.  But this controversy (as I said) is amongst all the ancient Doctors and Writers. And that Christ hath been here seen, that they grant all: but whether then he being in earth or in heaven, that is doubtful.  Smith. 
I will prove, that he would appear in earth.  
He so would, and also did appear here in earth after his ascension. Ergo, etc.  Rid. 
He appeared, I grant: but how he appeared, 
Christ's appearing on the earth sometime, take● not away his resident in heaven▪ How 〈◊〉 appeared earth.  whether then being in heaven or in earth, that is uncertain. So he appeared to Steven, being then corporally sitting in heaven. For speaking after the true manner of man's body, when he is in heaven, he is not the same time in earth: and when he is in earth, he is not the same time corporally in heaven.  Smith. 
Christ hath been both in heaven and in earth all at one time.  
Ergo, you are deceived in denying that.  Rid. 
I do not utterly deny Christ here to have been seen in earth. Of uncertain things I speak uncertainly.  Smith. 
He was seen of Paul, as being borne before his time, after his ascending up to heaven. 1. Cor. 15. 
This argu●ment hold●eth rather ratione m●●teriae, th● ratione fo●●mae.   
But his vision was a corporal vision:  
Ergo, he was seen corporally upon the earth after his ascending into heaven.  Rid. 
He was seen really and corporally in deed: but whether being in heaven or earth, it is a doubt. And of doubtful things we must judge doubtfully. Howbeit you must prove that he was in heaven in the same time, when he was corporally on earth.  Smith. 
I would know of you, whether this vision may enforce the resurrection of Christ?  Rid. 
I account this a sound and firm Argument to prove the resurrection. But whether they saw him in heaven or in earth, I am in doubt: and to say the truth, 
Whether Paul sa●● Christ in 〈◊〉 heaven o● in earth, 〈◊〉 is one to prove his resurrection Petitio Principi●▪  it maketh no great matter. Both ways the Argument is of like strength. For whether he were seen in heaven, or whether he were seen on earth, either of both maketh sufficiently for the matter. Certain it is, he rose again: for he could not have been seen, unless he had risen again.  Smith. 
Paul saw him as he was here conversant on earth, and not out of heaven as you affirm.  Rid. 
You run to the beginning again: that you take for granted, which you should have proved.  Smith. 
You make delays for the nonce.  Rid. 
Say not so, I pray you. Those that hear us, be learned: they can tell both what you oppose, and what I answer well enough, I warrant you.  Tresh. 
He was seen after such sort, as that he might be heard.  
Ergo, he was corporally on the earth, or else how could he be heard? 
Argument▪   Rid. 
He that found the means for Steven to behold him in heaven, even he could bring to pass well enough, 
Answer▪  that Paul might hear him out of heaven.  
Da- Smith. As other saw him, so Paul saw him.  
ti- Other did see him visibly and corporally on earth:  
si. Ergo, Paul saw him visibly and corporally on earth. 
Argument▪   Rid. 
I grant he was seen visibly and corporally: but yet have you not proved that he was seen in earth. 
Answer▪   Smith. 
He was seen so of him, as of other.  
But he was seen of other being on earth, and appeared visibly to them on earth:  
Ergo, he was seen of Paul on earth:  Rid. 
Your controversy is about [existens in terra] that is, being on earth: if Existere, to be, be referred as unto the place, I deny that Christ after that sort was on the earth. But if it be referred as to the verity of the body, than I grant it. Moreover, I say that Christ was seen of men in earth after his ascension, it is certain. For he was seen of Steven: he was seen also of Paul. But whether he descended unto the earth, or whether he being in heaven, did reveal or manifest himself to Paul, when Paul was rapt into the third heaven, I know that some contend about it: & the Scripture, as far as I have read or heard, doth not determine it. Wherefore we cannot but judge uncertainly of those things which be uncertain.  Smith. 

 We have Egesippus and Linus against you, which testify that Christ appeared corporally on the earth to Peter after his Ascension. Lib. 3. cap. 3. Peter overcome with the requests and mournings of the people, which desired him to ge● him out of the City because of Nero his lying in wait for him, began without company to convey himself away from thence: and when he was 〈◊〉 to the gate, he seethe Christ come to meet him, and worshipping him, he said: Master, whether walk you? Chr●st answered, 
 I am come again to be crucified. Linus writing of the passion of Peter, hath the selfsame story. Saint Ambrose hath the same likewise, and also Abdias, 
 scholar to the Apostles, which saw Christ before his ascending into heaven. With what face therefore dare you affirm it to be a thing uncertain, which these men do manifestly witness to have been done?  Rid. 
I said before that the Doctors in that matter did vary.  Smith. 
Do you think this story is not certain, being approved by so ancient and probable authority?  Rid. 
I do so think, because I take and esteem not their words, for the words of Scripture. And though I did grant you that story to be certain, yet it maketh not against me.  Smith. 
Such things as be certain, and approved of them, you do reject as things uncertain.  Rid. 
The story of Linus is not of so great authority: although I am not ignorant that 
* Th●●●ddition is taken out of the 〈◊〉 of B. Ri●●leys own writing.  Eusebius so writeth also in the story of the Church. And yet I account not these men's reports so sure as the Canonical scriptures. 
The credit of Linus story.  Albeit if at any time he had to any man appeared here on the earth after his Ascension, that doth not disprove my saying. For I go not about to tie Christ up in fetters (as some do untruly report of us) but that he may be seen upon the earth according to his Divine pleasure, whensoever it liketh him. But we affirm that it is contrary to the nature of his manhood and the true manner of his body, that he should be together and at one instant both in heaven and earth, according to his corporal substance. And the perpetual sitting at the right hand of the father, may (I grant) be taken for the stability of Christ's kingdom, and his continual or everlasting equality with his father in the glory of heaven.  Smith. 
Now where as you boast that your faith is the very faith of the ancient Church: I will show here that is not so, but that it doth directly strive against the faith of the old Fathers. I will bring in chrysostom for this point. Hom. 2. ad populum Antiochenum. Tanquam maximam haereditatem, 
Chrysost. alleged ●om 2. ad populum Antioch.  Elisaeus melotem suscepit. Etenim verè maxima fuit haereditas, omni auro praetiosior: & erat duplex Helias ille: & erat sursum Helias, & deorsum Helias. Novi quòd justum illum beatum putatis, & velletis quisque esse ut ille. Quid igitur, si vobis demonstravero quid aliud, quod illo multo maius omnes sacris m●sterijs imbuti recipimus. Helias quidem melotem discipulo reliquit: Filius autem dei ascendens suam nobis carnem dimisit. Sed Helias quidem exutus: Christus autem & nobis reliquit, & ipsam habens ascendit. That is: Eliseus received the mantel, as a right great inheritance. For it was in deed a right excellent inheritance, and more precious than any gold beside. And the same Helias was a double Helias: He was both Helias above, and Helias beneath. I know well you think that just man to be happy, and you would gladly be every one of you as he is, what will you then say if I shall declare to you a certain other thing, which all we that are endued with these holy mysteries, do receive much more than that? Helias in deed left his mantel to his scholar. But the son of God ascending, did leave here his flesh unto us. Helias left it putting off the same. But Christ both left it to us, and ascended also to heaven having it with him.  Rid. 

Here at this answer great 〈◊〉 of taunting, spiteful 〈…〉 upon this good Bishop.  I grant that Christ did both: that is, both took up his flesh with him, ascending up, and also did leave the same behind him with us, but after a divers manner and respect. For he took his flesh with him, after the true and corporal substance of his body and flesh: again, he left the same in mystery to the faithful in the supper to be received after a spiritual communication and by grace. Neither is the same received in the Supper only, but also at other times, by hearing the Gospel and by faith. For, the [bread] which we break, is the communication of the body of Christ: And generally: unless ye eat the flesh of the son of man, and drink his blood, ye shall have no life in you.  Smith. 

Chrysost. De 〈◊〉 de Sacerdotij. lib. 3. cap. 3.  chrysostom in his book de dignitate Sacerdotij. lib. 3. cap. 3. saith: O miraculum, O Dei benevolentiam. Qui sursum sedet, tempore sacrificij, hominum manibus continetur. Or, as other have translated it: O miraculum, O Dei benignitatem, qui cum patre sursum sedet, in illo ipso tempore articulo, omnium manibus pertractatur, ac seipse tradit volentibus ipsum accipere & complecti That is: O miracle, O good will of God. He that sitteth above, at the sacrifice time, is contained in the hands of men. Or else as other have translated, thus: Oh miracle, Oh the gentleness of God. He that sitteth above with the father, is handled with the hands of all men at the very same moment of time, and doth himself deliver himself to them that are desirous to take him and embrace him.  Rid. 
He that sitteth there, is here present in mystery and by grace, and is holden of the godly, such as communicate him, not only sacramentally with the hand of the body, but much more wholesomely with the hand of the hart, and by inward drinking is received: but by the sacramental signification he is holden of all men.  Seton. 
Where is then the miracle if he be only present through his grace and in mystery only?  Rid. 
Yes, there is a miracle, good sir, 
The miracle in the Sacrament wherein it consisteth.  Christ is not idle in his sacraments. Is not the miracle great (trow you) when bread, which is wont to sustain the body, becometh food to the soul? He that understandeth not that miracle, he understandeth not the force of that mystery. God grant we may every one of us understand his truth, & obey the same.  Smith. 
chrysostom calleth it a miracle, that Christ sitteth at the right hand of God in heaven, and at the same time is held in the hands of men: not that he is handled with the hands of men only in a mystery, and is with them through grace. Therefore while you deny that, you are altogether deceived, and stray far from the truth.  Harps. 
The former place of chrysostom is not to be let slip. Let me before I begin, ask this one question of you. Is it not a great matter that Elias left his cloak or mantel, and the gift of his prophecy to his Scholar?  Rid. 
Yes surely, it is a great matter.  Harps. 
Did not Elias then leave great grace?  Rid. 
He did so.  Harps. 
But Christ left a far greater grace than Helias: for he could not both leave his cloak and take it with him: Christ doth both in his flesh.  Rid. 
I am well content to grant, that Christ left much greater things to us, than Helius to Eliseus, 
How Christ took up his body, and left it with us. The phrase of Chrysost considered.  albeit he be said to have left his double spirit with him: for that the strength and grace of the body of Christ, which Christ ascending up, here left with us, is the only salvation & life of all men which shallbe saved: which life Christ hath here left unto us, to be received by faith through the hearing of the word, and the right administration of the sacraments. This virtue and grace chrysostom, after the phrase and manner of john the Evangelist, calleth Christ's flesh.  Harps. 
But Christ performed a greater matter. 
Comparison between Elias mantel, and Christ's flesh. Elias took his mantel, & left neither mantle, nor Sacrament▪ of his mantel behind him. Christ took his flesh and left a Sacrament of his flesh, which was more than Elias did: & yet the said Elias afterward cast down his mantel.  He carried up and left behind. You understand not the comparison. The comparison is in this, that Elias left his mantle, and carried it not with him, Christ left his flesh behind him & carried it with him also.  Rid. 
True it is, and I myself did affirm no less before. Now where you seem to speak many things, in deed you bring no new thing at all. Let there be a comparison between grace and grace, & then Christ gave the far greater grace, when he did inserte or graff us into his flesh.  Harps. 
If you will give me leave, I will ask you this question. If chrysostom would have meant so, that Christ left his body in the Eucharist, what plainer words think you, or more evident could he have used then these?  Kid. 
These things be not of so great force as they bear a great show outwardly. He might also have used grosser words if he had listed to have uttered his mind so grossly: for he was an eloquent man. Now he speaketh after the manner of other Doctors, which of mystical matters speak mystically, and of Sacraments Sacramentally.  Harps. 
The comparison lieth in this: That which was impossible to Elias, is possible to Christ.  Rid. 
I grant. It was possible to Christ, which was to the other impossible. Helias left his cloak: Christ both left his flesh and took it with him.  Harps. 
Helias left behind him, & could not take with him: Christ both left behind him, and also took with him. Except you will say: the comparison here made to be nothing.  Rid. 
He took up his flesh with him to heaven, and left here the communion of his flesh in earth. 
Harpsfield answered.   West. 
You understand in the first place his flesh for very true flesh: and in the second place for grace, & communion of his flesh: and why do you not understand it in the second place also for his true flesh? I will make it evident, how blockish and gross your answer is.  Rid. 
These be taunts and reproaches, not beseeming (as I think) the modesty of this School.  West. 
Elias left his cloak to his disciple: 
Quam sit ●tupida & crassa responsio tua.  but the son of God, going up to heaven, left his flesh. But Elias certainly left his cloak behind, and Christ likewise his flesh, and yet ascending, he carried the same with him to. By which words we make this reason.  
Christ left his flesh to his Disciples, and yet for all that he took the same up with him:  
Ergo, he is present here with us.  
Hear Doctor Weston crying to the people, said unto them: Master Doctor answereth it after this fashion:  

D. Weston speaking to the audience in English.  He carried his flesh into heaven, and he left here the communion of his flesh behind. Assuredly the answer is to unlearned.  Rid. 
I am glad you speak in English. Surely I wish that all the whole world might understand your reasons and my answers. Reliquit nobis carnem suam. i. He left us his flesh. This you understand of his flesh, and I understand the same of grace. He carried his flesh into heaven, and left behind the communion of his flesh unto us.  West. 
Ye judges, what think ye of this answer.  judges. 

But where were these judges in K. Edward's tyme.  It is ridiculous and a very fond answer.  Rid. 
Well, I take your words patiently for Christ's cause.  West. 
Weston here citeth a place: Spargimur sanguine Christi: We are sprinkled with the blood of Christ.  Rid. 
M. Doctor, it is the same blood, but yet spiritually received. 
How ye are sprinkled with Christ's blood.  And in deed all the Prophets were sprinkled with the same blood, but yet spiritually I say, and by grace. And whatsoever they be that are not sprinkled with this blood, they can not be partakers of the everlasting salvation.  West. 

* 
This he repeated in English to the people also.  
Answer to Bernard.   Here I bring Bernard unto you again. Even from the West unto the East, from the North unto the South, there is one and the selfsame Christ in many and divers places.  Rid. 
The answer is soon made, that one Christ is here and in divers places. For God according to his Majesty, and according to his providence, as S. Austen sayeth, is every where with the godly, according to his indivisible and unspeakable grace. 
The Papistss' make Christ to have a monstruous body.  Or else, if we should understand Bernard according to the corporal presence, how monstrous or huge, & giantlike a body would you then make Christ's body to be, which should reach even from North to South, from West to East.  West. 
Nay, nay, you make a monstrous answer and unlearned.  Ward. 
Before I come in with those reasons which I had purposed to bring against you, 

Here they return again to Latin.  
B. Ridley falsely charged to set forth the Catechism.   I am minded to come again to M. Doctors argument, by which you being brought into the briars, seemed to doubt of Christ's presence on the earth. To the proof of which matter I will bring nothing else, then that which was agreed upon in the Catechism of the Synod of London, set out not long ago by you.  Rid. 
Sir, I give you to wit, before you go any farther, that I did set out no Catechism.  West. 

D. Weston in K. Edward's days subscribed.  Yes, you made me subscribe to it when you were a Bishop in your ruff.  Rid. 
I compelled no man to subscribe.  Warde. 
Yes by rood, you are the very author of that heresy.  Rid. 
I put forth no Catechism.  Cole. 
Did you never consent to the setting out of those things, which you allowed?  Rid. 

Of this Catechism read before pag. 1357.  I grant that I saw the book. But I deny that I wrote it. I perused it after it was made, and I noted many things for it. So I consented to the book: I was not the author of it.  judges. 

* The judges give an untrue verdict: for D. Cranmer meaning by the Counsel, spoke no word of Ridley.  The Catechism is so set forth, as though the whole convocation house had agreed to it. Cranmer said yesterday that you made it.  Rid. 
I think surely that he would not say so.  Ward. 
The Catechism hath this clause: Si visibiliter & in terra, etc. i. If visibly on the earth, etc.  Rid. 
I answer that those articles were set out, I both witting and consenting to them. Mine own hand will testify the same, and M. Cranmer put his hand to them likewise, and gave them to other afterward. Now, as for the place which you allege out of it, that may easily be expounded, and without any inconvenience.  Ward. 
Christ is the power and virtue of his Father.  

A possibili ad esse non valet consequentia.  Ergo, he was not of so little strength, that he could not bring to pass whatsoever he would himself.  Rid. 
I grant.  Ward. 
Christ was the wisdom of the father.  
Ergo, that he spoke, he spoke wisely, and so as every man might understand: neither was it his mind to speak one thing in steed of another.  Rid. 
All this I grant.  Ward. 
Christ was likewise the very truth: Ergo, he made and performed in deed, 
Argument of the wisdom & truth of Christ. Hillar. in Psal. 118.  that which he intended to make. And likely it is, that he doth neither deceive, nor could be deceived, nor yet would go about to deceive other.  West. 
Hilarius in Psalmum 118. hath these words. Vera omnia sunt, & neque ociosè, neque inutiliter constituta dei verba, sed extra omnem ambiguitatem superfluae inanitatis, ignita, & ignita vehementer, ne quid illic esse quod non perfectum ac proprium sit, existimetur. That is: All God's words or sayings are true, and neither idly placed, nor unprofitably, but fiery, and wonderful fiery without all doubtfulness of superfluous vanity, that there may be nothing thought to be there, which is not absolute and proper.  Ward. 
He is the truth of the father: Ergo, he can neither deceive, nor yet be deceived, especially, I mean, when he spoke at his latter end, and his testament.  Rid. 
Christ is the very truth of the father: and I perceive well to what scope you drive your reason. 
Aunswer● to Master wards ar●gument.  This is but a far set compass of words. If that these words of Christ: This is my body, which you mean, be rightly understood, they are most true.  Ward. 
He took, he broke, he gave, etc. what took he?  Ridley. 
Bread, his body.  Ward. 
What broke he?  Ridley. 
Bread.  Ward. 
What gave he?  Ridley. 
Bread.  Ward. 
Gave he bread made of wheat, & material bread?  Rid. 
I know not whether he gave bread of wheat: but he gave true and material bread.  Ward. 
I will prove the contrary by Scriptures.  
He delivered to them that which he had them take. 
This argument is no● formal in the 2. figur●   
But he had not them take material bread, but his own body.  
Ergo, he gave not material bread, but his own body.  Rid. 
I deny the Minor. 
Aunswere●  For he bade them take his body Sacramentally in material bread: and after that sort it was both bread, which he bade them take, because the substance was bread, and it was also▪ his body, because it was the Sacrament of his body, for the sanctifying and the coming to of the holy Ghost, which is always assistentio those mysteries which were instituted of Christ, and lawfully administered.  Harps. 
What is he that so sayeth: By the coming unto of the holy spirit?  Rid. 
I have Theophilact for mine author for this manner of speaking. And here I bring him, 
Theophilact. in Math. 26.  that ye may understand that phrase not to be mine, upon Matthew. 26. Furthermore, the said Theophilact writing upon these words: This is my body, showeth, that the body of the Lord is bread, which is sanctified on the altar.  Ogle. 
That place of Theophilact maketh openly against you. For he saith in that place, that Christ said not: This is a figure of my body, but my body. For sayeth he, by an unspeakable operation it is transformed, although it seem to us to be bread.  Rid. 
It is not a figure, 
The word of Theophil. (he said not this is a figure of my body) aun●swered.  that is to say non tantum est figura. i. it is not only a figure of his body.  West. 
Where have you that word [tantum] only?  Rid. 
It is not in that place, but he hath it in another & Augustine doth so speak many times, & other Doctors more.  West. 
Hear Weston repeating the words of Theophilact in English, said: He saith it is not a figure, and you say it is a figure.  
And the same Theophilact saith moreover: that the conversion or turning of the bread is made into the Lord's flesh.  

* This argument is without perfect mode and form, having the Minor negative in the 2. figure.  That which Christ gave, we do give.  
But that which he gave was not a figure of his body, but his body:  
Ergo, we give no figure, but his body.  
☞ As concerning the authority of Theophilactus, what he thought and might have spoken of that Author, D. Ridley did not then speak, nor could conveniently (as he himself afterward declared, reporting and writing with his own hand the disputations in the prison) because of the uproars and clamours which were so great, and he of so many called upon, that he could not answer as he would, and what he thought touching the authority of Theophilactus, but answered simply to that, which was brought out of that author, on this sort.  
I grant (quoth he) the bread to be converted and turned into the flesh of Christ, but not by transubstantiation, 
Conuersio● after what sort in th● Sacrament●  but by a Sacramental conversion or turning. It is transformed saith Theophilactus, in the same place, by a mystical benediction, and by the accession or coming of the holy Ghost unto the flesh of Christ. He sayeth not: by expulsion or driving away the substance of bread, and by substituting or putting in his place the corporal substance of Christ's flesh. And where he saith: It is not a figure of the body: we should understand that saying, as he himself doth elsewhere add only, that is: it is no naked or bare figure only. For Christ is present in his mysteries, neither at any time (as Cyprian sayeth) doth the divine Majesty absent himself from the divine mysteries.  West. 
You put in only, and that is one lie. And I tell you farther, Peter Martyr was fain to deny the Author, because the place was so plain against him. 
Anno 1554. April  But mark his words, how he saith: It is no figure, but his flesh.  Rid. 
To take his words, and not his meaning, is to do injury to the author.  H●rd. 
No other Doctor maketh more against you. For the words in Greek are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
 which is in Latin, transelementatur, that is, turned from one element into an other. And showing the cause why it is in form of bread, he saith: Quoniam infirmi sumus, & horremus crudas carnes commedere, maximè hominis carné: ideo panis quidem apparet, sed caro est. That is: Because we are infirm, and abhor to eat raw flesh, specially the flesh of man: therefore it appeareth bread, but it is flesh.  Rid. 
That word hath not that strength which you seem to give it. You strain it overmuch, and yet it maketh not so much for your purpose. 
 For the same Author hath in an other place, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, That is, We are transelemented, or transformed and changed into the body of Christ: & so by that word, in such meaning as you speak of, I could prove as well that we are transformed in deed into the very body of Christ.  Ward. 
Learned M. Doctor, thus you expound the place, Hoc est corpus meum: This is my body. i. a figure of my body.  Rid. 
Although I know there be that so expound it, yet that exposition is not full to express the whole.  
Da- Ward. My sheep here my voice, and follow me.  
ti- But all the sheep of Christ hear this voice: 
Argument in the 3. figure.  This is my body, without a figure:  
si. Ergo, the voice of Christ here hath no figure.  Rid. 
The sheep of Christ follow the voice of Christ, unless they be seduced and deceived through ignorance.  Ward. 
But the Fathers took this place for no figurative speech.  Rid. 
Yet they do all number this place among figurative & tropical speeches.  Ward. 
justinus Martyr in his second Apology hath thus: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
Iu●tinus Martyr. Apolog. 2.   
Neque verò haec pro pane potuue communi sumimus: Imo quemadmodum verbo Dei jesus Christus, Seruator noster in carnatus, habuit pro salute nostra carnem & sanguinem: ita per orationem illius verbi consecratum hoc alimentum, quo sanguis & carnes nostrae perimmutationem enutriuntur, eiusdem incarnati carnem & sanguinem esse sumus edocti.  
This place Cramner hath corrupted. Thus it is Englished.  
☞ For we do not take this for common bread and drink, but like as jesus Christ our Saviour, incarnate by the word of God, had flesh and blood for our salvation: even so we be taught the food wherewith our flesh and blood is nourished by alteration, when it is consecrated by the prayer of his word, to be the flesh & blood of the same jesus incarnate.  

D. Cranmer charged with 〈◊〉 a place of ●ustine Read his answer to 〈◊〉 before pag. 13●9.  Doctor Cranmer hath thus translated it: Bread, water and wine, are not to be taken as other common meats and drinks be, but they be ordained purposedly to give thanks to GOD, and therefore be called Eucharistia, and be called the body and blood of Christ: and that it is lawful for none to eat and drink of them but that profess Christ, and live according to the same: and yet the same meat and drink is changed into our flesh and blood, and nourisheth our bodies.  Rid. 
O good Master Doctor, go sincerely to work: I know that place, and I know how it is used.  Ward. 
Warde here repeated the place again out of justine: We are taught. etc. as above.  Rid. 
O what unright dealing is this? I have the self same place of justine here copied out. You know yourself which are skilful of Greek, 
Sumptum exe●pl●●i 〈…〉 descripto.  how the words here be removed out of the right place, and that without any just cause.  Ward. 
I stand still upon mine argument. What say you?  Rid. 
If you will that I should answer to justine, than you must hears. I have but one tongue, I can not answer at once to you all.  West. 

* In this argument if the Minor be a negative, the form is false: if it be affirmative a●quipollenter. The Mayor is to be denied.  Christ gave us his very and true flesh to be eaten.  
But he never gave it to be eaten, but in his last supper, and in the sacrament of the altar.  
Ergo, there is the very true flesh of Christ.  Rid. 
If you speak of the very true flesh of Christ, after the substance of his flesh, taken in the Womb of the virgin Mary, and not by grace and spiritually, I then do deny the first part of your reason. But if you understand it of the true flesh, after grace and spiritual communication, I then grant the first part, and deny the second. For he giveth unto us truly his flesh, to be eaten of all that believe in him. For he is the very & true meat of the soul, wherewith we are fed unto everlasting life, according to this saying: My flesh is meat indeed. etc.  Ward. 
Desiderio desideravi hoc pascha manducare vobiscum. i. 
Tertull contra Martion. lib. 4.  I have desired with my hearty desire to eat this paschal with you. What paschal I pray you desired he to eat? If you stand in doubt, you have Tertullian. Lib. 4. Contra Martionem● Professus itaque se concupiscentia concupiscere edere pascha suum (indignum enim ut alienum concupisceret Deus) acceptum panem & distributum discipulis suum corpus illum fecit: Hoc est corpus meum, dicendo. etc. i. He therefore protesting a great desire to eat his paschal, his own paschal I say (for it was not meet that he should desire any other than his own) taking bread and distributing it to his Disciples, made it his body, saying: This is my body.  
What say you? did he understand by this paschal the judaical Lamb, or by that which afterward he gave in his Supper.  Rid. 
I suppose that the first he understood of the judaical passover, and afterward of the Eucharist.  Ward. 
Nay, than Tertullian is against you, which saith.  
Basilius- He desired to eat his passover.  
ro- But the judaical passover was not his, but strange from Christ. 
Argument.   
co. Ergo, he meant not of the judaical passover.  Rid. 
The judaical passover was not strange from Christ, but his own: insomuch as he is the Lord of all: 
Answer.  and as well the Lord of the judaical passover, as of his own supper.  Ward. 
What answer you then to Tertullian, the which saith: He desired to eat his own passover, and not the juish passover, which stood upon words without flesh. 
Anagogical sense is that which hath a high and mystical understanding that lieth abstruse & profound under the external letter.   Rid. 
Tertullian may here dally in sense Anagogical. I know that Cyprian hath these words: Tunc instituit quidem Eucharistiam, sed utrumque erat Christi. i. He began th● to institute the holy Eucharist, but both were Christ's.  Ward. 
Augustine the Psalm. 96. Writing upon these words: Adorate scabellum pedum eius. i. Worship his footstool. etc. Quaero inquit, quid sit scabellum pedum eius. Et dicit mihi Scriptura, Terra scabellum pedum meorum: Fluctuans converto me ad Christum, quia ipsum quaero hic, 
August. in Psal. 98.  & invenio quomodo sine impietate adoretur scabellum pedum eius. Suscepit enim de terra terram, quia caro de terra est, & de carne Mariae carnem accepit▪ & quia in ipsa carne hic ambulavit, & ipsam carnem nobis manducandam ad salutem dedit: nemo autem illam carnem manducat nisi prius adoraverit. inventum est, quo modo tale scabellum pedum Domini adoretur, ut non solum non peccemus adorando, sed peccemus non adorando ipsum. etc. i. I ask (saith he) what is the footstool of his feet, 
Esay. 66.  and the Scripture telleth me: The earth is the footstool of my feet. And so in searching thereof I turn myself to Christ, because I seek him here in the earth, and I find how, without impiety, the footstool of his feet may be worshipped: for he took earth of earth, in that he is flesh of the earth, and of the flesh of mary he took flesh, and because that in the same flesh here he walked and also he gave the same flesh to us, to be eaten unto salvation. But no man eateth that flesh except he have worshipped before. And so it is found, how such a footstool of the feet of the Lord is to be worshipped, so that, not only we sin not in worshipping, but also do sin in not worshipping the same.  
Da- He gave to us his flesh to be eaten, 

If the Minor of this argument (as is said before) be equipollent to affirmative, than it cometh next to the Mode Datisi.  
How Christ gave his flesh to be eaten and when.   the which he took of the earth, in which also here he walked. etc.  
ti- But he never gave his flesh to be eaten, but when he gave it at his Supper, saying: This is my body.  
si. Ergo, in the Eucharist he gave us his flesh.  Rid. 
You do allege the place of Austen upon the Psalm. 98. Where he saith: that Christ gave his flesh to be eaten which he took of the earth, and in which here he walked inferring hereupon that Christ never gave the same his flesh to be eaten, but only in the Eucharist, I deny your Minor, for he gave it both in the Eucharist to be eaten and also otherwise, as well in the word, as also upon the cross.  Smith. 
What if Augustine say, that Christ did not only give himself to us in a figure, but gave his own very flesh in deed and really?  Rid. 
I never said that Christ gave only a figure of his body. For in deed he gave himself in a real communication, that is, he gave his flesh after a communication of his flesh.  West. 
Here Weston read the place of Augustine in English, 

Christ gave himself not only in a figure, but in deed by a real and effectual communication of his flesh.  
D. Glinne disputeth.  
D. Glinne B. Ridleys' old friend desireth him of Pardon. B Ridley for giveth D. Glin.   and afterwards said: Ye say, Christ gave not his body, but a figure of his body.  Rid. 
I say not so, I say he gave his own body verily. But he gave it by a real, effectual, and spiritual communication.  
☞ After this, Doctor Glinne began to reason, who (notwithstanding Master Ridley had always taken him for his old friend) made a very contumelious Preface against him. This preface Master Ridley therefore did the more take to hart, because it proceeded from him. Howbeit he thought that Doctor Glins mind was to serve the turn. For afterward he came to the house wherein Master Ridley was kept, and as far as Master Ridley could call ro remembrance, before Doctor Young and Doctor Oglethorpe he desired him to pardon his words. The which Master Ridley did even from the very hart, and wished earnestly, that God would give, not only to him, but unto all other, the true and evident knowledge of God's evangelical sincerity, that all offences put a part, they being perfectly and fully reconciled, might agree and meet together in the house of the heavenly father.  Glin. 
I see that you elude, or shift away all scriptures and fathers, 
B. Ridley purgeth himself against D. Glin.  I will go to work with you after an other sort.  
Christ hath here his Church known in earth, of which you were once a child, although now you speak contumeliously of the Sacraments.  Rid. 
This is a grievous contumely, that you call me a shifter away of the Scriptures, and of the Doctors. As touching the Sacraments, I never yet spoke contumeliously of them. I grant that Christ hath here his Church in earth: but that Church did ever receive & acknowledge the Eucharist to be a sacrament of the body of Christ, and not the body of Christ really, but the body of Christ by grace.  Clin. 
Then I ask this question, whether the Catholic Church hath ever or at any time been Idolatrous?  Rid. 
The Church is the pillar and stay of truth, that never yet hath been idolatrous in respect of the whole: but peradventure in respect of some part thereof, which sometimes may be seduced by evil Pastors and through ignorance.  Glin. 

* This argument having the Minor a negative neither is formable in the 3. figure, neither doth it conclude rightly but should conclude thus: Ergo to worship the flesh of Christ in the Eucharist is no Idolatry. Sumptum ab autographo Ridlei manu descripto.  That Church ever hath worshipped the flesh of Christ in the Eucharist.  
But the church hath never been idolatrous:  
Ergo it hath always judged the flesh of Christ to be in the Eucharist.  Rid. 
And I also worship Christ in the Sacrament: but not because he is included in the Sacrament: like as I worship Christ also in the Scriptures, not because he is really included in them. Notwithstanding I say that the body of Christ is present in the Sacrament: but yet Sacramentally and spiritually, according to his grace giving life, and in that respect, really, that is, according to his benediction giving life.  
Furthermore I acknowledge gladly the true body of Christ to be in the lords Supper, in such sort as the church of Christ (which is the spouse of Christ, and is taught of the holy ghost, and guided by God's word) doth acknowledge the same. But the true church of Christ doth acknowledge a presence of Christ's body in the Lord's Supper to be communicated to the godly by grace and spiritually, as I have often showed, and by a Sacramental signification, but not by the corporal presence of the body of his flesh.  Glin. 

August. contra Faustum lib. 20. cap. 13.  Austen contra Faustum Lib. 20. cap. 13. Non nulli propter panem & calicem, Cererem & Bacchum nos colere existimabant. etc. i. Some there were which thought us in stead of bread and of the cup, to worship Ceres and Bacchus.  
Upon this place I gather that there was an adoration of the sacrament among the fathers. And Erasmus in an Epistle to the brethren of low Germany, saith that the worshipping of the sacrament was before Austen & Cyprian.  Rid. 
We do handle the signs reverently: but we worship the Sacrament as a Sacrament, not as a thing signified by the Sacrament.  Glin. 
What is the Symbol or Sacrament?  Rid. 
Bread.  Glin. 
Ergo we worship bread.  Ridley. 
There is a deceit in this word [Adoramus.] We worship the Symbols when reverently we handle them. 
equivocation of this word w●rship, distincted.  We worship Christ wheresoever we perceive his benefits. But we understand his benefit to be greatest in the Sacrament.  Glin. 
So I may fall down before the bench here, and worship Christ: and if any man ask me what I do, I may aunswre I worship Christ.  Rid. 
We adore and worship Christ in the Eucharist. And if you mean the external sacrament, I say, that also is to be worshipped as a Sacrament.  Glin. 
So was the faith of the primitive Church. 
We worship Chri●● in the Eucharist: but we worship not the Eu●charist for Christ.   Rid. 
Would to God we would all follow the faith of that Church.  Glin. 
Think you that Christ hath now his Church?  Rid. 
I do so.  Glin. 
But all the Church adoreth Christ, verily and really in the Sacrament.  Rid. 
You know yourself that the east Church would not acknowledge transubstantiation, 
This Council of Florence was but of 〈◊〉 years in the time 〈◊〉 the Coun●cell of 〈◊〉  as it appeareth in the Council of Florence.  Cole. 
That is false. For in the same they did acknowledge transubstantiation, although they would not entreat of the matter, for that they had not in their commission so to do.  Rid. 
Nay, they would determine nothing of that matter, when the Article was propounded unto them.  Cole. 
It was not because they did not acknowledge the same, but because they had no commission so to do.  Curtop. 
Reverend Sir, I will prove and declare, that the body of Christ is truly and really in the Eucharist: & whereas the holy Fathers, 
Chrisost. 〈◊〉 cap. 10. Cor. 1. Hom. 24.  both of the West and east Church have written, both many things and no less manifest of the same matter, yet I will bring forth only chrysostom. The place is in cap. 10. Corinth. 1. Homel. 24.  

* The Mayor should be thus: Whatsoever did flow from the side of Christ is 〈◊〉 the cup. etc. or else the argument being in the 2 figur● is affirmative and false.  That which is in the cup, is the same that flowed from the side of Christ.  
But true and pure blood did flow from the side of Christ:  
Ergo, his true and pure blood is in the cup.  Rid. 
It is his true blood which is in the Chalice (I grant) & the same which sprang from the side of Christ. But how? It is blood in deed, but not after the same manner, after which manner it sprang from his side. For here is the blood but by the way of a Sacrament.  
Again, I say, like as the bread of the Sacrament and of thanks giving is called the body of Christ given for us: so the cup of the Lord is called the blood which sprang from the side of Christ. But that Sacramental bread is called the body, because it is the Sacrament of his body: even so likewise the cup is called the blood also, which flowed out of Christ's side, because it is in the Sacrament of that blood which flowed out of his side, instituted of the Lord himself for our singular commodity, namely for our spiritual nourishment, like as Baptism is ordained in water to our spiritual regeneration.  Cur. 
The Sacrament of the blood is not the blood.  Rid. 
The Sacrament of the blood, is the blood, and that is attributed to the Sacrament, which is spoken of the thing of the Sacrament.  Weston. 
Here Weston repeateth Curtoppes argument in English.  

* This argument concludeth not directly and being in the 2. figure affirmative it is not formal  That which is in the Chalice, is the same which flowed out of Christ's side.  
But there came out very blood:  
Ergo, there is very blood in the Chalice.  Rid. 
The blood of Christ is in the Chalice in deed, but not in the real presence, but by grace and in a Sacrament.  West. 
That is very well. Then we have blood in the chalice.  Rid. 
It is true, but by grace and in a Sacrament.  
Here the people hissed at him.  Rid. 
O my masters, I take this for no judgement: I will stand to God's judgement.  Wat. 
Good Sir, I have determined to have respect of the time, and to abstain from all those things which may hinder the entrance of our disceptation: and therefore first I ask this question: When Christ said in the vi. of john Qui manducat carnem meam. i. He that eateth my flesh. etc. doth he signify in those words the eating of his true and natural flesh, or else of the bread and Symbol? 
Spiritual eating of the flesh of Christ.   Rid. 
I understand that place of the very flesh of Christ to be eaten, but spiritually: And farther I say, that the sacrament also pertaineth unto the spiritual manducation. For without the spirit to eat the Sacrament, is to eat it unprofitably. For who so eateth not spiritually, he eateth his own condemnation.  Wat. 
I ask them whether the eucharist be a Sacrament.  Rid. 
The Eucharist taken for a sign or symbol, is a Sacrament.  Wat. 
Is it instituted of God?  Rid. 
It is instituted of God.  Wat. 
Where?  Rid. 
In the supper.  Wat. 
With what words is it made a Sacrament?  Rid. 
By the words and deeds which Christ said and did, and commanded us to say and do the same. 
〈◊〉 Sacra●●●● give grace 〈…〉 in●●●mentes. sacrament 〈◊〉. ●he 〈◊〉 is 〈◊〉 be 〈…〉 Sacra●●●● of the 〈◊〉 Testa●●●● hath a 〈◊〉 of 〈…〉 and 〈◊〉 promise 〈…〉, bread 〈◊〉 witness 〈◊〉 Sacra●●●t of the 〈◊〉 Testament. No pro●●se made 〈◊〉 bread & 〈◊〉, as ●●ey be 〈…〉 and 〈◊〉 wine, but as they be sanctified & made sacraments of the Lords body and blood, they are not now called bread n●r wine, have a promise annexed to them, or rather (to say the 〈◊〉) annexed to the recea●ers of the●. Argument. 〈◊〉 they 〈◊〉 a pro●●se of 〈◊〉 annex 〈◊〉 not absolutely but 〈…〉 are not 〈◊〉 in ●●crament●● 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 of 〈…〉 to 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉 that 〈◊〉 came 〈◊〉 them. 〈…〉 not 〈…〉, but 〈…〉 of 〈◊〉 Sacra●●nt. sacraments 〈…〉.   Wat. 
It is a thing commonly received of all, that the Sacraments of the new law give grace to them that worthily receive.  Rid. 
True it is that grace is given by the Sacrament, but as by an instrument. The inward virtue & Christ give the grace through the sacrament.  Wat. 
What is a sacrament?  Rid. 
I remember there be many definitions of a sacrament in Austin: but I will take that which seemeth most fit to this present purpose. A sacrament is a visible sign of invisible grace.  Wat. 
Ergo, grace is given to the receivers.  Rid. 
The society or conjunction with Christ through the holy Ghost, is grace, and by the Sacrament we are made the members of the mystical body of Christ, for that by the sacrament the part of the body is engrafted in the head.  Wat. 
But there is a difference between the mystical body, and natural body.  Rid. 
There is (I grant you) a difference, but the head of them both is one.  Wat. 
* The Eucharist is a sacrament of the new testament, Ergo, it hath a promise of grace:  
But no promise of grace is made to bread and wine:  
Ergo, bread and wine be not the sacraments of the new Testament.  Rid. 
I grant that grace pertaineth to the Eucharist, according to this saying: The bread which we break is it not the communication or partaking of the body of Christ? And like as he that eateth, and he that drinketh unworthily the sacrament of the body and blood of the Lord, eateth & drinketh his own damnation: even so he that eateth and drinketh worthy, eateth life, and drinketh life. I grant also that there is no * promise made to bread and wine. But in as much as they are sanctified and made the Sacraments of the body & blood of the Lord, they have a promise of grace annexed unto them, namely of spiritual partaking of the body of Christ to be communicated and given, not to the bread and wine, but to them which worthily do receive the Sacrament.  Wat. 
If the substance of bread and wine do remain, them the society betwixt Christ and us, is promised to them that take bread and wine.  
But that society is not promised to bread and wine, but to the receivers of his flesh and blood. john. 6. Qui manducat. etc.  
Ergo, the substance of bread and wine remaineth not.  Rid. 
The promise undoubtedly is made to the flesh and the blood, but the same be received in the sacrament through faith.  What 
Every Sacrament hath a promise of grace adnexed unto it.  
But bread and wine have not a promise of grace adnexed unto it.  
Ergo, the bread and wine are not sacraments.  Rid. 
True it is, every sacrament hath grace adnexed unto it instrumentally. But there is divers understanding of this word [Habet] hath. For the sacrament hath not grace included in it: but to those that receive it well, it is turned to grace. After that manner the water in Baptism hath grace promised, and by that grace the holy spirit is given, not that grace is included in water, but that grace cometh by water.  Wat. 
This promise is made to the flesh & blood of Christ, and not to bread and wine.  
Ergo, the sacrament is not bread and wine, but the body and blood of Christ.  Rid. 
There is no promise made to him that taketh common bread and common wine: but to him that receiveth the sanctified bread, and bread of the communion, there is a large promise of grace made: neither is the promise given to the symbols, but to the thing of the sacrament. But the thing of the sacrament is the flesh and blood.  Wat. 
Every sacrament of the new testament giveth grace promised of God, to those that worthily receive it.  Rid. 
This sacrament hath a promise of grace, made to those that receive it worthily, because grace is given by it, as by an instrument, not that Christ hath transfused grace into the bread and wine.  Wat. 
But this promise which is made, is not but to those that worthily receive the flesh & blood: not the bread & wine.  Rid. 
That proposition of yours hath a divers understanding. There is no promise made to them that receive common bread, as it were: but to those that worthily receive the sanctified bread, there is a promise of grace made, like as Origen doth testify.  Wat. 
Where is that promise made?  Rid. 
The bread which he broke, 
1. Cor. 11.  is it not a communication of the body of Christ? [And] we being many are one bread, one body of Christ?  Wat. 
What doth he mean by bread in that place?  Rid. 
The bread of the lords table, the Communion of the body of Christ.  Wat. 
hearken what chrysostom saith upon that place: 
Chrisost. in 1. Cor cap. 10.  Panis quem frangimus, nun communicatio corporis Christi est? Quare non dixit participatio? Quia amplius quid significare voluit, & multam inter haec convenientiam ostendere. Non enim participatione tantum & acceptione, sed unitate communicamus. Quemadmodum enim corpus illud unitum est Christo, ita & nos per hunc panem unione coniungimur. That is: The bread which we break, is it not the Communication of Christ's body? Wherefore did he not say participation? because he would signify some greater matter, and that he would declare a great convenience and conjunction betwixt the same. For we do not communicate by participation only and receiving, but also by conniting. For likewise as that body is connited to Christ, so also we by the same bread are conjoined and united to him.  Rid. 
Let chrysostom have his manner of speaking and his sentence. If it be true, I reject it not. 
Answer to chrysostom.  But let it not be prejudicial to me to name it true bread.  Wat. 
All (saith chrysostom) which sit together at one board, 
In 1. Cor. cap. 10.  do cummunicate together of one true body. What do I call (saith he) this communicating▪ we are all the self same body. What doth bread signify? The body of christ. What be they that receive it? 
Bread signifieth the body after chrysostom.  The body of Christ For many are but one body. chrysostom doth interpret this place against you: All we be one bread, & one mystical body, which do participate together one bread of Christ.  Rid. 
All we be one mystical body, 
One bread, one mystical body.  which do communicate of one Christ in bread, after the efficacy of regeneration or quickening.  Wat. 
Of what manner of bread speaketh he?  Rid. 
Of the bread of the lords table.  Wat. 
Is that bread one?  Rid. 
It is one, of the Church being one, because one bread is set forth upon the table: and so of one bread altogether do participate which communicate at the table of the Lord.  Wat. 
See how absurdly you speak. Do you say all which be from the beginning to the end of the world?  Rid. 
All, I say, which at one table together have communicated in the mysteries, might well so do. Albeit the heavenly and celestial bread is likewise one also, whereof the Sacramental bread is a mystery: the which being one, all we together do participate. 
Watson cavilleth about this word all.   Wat. 
A perverse answer. Which all? Mean you all christian men?  Rid. 
I do distribute this word [All]: for all were wont together to communicate of one bread divided into parts. All (I say) which were one congregation, and which all did communicate together at one table.  Wat. 
What? do you exclude then from the body of Christ, all them which did not communicate being present▪  Feck. 
But Cyprian saith: panis quem nulla multitudo consumit. i. Bread which no multitude doth consume. 
Cyprianus de Coena Domini.  Which cannot be understanded, but only of the body of Christ.  Rid. 
Also Cyprian in this place did speak of the true body of Christ, and not of material bread.  Feck. 
Nay, rather he did there entreat of the Sacrament in that tractation De Coena domini, 
M. Fecknam● reason.  writing upon the Supper of the Lord.  Rid. 
Truth it is, and I grant, he entreateth there of the Sacrament: but also he doth admixed something there with all of the spiritual manducation.  Smith. 
When the Lord saith: This is my body, he useth no tropical speech:  
Ergo, you are deceived.  Rid. 
I deny your antecedent. 
August. in Psal. 33. Concio. 1.   Smith. 
I bring here Augustine in Psal. 33. Conc. 1. expounding these words: Ferebatur in manibus suis. He was carried in his own hands. 1. Regum.  
Hoc quomodo possit fieri in homine, quis intelligat? Manibus enim suis nemo portatur, sed alienis. Quomodo intelligatur de david secundum literam, non invenimus: de Christo autem invenimus. Ferebatur enim Christus in manibus suis cum diceret: Hoc est corpus meum. Ferebat enim illud corpus in manibus suis. etc. That is. How may this be understanded to be done in man? For no man is carried in his own hands, but in the hands of other. How this may be understanded of David after the letter, we do not find. Of Christ we find it. For Christ was borne in his own hands when he saith: This is my body: for he carried that same body in his own hands. etc.  
Augustine here did not see how this place after the letter could be understanded of david, because no man can carry himself in his own hands. Therefore saith he, this place is to be understanded of Christ after the letter. For Christ carried himself in his own hands in his Supper, when he gave the Sacrament to his Disciples, saying: This is my body.  Rid. 

The place of Augustine answered.  I deny your argument, and I explicate the same. Austin could not find after his own understanding, how this could be understand of David after the letter. Austin goeth here from other in this exposition, but I go not from him. But let this exposition of Austin be granted to you: although I know this place of scripture be otherwise red of other men, after the verity of the Hebrew text, and also otherwise to be expounded. Yet to grant to you this exposition of Austin, I say yet notwithstanding it maketh nothing against my assertion: for Christ did bear himself in his own hands, when he gave the sacrament of his body to be eaten of his disciples.  Smith. 
Ergo, it is true of Christ after the letter, that he was borne in his own hands.  Rid. 
He was borne literally, & after that letter which was spoken of David: but not after the letter of these words Hoc est corpus meum.  
I grant that S. Austin saith, that it is not found literally of David, 
The place of Austen how Christ was carried in his hands ad literam i. literally.  that he carried himself in his own hands, and that is found of Christ. But this word [ad literam] literally, you do not well refer to that which was borne, but rather it ought to be referred to him that did bear it. S. Austin's meaning is this: that it is not read any where in the Bible, that this carnal David, the son of jesse, did bear himself in his hands, but of that spiritual David which overthrew Goliath the devil: that is, of Christ our saviour, the son of the virgin it may well be found literally, that he bore himself in his own hands after a certain manner, 
Ferebatur, quodam modo in manibus suis. Aug. i. Christ was borne in his own hands sacramentally.  namely in carrying the Sacrament of himself. And note that S. Austen hath these words [quodam modo] after a certain manner: which manifestly doth declare how the Doctors meaning is to be taken.  Smith. 
When then was he borne in his own hands, and after what letter?  Rid. 
He was borne in the supper sacramentally, when he said: This is my body.  Smith. 
Every man may bear in his own hands a 
* A figure he may bear but not a sacrament.  figure of his body.  
But Augustine denieth that David could carry himself in his hands.  
Ergo, he speaketh of no figure of his body.  Rid. 
It Austen could have found in all the Scripture that David had carried the sacrament of his body, than he would never have used that exposition of Christ.  Smith. 
But he did bear himself in his own hands:  
Ergo he did not bear a figure only.  Rid. 
He did bear himself, but in a Sacrament: and Austen afterward addeth [quodam modo] that is, Sacramentally.  Smith. 

Quodam modo.  You understand not what Austen meant when he said [quodam modo:] For he meant that he did bear his very true body in that supper, not in figure and form of a body, but in form and figure of bread.  
Ergo, you are holden fast, neither are ye able to escape out of his labyrinth.  
Doctor Weston repeated this place again in English. Which done, then Doct. Tresham thus began to speak, moved (as it seemed to M. Ridley) with great zeal, and desired that he might be in stead of john Baptist in converting the hearts of the fathers, and in reducing the said B. Ridley again to the mother church. Now at the first, not knowing the person, he thought he had been some good old man, which had the zeal of God, although not according to knowledge, and began to answer him with mansuetude and reverence. But afterward he smelled a fox under a sheeps clothing.  

D. Tresham prayeth for converting Ridley.  GOd almighty grant that it may be fulfilled in me, that was spoken by the Prophet Malachy of john Baptist, which may turn the hearts of the Fathers to the children, and the hearts of the children to their fathers, that you at length may be converted. The wise man saith: Son, honour thy father and reverence thy mother. But you dishonour your father in heaven, and pollute your mother the holy church here on earth, while ye set not by her.  Rid, 
These by words do pollute your school.  Tres. 
If there were an Arrian which had that subtle wit that you have, 
The decree of Lateran Council alleged for transubstantiation.  he might soon shift of the authority of the scriptures and fathers.  West. 
Either dispute, or else hold your peace, I pray you.  Tres. 
I bring a place here out of the Council of Laterane, the which Counsel representing the universal Church, wherein were congregated 300. Bishops & 〈◊〉. 
Of thi● Counc●●● read 〈◊〉  Metropolitans, besides a great multitude of other, decreed the bread & wine, by the power of God's word, was transubstantiate into the body & blood of the Lord. Therefore whosoever saith contrary cannot be a child of the church, but an heretic.  Rid. 
Good Sir, I have heard what you have cited out of the Council of Laterane, and remember that there was a great multitude of Bishops and metropolitans, as you said: but yet you have not numbered how many Abbots, Priors, and Friars were in that council, who were to the number of 800.  One of the Scribes. 
What, 
One o● Scribes 〈…〉 B. Ridl●●  will you deny then the authority of that Counsel for the multitude of those Priors?  Rid. 
No sir, not so much for that cause, as for that especially, because the doctrine of that Council agreed not with the word of God as it may well appear by the acts of that Council which was held under Innocentius the third, 
Of thi● 〈◊〉 read 〈◊〉  a man (if we believe the histories) most pernicious to the church and common wealth of Christ.  Tres. 
What, do you not receive the Council of Lateran? Whereupon he with certain other cried, Scribite, scribite, Writ, writ.  Rid. 
No sir, I receive not that Council: Scribite, & rescribite: Writ, and write again. 
B. Rid●●● rejected the Co●●●cell of terane. 〈◊〉 Good 〈◊〉 do eat 〈◊〉 very tru● body of 〈◊〉 Christ b● sacramentally and sp●●ritually. August. 5. contra Donatist cap. 8.   Tres. 
Evil men do eat the natural body of Christ:  
Ergo the true and natural body of Christ is on the aultare.  Rid. 
Evil men do eat the very true and natural body of Christ sacramentally, and no further, as S. Augustine saith: but good men do eat the very true body both sacramentally and spiritually by grace.  Tres. 
I prove the contrary by S. Austen, Lib. 5. contra Donatistas' Cap. 8. Sicut enim judas, cui buccellulam Dominus tradidit, non malum accipiendo, sed malè accipiendo peccavit. etc. Like as judas, to whom the Lord gave the morsel did offend, not in taking a thing that was evil, but in receiving it after an evil manner. etc. And a little after, Quia aliquis non ad salutem manducat, non ideo non est corpus. i. Because some do not eat unto salvation, it followeth not therefore that it is not his body. 
Manduca● panem D●●mini. & ●●●nem Do●●●num▪ 〈◊〉   Rid. 
It is the body to them, that is, the sacrament of the body: and judas took the sacrament of the Lord to his condemnation. Austen hath distincted these things well in an other place, where he saith: Panem Domini, & panem Dominum. Mali manducant panem Domini, non panem dominum: boni autem manducant & panem Domini, & panem Dominum. That is. The bread of the Lord, the bread the Lord. Evil men eat the bread of the Lord, but not bread the Lord. But good men eat both the bread of the Lord and bread the Lord.  West. 
Paul saith, the body, and you say, the sacrament of the body. 
This 〈◊〉 spoke in Englishe●   Rid. 
Paul meaneth so in deed.  Wat. 
You understand it evil concerning the sign: for the Fathers say, that evil men do eat him which descended from heaven. 
The old Doctors use many times th● Sacrament for the 〈◊〉 of th● Sacrament Theophi●lact. alleged.   Rid. 
They eat him indeed, but sacramentally. The Father's use many times the sacrament, for the matter of the sacrament, and all that same place maketh against you: and so here he cited the place.  West. 
I bring Theophilacte, which saith, that judas did taste the body of the lord Ostendit Dominus crudelitatem judae, qui cum argueretur, non intellexit, & gustavit carnem Domini. etc. id est. The Lord did show the cruelty of judas, which, when he was rebuked, did not understand, and tasted the lords flesh. etc.  Rid. 
This phrase to Divines is well known, 
Aunswe●●  and used of the Doctors. He tasted the flesh of the Lord Insensibiliter, Insensibly, that is the sacrament of the lords flesh.  West. 
chrysostom saith, that the same punishment remaineth to them which receive the body of the Lord unworthily, as to them which crucified him. 
Chrisost▪ alleged▪   Rid. 
That is, because they defile the lords body: for evil men do eat the body of Christ sacramentally, 
Chrisost▪ expound●●  but good men eat both the sacrament, and the matter of the Sacrament.  Wat. 
You reject the Council of Laterane, 
The Cou●●cell of 〈◊〉 alleged.  because (you say) it agreeth not with God's word. What say you then to the Council of Nice? The words of the Council be these:  
Ne humiliter spectemus propositum panem & potum, sed exaltata mente fideliter credamus iacere in illa sacra mensa agnum Dei tollentem peccata mundi à sacerdotibus sacrificatum. Let us not not look allow by the ground upon the bread and the drink set before us, but lifting up our mind, let us faithfully believe, there upon the holy table to lie the Lamb of God taking away the sins of the world, being sacrificed of the priests.  Rid. 
That Council was collected out of ancient Fathers and is to me of great authority, for it saith: Positum esse panem in alt●ri, & exaltata mente considerandum eum qui in coelis est. i. That bread is set upon the aultare, and having our minds 〈◊〉 up, we must consider him which is in heaven. The words of the Council make for me.  Wat. 
(Exaltata mente) with a mind exalted: That is, not as brute beasts at the rack or manger, having an eye only upon the thing that is set before them. Agnus Dei jacet in mensa: the 
 Lamb of God lieth on the table, sayeth the Council.  Rid. 
The Lamb of God is in heaven, according to the verity of the body: and here he is with us in a mystery, according to his power, not corporally.  Wat. 
But the Lamb of God lieth on the table.  Rid. 
It is a figurative speech, for in our mind we understand him which is in heaven.  Wat. 
But he lieth there, the Greek word is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Rid. 
He lieth, there that is, he is there present, not corporally, but he lieth there in his operation.  Wat. 
He lieth, but his operation lieth not.  Rid. 
You think very grossly of the sitting or lying of the Celestial Lamb on the Table of the Lord. For we may not imagine any such sitting or lying on the table, as the reason of man would judge: but all things are here to be understand spiritually. For that heavenly Lamb is (as I confess) on the table, but by a spiritual presence, by grace, and not after any corporal substance of his flesh taken of the virgin Mary.  
And indeed the same Canon doth very plainly teach, that the bread which is set on the table, is material bread, and therefore it (the Canon I mean) commandeth that we should not creep on the ground in our cogitation, 
 to these things which are set before us, as who should say, what other things are they (as much as pertaineth to their true substance) than bread and wine? but rather (saith the Canon) lifting up our minds into heaven, let us consider with faith the Lamb of God, which taketh away the sins of the world, sitting or lying upon the table. For a lifted up faith saith he seethe him, which sitteth on the right hand of God the father, after the true manner of a body, set by grace on the lords Table, and taking away the sins of the world. For I think you mean not so, as though the Lamb did lie there prostrate with his members spread upon the table.  Smith. 
I bring an other place out of the Council of Nice, Nullus Apostolorum dixit, 
another place of Nicene Coun●ell alleged.  haec est figura corporis Christi, Nullus venerabilium praesbyterorum dixit incruentum altaris sacrificium figuram: Ergo. etc. That is. None of the Apostles said, this is a figure of the body of Christ: None of the reverend Elders said, the unbloody sacrifice of the altar to be a figure.  
Ergo, you are deceived.  Rid. 
This canon is not in the Council of Nice. For I have read over this Council many times.  
Then came in an other whom M. Ridley knew not, & said, 
 the universal church both of the Greeks & Latins of the East and of the West, have agreed in the Council of Florence uniformably in the doctrine of the sacrament, that in the Sacrament of the Altar there is the true and real Body.  Rid. 
I deny the Greek and the East Church to have agreed either in the Council at Florence, or at any time else with the Romish Church in the doctrine of Transubstantiation of bread into the body of Christ. For there was nothing in the Council of Florence, wherein the Greeks would agree with the romanists: albeit hitherto I confess it was left free for every Church to use, as they were wont, leavened or unleavened bread.  
Here cried out D. Cole, & said, they agreed together concerning transubstantiation of bread into the body of Christ. M. Ridley said, that could not be.  

 Here start up an other unknown to M. Ridley, but thought to be one of the Scribes, who affirmed with him, that in deed there was nothing decreed concerning transubstantiation, but the Council left that, as a matter not meet nor worthy to disturb the peace and concord of the church. To whom M. Ridley answered again, saying: that he said the truth. 
  Pie. 
What say you to that council, where it is said, that the Priest doth offer an unbloody sacrifice of the Body of Christ?  Rid. 
I say, it is well said, if it be rightly understand.  Pie. 
But he offereth an unbloody sacrifice.  Rid. 
It was called unbloody, and is offered after a certain manner, and in a mystery, and as a representation of that bloody sacrifice, and he doth not lie which saith, Christ to be offered.  West. 
I with one argument will throw down to the ground your opinion, out of chrysostom, 

Sacrifice called unbloody is nothing else but a representation of the bloody Sacrifice of Christ.  
Weston playeth Golyah with David.  
This argument after the disposition & terms, as it standeth, i● not formal.   Homi. 24. in. 1. ad Corinth. and I will teach, not only a figure or sign, or grace only▪ but the very same body which was here conversant in the earth, to be in the Eucharist.  
We worship the self same body in the Eucharist, which the wise men did worship in the manger.  
But that was his natural & real body, not spiritual:  
Ergo the real body of Christ is in the Eucharist.  
Again, the same chrysostom saith: We have not here the Lord in the manger, but on the aultare. Here a woman holdeth him not in her hands, but a priest.  Rid. 
We worship I confess, the same true Lord and Saviour of the world, which the wise men worshipped in the manger, howbeit we do it in mystery, and in the sacrament of the lords supper, and that in spiritual liberty, as saith S. Aust Lib: 3. de doctrina Christiana: not in carnal servitude: that is, we do not worship servilely the signs for the things: for that should be, as he also saith, a part of a servile infirmity. But we behold with the eyes of faith, him present after grace and spiritually set upon the Table: and we worship him which sitteth above, & is worshipped o● the Angels, For Christ is always assistant to his mysteries, as the said August. saith. And the divine majesty, as saith Cyprian, doth never absent itself from the divine mysteries, but this assistance and presence of Christ, as in Baptism is wholly spiritual, and by grace, and not by any corporal substance of the flesh: even so is it here in the Lord's supper, being rightly & according to the word of God duly ministered,  West. 
That which the woman did hold in her womb, the same thing holdeth the priest.  Rid. 
I grant the priest holdeth the same thing, but after an other manner. She did hold the natural body: 
The same thing but the manner divers.  the priest holdeth the mystery of the body.  West. 
Weston repeated again his argument out of chrysostom in English.  Rid. 
I say that the author meant it spiritually.  West. 
Weston here dissolving the disputations, had these words: Videtis praefractum hominis animum, gloriosum, vafrum, inconstantem: videtis hody veritatis vires inconcussas, Ita que clamate: Vicit veritas: that is, Here you see, the stubborn, the glorious the crafty, the unconstant mind of this man. 
D. Weston bloweth up the triumph.  Here you see this day, that the strength of the truth is with our foil. Therefore I beseech you all most earnestly to blow the note, and he began, and they followed. Verity hath the victory: verity hath the victory.   

¶ The disputation had at Oxford, the 18. day of April. 1554. between Master Hugh Latimer Aunswerer, and Master Smyth and other Opposers.  
AFter these disputations of Bishop Ridly ended, next was brought out Master Hugh Latimer to dispute, 
M. Hugh Latimer disputeth.  upon Wednesday, which was the eighteenth day of April. Which disputation began at eight of the clock, in such form as before: but it was most in English. For master Latimer the answerer alleged that he was out of use with the Latin, and unfit for that place. 
April. 18.   
There replied unto him M Smith of Orial college. Doctor Cartwright, master Harpsfield, 
M. Smith of Oriall College Opponent to M. Latimer.  and divers other had snatches at him, and gave him bitter taunts. He escaped no hissinges and scornful laughings, no more than they that went before him. He was very faint, and desired that he might not long tarry. He durst not drink, for fear of vomiting. The disputation ended before xi. of the clock. Master Latimer was not suffered to read, that he had (as he said) painfully written: but it was exhibited up, 
M. Latimers' writings could not be read.  and the Prolocutor read part thereof, and so proceeded unto the disputation.   

¶ The Preface of Weston unto the disputation following.  
MEn and brethren, we are come together this day (by the help of God) to vanquish the strength of the Arguments, and dispersed opinions of adversaries, 
Westons preface.  against the truth of the real presence of the lords body in the sacrament. And therefore, you father, if you have any thing to answer, I do admonish that you answer in short and few words.  Lat. 
I pray you good master Prolocutor, 
M. Latimer requireth to dispute in the English tongue.  do not exact that of me, which is not in me, I have not these xx. years much used the Latin tongue.  West. 
Take your ease father.  Lat. 
I thank you Sir, I am well. Let me here protest my faith: for I am not able to dispute, & afterwards do your pleasure with me.   

¶ The protestation of master Hugh Latimet, given up in writing to Doctor Weston.  
The conclusions whereunto I must answer, are these.  

The three conclusions.  1 The first is, that in the sacrament of the Altar, by the virtue of God's word pronounced by the Priest, there is really present, the natural body of Christ, conceived of the virgin Mary, under the kinds of the appearances of bread and wine: and in like manner his blood.  
2 The second is, that after consecration, there remaineth no substance of bread and wine, nor none other substance, but the substance of God and man.  
3 The third is, that in the Mass there is the lively sacrifice of the church, which is propiciable, as well for the sins of the quick, as of the dead.  

The answers of M. Latimer given up in writing concerning the questions aforesaid.  COncerning the first conclusion, me thinketh it is set forth with certain new found terms, that be obscure, and do not sound according to the speech of the scripture. Howbeit, howsoever I understand it, this I do answer plainly, though not without peril: I answer (I say) that to the right celebration of the lords supper, there is no other presence of Christ required, than a spiritual presence: 
The presence of Christ in the sacrament, how it is a real presence.  and this presence is sufficient for a Christian man, as a presence by which we abide in Christ, and Christ abideth in us, to the obtaining of eternal life, if we persever. And this same presence may be called most fitly, a real presence, that is, a presence not feigned, but a true and a faithful presence. Which thing I here rehearse, lest some Sycophant or scorner should suppose me with the Anabaptistes, to make nothing else of the Sacrament, but a naked and a bare sign. As for that, which is feigned of many concerning their corporal presence, I for my part take it but for a papistical invention, and therefore think it utterly to be rejected.  
Concerning the second conclusion, I dare be bold to say, 
Answer to the 2. conclusion.  that it hath no stay or ground in God's word, but is a thing invented and found out by man: and therefore to be taken as fond and false: and I had almost said, as the Mother and Nurse of the other errors. It were good for my Lords & masters of the transubstantiation, to take heed lest they conspire with the nestorians, for I do not see how they can avoid it.  
The third conclusion (as I do understand it) seemeth subtly to sow sedition against the offering which Christ himself offered for us in his own proper person, 
Answer to the 3. conclusion.  according to that pithy place of Paul. Hebre. 1. when he saith: That Christ his own self hath made purgation of our sins. And afterwards: That he might (saith he) be a merciful and a faithful Bishop, concerning those things which are to be done with God, 
Heb. 1. The taking away of sins dependeth rather in the person of the offerer then in the thing offered, but that he that was the offerer was offered himself.  for the taking away of our sins. So that the expiation or taking away of our sins, may be thought rather to depend on this: that Christ was an offering Bishop, then that he was offered, were it not that he was offered of himself: and therefore it is needless that he should be offered of any other. I will speak nothing of the wonderful presumption of man, to dare to attempt this thing without a manifest vocation, specially in that it tendeth to the overthrowing and making fruitless (if not wholly, yet partly) of the Cross of Christ: for truly it is no base or mean thing, to offer Christ. And therefore worthily a man may say to my Lords and masters the offerers: By what authority do ye this? And who gave you this authority? Where? when? A man can not (saith the Baptist) take any thing, except it be given him from above: much less than may any man presume to usurp any honour, before he be thereto called. Again, If any man sin (saith S. joh.) we have (saith he) not a masser or offerer at home, 
1. john. 2.  which can sacrifice for us at mass: but we have (saith he) an advocate jesus Christ, which once offered himself long ago: of which offering, the efficacy and effect is perdurable for ever, so that it is needles to have such offerers.  
What meaneth Paul, when he saith: They that serve at the altar, are partakers of the altar? and so addeth: So the lord hath ordained, that they that preach the Gospel, shall live of the Gospel Whereas he should have said: The Lord hath ordained, that they that sacrifice at mass, should live of their sacrificing, that there might be a living assigned to our sacrificers now, 
The sacrificing Priesthood changed into a Preaching Priesthood.  as was before Christ's coming, to the jewish Priests. For now they have nothing to allege for their living, as they that be Preachers have. So that it appeareth, that the sacrificing Priesthood is changed by God's ordinance, into a preaching Priesthood, and the sacrificing Priesthood should cease utterly, saving in as much as all Christian men are sacrificing priests.  
The supper of the Lord was instituted to provoke us to thanks giving, for the offering which the Lord himself did offer for us, 
The 〈◊〉 cause 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 Supper 〈◊〉 o●●deyned.  much rather than that our Offciers should do there as they do. Feed (saith Peter) as much ●s ye may, the flock of Christ: nay rather let us sacrifice as much as we may, for the flock of Christ. If so be the matter be as now men make it, I can never wonder enough, that Peter would or could forget this office of sacrificing, which at this day is in such a price and estimation, that to feed is almost nothing with many. If thou cease from feeding the flock, how shalt thou be taken? truly catholic enough. But if thou cease from sacrificing and massing, 
Sacrifie●● taketh away preaching.  how will that be taken? at the least I warrant thee, thou shalt be called an heretic. And whence I pray you, come these papistical judgements? Except perchance they think a man feedeth the flock, in sacrificing for them: and than what needeth there any learned pastors? 
Preposterous judgement of ●●piste●.  For no man is so foolish, but soon may he learn to sacrifice and mass it.  
Thus lo, I have taken the more pain to write, because I refused to dispute, in consideration of my debility thereunto: that all men may know, how that I have so done not without great pains, having not any man to help me, as I have never before been debarred to have. O sir, 
M. Lati●●● found 〈◊〉 audience with 〈◊〉 & Princ●● then wi●● rustical 〈◊〉.  you may chance to live till you come to this age and weakness that I am of. I have spoken in my time before 2. kings, more than one, two or three hours together, without interruption: but now that I may speak the truth (by your leave) I could not be suffered to declare my mind before you, no, not by the space of a quarter of an hour, without snatches, revilings, checks, rebukes, taunts, such as I have not felt the like, in such an audience, all my life long. Surely it can not be, but an heinous offence that I have given. But what was it? Forsooth I had spoken of the four marowbones of the Mass. The which kind of speaking, I never read to be a sin against the holy ghost,  
I could not be allowed to show what I meant by my Metaphor: But sir now (by your favour) I will tell your mastership what I mean.  
The first is the Popish consecration: which hath been called a God's body making. 
The 4. Marybones the 〈◊〉 by M. Latimer 〈◊〉.   
The second is Transubstantiation.  
The third is the Missal oblation.  
The fourth adoration.  
These chief and principal portions, parts & points belonging or incident to the mass, 
Con●ec●●tion. Transub●t●ation. Oblation. Adorati●●  and most esteemed and had in price in the same, I call the marowbones of the mass, which in deed you by force, might, and violence intrude in sound of words in some of the scripture, with racking and cramping, injuring, and wronging the same: but else in deed, plain out of the scripture, as I am thoroughly persuaded, although in disputation I could now nothing do, to persuade the same to others, being both unapt to study and also to make a show of my former study, in such readiness as should be requisite to the same.  
I have heard much talk of master Doctor Weston to and fro, in my time: 
The judgement of Latimer D. 〈◊〉  but I never knew your person to my knowledge, till I came before you, as the Queen's majesties Commissioner. I pray God send you so right judgement, as I perceive you have a great wit, great learning, with many other qualities. God give you grace ever well to use them, 
Pride of Westo● 〈◊〉 touched.  and ever to have in remembrance that he that dwelleth on high, looketh on the low things on the earth: and that there is no counsel against the Lord: and also that this world hath been, and yet is a tottering world. And yet again, that though we must obey the princes, yet that hath this limitation, namely, in the lord 
Obedie●●● to Prince hath 〈…〉  For who so doth obey them against the Lord, they be most pernicious to them, and the greatest adversaries that they have: for they so procure God's vengeance upon them, if God be only the ruler of things.  
There be some so corrupt in mind, the truth being taken from them, that they think gains to be godliness: Great learned men, and yet men of no learning, 
Knowle●●● without Christ, mere ig●●●raunce.  but of railing and raging about questions and strife of words, I call them men of no learning, because they know not Christ, how much else so ever they know. And on this sort we are wont to call great learned clerks, being ignorant of Christ, unlearned men: for it is nothing but plain ignorance, 
Many 〈◊〉 be which under p●●tense of Christ, darken 〈◊〉 glory o● Christ.  to know any thing without Christ: where as who so knoweth Christ, the same hath knowledge enough, although in other knowledge he be to seek. The Apostle S. Paul confesseth of himself to the Corinthians, that he did know nothing, but jesus Christ crucified. Many men babble many things of Christ which yet know not Christ● but pretending Christ, do craftily colour and darken his glory. Depart from such men, saith the Apostle S. Paul to Timothy.  
It is not out of the way to remember what S. Augustine saith. The place where, I now well remember not, except it be against the Epistles of Petilian: 
 Who so ever (saith he) teacheth any thing necessarily to be believed, which is not contained in the old or new Testament, the same is accursed. Oh beware of this curse if you be wise. I am much deceived if Basilius have not such like words: 
〈◊〉.  What so ever (saith he) is besides the holy scripture, if the same be taught as necessarily to be believed, that is sin. Oh therefore take heed of this sin.  
There be some that speak many false things more probable, and more like to the truth, then to the truth itself. Therefore Paul giveth a watch word: Let no man (saith he) deceive you with probability and persuasions of words. But what mean you (saith one) by this talk so far from the matter? Well, I hope good masters, you will suffer an old man a little to play the child, and to speak one thing twice. Oh Lord God, you have changed the most holy Communion, into a private action: and you deny to the laity the lords cup contrary to Christ's commandment, 
The 〈◊〉 of the 〈…〉 in 〈◊〉 the ●ords Supper.  and you do blemish the annunciation of the lords death till he come: for you have changed the Common prayer called the divine service, with the administration of the sacraments, from the vulgar and known language, into a strange tongue, contrary to the will of the Lord revealed in his word. God open the door of your hart, to see the things you should see herein. I would as fain obey my sovereign as any in this realm: but in these things I can never do it with an upright conscience. God be merciful unto us. Amen.  Weston. 
Then refuse you to dispute? Will you here then subscribe?  Lat. 
No good master, I pray you be good to an old man. You may (if it please God) be once old, as I am: ye may come to this age, and to this debility.  West. 

But God saw it good that Weston 〈◊〉 c●me to his age.  Ye said upon saturday last, that ye could not find the mass, nor the marrowbones thereof in your book: but we will find a mass in that book.  Lat. 
No good M. Doctor, ye cannot.  West. 
What find you then there?  Lat. 
Forsooth a Communion I find there.  West. 
Which Communion, 
* 
By this first and second communion, he meaneth the two 〈◊〉 of ●●blicke 〈◊〉 set forth in 〈◊〉 Edward's days 〈◊〉 one in 〈◊〉 beginning, the 〈◊〉 in the 〈◊〉 end of 〈◊〉 reign. 〈◊〉 Weston 〈…〉 the 〈◊〉, of the ●ords Supper.  
〈…〉 Do●●nica ●hrisost. in Cor. cap.   the first or the last?  Lat. 
I find no great diversity in them: they are one supper of the Lord, but I like the last very well.  West. 
Then the first was nought belike.  Lat. 
I do not well remember wherein they differ.  West. 
Then cake bread & loaf bread are all one with you. Ye call it the Supper of the Lord, but you are deceived in that: for they had done the supper before, and therefore the Scripture saith: Postquam coenatum est, that is, After they had supped. For ye know that S. Paul findeth fault with the Corrinthians, for that some of them were drunken at this supper: and ye know no man can be drunken at your Communion.  Lat. 
The first was called Coena judaica, that is, The jewish Supper, when they did eat the paschal Lamb together: the other was called Coena dominica, that is, The lords supper.  West. 
That is false, for chrysostom denieth that. And S. Ambrose in cap. 19 prioris ad Corinthios, saith, that Mysterium Eucharistiae inter coenandum datum, non est coena dominica: that is, The mystery of the sacrament, given as they were at supper, is not the supper of the Lord.  
And Gregory Nazianzene saith the same: Rursus Pasche sacra cum discipulis in coenaculo ac post coenam, dieque unica ante passionem celebrat. Nos verò ea in orationis domibus, & ante coenam & post resurrectionem peragimus: that is, Again, he kept he holy feast of passover with his Disciples in the dining chamber after the supper, 
●reg Na●●●zenus.  and one day before his passion. But we keep it both in the Churches and houses of prayer, both before the supper, and also after the resurrection.  

〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 1. 〈…〉 ●eastes 〈◊〉 wont 〈◊〉 be given the 〈…〉 in his 〈◊〉.  And that first Supper was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, can you tell what that is?  Lat. 
I understand no Greek. Yet I think it meaneth charity.  West. 
Will you have all thing done that Christ did then? Why, then must the Priest be hanged on the morrow. And where find you I pray you, that a woman should receive the sacrament?  Lat. 
Will you give me leave to turn my book? I find it in the xi. chapter to the Corinthians. I trow these be his words: Probetautem seipsum homo, etc.  
I pray you good master what Gender is homo▪  West. 
Marry the common gender.  Cole. 
It is in the Greek, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 1. Cor. 11.   Har. 
It is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, vir.  Lat. 
It is in my book of Erasmus translation, Probet seipsum homo.  Feck. 
It is Probet seipsum in deed, and therefore it importeth the Masculine gender.  Latimer. 
What then? I trow when the woman touched Christ, he said: Quis tetigit me? Scio quod aliquis me tetigit: that is, Who touched me? I know that some man touched me.  Weston. 
I will be at host with you anon. When Christ was at his supper, none were with him, 
Argument.  but his Apostles only.  
Ergo, he meant no woman, if you will have this institution kept.  Lati. 
In the twelve Apostles was represented the whole Church, 
The Apostles represented the whole Church.  in which you will grant both men and women to be.  West. 
So through the whole heretical translated Bible, ye never make mention of Priest, 
Weston scorneth the name of Minister.  till ye come to the putting of Christ to death. Where find you then that a priest or minster, (a minstrel I may call him well enough) should do it of necessity?  Lat. 
A minister is a more fit name for that office, 
The name of Minister more fit than the name of Priest.  for the name of a priest importeth a sacrifice.  West. 
Well, remember that ye cannot find that a woman may receive by scripture. M. Opponent fall to it.  Smith. 
Because I perceive that this charge is laid upon my neck, to dispute with you: to the end that the same may go forward after a right manner and order, I will propose three questions, so as they are put forth unto me. And first I ask this question of you, although the same in deed ought not to be called in question: but such is the condition of the Church, that it is always vexed of the wicked sort. I ask (I say) whether Christ's body be really in the sacrament?  Lat. 
I trust I have obtained of M. Prolocutor, that no man shall exact that thing of me, which is not in me. 
M. Latimer modestly maketh himself unable to dispute.  And I am sorry that this worshipful audience should be deceived of their expectation for my sake. I have given up my mind in writing to M. Prolocutor.  Smith. 
Whatsoever ye have given up, it shall be registered among the Acts.  Latimer. 
Disputation requireth a good memory: Ast abolita est mihi memoria, My memory is gone clean, and marvelously weakened, and never the better I wis for the prison.  West. 
How long have ye been in prison?  Lat. 
These three quarters of this year.  West. 
And I was in prison six years.  Lat. 
The more pity Sir.  West. 
How long have you been of this opinion?  Lat. 
It is not long sir that I have been of this opinion.  Weston. 
The time hath been when you said Mass full devoutly.  Lat. 
Yea, I cry God mercy heartily for it.  West. 
Where learned you this new fangleness? 
Then they hist and clapped their hands at him. M. Latimer confirmed by Doct. Cranmers book.   Lat. 
I have long sought for the truth in this matter of the Sacrament, and have not been of this mind past seven years: and my L. of Canterbury his book hath especially confirmed my judgement herein. If I could remember all therein contained, I would not fear to answer any man in this matter.  Tres. 
There are in that book six hundred errors.  West. 
You were once a Lutheran.  Lat●. 
No, I was a Papist: For I never could perceive how Luther could defend his opinion without transubstantiation. 

The zeal of M. Latymer sometimes in Popery against the Tygurines.  
In that book the devil doth not dissuade him so much from saying Mass, as to bring him to desperation for saying Mass, such temptations many times happen to good men.   The Tigurines once did write a book against Luther, and I oft desired God that he might live so long to make them answer.  Weston. 
Luther in his book De privata Missa, said, that the devil reasoned with him, and persuaded him that the Mass was not good. Fol. 14. Contigit me, etc. Whereof it may appear, that Luther said Mass, and the devil dissuaded him from it.  Lat. 
I do not take in hand here to defend Luther's sayings or doings. If he were here, he would defend himself well enough I trow. I told you before that I am not meet for disputations. I pray you read mine answer, wherein I have declared my faith.  West. 
Do you believe this, as you have written?  Lat. 
Yea Sir.  West. 
Then have you no faith.  Lat. 
Then would I be sorry Sir.  Tres. 
It is written, john. 6. Except ye shall eat the flesh of the son of man, and drink his blood, ye shall have no life in you. 
Here Tresham b●gan to dispute in Latin.  Which when the Capernaites and many of Christ's disciples heard, they said, This is a hard saying, etc. Now that the truth may the better appear, here I ask of you, whether Christ speaking these words, did mean of his flesh to be eaten with the mouth, or of the spiritual eating of the same?  Lat. 
I answer (as Augustine understandeth) that Christ meant of the spiritual eating of his flesh.  Tres. 
Of what flesh meant Christ, his true flesh, or no?  Lat. 
Of his true flesh, spiritually to be eaten in the supper by faith, and not corporally.  Tres. 
Of what flesh meant the Capernaites?  Latimer. 
Of his true flesh also: but to be eaten with the mouth.  Tresh. 
They (as ye confess) did mean his true flesh, to be taken with the mouth. 
D. Treshams' argument without form or mode, concluding affirmatively in the 2. figure.  And Christ also (as I shall prove) did speak of the receiving of his flesh with the mouth.  
Ergo, they both did understand it of the eating of one thing, which is done by the mouth of the body.  Lat. 
I say, Christ understood it not of the bodily mouth: but of the mouth of the spirit, mind, and hart.  Tres. 
I prove the contrary: that Christ understandeth it of the eating with the bodily mouth. For where as custom is a right good mistress and interpreter of things, 
D Tresham flieth to Custom.  and where as the acts put in practice by Christ, do certainly declare those things which he first spoke: Christ's deeds in his supper, where he gave his body to be taken with the mouth, together with the custom which hath been ever since that time, of that eating which is done with the mouth, doth evidently infer that Christ did understand his words here cited of me out of the vj. of john, of the eating with the mouth.  Lat. 
He gave not his body to be received with the mouth, but he gave the sacrament of his body to be received with the mouth: 
The Sacrament given to the mouth the body to saith.  he gave the sacrament to the mouth, his body to the mind.  Tresham. 
But my reason doth conclude, that Christ spoke concerning his flesh to be received with the corporal mouth: for otherwise (which God forbidden) he had been a deceiver, and had been offensive to the Capernaites and his Disciples, if he had not meant in this point, as they thought he meant: for if he had thought as you do fain, it had been an easy matter for him to have said: 
* And what doth Christ else mean by these words where he saith▪ My words be spirit & life: the flesh pro●●teth nothing.  You shall not eat my flesh with your mouth, but the Sacrament of my flesh: that is to say, ye shall receive with your mouth, not the thing itself, but the figure of the thing, and thus he might have satisfied them: but so he said not, but continued in the truth of his words, as he was wont: Therefore Christ meant the self same thing that the Capernaits did, I mean concerning the thing itself to be received with the mouth: videlicet, that his true flesh is truly to be eaten with the mouth. Moreover, for as much as you do expound for (corpus Christi) the body of Christ (Sacramentum corporis Christi) the sacrament of the body of Christ, & hereby do suppose that we obtain but a spiritual union, or union of the mind between us and Christ, plain it is that you are deceived in this thing, and do err from the mind of the Fathers: for they affirm by plain and express words, that we are corporally and carnally joined together. And these be the words of Hyllarie: Si verè igitur carnem corporis nostri Christus assumpsit, & verè homo ille, qui ex Maria natus fuit, nos quoque verè sub mysterio carnem corporis sui sumimus, & per haec unum erimus, quia pater in eo est, & ille in nobis. Quomodo voluntatis unitas asseritur, cum naturalis per sacramentum proprietas perfectè Sacramentum sit unitatis? That is, Therefore if Christ did truly take the flesh of our body upon him, and the same man be Christ in deed which was borne of Mary, than we also do receive under a mystery, the flesh of his body in deed, and thereby shall become one, because the father is in him, and he in us. How is the unity of will affirmed, when a natural propriety, by the sacrament is a perfect Sacrament of unity?  
Thus far hath Hyllarie. Lo here you see how manifestly these words confound your assertion. 
M. Latimer charged to preach the contrary doctrine before the king at Greenwich.  To be short I myself have heard you preaching at Greenwich, before king Henry the eight, where you did openly affirm, that no Christian man ought to doubt of the true and real presence of Christ's body in the Sacrament, for as much as he had the word of Scripture on his side, (videlicet, Hoc est corpus meum: This is my body: whereby he might be confirmed. But now there is the same truth: the word of Scripture hath the self same thing which it then had. Therefore why do you deny at this present, that whereof it was not lawful once to doubt before when you taught it?  Lat. 
Will you give me leave to speak?  Tres. 
Speak Latin I pray you, for ye can do it if ye li●t, promptly enough.  Lat. 
I can not speak Latin so long and so largely. Master Prolocutor hath given me leave to speak English: And as for the words of Hyllarie, I think they make not so much for you. But he that shall answer the Doctors, had not need to be in my case, but should have them in a readiness, and know their purpose. Melancthon saith, if the Doctors had foreseen that they should have been so taken in this controversy, 
Melancto judgement of the o●d Doctors  they would have written more plainly.  Smyth. 
I will reduce the words of hylary into the form of a Syllogism.  
Da- Such as is the unity of our flesh with Christ's flesh, such, 
Arguments  (yea greater) is the unity of Christ with the Father.  
ti- But the unity of Christ's flesh with ours, is true and substantial:  
si. Ergo, the unity of Christ with the Father is true and substantial.  Lat. 
I understand you not.  Seat. 
I know your learning well enough, & how subtle ye be: I will use a few words with you, and that out of Cyprian, De coena Domini. The old Testament doth forbid the drinking of blood. 
D. Seton reasoneth against M. Latimer 〈◊〉 of S. Cyprian.  The new Testament doth command the drinking and tasting of blood: but where doth it command the drinking of blood?  Lat. 
In these words: Bibite ex hoc omnes: that is, Drink ye all of this.  Seat. 
Then we taste true blood.  Latimer. 
We do taste true blood, but spiritually: and this is enough.  Seat. 
Nay, the old and new Testament in this do 
By that reason the ne● & old testament should not differ, but should be contra●● one from the other, which can●not be tru● in natural or moral precepts.  differ: for the one doth command, and the other doth forbid to drink blood.  Lat. 
It is true as touching the matter, but not as touching the manner of the thing.  Seat. 
Then there is no difference between the drinking of blood in the new Testament, and that of the old: for they also drank spiritually.  Latimer. 
And we drink spiritually also, but a more precious blood.  West. 
Augustine upon the 45. Psalm, saith: Securè bibite sanguinem quem fudistis. i. Drink boldly the blood which ye have poured out.  
Ergo, it is blood.  Lat. 
I never denied it, nor never will go from it, 

Edere in some place is taken fo● credere: b● that in all places it is so taken 〈◊〉 followeth not.  
This place of the Hebrews aluded to the old Sacrifice of the jews, who in the sea of propitiation the 〈◊〉 day, used carry the flesh of the sacrifice 〈◊〉 of the 〈◊〉 to be burned on an Altar wi●●●out, because none of the which served in the Tabernacle should 〈◊〉 thereof: o●●ly the 〈◊〉 was carry by the 〈◊〉 Priest into the holy place.   but that we drink the very blood of Christ in deed, but spiritually, for the same S. Augustine saith: Crede & manducasti. i. Believe, and thou hast eaten.  West. 
Nay, Credere, non est bibere nec edere. i. To believe, is not to drink or eat. You will not say, I pledge you, when I say, I believe in God. Is not (manducare) to eat, in your learning put for (credere) to believe?  Weston. 
I remember my L. Chancellor demanded M. Hooper of these questions, whether * (Edere) to eat, were (Credere) to believe, and (Altar) an Altar, were Christ, in all the Scripture, etc. And he answered yea.  
Then said my Lord Chancellor: Why, then * Habemus Altare de quo non licet edere. i. We have an Aultare, of which it is not lawful to eat, is as much to say, as Habemus Christum, in quo non licet credere. i. We have a Christ, in whom we may not believe.  Tres. 
Believe, and thou hast eaten, is spoken of the spiritual eating.  Latimer. 
It is true, I do allow your saying: I take it so also.  Weston. 
We are commanded to drink blood in the new Law.  
Ergo, it is very blood.  Lat. 
We drink blood, so as appertaineth to us to drink to our comfort, in sacramental wine. We drink blood Sacramentally: he gave us his blood to drink spiritually, he went about to show, that as certainly as we drink wine, so certainly we drink his blood spiritually.  West. 
Do not you seem to be a papist, which do bring in new words, not found in the scripture? Where find you, that (Sacramentaliter) Sacramentally, in God's book?  Lat. 
It is necessarily gathered upon scripture.  West. 
The old Testament doth forbid the tasting of blood, but the new doth command it.  Lat. 
It is true, not as touching the thing, but as touching the manner thereof.  West. 
Hear ye people, this is the argument.  
That which was forbidden in the old Testament, is commanded in the new.  
To drink blood was forbidden in the old Testament and commanded in the new.  
Ergo, it is very blood that we drink● in the new.  
¶ This argument, because the Mayor thereof is not universal, is not formal, and may well be retorted against West. thus.  
Ce- No natural or moral thing forbidden materially in the old Testament, 
weston's 〈…〉.  is commanded in the new.  
la- To drink man's natural blood, is forbidden materially in the old Testament:  
rent. Ergo, to drink man's natural blood materially, is not commanded in the new.  Lat. 

answer.  It is commanded spiritually to be drunken, I grant it is blood drunken in the new Testament, but we receive it spiritually.  Pie. 
It was not forbidden spiritually in the old law.  Latimer. 
The substance of blood is drunken, but not in one manner.  Pie. 
It doth not require the same manner of drinking.  Lat. 
It is the same thing, not the same manner. I have no more to say.  Weston. 

Chrysost.  Here Weston cited the place of chrysostom, of judas treason: O judae dementia. Ille cum judaeis triginta denarijs paciscebatur, ut Christum venderet, & Christus ei sanguinem, quem vendidit, offerebat: That is, O the madness of judas. He made bargain with the jews for thirty pence to sell Christ, and Christ offered him his blood which he sold.  Lat. 
I grant he offered to judas his blood, which he sold, but in a sacrament.  Weston. 
Because ye can defend your Doctors no better, ye shall see how worshipful men ye hang upon, and one that hath been of your mind, 
●. Cart●ryght ●rged to 〈◊〉. Cartwright returning to 〈◊〉 old 〈◊〉 again.  shall dispute with you. M. Cartwright, I pray you dispute.  Cart. 
Reverend father, because it is given me in commandment to dispute with you, I will do it gladly. But first understand ere we go any further, that I was in the same error that you are in: but I am sorry for it, and do confess myself to have erred. I acknowledge mine offence, and I wish and desire God that you also may repent with me.  Latimer. 

Argumen●●m a poena ●●gis Durun 〈…〉.  Will you give me leave to tell what hath caused M. Doctor here to recant? It is poena legis, the pain of the law, which hath brought you back, and converted you, and many more: the which letteth many to confess God. And this is a great argument, there are few here can dissolve it.  Cartwright. 
That is not my cause, but I will make you this short Argument, by which I was converted from mine errors.  

Argum. a 〈…〉, ad & ●fficile.  If the true body of Christ be not really in the Sacrament, all the whole Church hath erred from the Apostles tyme.  
But Christ would not suffer his church to err:  
Ergo, it is the true body of Christ.  Lat. 
The popish Church hath erred, & doth err. I think for the space of six or seven hundred years, 
〈◊〉 mention 〈…〉 eating, 〈◊〉 spiritually in the Church for 〈◊〉 space of 〈◊〉. years.  there was no mention made of any eating but spiritually: for before these five hundred years, the Church did ever confess a spiritual manducation. But the Romish church begat the error of transubstantiation. My Lord of Caunterburies' book handleth that very well, and by him I could answer you, if I had him.  Cart. 
Linus and all the rest do confess the body of Christ to be in the Sacrament: and S. Augustine also upon the 98. Psalm, upon this place: Adorate scabellum pedum. etc. granteth it to be worshipped.  Lat. 
We do worship Christ in the heavens, & we do worship him in the Sacrament: but the massing worship is not to be used.  Smyth. 
Do you think that cyril was of the ancient Church?  Lat. 
I do think so.  Smyth. 
He saith, that Christ dwelleth in us corporally: These be Cyrils words of the mystical benediction.  Lat. 
That (
●yrillus in 〈◊〉. Lib. cap. 13.  corporally) hath another understanding, than you do grossly take it.  
¶ cyril saith, that Christ dwelleth corporally in us, but he saith not that Christ dwelleth corporally in the bread. Which dwelling of Christ in us, is as our dwelling is also in Christ, not local or corporal, but spiritual & heavenly (corporally) therefore it is to be taken here in the same sense as S. Paul saith, the fullness of divinity to dwell in Christ corporally, that is, not lightly nor accidentally, but perfectly and substantially, with all his virtue and power, etc. And so dwelleth Christ corporally in us also.  Smyth. 
Here Smyth repeateth these words of cyril: Per communionem corporis Christi, habitat in nobis Christus corporaliter: That is, By the communicating of the body of Christ, Christ dwelleth in us corporally.  Latimer. 
The solution of this is in my Lord of Canterbury's book.  Smyth. 
cyril was no papist, and yet these be his words: Christ dwelleth in us corporally, 
The immodest behaviour of this jacke scorner to be noted.  but you say he dwelleth in us spiritually.  Latimer. 
I say both: that he dwelleth in us both corporally and spiritually, according to his meaning: Spiritually by faith, and corporally by taking our flesh upon him. For I remember I have read this in my Lord of Canterbury's book.  Weston 
For because your learning is let out to Farm, and shut up in my Lord of Caunterburies' book. I will recite unto you a place of S. Ambrose, De apparatione ad Missam, where he saith: Videmus principem sacerdotem ad nos venientem, & offerentem sanguinem, etc. That is, We see the chief Priest coming unto us, and offering blood, etc.  
Likewise both Augustine in the 38. Psal. and chrysostom, concerning the incomprehensible nature of God, 
August. in Psal. 31. Chrisost De incomprehensibili Dei nat●●a.  Tom. 3. say: Non solum homines, etc.  Lat. 
I am not ashamed to acknowledge mine ignorance, and these testimonies are more than I can bear away.  West. 
Then must you leave some behind you for lack of carriage.  Latimer. 
But for chrysostom, he hath many figurative speeches, and Emphatical locutions, in many places, 

Chrisost. full of figurative speeches and Emphatical locutions.  
Chrisost. in Act. cap. 9   as in that which you have now recited: but he sayeth not, For the quick and the dead: he taketh the celebration for the sacrifice.  West. 
You shall hear chrysostom again, upon the ninth chap. of the Acts: Quid dicis? Hostia in manibus sacerdotis, etc. He doth not call it a cup of wine.  Lat. 
Ye have mine answer there with you in a paper: and yet he calleth it not, Propitiatorium sacrificium, i. A propitiatory sacrifice.  West. 
You shall hear it to be so: and I bring another place of chrysostom out of the same treatise: Non temerè ab Apostolis est institutum, etc.  Weston. 
He is too precious a thing for us to offer: he offereth himself.  Weston. 
Here in an other place of chrysostom to the people of Antioch, 
Chrisost. ad populum Antioch. Hom. 69  Homil. 69. and also to the Philippians he sayeth: There should be a memory and sacrifice for the dead.  Lat. 
I do say that the holy communion beareth the name of a sacrifice, because it is a sacrifice memorative.  West. 
How say you to the sacrifice for the dead.  Lat. 
I say that it needeth not, or it booteth not.  West. 
Augustine in his Enchiridion, the 110. chap. sayeth: Non est negandum defunctorum animos pietate suorum viventium relevari, quum pro illis sacrificium Mediatoris offertur: 
August Encherid. cap. 110.  That is, We must not deny, that the souls of the dead are relieved by the devotion of their friends which are living, 
August. falsely belied to say Mass for his Mother.  when the sacrifice of the Mediator is offered for them. Where he proveth the verity of Christ's body, & praying for the dead. And it is said, that the same Augustine said mass for his mother.  Lat. 
But that mass was not like yours, which thing doth manifestly appear in his writings, which are against it in every place. And Augustine is a reasonable man, he requireth to be believed no further, than he bringeth scripture for his proof, and agreeth with God's word.  West. 
In the same place he proveth a propitiatory sacrifice and that upon an altar, and no Oyster board. 
The blasphemous mouth of D. Weston, calling the lords table an Oyster board.   Lat. 
It is the Lords table, and no Oyster board. It may be called an altar, and so the doctors call it in many places: but there is no propitiatory sacrifice, but only Christ. The doctors might be deceived in some points, though not in all things. * I believe them when they say well.  Cole. 
Is it not a shame for an old man to lie? You say, 
Doctores legen●i sunt cum venia.  you are of the old father's faith, where they say well, and yet ye are not.  Lat. 
I am of their faith when they say well. I refer myself to my L. of Caunterburies' book wholly herein.  Smyth. 
Then are you not of Chrysostom's faith, nor of S. Augustine's faith.  Lat. 
I have said, when they said well, and bring scripture for them, I am of their faith, and further Augustine requireth not to be believed.  West. 
Origen. Hom. 13. upon Leviticus.  Latimer. 
I have but one word to say, Panis Sacramentalis, the Sacramental bread, is called a Propitiation, because it is a Sacrament of the Propitiation. What is your vocation?  West. 
My vocation is at this time to dispute, otherwise I am a Priest, and my vocation is to offer.  Lat. 
Where have you that authorttie given you to offer?  West. 
Hoc facite, Do this, for facite in that place is taken for offerte, that is, offer you.  Lat. 

Facere, for sacrificare, with D. Weston.  Is Facere nothing but sacrificare to sacrifice? Why then no man must receive the sacrament but priests only: for there may none offer but priests.  
Ergo, there may none receive but priests.  West. 
Your argument is to be denied.  Lat. 

If Christ offered himself at the Supper, and the next day upon the Cross, than was Christ twice offered.  Did Christ then offer himself at his supper?  Pye. 
Yea, he offered himself for the whole world.  Latimer. 
Then if this word (Facite) Do ye, signify Sacrificate, Sacrifice ye, it followeth, (as I said) that none but Priests only ought to receive the Sacrament, to whom it is only lawful to sacrifice: and where find you that, I pray you?  West. 
Forty year agone, whether could you have gone to have found your doctrine?  Lat. 
The more cause we have to thank God, that hath now sent the light into the world.  West. 

Westons railing.  The light? Nay light and lewd Preachers: for you could not tell what you might have: Ye altered & changed so often your communions and altars, and all for this one end, to spoil and rob the Church.  Latimer. 
These things pertain nothing to me. I must not answer for other men's deeds, but only for mine own.  West. 
Well, M. Latimer, this is our intent, to will you well, and to exhort you to come to yourself, and remember that without noah's Ark, there is no health. Remember what they have been that were the beginners of your doctrine, none but a few flying Apostates, running out of Germany for fear of the faggot. Remember what they have been which have set forth the same in this Realm: A sort of flyngbraines and light heads, which were never constant in any one thing, as it was to be seen in the turning of the Table, where like a sort of Apes, they could not tell which way to turn their tails, 
D. weston's Apes have tails.  looking one day West, and another day East, one that way, and an other this way. They will be like (they say) to the Apostles, they will have no Churches. A hovel is good enough for them. They come to the Communion with no reverence. They get them a Tankard, and one saith, I drink, and I am thankful: 
Blasphemous lies of D. Weston sitting in Cathedra pestilentiae.  the more joy of thee, saith another. And in them was it true that hylary saith: Annuas & menstruas de deo fides facimus▪ id est, We make every year and every month a faith. A runagate Scot did take away the adoration or worshipping of Christ in the Sacrament: by whose procurement that heresy was put into the last Communion book: 
Who be these or where be they M. Oblocutor, that will be like the Apostles that will have no Churches that be runagates. out of Germany that get them tancardes? that make monthly faiths? that worship not Christ in all his Sacraments? Speak truth man and shame the devil.  so much prevailed that one man's authority at that tyme. You never agreed with the Tygurines or Germans, or with the Church, or with yourself. Your stubbornness cometh of a vain glory, which is to no purpose: for it will do you no good when a faggot is in your beard. And we see all by your own confession, how little cause you have to be stubborn, for your learning is in scoffers hold. The Queen's grace is merciful, if ye will turn.  Lat. 
You shall have no hope in me to turn, I pray for the Queen daily even from the bottom of my hart, that she may turn from this religion.  West. 
Here you all see the weakness of heresy against the truth: he denieth all truth, and all the old fathers.  
HEre all good Readers may see how this glorious Prolocutor triumpheth: but whether he hath the victory or no, that I suppose they have not yet, neither heard nor seen. And give that he had the victory, yet what great marvel was it, disputing as he did, Non sine suo Theseo: that is, not without his tippling cup standing at his elbow all the time of his disputation, notwithout a privy noting and smiling of them that beheld the matter, but specially at that time, when Doctor Ridley disputing with one of the Opponentes, the said Prolocutor took the cup, and holding it in his hand, said to the Opponent: Urge hoc. urge hoc: Nam hoc facit pro nobis. In which words as he moved no little matter of laughter to the beholders thereof: 
Urge hoc quoth Weston, with his berepot.  so I thought here also not to leave the same unmentioned, somewhat also to delight the Reader withal, after his tedious weariness in reading the story thereof.   

¶ To the Reader.  
And thus hast thou (loving Reader) the whole action and stage of this Doctourly disputation showed forth unto thee, against these three worthy Confessors and Martyrs of the Lord, wherein thou mayest behold the disordered usage of the University men, the unmannerly manner of the School, the rude tumult of the multitude, the fierceness and interruption of the Doctors, the full pith and ground of all their arguments, the censures of the judges, the railing language of the Oblocutor, with his blast of triumph in the latter end, being both the actor, the moderator, and also judge himself. And what marvel then if the courage of this victorious Conqueror, having the law in his own hands, to do and say what him li●ted, would say for himself, Vicit veritas, although he said never a true word, nor made never a true conclusion almost in all that disputation.  
It followed furthermore after disputation of these three days being ended, that M. Harpsfield the next day after, 
April. 19.  which was the nineteen. of April, should dispute for his form, to be made Doctor. To the which disputation the Archb. of Cant. was brought forth, and permitted among the rest to utter an argument or two, in defence of his cause. As in sequel hereof may appear.   

* Disputation of Master Harpesfield Bachelor of Divinity, answering for his form to be made Doctor.  Harpesfield. 
I Am not ignorant what a weighty matter it is, to entreat of the whole order and trade of the scriptures: 
April. 1. The judgement of M. Harpsfiel● for the be●● way to v●●derstād 〈◊〉 Scripture▪ If Master Harpsfiel● had will us to 〈◊〉 our senses to the hol● ghost he had said much better.  and most hard it is to, in the great contention of Religion, to show the ready way, whereby the scriptures may be best understanded. For the often reading of them doth not bring the true understanding of them. What other thing is there then? verily this is the ready way, not to follow our own heads and senses, but to give over our judgement unto the holy catholic Church, who hath had of old years the truth, and always delivered the same to their posterity: but if the often reading of scriptures, and never so painful comparing of places should bring the true understanding, then divers heretics might prevail even against whole general Counsels. The 
* No, but those jews, sticking so much to th● old custo●● and face of their Church, & not seeking for knowledge, by ignorance the Scriptures wer● deceived 〈◊〉 so be you.  jews did greatly brag of the knowledge of the law, and of the Saviour that they waited for. But what availed it them? Notwithstanding, I know right well, that divers places of the scripture do much warn us of the often reading of the same, and what fruit doth thereby follow: as Scrutamini, etc. Search the scriptures: for they do bear witness of me, etc. Lex Domini, etc. The law of the Lord is pure, able to turn souls. And that saying of S. Paul: Omnis Scriptura, etc. All Scripture inspired from above, doth make that a man may be instructed to all good works. Howbeit, doth the law of the jews convert their souls? are they by reading instructed to every good work? The letter of the old Testament, is the same that we have.  
The heretics also have ever had the same scriptures which we have that be Catholics. But they are served as Tantalus that the poets do speak of, who in the plenty of things to eat and drink, is said to be oppressed with hunger and thirst. The swifter that men do seek the Scriptures without the Catholic church, the deeper they fall, and find hell for their labour. Saint Cyprian never swerving from the Catholic Church, saith: He that doth not acknowledge the Church to be his mother, shall not have God to be his father. Therefore it is true Divinity, 
* 
Under th● forms th●● is, under th● properties of bread 〈◊〉 wine & so all this is true.  
In the material 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 body there is no varie●tye: for to eat man's flesh either under acci●dences or not accidē●ces both is against th● Scripture 〈◊〉 against nature.   to be wise with the Church, where Christ sayeth: Nisi manducaveritis, etc. Unless ye eat my flesh, and drink my blood, ye have no life in you.  
If he had meant of only eating bread, and drinking wine, nothing had been more pleasant to the Capernaites, neither would they have forsaken him. The flesh profiteth nothing to them that do so take it. For the Capernaites did imagine Christ to be given in such sort as he lived. But Christ spoke high things: not that they should have him as flesh in the market, but to consider his presence with the spirit, * under the forms whereby it is given. As there is an alteration of bodies by courses and times of ages, so there is no less * variety in eating of bodies.  
These things which I have recited briefly. M. Harpsfield did with many more words set out: and hereupon D. Weston disputed against him.  West. 
Christ's real body is not in the sacrament:  
Ergo, you are deceived.  Harps. 
I deny the antecedent.  West. 
john the 6. Dico veritatem vobis, etc. I speak the truth unto you: It behoveth me that I go away from you. For unless I do departed, that comforter cannot come, etc.  

 Upon this I will make this argument.  
Christ is so gone away as he did send the holy Ghost.  
But the holy Ghost did verily come into the world:  
Ergo, Christ is verily gone.  Harps. 
He is verily gone, and yet remaineth here.  West. 
S. Augustine saith, that these words: Ego ero, etc. I will be with you even to the end of the world, are accomplished, secundum maiestatem, According to his majesty: But secundum praesentiam carnis, non est hic, By the presence of his flesh, he is not here. The Church hath him not in flesh, but by belief.  Harps. 
We must diligently weigh that there are two natures in Christ: the divine nature, & human nature. The divine nature is of such sort, that it cannot choose but be in all places. The human nature is not such, that of force it must be in all places, although it be in divers, after a divers manner. So where that the doctors do entreat of his presence by majesty, they do commend the majesty of the Divine nature not to hinder us of the * natural presence here in the sacrament.  West. 
He saith further: Me autem non semper habebitis: Ye shall not have me always with you, is to be understanded in the flesh.  Harpsfield. 
The presence of the flesh is to be considered, that he is not here as he was wont to live in conversation with them, to be seen, talked withal, or in such sort as a man may give him * any thing: after that sort he is not present.  West. 
But what say you to this of S. Augustine: Non est hic, He is not here.  Harpesfield. 
I do answer out of S. Augustine upon john, Tractatu. 25. upon these words. Non videbitis me. Vado ad patrem, etc. I go to the Father, ye shall not see me: That is, Such as I now am. Therefore I do deny the manner of his presence.  West. 
I will overthrow S. Augustine with S. Augustine: who saith this also: Quomodo quis possit tenere Christum? fidem mitte & tenuisti: that is, How may a man hold Christ? send thy faith, and thou holdest him.  
So he showeth, that by sending our faith, we do hold Christ.  Harpesfield. 
In deed no man holdeth Christ, unless he believe in him, but it is another thing to have Christ merciful and favourable unto us, and to have him present in the Sacrament.  
There s. Augustine speaketh of holding him by faith, as he is favourable unto us.  West. 
Nay, he speaketh there how the Fathers had him in the flesh, and teacheth that we have him not so in flesh, as they had him long time, saying: Your fathers did hold Christ present in the flesh, do you hold him in your heart. What words can be more plain? Further he saith, He is gone, & is not here: he hath left us, and yet hath not forsaken us. Hic est maiestate, abijt carne: He is here in majesty, and gone touching the flesh.  Harps. 
I do understand Augustine thus: that Christ is here in his flesh to them that receive him worthily: to such as do not worthily receive him, to them he is not present in the flesh. I judge S. Augustine meaneth so. We have him, and have him not: we have him in receiving him worthily, otherwise not.  West. 
Nay, Tener● carnem est tenere corticem literae: I will prosecute another argument. cyril doth say: By the majesty of his divinity he is ever here, but the presence of his flesh hath he taken away.  Harpsfield. 
The sense of cyril is thus to be understanded: The most true flesh of Christ is at the right hand of the Father. Thus the Fathers taught, and so they believed. Thus said cyril: Thus said Augustine, and because this is the foundation of our faith, they did oftentimes teach it. Therefore, when they prove this, (the body to be in heaven,) they do not make against the presence in the sacrament. 
〈…〉 how then doth the ●ame body remain still unless either ye make him to have 2. bodies: or eye make 2. contradictoryes true in one proposition.   
So unless ye can plainly show, that the fathers do directly say, he is not in the sacrament, you make nothing against me: for I have showed why the Fathers so spoke. They did teach the great difference between the divine nature, and the human nature, as I have before said.  Weston. 
I will then prove, that he is not in the sacrament. Uigilius against the heretic Eutiches, upon these words: Me autem non semper habebitis, sayeth: The son of God as touching his humanity, is gone from us, by his divinity he remaineth with us. And that same Uigilius in his fourth book, sayeth: He that is in the heaven, is not in the earth, speaking of Christ.  Harps. 
I will show you the reason of these words. The heretic Eutiches did believe that the divine nature of Christ was fastened on the cross, and believed that Christ had no natural body. To this Uigilius said, that the human nature was taken up and ascended, which could not so have done, unless he had had a body. This he said not, to take away the presence in the sacrament.  
For what had he to refer this sentence to the Sacrament? He never did so much as dream of the Sacrament.  West. 
cyril saith: Although he be absent from us in body, yet are we governed by his spirit. 
Cyrillus. The body of Christ is here to feed our bellies, but not to be lived withal.   Harps. 
By these words he gave us a cheerfulness, to aspire upwards, seeking therehence our help. For as touching his conversation, he is not so in the Sacrament, as one meet to be lived withal. But let him teach us that he is not there to feed us: for after that sort he is there.  West. 
You have satisfied me with your answers, in doing the same learnedly, and catholicly. But now to an other argument.  

* The argument holdeth a proportione.  Christ is now so absent from the earth by his body, as he was absent from heaven when he lived here.  
But when he did live bodily on earth, the same natural body was out of heaven.  
Ergo, now whilst his natural body is in heaven, it is not in earth.  Harps. 
I deny the Mayor.  West. 
Fulgentus ad Transimundum Regem, libro secundo, saith: Secundum humanam substantiam absens erat coelo, cum descendit de coelo. These are Fulgentius words touching his human substance. He was absent from heaven, when he descended from heaven, and touching the same substance, now he is in heaven, he is not on the earth: but concerning the divine nature, he never forsook, neither heaven nor earth.  
¶ After these words, not waiting Harpsfields answer, he offered master Cranmer to dispute: who began in this wise.  Cranmer. 
I have heard you right learnedly and eloquently entreat of the dignity of the scriptures, which I do both commend, & have marveled thereat within myself. But where as you refer the true sense & judgement of the scriptures to the catholic church as judge thereof, you are much deceived, specially for that under the name of the church you appoint such judges as have corruptly judged, and contrary to the sense of the scriptures. I wonder likewise why you attribute so little to the diligent reading of the scriptures, and conferring of places, seeing the scriptures do so much commend the same, as well in divers other places, as also in those which you yourself have already alleged. And as touching your opinion of these questions, 
The opinion of M. Harpsfield reproved, referring the sense of the Scripture rather to the judgement of the Church then to the diligent reading & conferring of places.  it seemeth to me, neither to have any ground of the word of god, nor of the Primitive church. And to say the truth, the schoolmen have spoken diversly of them, and do not agree therein among themselves. Wherefore minding here briefly to show my judgement also, I must desire you first to answer me to a few questions which I shall demand of you. Which being done, we shall the better proceed in our disputation. Moreover, I must desire you to bear also with my rudeness in the Latin tongue, which through long disuse is not now so prompt and ready with me, as it hath been. And now all other things set apart▪ I mind chief to have regard to the truth. My first question is this: How Christ's body is in the sacrament, according to your mind or determination?  
Then answered a Doctor, he is there as touching his substance, but not after the manner of his substance. 
Christ present in the Sacrament in substance, but not after the manner of substance.   Harpsfield. 
He is there in such sort and manner, as he may be eaten.  Cran. 
My next question is: Whether he hath his quantity & qualities, form, figure, and such like properties.  Harpsfield. 
Are these your questions, said Master Harpsfield? I may likewise ask you when Christ passed through the virgins womb, an ruperit ne●ne? When they had thus a while contended, there were divers opinions in this matter.  
All the doctors fell in a buzzing, 
The Rabines could not agree among themselves.  incertain what to answer: some thought one way, some another, and thus master Doctors could not agree.  
Then master Cranmer said thus: you put of questions with questions, and not with answers. I ask one thing of you, and you answer another. Once again I ask: Whether he have those properties which he had on the earth? 
Christ's body without hi● properties in the Sacrament.   Tresh. 
No, he hath not all the quantities and qualities belonging to a body.  Smyth 
Stay you Master Tresham. I will answer to you Master Doctor, with the words of Damascene: Transformatur panis, etc. The bread is transformed, etc. But if thou wilt inquire how, Modus impossibilis, The manner is impossible.  
Then two or three other added their answers to this question, 
The Doctors in a doubt.  somewhat doubtfully. A great hurley burley was among them: some affirming one thing, and some another.  Cran. 
Do you appoint me a body, and cannot tell what manner of body? Either he hath not his quantity, or else you are ignorant how to answer it.  Harps. 
These are vain questions, & it is not meet to spend the rhyme on them.  West. 

Lanf●ancus contra Berengarium.  Hear me a while, Lanfrancus sometime Bishop of Caunterbury, doth answer in this wise unto Berengarius upon such like questions: Salubriter credi possunt, fideliter queri non possunt: They may be well believed, but never faithfully asked.  Cranmer. 
If ye think good to answer it, some of you declare it.  Harps. 
He is there as pleaseth him to be there.  Cranmer. 
I would be best contented with that answer, if that your appointing of a carnal presence had not driven me of necessity to have inquired for disputations sake, how you place him there, sithence you will have a natural body.  

The Papists would have Christ's body in the Sacrament, but they cannot tell how.  When again he was answered of divers at one time, some denying it to be quantum, some saying it to be quantitatiuum, some affirming it to have modum quanti, some denying it, some one thing, some an other: up start D. Weston, and doughtily decided (as he thought) all the matter, saying: It is Corpus quantum, sed non per modum quanti. i. It is a body (sayeth he) having quantity, but not according to the manner of quantity.  
Whereunto M. Warde, a great Sophister, thinking the matter not fully answered, did largely declare and discourse his sentence: How learnedly and truly I cannot tell, nor I think he himself neither, ne yet the best learned there. For it was said since, that far better learned than he, laid as good ear to him as they could, & yet could by no means perceive to what end all his talk tended. In deed he told a formal tale to clout up the matter. 
M. Ward in the misty clouds of 〈…〉.  He was full of quantum & quantitatiuum. This that followeth, was as it is thought, the effect, yet others think no. How be it we will rehearse the sum of his words, as it is thought he spoke them.  Warde. 
We must consider (saith he) that there are duae positiones, Two positions. The one standeth by the order of parts, with respect of the whole. The other in respect of that which containeth. 
Aristotle must help to tell us how Christ is in the Sacrament. Christ sine modo quantitativo in the Sacrament.  Christ is in the Sacrament in respect of the whole. This proposition is in one of Aristotle's predicaments, called Situs. I remember I did entreat these matters very largely, when I did rule and moderate the Philosophical disputations in the public Schools. This position is sine modo quantitativo, as by an ensample: you can never bring heaven to a quantity. So I conclude that he is in the Sacrament, quantum sine modo quantitativo.  
These words he amplified very largely, and so high he climbed into the heavens with Duns his ladder, and not with the scriptures, that it is to be marveled how he could come down again without falling? To whom M. Cranmer said: Then thus do I make mine argument.  Cran. 

D. Cranmers' argument.  In heaven his body hath quantity, in earth it hath none by your saying.  
Ergo, he hath two bodies, the one in heaven, the other in earth.  
Here some would have answered him, that he had quantity in both, and so put of the antecedent: but thus said M, Harpsfield.  Harps. 
I deny your argument, though some would not have had him say so.  Cran. 
The argument is good. It standeth upon contradictories, which is the most surest hold.  Harps. 
I deny that there are contradictions.  Cran. 
I thus prove it. Habere modum quantitatiuum & non habere, sunt contradictoria.  
Sed Christus in coelis, ut dicitis, habet modum quantitatiuum, in terra non habet:  
Ergo, duo sunt corpora eius in quae cadunt haec contradictoria: Nam in idem cadere non possunt.  West. 

Aristotle. 4. Metaph. Impossibile est idem simul esse & non esse.  I deny the Minor.  Harps. 
I answer, that the Mayor is not true. For Habere quantum, & non habere, non sunt contradictoria nisi sic considerantur eiusdem ad idem, eodem modo & simpliciter.  West. 
I confirm the same: for one body may have modum quantitatiuum, and not have: 
Passable impass●●●● canno● together one 〈…〉 Christ 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 passable not 〈…〉 by the word That 〈◊〉 be 〈◊〉 for you  and idem corpus was passable and impassable, one body may have wounds, and not wounds.  Cran. 
This cannot be at one tyme.  Weston. 
The ensample of the Potter doth prove that I say: who of that that is clay now, maketh a pot or cup forthwith.  Cran. 
But I say again, that it is so but at divers times: as one piece of meat to be raw and sodden, cannot be at one time together. But you would have it otherwise, that Christ should be here and in heaven at one time, & should have modum quantitatiuum, and not have: which cannot be but by such argument as I have showed you.  West. 
But I say, Christ's body was passable and not passable at one 
* 
That main yet 〈◊〉.  
Harps 〈…〉 little 〈◊〉 to not 〈◊〉 where said 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 Christ them 〈◊〉 receaue● not w●●●thely 〈◊〉 present 1401.   instant.  Seat. 
You may ask as well other questions, how he is in heaven? whether he sit or stand, and whether he be there as he lived here.  Cran. 
You yourself by putting a natural presence, do force me to question how he is here. Therefore, next I do ask this question: Whether good and evil men do eat the body in the sacrament?  Harps. 
Yea, they do so, even as the sun doth shine upon king's palaces, and on dung heaps.  Cran. 
Then do I inquire how long Christ tarrieth in the eater.  Harps. 
These are curious questions, unmeet to be asked.  Cranmer. 
I have taken them out of your Schools and Schoolmen, which you yourselves do most use: and there also do I learn to ask how far he goeth into the body.  Harps. 
We know that the body of Christ is received to nourish the whole man concerning both body and soul: Eo usque progreditur corpus quousque 
* Sed 〈◊〉 non 〈◊〉 usque 〈◊〉 animal Ergo, 〈◊〉 Christ 〈…〉 & main. 〈◊〉 would 〈◊〉 need have 〈…〉 wou●● they 〈…〉 not 〈◊〉 any 〈…〉▪  species.  Cran. 
How long doth he abide in the body?  Seat. 
S. Augustine saith, our flesh goeth into his flesh. But after he is once received into the stomach, it maketh no matter for us to know how far he doth pierce, or whether he is conveyed.  
¶ Here M. Tresham and one M. London answered, that Christ being given there under such form and quantity as pleased him, it was not to be inquired of his tarrying, or of his descending into the body.  Harps. 
You were wont to lay to our charge, that we added to the scripture: saying always that we should fetch the truth out of the scripture, and now you yourself bring questions out of the Schoolmen, which you have disallowed in us.  Cran. 
I say as I have said always, that I am constrained to ask these Questions, because of this carnal presence, which you imagine: and yet I know right well, that these questions be answered out of the Scriptures: As to my last question: How long he abideth in the body? etc. The scripture answereth plainly, that Christ doth so long dwell in his people, as they are his members. Whereupon I make this argument.  
Basilius- They which eat the flesh of Christ, do dwell in him▪ and he in them. 
  
ro- But the wicked do not remain in him, nor he in them:  
co. Ergo, the wicked do not eat his flesh, nor drink his blood.  Harps. 
I will answer unto you, as S. Augustine saith▪ 
 not that how so ever a man do eat, he eateth the body: but he that eateth after a certain manner.  Cran. 
I cannot tell what manner ye appoint, but I am sure that evil men do not eat the flesh and drink the blood of Christ, as Christ speaketh in the sixth of john.  Harps. 
In the sixth of john, some things are to be referred to the godly, and some to the ungodly.  Cranmer. 
Whatsoever he doth entreat there of eating, doth pertain unto good men.  Harps. 
If you do mean only of the word of eating, it is true: if concerning the thing, it is not so: And if your meaning be of that which is contained under the word of ●ating, it may be so taken, I grant. 
  Cran. 
Now to the Argument, He that eateth my flesh, and drinketh my blood, dwelleth in me, and I in him. Doth not this prove sufficiently, that evil men do not eat that the good do?  Tresh. 
You must add, Qui manducat dignè: He that eateth worthily.  Cran. 
I speak of the same manner of eating, that Christ speaketh of.  Weston. 
Augustinus ad fratres in Eremo, Sermon. 28. Est c●●dan● manducandi modus. i. There is a certain manner of eating. Augustine speaketh of two manners of eating: the one of them that eat worthily, the other that eat unworthily.  Harps. 
All things in the 6. of john are not to be referred to the Sacrament, 
The ●. chap. of john is to be referred 〈◊〉 to the supper, partly to 〈◊〉 after the papists.  but to the receiving of Christ by faith. The Fathers do agree that there is not entreaty made of the supper of the Lord, before they come unto, Panis quem dabo vobis, caro mea est. etc.  Cran. 
There is entreating of Manna both before & after.  Harps. 
I will apply an other answer. This argument hath a kind of poison in it, which must be thus bitten away, that Manna and this Sacrament be not both one. Manna hath not his efficacy of himself, but of God.  Cran. 
But they that did take Manna worthily, had fruit thereby: 
Comparison between 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉, & eating the body of christ.  and so by your assertion, he that doth eat the flesh of Christ worthily, hath his fruit by that.  
Therefore the like doth follow of them both: and so there should be no difference between Manna & this sacrament by your reason.  Harps. 
When it is said, that they which did eat Manna, are dead, it is to be understand, that they did want the * virtue of Manna.  
* If M. Harpsfield do mean of bodily life, they which eat the Sacrament do die, as well as they which did eat the Manna. If he mean of spiritual life, neither be they all damned that did eat Manna, nor all saved that do eat the Sacrament. Wherefore the truth is, that neither the eating of Manna bringeth death, nor the eating of the Sacrament bringeth salvation: but only the spiritual believing upon Christ's bodily passion, which only justifieth both them and us. And therefore as the effect is spiritual, which Christ speaketh of in this chapter: so is the cause of that effect spiritual whereof he meaneth, which is our spiritual believing in him, and not our bodily eating of him.  Cran. 
They then which do eat either of them worthily, do live.  Harps. 
They do live which do eat Manna worthily, not by Manna, but by the power of God given by it. The other which do eat this Sacrament, do live by the same.  Cran. 
Christ did not entreat of the cause, but the effect which followed: he doth not speak of the cause whereof the effect proceedeth.  Harps. 
I do say the effects are divers, life and death, which do follow the worthy, and the unworthy eating thereof.  Cran. 
Sithence you will needs have an addition to it, we must use both in Manna & in this Sacrament, indifferently, either worthily or unworthily.  
Christ spoke absolutely of Manna, and of the Supper, so that after that absolute speaking of the Supper, wicked men can in no wise eat the flesh of Christ, and drink his blood.  

August. in john, tract. 26.  Further Augustine upon john, Tractatu 26. upon these words, Qui manducat, etc. saith: There is no such respect in common meats, as in the Lord's body. For who that eateth other meats, hath still hunger, and needeth to be satisfied daily: but he that doth eat the flesh of Christ, and drinketh his blood, doth live for ever. But you know wicked men not to do so.  
Ergo, wicked men do not receive.  Harps. 
S. Augustine meaneth, that he who eateth Christ's flesh. etc. after a certain manner, should live for ever. Wicked men do eat, but not after that manner.  Cran. 
Ca- Only they which participate Christ, be of the mystical body. 
Argument in the 2. figure and 2. ●ode.   
me- But the evil men are not of the mystical body:  
stres. Therefore they do not participate Christ.  Weston. 

Doct. Cranmer commended for his modesty.  Your wonderful gentle behaviour and modesty (good master D. Cranmer) is worthy much commendation: and that I may not deprive you of your right & just deserving, I give you most hearty thanks in mine own name, and in the name of all my brethren. At which saying all the Doctors gently put off their caps. Then M. Weston did oppose the Respondent on this wise.  West. 

Tertull. 〈…〉 August. ad Dardan.  Tertullian doth call the sacrament the sign and figure of the Lord.  
S. Augustine ad Dardanum sayeth: Non dubitavit Dominus dicere, hoc est corpus meum, cum daret signum corporis. i. The Lord did not stick to say, this is my body, when he gave a sign of his body.  
Besides this, he giveth rules how to understand the scriptures, saying: If the Scriptures seem to command some heinous thing, 
August. de ●octrina Christiana.  than it is figurative, as by example: Manducare carnem & bibere sanguinem, est tropicus sermo. i. To eat the flesh and drink the blood, is a tropical speech.  Harps. 

Answer to Tertull.  Tertullian did write in that place against Martion an heretic, who denied Christ to have a true body, and said, he had only a fantastical body. He went about to show that we had Christ both in heaven and in earth: and though we have the true body in the Sacrament, yet he would not go about so to confound him, as to say, that Christ was truly in the Sacrament: For that heretic would have thereat rather marveled, then believed it. Therefore he showed him, that it was the figure of Christ: and a figure can not be, but of a thing that is, or hath been extant.  
To the text of Augustine: the Church hath never taught the contrary. 
Answer to August.  There is an outward thing in the Sacrament, which sometimes hath sundry names. For it may be called a Figure in this declaration: That Body which is in the sacrament, is a figure of Christ dwelling in heaven.  
To the third: That which is brought by Augustine for example, about the understanding of the Scriptures, 
Answer to August. De doctrine Christian.  is thus to be understanded, as tending to a general manner of eating: so Manducare carnem, & bibere sanguinem. i. To eat the flesh, and drink the blood, may be a figurative speech to exclude Anthropophagiam. i. The eating of man's flesh, the which is, when we eat man's flesh cut into morsels, as we eat common meat: so as we neither have nor eat Christ in the Sacrament.  West. 
I understand your short & learned answer, 
The 2. question.  which doth sufficiently content me. But now to the second question, which is of transubstantiation.  
The scripture calleth it bread.  
Ergo, it is bread.  Harps. 
In the name of bread all is signified which we do eat.  West. 
Theodoretus an ancient writer, 
Theodoretus Dial. 1.  in his first Dialogue, saith, that Christ changed not the nature, but called it his body.  Harps. 
He doth there speak de Symbolo, which is, Externa species sacramenti. i. The outward form of the Sacrament. 
A single sole answer to Theodoretus.  He meaneth that, that doth tarry in his own nature. Moreover, as it was reported, he brought for his answer Augustinum in sententijs Prosperi.  West. 
Theodorete also in his second Dialogue of these kinds of bread and wine sayeth: Nec naturam egrediuntur, 
Theodoretus Dial. 2.  manent etiam in sua substantia. i. They go not out of their own nature, but they tarry in their own substance.  Harps. 
They are understanded to be of the same substance wherein they are 
* And how are they turned if they remain in Priori substantia. Simbolum quid.  turned.  West. 
But what say you by this? Manent in priori substantia: They remain in their former substance.  Harps. 
Symbola manent: The outward signs do tarry.  West. 
But what is meant here by this word, Symbolum?  Harps. 
The outward form or shape only of the Nature.  West. 
Then you can not call them a substance.  Harps. 
Yes Sir, every thing hath a certain substance in his kind.  West. 
That is true, but accidents are not substances in their kind.  Harpsfielde. 
Sunt quid in suo genere. Of this they contended much.  West. 
chrysostom ad Caesarium Monachum sayeth, 
Chrisost. ad Caesarium Monachum.  Sicut antequam consecratur, panis est: sic postquam consecratur, liberatus est ab appellatione panis, donatusque est appellatione corporis Domini, cum natura remanet: That is. Like as before it is consecrated, it is bread: so after it is consecrated, it is delivered from the name of bread, and is endued with the name of the lords body, where as the nature doth remain.  Harps. 
Where read you this place, I pray you? 
D. Weston compyleth his arguments out of Pet. Martyr's story.   West. 
Here in Peter Martyr I find it: I have his Book in my hand.  Harps. 
The author shall be of more credit, before that I make so much of him, as to frame an answer unto it.  Weston. 
In deed I know not well where he findeth it. But Gelasius sayeth, 
Gelasius.  that the nature of bread and wine do tarry.  Harps. 
What is that Gelasius?  West. 
A Bishop of Rome.  Harps. 
Then he allowed the Mass.  West. 
Yea, and oftentimes said it: and Purgatory he also allowed, and so prayer for the dead, relics, and invocation to saints.  Harps. 
Belike than he meant nothing against Transubstantiation.  West. 
It doth appear so in deed. 
Origenes in Mat. cap 15.  But Origene upon Math. the 15. Chapter saith, that the material bread doth tarry, and is conveyed into the privy, and is eaten of worms.  Harps. 
Tush, tush, this place appertaineth unto holy bread.  West. 
What, doth it appertain to holy bread?  Harps. 
Yea, unto holy bread.  West. 
By what means can you show how this miraculous work bringeth Christ into the sacrament.  Harps. 
By the scriptures I prove that, which sayeth: Hoc est corpus meum. This is my body.  West. 
It doth rejoice all us not a little, that you have so well maintained the sound doctrine of the sacrament of the Altar, wherein you have faithfully cleaved to the Catholic Church, as an only stay of our religion: by the which means you have proved yourself meet to be authorised further towards the practising of the scripture.  
And here I do openly witness, that I do thoroughly consent with you, and have for disputations sake only, brought these arguments against you, which you have right learnedly satisfied: and now all things being done, after our form and manner, we will end this disputation, saying: In oppositum est sacra theologia. In oppositum est. etc.  
¶ Thus have ye heard in these foresaid disputations, about the holy supper of the Lord, the reasons and arguments of the Doctors, the answers and resolutions of the Bishops, and the triumph of the Prolocutor, triumphing before the victory, with Vicit veritas, who rather in my mind should have exclaimed, vicit potestas: As it happeneth always, Vbi pars maior vincit meliorem. For else if potestas had not helped the Prolocutor more than veritas, there had been a small victoria. But so it is where judgements be partial, and parties be addicted, there all things turn to victory, though it be never so mean and simple, as in this disputation might well appear.  
For first of the Opponents part, neither was there almost any argument in true mood & figure rightly framed: neither could the answearers be permitted to say for themselves: and if they answered any thing, it was condemned before they began to speak. Again, such disturbance and confusion, more like a conspiration then any disputation, without all form and order, was in the schools during the time of their answering, that neither could the answearers have place to utter their minds, neither would the Opponents be satisfied with any reasons. Concerning the which disturbance of that misruled disputation, you shall hear what M. Ridley himself reporteth by his own description, in manner as followeth.   

The report and narration of M. Ridley concerning the misordered disputation had against him and his fellow prisoners at Oxford.  

B. Ridleyes report of the misorder of this disputation.  I Never yet sithence I was borne saw, or heard any thing done or handled more vainly, or tumultuously, than the disputation which was with me in the Schools at Oxford. Yea verily, I could never have thought that it had been possible to have found amongst men recounted to be of knowledge and learning in this Realm, any so brazen faced and shameless, so disorderly and vainly, to behave themselves, more like to Stageplayers in Interludes, to set forth a Pageant, then to be grave Divines in Schools to dispute. The Sorbonical clamours (which at Paris I have seen in time past when Popery most reigned) might be worthily thought (in comparison of this thrasonical ostentation) to have had much modesty. And no great marvel, seeing they which should have been moderators, and Overseers of others, and which should have given good ensample in words and gravity: they themselves, above all other gave worst ensample, and did (as it were) blow the trump to the rest, to rail, roar, rage, and cry out. By reason whereof (good christian reader) manifestly it may appear, that they never sought for any truth or verity, but only for the glory of the world, and their own bragging victory. 
No verity but glory sought for in this disputation.  But least by the innumerable railings & reproachful taunts, wherewith I was baited on every side, our cause, yea rather God's cause & his churches, should be evil spoken off, and slandered to the world through false reports, and untrue ensamples given out of our disputation, and so the verity might sustain some damage, I thought it no less than my duty to write mine answers: to the intent that who so ever is desirous to know the truth thereof, may by this perceive, as well those things which were chief objected, as summarily that which was answered of me unto every of them. How be it (good Reader), I confess this to be most true, that it is unpossible to set forth either all that was (God knoweth) tumultuously and confusedly objected of their parts being so many, speaking many times all together so thick that one could not well hear an other, either all that was answered on my behalf, to them so sundry and divers Opponents.  
Moreover, a great part of the time appointed for the disputations, was vainly consumed in opprobrious checks and reviling taunts, with hissing and clapping of hands, and that in the English tongue, 
 to procure the people's favour withal. All which things, when I with great grief of heart did behold, protesting openly, that such excessive and outrageous disorder, was unseemly for those schools and men of learning and gravity, and that they which were the doers and stirrers of such things, did nothing else but bewray the slenderness of their cause, and their own vanities: I was so far off by this my humble complaint from doing any good at all, that I was enforced to hear such rebukes, checks, and taunts for my labour, as no person of any honesty without blushing could abide to hear the like spoken of a most vile varlet, against a most wretched Russian.  
At the first beginning of the Disputation, when I should have confirmed mine answer to the first proposition in few words, 
D. Ridley could not be suffered to read for hindered protection.  and that (after the manner and law of Schools) afore I could make an end of my first probation, which was not very long, even the Doctors themselves cried out, he speaketh plasphemies, he speaketh blasphemies. And when I on my knees besought them, and that hearty, that they would vouchsafe to hear me to the end, (whereat the Prolocutor being moved, cried out on high, Let him read it, let him read it) yet when I began to read it again, there followed immediately such shouting, such a noise and tumult, and confusion of voices, crying, blasphemies, blasphemies, as I to my remembrance never heard, or read the like, except it be that one which was in the Acts of the Apostles, stirred up of Demetrius the silver Smith, and other of his occupation, crying out against Paul, Great is Diana of the Ephesians, great is Diana of the Ephesians: and except it be a certain disputation which the Arrians had against the Orthodoxes, and such as were of godly judgement in Aphryca, where it is said, that such as the Precedent and rulers of the Disputation were, such was the end of the disputations. All were in a hurly burly, and so great were the slanders which the Arrians cast out, that nothing could quietly be heard. This writeth Victor in the second book of his History.  
The which cries and tumults of them against me so prevailed, that wild I, nild I, 
They 〈…〉 the 〈◊〉 April, 14▪  I was enforced to leave of the reading of my probations, although they were short. If any man doubt of the truth hereof, let the same ask any one that was there, and not utterly perverted in Popery, and I am assured he will say, I speak the least. But to complain of these things further, I will cease.  
And further speaking of this disputation, he concludeth with these words: And thus was ended this most glorious disputation of the most holy Fathers, sacrificers, Doctors, and Masters, which fought most manfully (as ye may see) for their god and goods, for their faith and felicity, for their country and kitchen, for their beauty and belly, with triumphant applauses and favour of the whole University.  
After the disputation of master Latimer ended, which was the 18. day of April, the Friday following which was the 20. day of the said month, the Commissioners sat in saint Mary's Church, as they did the Saturday before, and Doctor Weston used particularly dissuasions with every of them, and would not suffer them to answer in any wise, but directly and peremptorily, (as his words w●re) to say whether they would subscribe, or no. And first to the Bishop of Canterbury he said he was overcome in disputations: whom the Bishop answered, 
D. Cramner Bishop Ridley and M. Latimer▪ condemn▪  that where as Doctor Weston said, he had answered and opposed, and could neither maintain his own errors, nor impugn the verity, all that he said, was false. For he was not suffered to Oppose as he would, nor could answer as he was required, unless he would have brauled with them, so thick their reasons came one after an other. Ever four or five did interrupt him, that he could not speak. Master Ridley and M. Latimer were asked, what they would do, they said, they would stand to that they had said. Then were they all called together, and sentence read over them, that they were no members of the Church. And therefore they, their fautors and patrons were condemned as heretics: and in reading of it, they were asked, whether they would turn or no, & they bade them read on in the name of God, for they were not minded to turn. So were they condemned all three.  
After which sentence of condemnation being awarded against them, they answered again every one in their turn, in manner and effect of words, as followeth, the archbishop first beginning thus.  

The Archbishop of Caunterburie. 
From this your judgement and sentence, I appeal to the just judgement of God almighty, trusting to be present with him in heaven, for whose presence in the altar, I am thus condemned.   
Doctor Ridley. 
Although I be not of your company, yet doubt not I but my name is written in an other place, whether this sentence will send us sooner, than we should by the course of nature have come.  Doctor Ridley. 
I thank God most heartily, that he hath prolonged my life to this end, that I may in this case glorify God by that kind of death.   

Doctor weston's answer unto Latimer.  
If you go to heaven in this faith, then will I never come thither, 
 as I am thus persuaded.    
After the sentence pronounced, they were separated one from the other, videlicet, the Archbishop was returned to Bocardo, D. Ridley was carried to the sheriffs house, master Latimer to the Bailiffs.  
On Saturday following, they had a Mass with a general procession and great solemnity. Doctor Cranmer was caused to behold the Procession out of Bocardo, Doctor Ridley out of the sheriffs house. Latimer also being brought to see it, from the Bailiffs house, thought that he should have gone to burning, and spoke to one Augustine Cooper a Catchpoll, to make a quick fire. But when he came to Karfox, and saw the matter, he ran as fast as his old bones would carry him, to one Spensers' shop, and would not look towards it. Last of all, D. Weston carried the sacrament, and four doctors carried the Canopy over him.  
Immediately after the sentence was given, D. Ridley writeth to the Prolocutor, in manner, as followeth.   

Doctor Ridley to the Prolocutor.  

D. Ridleyes letter to the prolocutor.  Master Prolocutor, you remember, I am sure, how you promised me openly in the schools, after my protestation, that I should see how my answers were there taken and written of the Notaries whom ye appointed, (me fateor neminem recusare) to write what should be said, and to have had licence for to have added unto them, or to have altered them, as upon more deliberation should have seemed me best. 
Papists have small conscience in performing promises.  Ye granted me also at the delivery of my answer unto your first proposition, a copy of the same: these promises are not performed. If your sudden departure be any part of the cause thereof, yet I pray you remember that they may be performed: for performance of promise is to be looked for at a righteous judges hands. Now I send you here my answers in writing, to your second and third propositions, & do desire and require earnestly a copy of the same, & I shall by God's grace procure the pains of the writer to be paid for and satisfied accordingly. Master Prolocutor, in the time of my aunswearing in the Schools, when I would have confirmed my sayings with authorities and reasons, ye said then openly, that I should have time and place to say and bring whatsoever I could an other time, and the same your saying was then there confirmed of other of the Commissioners: yea, and (I dare say) the audience also thought then that I should have had an other day, to have brought and said what I could for the declaration and confirmation of mine assertions. Now that this was not done, but so suddenly sentence given before the cause was perfectly heard, I can not but marvel. etc.  
On Monday next ensuing, after these things done and passed, being the twenty-three. of the said month of April, D. Weston Prolocutor took his journey up to London, 
April. 13.  with the letters certificatorie from the university unto the Queen, by whom the Archb. of Cant. directed his letters supplicatory unto the Counsel. The which letters after the Prolocutor had received, & had carried them well near half way to London, by the way he opened the same, and seeing the contents thereof, sent them back again, refusing to carry them. etc. Likewise Bishop Ridley, hearing of the Prolocutors going to London, writeth to him his letters, wherein he desireth him to carry his answers up to certain Bishops in London, the form of which letters, first of D. Ridley, then of the Archb. and lastly an other letter of D. Ridley to the Archbishop, here in order followeth.   

A letter of B. Ridley to the Prolocutor.  
Master Prolocutor, I desire you, and in God's name require you, that you truly bring forth and show all mine answers, written and subscribed with mine own hand, unto the higher house of the Convocation, and specially to my L. Chancellor, my Lords of Duresme, Ely, Worcester, Norwich, and Chichester, and also to show and exhibit this my writing unto them, which in these few lines here I write unto you: and that I did make this request unto you by this my writing, know ye that I did take witness of them by whom I did send you this writing, and also of those which were then with them present, videlicet, the two Bailiffs of Oxford, and of master Irish Alderman, than there called to be a witness.  
By me Nicholas Ridley 23. of April, An. 1554.   

The copy of the Archb. of Canterb. letters to the Counsel, sent by Doctor Weston, who refused to deliver them.  
IN right humble wise showeth unto your honourable Lordships, Thomas Cranmer late Archbishop of Canterbury, 
The Archb. writeth to the Counsel.  beseeching the same to be a means for me unto the Queen's highness for her mercy and pardon. Some of you know by what means I was brought and trained unto the will of our late sovereign Lord king Edward the sixth, and what I spoke against the same, wherein I refer me to the reports of your honours and woorships. Furthermore, this is to signify unto your Lordships, that upon Monday, Tuesday, and Wednesday last passed, were open disputations here in Oxford against me, master Ridley, and master Latimer, in three matters concerning the Sacrament: First of the real presence, secondly of Transubstantiation, & thirdly of the sacrifice of the Mass: upon Monday against me, upon Tuesday against Doctor Ridley, and upon Wednesday against master Latimer. How the other two were ordered, I know not, for we were separated▪ so that none of us knoweth what the other said, nor how they were ordered. But as concerning myself I can report. Doctor Chadsey was appointed to dispute against me, but the disputation was so confused, that I never knew the like, every man bringing forth what him liked▪ without order, and such haste was made, 
The Archb. not suffered to answer fully to any argument.  that no answer could be suffered to be taken fully to any argument, before an other brought a new argument: and in such weighty matters the disputation must needs be ended in one day, which can scantly well be ended in three months. And when we had answered them, they would not appoint us one day to bring forth our proofs, that they might answer us, being required by me thereunto, whereas I myself have more to say, then can be well discussed, as I suppose in twenty days. The means to resolve the truth, had been to have suffered us to answer fully to all that they could say, and then they again to answer us fully to all that we can say. But why they would not answer us, what other cause can there be, but that either they feared their matter, that they were not able to answer us, or else for some consideration they made such haste, not to seek the truth, but to condemn us, that it must be done in post haste before the matters could be thoroughly heard: for in all haste we were all 3. condemned of heresy. Thus much I thought good to signify unto your Lordships, that you may know the indifferent handling of matters, leaving the judgement thereof unto your wisdoms. 
Hast made in condemning the Archb. and his fellows.  And I beseech your Lordships to remember me a poor prisonner unto the Queen's Majesty, and I shall pray as I do daily, unto God for the long preservation of your good Lordships in all godliness and felicity. April. 23.   

Doctor Ridley to the Archbishop of Caunterburie.  
I Wish ye might have seen these mine answers before I had delivered them, that ye might have corrected them. 
B. Ridley writeth to the archbishop.  But I trust in the substance of the matter we do agree fully, both led by one spirit of truth, and both walking after one rule of God's word. It is reported that Sergeant Morgane, 
This justice Morgan gave sentence against Lady jane.  the chief justice of the Common place is gone mad. It is said also that justice Hales hath recanted, perverted by D. Moreman. Item, that M. Rogers, D. Crome, and M. Bradforde shall be had to Cambridge, and there be disputed with, as we were here, and that the Doctors of Oxford shall go likewise thither, 
Disputation in Cambridge intended.  as Cambridge men came hither. When ye have red mine answers, send them again to Austen, except ye will put any thing to them. I trust the day of our delivery out of all miseries, and of our entrance into perpetual rest, and unto perpetual joy and felicity draweth me: the Lord strength us with his mighty spirit of grace. If you have not to write with, you must make your man your friend. And this bearer deserveth to be rewarded, so he may and will do you pleasure. My man is trusty, but it grieveth both him and me, that when I send him with any thing to you, your man will not let him come up to see you, as he may to M. Latimer, and yours to me. I have a promise to see how my answers were written in the schools, but as yet I cannot come by it. Pray for me. I pray for you, and so shall I for you. The Lord have mercy of his church, and lighten the eyes of the magistrates, that God's extreme plagues light not on this realm of England.  
Turn, or burn.  
These disputations being thus discoursed and ended, which were at Oxford in the month of April, as is aforesaid: now let us return again to the prosecuting of our story, touching other things likewise that happened in other parties of the realm, in this tumultuous time of Queen Marie. And because things that happened in that time, were so many and divers, that it is hard to keep a perfect order in reciting them all: to the intent therefore to inserte things left out before, or else to prosecute the same more at full, we have thought here a little to interrupt the order of time (albeit not much) returning again to the month of julie the year before, videlicet. 1553. In the which month of july I showed before how the Duke of Northumberland was apprehended by the Guard, and brought to London by the Earl of Arundel and other Lords and Gentlemen appointed for that purpose on S. james day, being the 25. day of july, and so to the tower, where they remained. These be the names of them which were committed to the Tower with the Duke.  
First the Earl of Warwick, the Earl of Huntingdon, Lord Ambrose, 
The names of them that were committed to the Tower with the Duke of Northumberland.  and Lord Henry Dudley, Lord Hastings, who was delivered again the same night, sir john Gates, sir Henry Gates, sir Andrew Dudley, sir Thom. Palmer, and D. Sands Chancellor of Cambridge.  
The 26. day the Lord Marquis of Northampton, the B. of London, Lord Robert Dudley, and sir Richard Corbet were brought and committed to the Tower.  
The 27. day the Lord chief justice of England, and the Lord Montacute chief justice of the common place, were committed to the Tower.  
Upon the Friday being the 28. of july, the Duke of Suffolk, and Sir john Cheek were committed to the Tower.  
The 30. of july, the Lord russel was committed to the Sheriff of London's custody.  
The 31. day the Earl of Rutland was committed to the Fleet.  

The Duke of Suffolk delivered out of the Tower.  Upon the monday the last of july, the Duke of Suffolk was delivered out of the Tower again.  
Upon thursday the 3. of August, the Queen entered into the city of London at Algate, & so to the Tower, where she remained seven days, and then removed to Richmond.  
Upon friday the fourth day, doct. Day was delivered out of the Fleet.  
Upon saturday the 5. day, the Lord Feries' was committed to the tower, and the same day D. Boner was delivered out of the marshalsea. The same day at night D. Corks was committed to the marshalsea, and one M. Edward Underhill to Newgate. Also the same day doctor Tons●●● and Ste. Gardiner were delivered out of the Tower▪ and Gardiner received into the queens privy counsel, and made Lord Chancellor.  
Upon Sunday the 7. day, Henry Dudley captain of the Guard at Guynes, 
Boner set at liberty.  which before had been sent to the French king by his cousin the Duke of Northumberlande, after the dispatch of his embassage with the French king, returned to Guines, & so was taken, and this day brought to the Tower.  
Upon mondaye the seventh day of August, Dirige in Latin was song within the Tower, by all the Kings Chapel, and the bishop of Winchester was chief minister, whereat was present the Queen, and the most part of the Counsel.  
Upon Tuesday the viii. day of August, the king's body was brought to Westminster, and there buried, where D. Day Bishop of Chichester preached. The same day a Mass of Requiem was song within the tower, by the Bishop of Winchester, who had on his Mitre, & did all things as in times past was done, at which Mass the Queen was present.  
Upon thursday the Duke of Norfolk came forth of the Tower, 
King Edward's body buried.  with whom the Duchess of Somerset was also delivered this thursday.  
Upon sunday the 11. of August, Doctor Bourne preached at Paul's Cross, of the which sermone read before, pag. 1339.  
In the week following, commandment was given throughout the city, that no Prentices should come to the sermon, nor wear any knife or dagger.  
Upon the wednesday, being the xvi. day of August, M. Bradford, M. Beacon, and M. Ueron, were committed to the Tower: with whom also M. Samson should have been committed, 
M Bradford with others committed to the Tower.  and was sought for the same time in M. Elsinges house in Fleetstreet (where M. Bradforde was taken) and because he was not found, the Bishop of Winchester fumed like a prelate with the messenger.  
Upon the friday being the 18. of August, the Duke of Northumberland, the marquess of Northampton, and the Earl of Warwick were arraigned at Westminster, and there the same day condemned, the Duke of Norfolk that day being the high judge.  
Upon saturday the 19 of August, sir Andrew Dudley, sir john Gates, sir henry Gates, and sir Thomas Palmer were arraigned at Westminster, & condemned the same day, the L. Marquis of Winchester being high judge.  
Upon which day, a letter was sent unto sir Henry Tirrel, Anthony Browne, and Edmonde Brown esquires, praying them to commit to ward all such as shall contemn the Queen's order of religion, or shall keep themselves from church, there to remain until they be conformable, and to signify their names to the counsel.  
Upon Sunday the 20. of August, 
D. Wats●● preache● 〈◊〉 Paul's Crosse.  Doctor Watson the bishop of Winchester's Chaplain Preached at Paul's Cross, at whose Sermone was present the Marquis of Winchester, the Earl of Bedford, the Earl of Penbroke, the Lord Rich, and two hundredth of the Guard with their halbards, lest the people would have made any stir against the Preacher.  
Upon Monday the 21. of August, the Duke of Northumberlande, the Marquis of Northampton, Sir Andrew Dudley, Sir john Gates, and Sir Thomas Palmer heard a Mass within the Tower, and after Mass they all five received the Sacrament in one kind only, as in the Popish time was used. On the which day also Queen Mary set forth a Proclamation, signifying to the people that she could not hide any longer the religion which she from her infancy had professed. etc. inhibiting in the said Proclamation Printing & Preaching, the tenor whereof, read before pag. 1334.  
Upon the Tuesday, being the 22. of August, the Duke of Northumberlande, Sir john Gates, and Sir Thomas Palmer, were beheaded at the Tower hill, as before is said, pag. 1338. 
Execution at the Tow●er hill.  The same day certain noble personages heard Mass within the Tower, and likewise after mass, received the Sacrament in one kind.  
Upon Sunday the 27. day of August, Doctor Chedsey Preached at Paul's Cross, and the same day the Bishop of Canterbury, Sir Thomas Smith, and the dean of Paul's were cited to appear the week following before the Queen's Commissioners, in the Bishop's Consistory within Paul's.  
In this mean time it was noised abroad by running rumours falsely and craftily devised, either to 'stablish the credit of the Mass, or else to bring Thomas Cranmer Archbishop of Canterbury out of credit, that he to curry favour with Queen Mary, should promise to say Dirige Mass after the old custom, for king Edward, and that he had already said Mass at Caunterburie, etc. Wherefore to stop the noise and slander of those rumours, the said Thomas Archb. of Caunter. the 7. day of September set forth a letter, which was also printed, in purgation of himself, the copy of which letter here ensueth.   

A purgation of Thomas, Archbishop of Caunterburie, against certain slanders falsely raised upon him.  
AS the devil, Christ's ancient adversary, is a liar and the father of lies, 
The archbishop of Canterbury purgeth himself against false rumours.  even so hath he stirred up his servants and members, to persecute Christ and his true word and religion with lying: which he ceaseth not to do most earnestly at this present time. For where as the Prince of famous memory king Henry the eight seeing the great abuses of the Latin Mass, reform some things therein in his life time, and after our late sovereign Lord king Edward the 6. took the same whole away for the manifold and great errors and abuses of the same, and restored in the place thereof Christ's holy Supper according to Christ's own institution, and as the Apostles used the same in the primative Church: the devil goeth about now by lying to overthrow the Lords holy Supper again, and to restore his Latin satisfactory Mass, a thing of his own invention and devise. And to bring the same more easily to pass, some have abused the name of me Thomas Archb. of Canterbury, bruting abroad that I have set up the Mass again at Canterbury, & that I offered to say Mass at the burial of our late sovereign prince K. Ed. 6. & that I offered also to say Mass before the Queen's highness and at Paul's Church, and I wots not where. And although I have been well exercised these xx▪ years to suffer and bear evil reports and lies, and have not been much grieved thereat, but have borne all things quietly, yet when untrue reports & lies turn to the hindrance of God's truth, they are in no wise to be suffered. Wherefore these be to signify unto the world, that it was not I that did set up the Mass at Caunterbury, but it was a false flattering, lying, and dissembling monk, 
Ann. 1454. April.  which caused Mass to be set up there without mine advise or Counsel: Reddat illi Dominus in die illo. And as for offering myself to say Mass before the Queen's highness or in any other place, I never did it, as her grace well knoweth. But if her grace will give me leave, 

〈…〉 murderer of God's people.  
Of whose horrible and ye shall 〈…〉 also the life of Cranmer.   I shallbe ready to prove, against all that will say the contrary, that all that is contained in the holy Communion set out by the most innocent and godly Prince king Edward the 6. in his high court of Parliament, is conformable to that order which our Saviour Christ did both observe and command to be observed, & which his Apostles & primative church used many years, whereas the Mass in many things not only hath no foundation of Christ, his Apostles, nor the primative Church, but is manifestly contrary to the same, and containeth many horrible abuses in it. And although many, either unlearned or malicious, do report that M. Peter Martyr is unlearned, yet if the Queene● highness will grant thereunto, I with the said M. Peter Martyr, and other 4. or 5. which I shall choose, will by God's grace take upon us to defend, not only the common prayers of the Church, the ministration of the Sacraments, and other rites & ceremonies: but also all the doctrine and religion set out by our said sovereign Lord king Edward the 6. to be more pure and according to God's word, than any other that hath been used in England these 1000 years: so that God's word may be judge, & that the reasons and proofs of both parties may be set out in writing, to the intent, as well that all the world may examine and judge thereon, as that no man shall start back from his writing. And where they boast of the faith that hath been in the Church these 1500. years, we will join with them in this point, and that the same doctrine and usage, is to be followed, which was in the Church .1500. years past, and we shall prove that the order of the Church, let out at this present in this Realm by Act of Parliament, is the same that was used in the Church .1500. years past, & so shall they be never able to prove theirs.  
The same Thursday being the 7. of Septemb. Lord Montacute chief justice, and Lord chief Baron were delivered out of the Tower.  
The 13. of September the reverend father M. Hugh Latimer was committed to the Tower.  
The 14. of Septemb. the bishop of Caunterburye was committed to the Tower.  
The 26. of September, one Master gray of Cambridge called before him one M. Garth, for that he would not suffer a boy of Peter house to help him say Mass in Penbroke hall, which was before any law was established for that behalf.  
The Queen came to the Tower of London upon the Thursday being the 28. of September, 
Amongst these pageants stood a certain man upon the top of the Eagle upon Paul's steeple with a flag in his hand.  and upon the Saturday following, she road from the Tower through the City of London, where were made many Pageants to receive her, and so was triumphantly brought to Westminster to White hall.  
Upon the Sunday being the first day of October, the Queen's highness went from White hall to Westminster Abbey, accompanied with the most part of the Nobility of this Realm, namely these: The Duke of Norfolk, the Earl of Arundel, the Earl of Shrewsburie, the Marquis of Winchester, the Earls of Derby, Bedford, Worcester, Cumberland, Westmoreland, Oxford, Sussex, Devonshire, Penbroke, the Lord Dacres of the North, Lord Ferris, Lord Cobham, Lord Aburgeiny, Lord Wentwoorth, Lord Scroupe, Lord Rich, Lord Uaus, Lord hayward, Lord Conias, Lord Morley, Lord Paget, and the Lord Willowbye, with many other Nobles, and all the Ambassadors of divers countries, the Mayor of London with all the Aldermen. Also out of the Abbey to receive her coming, came three silver Crosses, and to the number of four score or near upon, 
Q. Marry crowned. Doctor says Sermon. General pardon at the Queen's Coronation. exempted 〈◊〉 of the Pardon.  of singing men, all in very rich & gorgeous copes. Amongst whom were the Dean of Westminster, and divers of her Chaplains, which bore every one some ensign in their hands, and after them followed 10. Bishops mitred all, and their Croyser staves in their hands, and rich Copes upon them every one. And in this order they returned from Westminster hall, before the Queen to the Abbey, where she was crowned by Steven Gardiner Bishop of Winchester, and Lord Chancellor of England. At the time of the Coronation Doctor Day Bishop of Chichester made a sermon to the Queen's majesty, and to the rest of the nobility.  
Also there was a general Pardon proclaimed within the Abbey at the said time of her Coronation, out of which Proclamation all the prisoners of the Tower and of the Flete were excepted, and 62. more. Whereof M. Whitchurch and M. Grafton were two.  
The third of October, the Uicechauncellour of Cambridge did challenge one M. Pierson, for that he ministered still the Communion in his own Parish, and did receive strangers of other Parishes to the same, and would not say mass. Whereupon within 2. days after, he was clean discharged from farther ministering in his Cure.  
Upon the Wedensday following, 
Q. Mary rideth to the Parliament house Sergeant Pollard speaker in the Parliament. The Earl of Huntingdon delivered out of the Tower. M. Saunders for preaching against the Mass committed to the marshalsea.  the Archb. of York was committed to the Tower.  
Upon Thursday being the 5. of October. 1553. the Queen road to the Parliament in her robes, and all the nobility with her, and when they were set in the Parliament house, the Bishop of Winchester made to them a solemn Oration, and Sergeant Pollarde was chosen speaker of the Parliament. The same day the Bishops of Lincoln, Harford, and Westchester, were discharged from the Parliament and Convocation.  
Also the 10. day of October, the Earl of Huntingdon was delivered out of the Tower.  
Upon the Sunday after, being the 15. of Oct. M. Laurence Saunders preached at All-hallows in Breadstreete in the morning: where he declared the abomination of the mass, with divers other matters very notably and godly. Whereof more shallbe heard (by the Lords leave) hereafter when we come to his story. In which his doing, as he showed himself to be Gods faithful minister, so is he sure not to be defrauded of gods faithful promise, who saith: Omnis qui confitebitur me coram hominibus, confitebor & ego illum coram patre meo qui est in coelis. Math. 10. But about noon of the same day he was sent for by the bishop of London, and from thence committed to the Marshalsee.  
Upon the Sunday following, being the 20. of October, Doctor Weston preached at Paul's Crosse. 
D. weston's popish Sermon at Paul's.  Who in the beginning of his Sermone willed the people to pray for the souls departed on this wise: You shall pray for all them that be departed, that be neither in heaven, nor hell, but in a place not yet sufficiently purged to come to heaven, that they may be relieved by your devout prayers. He named the lords table an oyster board. He said that the Catechism in Latin, lately set out, was abominable heresy, & likened the setters out of the same Catechism to julianus Apostata, and the book for a Dialogue set out by the said julianus Apostata, wherein Christ and Pilate were the speakers: 
weston's sermon confuted by M. Coverdalle.  with many other things. Which Sermon with all the points thereof, master Coverdall the same time learnedly confuted by writing, which remaineth yet in my hands to be seen.  
In the week following, began the disputations in the convocation house in Paul's Church, whereof sufficient hath been before declared, pag. 1342.  
The 26. day of October, the Uicechauncellour of Cambridge went to Clarehall, and in the presence of doctor Walker, displaced Doctor Madewe, and placed Master Swynborne in the Mastership there, by force of the Lord Chancellors' letters, for that he was (as they termed it,) Vxoratus, that is, married.  
The 28. day of October, 
Running before the law:  the Papists in the king's college in Cambridge (not tarrying the making of any law, but of their blind zeal) had their whole service again in the Latin tongue, contrary to the law then in force.  
The last of October, the Uicechauncelloure of Cambridge, did sharply reprove and threaten one M. Thrackold, for that he challenged the said Uicechauncellor, who had suffered master Bovell (contrary to the statutes then in force) quietly without punishment to departed, notwithstanding that he refused to swear to the supremacy of the Queen, and the abrogation of the bishop of Rome.  
The third day of November, 
The Queen's proceedings maintained in Cambridge before the law.  the Uicechauncellor sent for the Curate of the round Parish in Cambridge, commanding him not to minister any more in the English tongue, saying: he would have one uniform order of service throughout the Town, and that in Latin, with Mass, which was established the xii. day of this month.  
The 6. day of November, M. Pollarde preached at S. Michael's, and in his Sermon approved Purgatory.  
The 28. day of November, the Archdeacon's Official visited in Hynton, where he gave in charge to present all such as did disturb the Queen's proceed, in letting the Latin service, the setting up of their altars, and saying of Mass, or any part thereof: whereby it was easy to see how these good fellows meant to proceed, having the law once on their side, that thus readily against a manifest law would attempt the punishment of any man.  
The 15. day of December, 
K. Edward's Acts repealed.  there was two Proclamations at London: the one for the repealing of certain acts made by king Edward, and for the setting up of the Mass, for the 20. day of December than next following: the other was, that no man should interrupt any of those that would say Mass.  
The Parliament beginning about the v. day of October, continued till the fifth of December. In the which Parliament were dissolved as well all Statutes made of Fremunire, in the time of King Henry viii. etc. as also other laws and statutes concerning religion and administration of Sacraments decreed under king Edward the 6. as is partly above touched. In the which Parliament moreover was appointed the 20. day of December next ensuing the same year .1553. that all the old form and manner of Church service, used in the last year of king Henry, should now again be restored.  
On Newyeares' even being the last of December, the Lord Marquis of Northampton was delivered out of the Tower.  
About this time a Priest at Caunterbury said Mass on the one day, 
A priest of Canterbury repenting his saying Mass.  & the next day after he came into the pulpit and desired all the people to forgive him, for he said he had betrayed Christ, but not as judas did, but as Peter did, and there made a long Sermon against the Mass.  
The day after Newyeares' day, being the second day of january, in the year of our Lord. 1554. four Ambassadors came into London from the Emperor, and were honourably received. Their names were these. Le county de Egmont, Le county de Lalen, Mounsieur Corire, Le Chancellor Niger.  
About this time a great number of new bishops, Deans. etc. were chosen, more than were made at one time since the Conquest. Their names are these.  

D. Holyman B. of Bristol.  
D. coats B. of Westchester. 
New Bishops made.   
D. Hopton Bishop of Norwiche.  
D. Bourne B. of bath.  
D. White B. of Lyncolne.  
D Mores B. of Rochester.  
D. Morgan Bishop of S. Davies.  
D. Poole B. of S. Ass.  
D. Brookes Bish. of Gloucester.  
D. Moreman, coadiutour to the Bishop of Exeter, & after his decease Bishop of Exeter.  
D. Glin B. of Bangor.  
Master Fecknam Deane of Paul's.  
D. rainold Deane of Bristol, with others.   
The 12. day of januarie, the Uicechancellour of Cambridge called a congregation general, wherein amongst other things, he showed that the Queen would have there a Mass of the holy Ghost upon the 18. day of February than next following, for that it was her birth day, which was fulfilled the day appointed, and that very solemnly.  
Upon the Saturday being the 13. of januarie Doctor Crome was committed to the Fleet. Also upon the Sunday following, one M. Addington was committed to the Tower. 
D. Crome committed to the Fleet.  Also this same Sunday knowledge was given in the Court openly by the B. of Winchester, that the marriage between the Queen's majesty & the king of Spain was concluded, and the day following, being monday and the 15. of january, 
The marriage of Q. Mary.  the Mayor, with the Aldermen and certain Commoners were at the Court, and there they were commanded by the Lord Chancellor to prepare the City ready to receive the said king of Spain, who declared unto them what a Catholic, mighty, prudent & wise prince the said king is, with many other commendations of him.  
Upon the Saturday following, being the 20. of jan. the Court of the first fruits and tenths was dissolved.  
Upon the Thursday at night, following the 25. day of januarie, the Lord Marquis of Northampton was again committed to the Tower, and sir Edward Warnar with him. Who were brought to the Tower by the Mayor.  
Upon the saturday following, being the 26. of january, justice Hales was committed to the Marshalsee, and the same day master Rogers was committed to Newgate. 
justice Hales committed to the marshalsea. M. Rogers committed to Newgate.  Upon this Saturday, Sunday, and Monday following the Londoners prepared a number of soldiers (by the Queen's commandment) to go into Kent against the Commons: whereof were chief Captains the Duke of Norfolk, the Earl of Wormwood, sir Harry jernyngham, sir George Haward, and 10. other captains. Which soldiers when they came to Rochester bridge, where they should have set upon their enemies, most of them (as it is said) left their own Captains, and came wholly to the Kentishmen, and so the foresaid Captains returned to the Court, both void of men and victory, leaving behind them both 6. pieces of ordinance, and treasure.  
About the latter end of januarie, the Duke of Suffolk with his brethren departed from his house at Shene, and took his voyage into Leycester shire. After whom was sent the Earl of Huntingdon to take him and bring him to London, who proclaimed the said Duke traitor by the way as he r●ade.   arc  arc 
As touching the rising of master Wyate, with Sir W. Cobham and others in Kent, and there coming to London in the month of February: also of the Queen's coming to the Guild Hall, and her Oration there made: and after of the taking of the said Wyatt and his company: likewise of the apprehension of the Duke of Suffolk with his brother Lord john Grace: and the next day after of beheading of Lord Gildford and Lady jane, which was the 12. day of February, and how the day before, which was 11. of the said month, Lord William Haward and sir Edward Hastings, were sent for the Lady Elizabeth: and how the same Sunday, Sir Harrye Iseley, M. Culpeper, 
The Lady Elizabeth sent for. The bishop of Winch●●ster preacheth.  and M. Winter were committed to the Tower, the B. of Winchester, the same day being the 11. of February, preaching before the Queen, and persuading her to use no mercy toward these Kentishmen, but severe execution, all which was in the month of February: because most of these matters have been briefly touched before, or else may be found in other Chronicles, I will cease to make any further story of them: having somewhat notwithstanding to declare touching the rainment and death of the Duke of Suffolk.  
Upon Saturday, being the 17. day of Februarye, the Duke of Suffolk was arraigned at Westminster, and the same day condemned to die by his Peres, the Earl Arundel was chief judge for this day. 
The Duke of Suffolk arraigned.   
Upon the Sunday following, which was the 18. day of the said month, Sessions was kept in London, which hath not before been seen to be kept upon the Sunday.  
Upon the monday the 19 of February, the Lord Cobham's 3. sons, and 4. other men were arraigned at Westminster: of which sons the youngest was condemned, whose name is Thomas, and the other two came not at the bar, and the other 4. were condemned.  
Upon the Tuesday being the 20. of February, 
The Lord john Gra● arraigned.  the Lord john Grace was arraigned at Westminster, and there condemned the same day, and other 3. men, whereof one was named Nailer.  
Upon the Wedensday the 21. of February, the L. Thomas Grace, and sir james Croft were brought through London to the Tower with a number of horsemen. 
Sir Nicholas Throgmorton committed to the Tower.   
Upon the Thursday being the 22. of February, sir Nicholas Throgmorton was committed to the Tower.  
Upon the Friday being the 23. of February. 1554. the Duke of Suffolk was beheaded at the Tower hill, the order of whose death here followeth.   

The godly end and death of the Duke of Suffolk beheaded at Tower hill. An. 1554. Febr. 23.  
ON Friday the 23. of February. 1554. about 9 of the clock in the fore noon, the Lord Henry Grace duke of Suffolk, was brought forth of the Tower of London unto the scaffold on the Tower hill, 

The order and manner of the Duke of Suffolk's death.  
D. Weston the Duke Ghostly ●●ther, against the Duke● will.  
Weston 〈◊〉 back by the Duke's 〈◊〉. The word of the Du●● to the people.   with a great company, etc. and in his coming thither, there accompanied him Doctor Weston as his Ghostly father, notwithstanding, as it should seem, against the will of the said Duke. For when the Duke went up to the scaffold, the said Weston being on his left hand, pressed to go up with him. The Duke with his hand put him down again of the stairs: and Weston taking hold of the Duke, forced him down likewise. And as they ascended the second time, the Duke again put him down.  
Then Weston said that it was the Queen's pleasure he should so do. Wherewith the Duke casting his hands abroad, ascended up the scaffold, and paused a pretty while after. And then he said: Masters I have offended the Queen, and her laws, and thereby am justly condemned to die, and am willing to die, desiring all men to be obedient, and I pray God that this my death may be an ensample to all men, 
The godly faith and confession of the Du●● at his dea●●.  beseeching you all to bear me witness, that I die in the faith of Christ, trusting to be saved by his blood only, and by no other trumpery, the which died for me, and for all them that truly repent, and steadfastly trust in him. And I do repent, desiring you all to pray to God for me, that when you see my breath depart from me, you will pray to God that he may receive my soul. And then he desired all men to forgive him, saying that the Queen had forgiven him.  
Then M. Weston declared with a loud voice that the Queen's Majesty had forgiven him. With that, divers of the standers by said with meetly good and audible voice: such forgiveness God send thee, meaning Doctor Weston. Then the Duke kneeled down upon his knees, and said the Psalm Miserere mei Deus, unto the end, holding up his hands, and looking up to heaven. And when he had ended the Psalm, 
The Duke 〈◊〉.  he said: In manus tuas Domine commendo spiritum meum, etc. Then he arose and stood up, and delivered his cap and his scarf unto the executioner.  
Then the said executioner kneeled down and asked the Duke forgiveness. And the Duke said, God forgive thee & I do, & when thou dost thine office, I pray thee do it well, and bring me out of this world quickly, 
The Duke 〈…〉.  and God have mercy to thee. Then stood there a man and said, my Lord, how shall I do for the money that you do own me? And the Duke said, alas good fellow, I pray thee trouble me not now, but go thy way to my officers. Then he knit a kercher about his face, and kneeled down and said, Our father which art in heaven, etc. unto the end. And then he said, Christ have mercy upon me, 
The end of the Duke of Sufolke.  and laid down his head on the block, and the executioner took the Axe, and at the first chop struck off his head, and held it up to the people, etc.  
The same day a number of prisoners had their pardon, and came through the City with their halters about their necks. They were in 
* 
The number of these are 240. which with 〈◊〉 their 〈◊〉 passed through 〈◊〉 city to W●stminster and had their pardon.  
Priests divorced.   number about two hundredth.  
Upon the Saturday the 24. of February. Sir William Sentlow was committed as prisoner to the master of the horse to be kept. This Sir William was at this time one of the Lady Elizabeth's Gentlemen.  
Upon the Sunday being 25. of February, Sir john Rogers was committed to the Tower.  
In this week, all such Priests within the Diocese of London as were married, were divorced from their livings, and commanded to bring in their wives within a fortnight, that they might likewise be divorced from them. This the Bishop did of his own power.  
Upon the Tuesday in the same week, being the 27. of February, 
Gentlemen sent into Kent to be executed. M. Rudston with certain others pardoned.  certain Gentlemen of Kent were sent into Kent to be executed there. Their names were these, the two Mantles, two Knevets, and Bret: with these, Master Rudston also and certain other were condemned, and should have been executed, but they had their pardon.  
As touching the foresaid Master mantel the elder, here by the way is to be noted, that as he was lead to execution, and at his first casting under the Gallows, the rope broke. Then they would have had him recanted the truth, and received the sacrament of the altar (as they term it) and then they said he should have the Queen's pardon: but Master mantel like a worthy Gentleman, refused their serpentine counsel, and chose rather to die, then to have life for dishonouring of God.  
Moreover, as touching the sayid M. mantel, for that he was reported falsely to have fallen from the constancy of his profession, to clear himself thereof, and to reprove the sinister surmise of his recantation, he wrote this brief Apology in purgation of himself: the copy whereof you shall hear.   

¶ The Apology of M. mantel the elder.  
Perceiving that already certain false reports are raised of me concerning my answers in the behalf of my belief, 
Math. 20.  whiles I was prisoner in the Tower of London, and considering how sore a matter it is to be an occasion of offence to any of those little ones that believe in Christ: 
The belief of M. mantel the elder.  ● have thought it the duty of a Christian man as near as I can (with the truth) to take away this offence. It pleased the Queen's Majesty to send unto me M. Doct. Bourne, 
D. Bourne sent to M. mantel.  unto whom at the first meeting I acknowledged my faith in all points to agree with the four Creeds, that is, the common Creed, the Creed of Nicene, Quicunque vult, and Te Deum laudamus.  
Further, as concerning confession and penance, I declared that I could be content to show unto any learned Minister of Christ's Church, any thing that troubled my conscience, and of such a man I would most willingly hear absolution pronounced.  
Touching the Sacrament of the altar (as he termed it) I said that I believed Christ to be there present as the holy Ghost meant when these words were written: 
M. mantel opposed in the Sacrament.  Hoc est corpus meum.  
Further, when this would not satisfy, I desired him to consider that I was a condemned man to die by a law, and that it was more mee●e for me to seek a readiness and preparation to death. And in so much as I dissented not from him in any article of the Christian faith necessary to salvation, I desired him for God's sake no more to trouble me with such matters, as which to believe is neither salvation, nor not to believe, damnation. He answered, that if I dissented but in the least matter from the catholic Church, my soul was in great danger, therefore much more in this great matter, alleging this text: Qui offenderit in minimo, factus est reus omnium. He that offendeth in the least of these, is guilty of them all. Yea (quoth I) Verum est, 
Math. 5. jacob 2.  ex hisce mandatis i. It is true, of these commandments of God. To this I desired him to consider, that it was not my matter, neither was I able in these matters to keep disputation, nor minded so to do, and therefore to take these few words for a full answer, that I not only in the matter of the sacrament, but also in all other matters of Religion, 
The Church.  Believe as the holy Catholic Church of Christ (grounded upon the Prophets and Apostles) believeth. But upon this word Church we agreed not, for I took exceptionat the Antichristian Popish Church.  
Then fell we in talk of the Mass, wherein we agreed not: 
D. Bourne and M. mantel disagree in the Mass.  for I, both for the occasion of Idolatry, and also the clear subversion of Christ's institution, thought it nought, and he è contra upon certain considerations supposed it good. I found fault that it was accounted a Sacrifice propitiatory for sin, and at certain other applications of it. But he said that it was not a propitiatory sacrifice for sin (for the death of Christ only was the Sacrifice) and this but a commemoration of the same. Then I: if ye think so, certain blasphemous collects left out, I could be content (were it not for offending my poor brethren that believe in Christ, which know not so much) to hear your Mass. See (quoth he) how vain glory toucheth you. Not so sir (quoth I) I am not now I thank God, in case to be vain glorious.  
Then I found further fault with it, that it was not a communion. Yes (saith he) one Priest saying Mass here, 
Bourne maketh the Mass a communion.  and an other there, and the third in an other place etc. is a communion. This agreeth scarcely with these words of Paul (said I): Non in melius, sed in deterius convenitis i. Ye come not after a better manner, but after a worse. Yea, 
1. Cor. 11.  and it is a communion to (said he) when they come together. Now draweth on the time (quoth he) that I must departed from you to the Court, to say Mass before the Queen, and must signify unto her in what case I find you, and me think I find you sore seduced. Then I said, I pray you report the best, for I trust you find me not obstinate. What shall I say are ye content to hear Mass, 
mantel neither obstinate nor stubborn.  and to receive the sacrament in the Mass? I beseech you, said I, signify unto her Majesty, that I am neither obstinate, nor stubborn, for time and persuasion may alter me, but as yet my conscience is such, that I can neither hear Mass, nor receive the sacrament after that sort, Thus after certain requests made to the Queen's Majesty concerning other matters, he departed.  
The next day he came to me again and brought with him S. Cyprians works, for so I had required him to do the day before, because I would see his sermon De mortalitate. He had in this book turned in and interlyned certain places both concerning the Church and the sacrament which he willed me to read. I read as much as my time would serve, and at his next coming I said that I was wholly of Cyp●ians mind, in the matter of the Sacrament. Doctor Weston and Doctor Mallet came after to me, whom I answered much after that sort as I did the other. Doctor Weston brought in the place of Cyprian, Panis iste non effigie sed natura mutatus. etc. I asked of him how natura was taken in the Convocation house in the disputation, upon the place of Theodoret.  
To be short Doctor Bourne came often unto me, and I always said unto him that I was not minded nor able to dispute in matters of Religion, but I believed as the holy Catholic Church of Christ, grounded upon the Prophets and Apostles doth believe, and namely in the matter of the Sacrament, as the holy father's Cyprian and Augustine do write and believed, and this answer and none other they had of me in effect, what words soever have been spread abroad of me that I should be conformable to all things etc. The truth is, 
M. mantel constant in his religion,  I neither heard Mass nor received the sacrament during the time of my imprisonment.  
One time he willed me to be confessed. I said I am content. We kneeled down to pray together in a window. I began without Benedicite, desiring him not to look at my hand for any superstitious particular enumeration of my sins Therewith he was called away to the Council, & ego liberatus Thus much I bear only for my life, as God knoweth. If in this I have offended any Christian, from the bottom of my hart I ask them forgiveness. I trust God hath forgiven me, who knoweth that I durst never deny him before men, lest he should deny me before his heavenly father.  
Thus have I left behind me written with mine own hand the effect of all the talk, especially of the worst that ever I granted unto, to the uttermost I can remember, as (God knoweth) all the whole communication I have not written, for it were both to long and to foolish so to do. Now I beseech the living God which hath received me to his mercy and brought to pass that I die steadfast and undefiled in his truth, at utter defiance and detestation of all Papistical and Antichristian doctrine, I beseech him (I say) to keep and defend all his chosen for his name's sake, from the tyranny of the Bishop of Rome that Antichrist, 
Anno. 1554. April.  and from the assault of all his satellites. God's indignation is known: he will try and prove who be his. Amend your lives. Deny not Christ before men, lest he deny you before his heavenly father. Fear not to lose your lives for him, for ye shall find them again. God hold his merciful hand over this Realm, and avert the plagues imminent, from the same. God save the Queen, and send her knowledge in his truth. Amen, pray, pray, pray ye Christians, and comfort yourselves with the Scriptures.  
Written the 2. of March. an. 1554. by me Walter mantel prisoner, whom both God and the world hath forgiven his offences. Amen.  
And thus much concerning the purgation of Master Walter mantel, who if he had consented unto the Queen, what time she sent Doctor Bourne unto him, to deny his faith, it is not otherwise to be thought, but he had had his pardon, and escaped with life.  
Upon the Saturday being the iij. of March, sir Gawen Carew, 
March 3. Sir Gawen Carew and M. Gibbes, brought to the Tower. March 7.  and master Gibbes were brought through London to the Tower with a company of horsemen.  
In London the seven. day of March, every householder was commanded to appear before the Alderman of their ward, and there were commanded, that they, their wives and servants should prepare themselves to shrift, and receive the Sacrament at Easter, and that neither they, nor any of them should departed out of the City, until Easter was passed.  

March. 18. Lady Elizabeth brought to the Tower. March 24.  Upon the Sunday following, being the xviij. day of March, the Lady Elizabeth, of whom mention was made before, the Queen's Sister, was brought to the Tower.  
Upon Easter even, being the xxiv. of March, the Lord Marquis of Northampton, the Lord Cobham, and Sir William Cobham were delivered out of the Tower.  
The xxv. day (being Easter day) in the morning, at S. Pancrase in Cheap, the Crucifix with the Pixe were taken out of the Sepulchre, 
March. 25. The Pixe risen out of the Sepulchre from all the watchmen at S. Pancrase Church.  before the Priest rose to the resurrection: so that when after his accustomed manner he put his hand into the Sepulchre, and said very devoutly: Surrexit non est hic, he found his words true, for he was not there in deed. Whereupon being half dismayed, they consulted amongst themselves whom they thought to be likeliest to do this thing. In which debatement they remembered one Marsh, which a little before had been put from that parsonage, because he was married, to whose charge they laid it. 
M. Marsh burdened with suspicion and with his marriage.  But when they could not prove it, being brought before the Mayor, they then burdened him to have kept company with his wife, since that they were by commandment divorced. Whereto he answered, that he thought the Queen had done him wrong to take from him both his living and his wife: which words were then noted, and taken very grievously, and he and his wife were both committed to several Counters, notwithstanding that he had been very sick.  
The viii. of April, there was a Cat hanged upon a gallows at the Cross in Cheap, 
April. 8. A Cat hanged with a shaven crown, upon the gallows in Chepeside.  appareled like a Priest, ready to say Mass, with a shaven crown. Her two forefeet were tied over her head, with a round paper like a wafer cake put between them: whereon arose great evil will against the City of London. For the Queen and the Bishops were very angry withal: and therefore the same after noon, there was a Proclamation, that who soever could bring forth the party that did hang up the Cat, should have xx. nobles, which reward was afterwards increased to xx. marks, but none could, or would earn it.  
As touching the first occasion of setting up this Gallows in Cheapside, 
The number and occasion of gallows set up in the City of London.  here is to be understand, that after the Sermon of the Bishop of Winchester (above mentioned) made before the Queen for the strait execution of Wyat's soldiers, immediately upon the same the xiii. of February, were set up a great number of Gallows in divers places of the City, namely two in Chepeside, one at Leaden hall, one at Billynges gate, one at S. Magnus' Church, one in Smithfield, one in Fleetstreet, four in Southwark, one at Allgate, one at bishops gate, one at Aldersgate, one at Newgate, one at Ludgate, one at Saint james park corner, one at Cripplegate: all which Gibbets & gallows to the number of xx. there remained for terror of other, from the xiii. of February, till the iiij. of june, & then at the coming in of King Philip were taken down.  
The xj. day of April, was Sir Thomas Wyatt beheaded and quartered at the Tower hill, where he uttered these words, 
M. Wiat's words touching the Lady Elizabeth.  touching the Lady Elizabeth, and the Earl of devonshire. Concerning (said he) what I have said of other in my examination, to charge any other as partakers of my doings, I accuse neither my Lady Elizabeth's grace, nor my Lord of devonshire. I can not accuse them, neither am I able to say, that, to my knowledge, they knew any thing of my rising. And when Doctor Weston told him, that his confession was otherwise before the Counsel, he answered: that which I said then, I said: but that which I say now, is true.  
Upon the Tuesday being the xvij. of April, Sir james Croft, and Master Winter, 
April. 17. Sir james Croft. M. Winter Sir Nicho●las Throgmorton.  were brought to the Guild hall, with whom also the same time, and to the same place was brought sir Nicholas Throgmorton, and there arraigned of treason, for that he was suspected to be of the conspiracy with the Duke of Suffolk & the rest, against the Queen, where he so learnedly and wisely behaved himself (as well in clearing his own case, as also in opening such laws of the Realm as were then alleged against him) that the Quest which was charged with his matter, could not in conscience, but find him not guilty: 
The Que●●● troubled 〈◊〉 Sir Nicho●las Throgmorton.  for that which the said xii. persons of the Quest, being also substantial men of the City, were bound in the sum of 500 pounds a piece, to appear before the Queen's Counsel at a day appointed, there to answer such things as should be laid against them for his acquitting. Which Quest appeared accordingly before the Counsel in the Star chamber upon Wednesday, being the xxv. of April, and S. Marks day. 
April. 25.  From whence, after certain questioning, they were committed to prison, Emanuel Lucar, & master Whetstone were committed to the Tower, and the other ten to the Fleet.  
As concerning the condemnation of Thomas Archbishop of Cant. of Doctor Ridley, and M. Latymer, which was the xx. of this month of April, & also of their disputations, because we have said enough before, it shall not need now to bestow any further rehearsal thereof.  
The Friday next following, after the condemnation of them, the xxvij. of April, Lord Thomas Grace, 
L. Thomas Grace beheaded. April. 27. April. 28.  the late Duke of Suffolk's brother, was beheaded at Tower hill.  
Upon the Saturday, being the xxviij. of April, Sir james Croft, and Master Winter were again brought to the Guild hall, where Sir james Croft was arraigned and condemned, and because the day was far spent, Master Winter was not arraigned.  
Upon the Thursday, being the xvij. of May, William Thomas was arraigned at the Guild Hall, 
W. Thomas condemne● May. 17.  and there the same day condemned, who the next day after, was hanged, drawn, and quartered. His accusation was, for conspiring the Queen's death: which how true it was, I have not to say. This is certain, that he made a right godly end, and wrote many fruitful exhortations, Letters and Sonnets in the prison before his death.  
In the month of May it was so given out, and bruitted abroad, 
A certain disputation intended to be had at Cambridge.  that a solemn disputation should be holden at Cambridge (as ye heard before in Master Ridleys' letter page. 1396) between M. Bradford, M. Saunders, master Rogers, and other of that side, and the Doctors of both the Universities on the other side, like as had been in Oxford before, as you have heard. Whereupon the godly Preachers which were in prison having word thereof, albeit they were destitute of their books, neither were ignorant of the purpose of the adversaries, and how the cause was prejudicate before, also how the disputations were confusedly handled at Oxford: nevertheless they thought not to refuse the offer of disputation, so that they might be quietly and indifferently heard, and therefore wisely pondering the matter with themselves, by a public consent, directed out of prison a declaration of their mind by writing, the seven. day of May. Wherein first as touching the disputation, although they knew that they should do no good, whereas all things were so predetermined before, yet nevertheless, they would not deny to dispute, 
The preachers in pr●●son refuse not to dispute before indifferent judges.  so that the disputation might be either before the Queen, or before the Counsel, or before the Parliament houses, or else if they might dispute by writing: for else if the matter were brought to the Doctors handling in their own schools, they have sufficient proof (they said) by the experience of Oxford, what little good will be done at Cambridge: and so consequently declaring the faith and doctrine of their Religion, and exhorting the people withal to submit themselves with all patience and humility, either to the will or punishment of the higher powers, they appealed in the end from them to be their judges in this behalf, and so end their protestation, the copy and contents whereof I thought not unfit here to be inserted.   

* A copy of a certain declaration drawn and sent out of prison by Master Bradford, Master Saunders, and divers other godly Preachers, concerning their disputation, 
A declarati●on of the godly preachers written and sen● abroad out of prison.  and doctrine of their Religion, as followeth.  
BEcause we hear that it is determined of the magistrates and such as be in authority, especially of the clergy, to send us speedily out of the prisons of the king's Bench, the Fleet, the marshalsea, and Newgate, where presently we are, and of long time some of us hath been, not as rebels, traitors, seditious persons, thieves, or transgressors of any laws of this realm, inhibitions, Proclamations, or commandments of the Queen's highness, or of any of the Counsels (Gods name be praised therefore) but alonely for the conscience we have to God and his most holy word & truth, upon most certain knowledge: because we say, we hear that it is determined, we shall be sent to one of the universities of Cambridge, or Oxford, there to dispute with such as are appointed in that behalf: 
A 〈◊〉 of a pre●en●ed 〈…〉 at Cambridge.  in that we purpose not to dispute otherwise then by writing, except it may be before the Queen's highness and her Counsel, or before the Parliament houses, and therefore perchance it will be bruited abroad, that we are not able to maintain by the truth of God's word, and the consent of the true and Catholic Church of Christ, the doctrine we have generally and severally taught, and some of us hath written & set forth (wherethrough the godly and simple may be offended & somewhat weakened:) we have thought it our bounden duty, now whilst we may, by writing to publish and notify the causes why we will not dispute otherwise then is abovesaid, to prevent the offences which might come thereby.  
First, because it is evidently known unto the whole world, 

The causes wh● they 〈…〉 otherwise dispute the● before indifferent judges.  
The matter of the disputation is against God's word. The second cause.   that the determinations of both the Universities in matters of Religion, especially wherein we should dispute, are directly against God's word, yea against their own determinations in the time of our late sovereign Lord and most godly Prince, King Edward: and further it is known they be our open enemies, and have already condemned our causes, before any disputation had of the same.  
Secondly, because the Prelates and clergy do not seek either us or the verity, but our destruction and their glory. For if they had sought us (as charity requireth) then would they have called us forth hereaboutes before their laws were so made, that frankly and without peril we might have spoken our consciences. Again, if they had sought for the verity, they would not have concluded of controversies, 
In the disputation neither charity nor verity sought for.  tofore they had been disputed: so that it easily appeareth that they seek their own glory and our destruction, and not us and the verity: and therefore we have good cause to refuse disputation, as a thing which shall not further prevail, then to the setting forth of their glory, and the suppression of the verity.  
Thirdly, because the Censors and judges (as we hear who they be) are manifest enemies to the truth, and that which worse is, obstinate enemies, before whom pearls are not to be cast, 

The third cause. The judges of the disputation's professed enemies against the truth.  
The 4. cause.   by the commandments of our Saviour jesus Christ, and by his own example. That they be such their doings of late at Oxford, and in the Convocation house in October last passed, do most evidently declare.  
Fourthly, because some of us have been in prison these 8. or 9 months, where we have had no books, no paper, no pen, no ink, or convenient place for study, we think we should do evil thus suddenly to descend into disputation with them, which may allege as they list, the fathers and their testimonies, 
Want of boots necessary for disputation.  because our memories have not that which we have read so readily, as to reprove, when they shall report and wrest the authors to their purpose, or to bring forth that we may have there for our advantage.  
Fiftly, because in disputation we shall not be permitted to prosecute our Arguments, 
The 5. cause.  but be stopped when we would speak, one saying thus, another that, the third his mind, 
Example of 〈◊〉 disputation at Oxford.  etc. As was done to the godly learned fathers, especially D. Ridley at Oxford, who could not be permitted to declare his mind and meaning of the propositions, & had oftentimes half a dozen at once speaking against him: always letting him to prosecute his argument, and to answer accordingly: we will not speak of the hissing, scoffing, and taunting, which wonderfully then was used. If on this sort and much worse they handled these fathers, much more will they be shameless bold with us if we should enter into disputation with them.  
Sixtly, because the Notaries that shall receive & write the disputations, shall be of their appointment, and such as either do not or dare not favour the truth, and therefore must write either to please them, or else they themselves (the censors and judges we mean) at their pleasure will put to and take from, 
The 6. cause.  that which is written by the Notaries, who can not, 
Notary's 〈◊〉 indifferent.  nor must not have in their custody that which they writ, longer than the disputation endureth, as their doings at Oxford declareth. No copy nor scroll could any man have by their good will. For the Censors and judges will have all delivered into their hands: Yea, if any man was seen there to write (as the report is) the same man was sent for, and his writings taken from him: so must the disputation serve only for the glory, not of God, but of the enemies of his truth.  
For these causes we all think it so necessary not to dispute with them, as if we did dispute we should do that which they desire & purposely seek, to promote the kingdom of Antichrist, and to suppress (as much as may be) the truth. We will not speak of the offence that might come to the godly, when they should hear, by the report of our enemies, our answers and arguments framed (you may be sure) for their fantasies, to the slandering of the verity.  
Therefore we publish, and by this writing notify unto the whole congregation and church of England, 
Exceptions taken against the adversaries.  that for these aforesaid causes we will not dispute with them, otherwise then with the pen, unless it be before the Queen's highness and her Council, or before the houses of the parliament, as is above said. If they will write, 
Conditions assigned how they would dispute.  we will answer, & by writing confirm and prove out of the infallible verity, even the very word of God, and by the testimony of the good and most ancient fathers in Christ's Church, this our faith and every piece thereof, which hereafter we in a sum do write and send abroad purposely, that our good brethren and sistern in the Lord may know it: and to seal up the same, 
Exhortation to obedience.  we are ready through God's help and grace to give our lives to the halter of fire, or otherwise as God shall appoint, humbly requiring, & in the bowels of our Saviour jesus Christ, beseeching all that fear God, to behave themselves as obedient subjects to the Queen's highness and the superior powers, which are ordained of god under her, rather after our example to give their heads to the block, then in any point to rebel or once to mutter against the Lords anointed: we mean our sovereign Lady Queen Mary, into whose hart we beseech the Lord of mercy plentifully to dour the wisdom and grace of his holy spirit, now and for ever. Amen.  
First we confess and believe all the Canonical books of the old Testament, 
The confession and faith of the prisoned Preachers.  and all the books of the new Testament, to be the very true word of God, and to be written by the inspiration of the holy Ghost, and are therefore to be heard accordingly, as the judge in all controversies and matters of religion.  
Secondly, 
The Catholic Church.  we confess and believe the Catholic church which is the spouse of Christ, as a most obedient and loving wife, to embrace and follow the doctrine of these books in all matters of religion, and therefore is she to be heard accordingly: so that those which will not hear this church thus following and obeying the word of her husband, we account as heretics and schismatics, according to this saying: If he will not hear the Church, let him be unto thee as a Heathen.  
Thirdly, we believe and confess all the Articles of faith & doctrine set forth in the Symbol of the Apostles, 
The Creed▪  which we commonly call the Creed, and in the Symbols of the Counsels of Nice, kept. An. dom. 324. of Constantinople An. dom. 384. of Ephesus kept An. dom. 432. of Chalcedon, kept An. dom. 454. of Toletum, the first and fourth. Also the Symbols of Athanasius, Irenaeus, Tertullian, & of Damasus, which was about the year of our Lord. 376. we confess and believe (we say) the Doctrine of the Symbols generally and particularly: so that who soever doth otherwise, we hold the same to err from the truth.  
Fourthly, we believe and confess concerning justification, 
justification by faith only in Christ.  that as it cometh only from God's mercy through Christ, so it is perceived and had of none which be of years of discretion, otherwise then by faith only: which faith is not an opinion, but a certain persuasion wrought by the holy Ghost in the mind and hart of man, 
What faith is.  where through as the mind is illumined, so the hart is suppled to submit itself to the will of God unfeignedly, & so showeth forth an inherent righteousness, 

Righteousness in man, righteousness without man.  
The doctrine of free justification defended for no curiosity, but for quiet of conscience.   which is to be discerned in the Article of justification, from the righteousness which God endueth us withal justifying us, although inseparably they go together. And this we do not for curiosity or contention sake, but for conscience sake, that it might be quiet, which it can never be, if we confound without distinction, forgiveness of sins, and Christ's justice imputed to us, with regeneration and inherent righteousness. By this we disallow Papistical doctrine of free will, of works of supererogation, of merits, of the necessity of auricular confession, and satisfaction to Godwardes. 
Service in the vulgar tongue.   
Fiftly, we confess and believe concerning the exterior service of God, that it ought to be according to the word of God, and therefore in the congregation all things public ought to be done in such a tongue as may be most to edify & not in Latin, where the people understand not the same.  
Sixtly, we confess and believe that God only by christ jesus is to be prayed unto and called upon, 
Invocation to God alone. Purgatory and Masses suffragatory, denied.  & therefore we disallow invocation or prayer to Saints departed this life.  
seventhly, we confess and believe, that as a man departeth this life, so shall he be judged in the last day generally, & in the mean season is entered either into the state of the blessed for ever, 
An. no 1554. May.  or damned for ever, and therefore is either past all help, or else needs no help of any in this life. By reason whereof we affirm Purgatory, Masses of Scala coeli, Trentals, and such Suffrages as the Popish Church doth obtrude as necessary, 
Two sacraments.  to be the doctrine of Antichrist.  
Eightly, we confess and believe the Sacraments of Christ, which be Baptism and the lords Supper, that they ought to be ministered according to the institution of Christ, concerning the substantial parts of them: and that they be no longer Sacraments, than they be had in use, and used to the end for the which they were instituted.  


The supper to be ministered in both kinds. Against transubstantiation. Against Adoration of the sacrament.  
The mass to be no propitiatory sacrifice.  
Inhibition of priests marriage Antichristian.   And here we plainly confess that the mutilation of the Lords Supper, and the subtraction of the one kind from the lay people, is Antichristian.  
And so is the doctrine of transubstantiation of the Sacramental bread and wine after the words of consecration, as they be called.  
Item, the adoration of the Sacrament, with honour due unto God: the reservation and carrying about of the same.  
Item, the Mass to be a propitiatory sacrifice for the quick and dead, or a work that pleaseth God.  
All these we confess and believe to be Antichristes doctrine: as is the inhibition in Marriage as unlawful to any state. And we doubt not by God's grace, but we shall be able to prove all our confessions here to be most true by the verity of God's word, and consent of the Catholic Church, which followeth and hath followed the governance of God's spirit, and the judgement of his word.  
And this through the Lords help we will do, either in disputation by word before the Queen's highness and her Counsel, either before the Parliament houses, of whom we doubt not but to be indifferently heard, either with our pens, whensoever we shall be thereto by them that have authority required and commanded.  
In the mean season, as obedient Subjects we shall behave ourselves towards all that be in authority, and not cease to pray to God for them, that he would govern them all, generally and particularly with the spirit of wisdom & grace. And so we heartily desire, & humbly pray all men to do, 
Exhortation against rebellion.  in no point consenting to any kind of rebellion or sedition against our sovereign Lady the Queen's highness: but where they can not obey, but they must disobey God, there to submit themselves with all patience and humility to suffer as the will and pleasures of the higher powers shall adjudge: as we are ready through the goodness of the Lord to suffer whatsoever they shall adjudge us unto, rather than we will consent to any doctrine contrary to this which we here confess, unless we shall be justly convinced thereof, either by writing or by word, before such judges as the Queen's highness and her Counsel, 

The bigger part against the better.  
Appeal from the University Doctors as not indifferent judges.   or the Parliament houses shall appoint: For the Universities and Clergy have condemned our causes already by the bigger, but not by the better part, without all disputation of the same: and therefore most justly we may, & do appeal from them to be our judges in this behalf, except it may be in writing, that to all men the matter may appear. The Lord of mercy endue us all with the spirit of his truth and grace of perseverance therein unto the end. Amen.  
The 8. of May, Anno Dom. 1554.  

Robert Menaven, aliâs  
Robert Ferrar.  
Rowland Taylor.  

The names of the prisoned preachers subscribing to this declaration.  john Philpot.  
john Bradford.  
john. Wigorne and Glouc. Episcopus, aliâs  
john Hooper.  
Edward Crome.  
john Rogers.  
Laurence Saunders.  
Edmund Laurence.  
I. P.  
T. M.   
☞ To these things abovesaid, do I miles Coverdale late of Exon, consent and agree with these my afflicted brethren being prisoners with mine own hand.  
And thus much concerning this present declaration subscribed by these preachers, which was on the viii. day of May.  
Furthermore, the nineteen. day of the said month, the Lady Elizabeth, 
May. 19 Lady Elizabeth. Sir john Williams.  Sister to the Queen, was brought out of the Tower, and committed to the custody of Sir john Williams, after Lord Williams of Tame, of whom, her highness was gently and courteously entreated: who afterward was had to Woodstock, and there committed to the keeping of Sir Henry Benifield Knight of Oxeborough in Norfolk: 
Sir Henry Benefield.  who on the other side, both forgetting her estate, and his own duty, (as it is reported) showed himself more hard & strait unto her, than either cause was given of her part, or reason of his own part would have led him, 
july 20. K. Philip arriveth at Southampton.  if either grace or wisdom in him might have seen before, what danger afterward might have ensued thereof. Whereof we have to entreat more at large (the Lord willing) hereafter in the story & life of Queen Elizabeth.  
Upon the Friday following, being the xx. of july, and S. Margaret's day, the prince of Spain landed at southhampton. The Prince himself was the first that landed: who immediately as he set foot upon the land, drew out his sword, and carried it naked in his hand a good pretty way. 
King Philip carrieth his sword naked coming into England. The keys of Southampton delivered to K. Philip.   
Then met him without the Town a little the Mayor of Southampton, with certain Commoners, who delivered the keys of the Town unto the Prince, who removed his sword (naked as it was) out of his right hand, into his left hand, and so received the keys of the Mayor without any word speaking, or countenance of thankfulness, and after a while delivered the keys to the Mayor again. At the Town gate met him the Earl of Arundel and Lord Williams, and so he was brought to his lodging.  
Upon the Wednesday following, being S. james day, 
july. 25. Marriage between K. Philip an● Q. Mary.  and the xxv. of july, Philip Prince of Spain, & Mary Queen of England, were married together solemnly in the Cathedral Church at Winchester, by the Bishop of Winchester, in the presence of a great number of noble men of both the Realms. At the time of this marriage the emperors Ambassador being present, openly pronounced, that in consideration of that Marriage, the Emperor had granted & given unto his son, the Kingdom of Naples, etc.  
Whereupon the first day of August following, there was a Proclamation, that from that time forth, the style of all manner of writings should be altered, 
August. 1.  and this following should be used.  
☞ Philip and Mary by the grace of God, King and Queen of England, France, Naples, jerusalem, and Ireland, defenders of the Faith, Princes of Spain and Cicill, Archdukes, of Ostrich, Dukes of Milan, Burgundy, and Brabant, Counties of Haspurge, Flaunders and tyrol.  
Of this Marriage, as the Papists chief seemed to be very glad, so divers of them after divers studies, to show forth their inward affections, some made Interludes and Pagentes, some drew forth Genealogies, deriving his pedigree from Edward the third and john of gaunt, some made Verses. Amongst all other, Master white, than Bishop of Lincoln (his Poetical vain being drunken with joy of the Marriage) spewed out certain Verses: the copy whereof we have here inserted.   

¶ Philippi & Mariae Genealogia, qua ambo Principes ex johann de Gandavo, Edwardi tertij, Angliae, Franciaeque Regis filio descendisse ostenduntur, Whito Lincolniense Authore.  
ILle parens regum Gandava ex urbe johannes  
Somersetensem comitem profert johannem.  
Somersetensis venit hoc patre dux johannes,  
Qui Margaretam Richemundi habuit Comitissam.  
Haec dedit Henricum, qui regni septimus huius  
Henrico octavo solium regal reliquit.  
Hoc patre propitio, & fausto quasi sydere nata  
jure tenes sacram▪ teneasque Maria coronam.   

¶ Verses of M. White Bishop of Lincoln, concerning the Marriage of Philip and Mary.  
NVbat ut angla anglo, regina Maria Philippo,  
Inque suum fontem regia stirps redeat,  
Noluit humani generis daemon vetus hostis,  
Sed Deus Anglorum provida spes voluit.  
Nollet Scotus inops, timidusque ad praelia Gallus,  
Caesar, & Italia, & Flandria tota volet.  
Noluit Haereticus (stirps Caiphae) pontificum grex,  
Pontificum sed grex Catholicus voluit.  
Octo uxorati Patres in daemone nollent:  
Quinque Cathenati pro pietate, volent.  
Noluit johannes D●dley Northumbrius ursus,  
Sed fidum regni Consilium voluit.  
Noluit aetatis nostrae Catelina Viatus,  
Sed proceres & plebs & pia turba volet.  
Nollet Graius dux, & Cantia terra rebellans:  
Nos quoniam Dominus sic voluit, volumus.  
Clarior effectus repetat sua limina sanguis,  
Cum sit Philippo juncta Maria viro.   

¶ Answer by the reverend Bishop of Norwich to the Bishop of Lyncolne.  
EXterno nubat Maria ut regina Philippo,  
Vt sint pulsa suis sceptra Britanna locis:  
Vult Daemon generis nostri antiquissimus hostis,  
Anglorum non vult anchora sola Deus.  
Nolunt hoc Galli, nolunt Scoti armipotentes,  
Vult Caesar, Flandrus, vult Italus Golias.  
Vult grex Pontificum, stirps Caypha, turba bicornis,  

Ann. ●●54. 〈◊〉  Non vult sanctorum sed pia turba patrum.  
Nolunt octo, quibus sunt vincla iugalia curae,  
Quinque cathenati Daemonis arte volunt.  
Hoc neque tu prorsus Dudlaee animose volebas:  
Inuitum regni Consilium voluit.  
Dedecus hoc non vult fortissimus ille Viatus,  
invitus populus, sic proceresque volent.  
Vos vultis, quoniam semper mala cuncta voletis:  
Non vul● Graius Dux, nec pia turba volet.  
Quot tulit Hispanus rex ergò commoda secum,  
Reginae socias cum dedit ille manus?   

¶ Another answer by the said Author.  
HIspano nubat Maria ut regina Philippo,  
Extirpetur stirps ut quoque Nobilium:  
Vult pater id vester disturbans omnia Daemon,  
Non vult Anglorum sed pater Altitonans.  
Non vult bellipotens Gallus, non vult Scotus acer,  
Vult Caesar, Flandrus, Papicolaeque volunt.  
Grex mitratorum vult, Cayphae ipsa propago:  
Non vult sanctorum sed pius ordo patrum.  
Nolunt octo, pios qui iure colunt hymenaeos,  
Quinque cathenati pro impietate volunt.  
Dudlaeus minimè voluit Northumbrius Heros:  
Cui sua perchara est patria, nemo volet.  
Libertatis amans non vult bonus ille Viatus,  
Non proceres, non plebs, nec pia turba volet.  
Vos vultis, pietas qui vultis ut exulet omnis,  
Non Graius, sed nec Cantia turba volet.  
Ergò magis clarus quî fit (rogo) sanguis avitus,  
Quando iugalis sit iunctus uterque thoro?   

¶ Other Verses answering to Bishop White, made by I. C.  
QVamlibet Anglorum stirps ementita Philippo,  
Et Maria Hispana de genetrice fuit:  
Vt tamen Hispano, confusi sanguinis Angla  
Nuberet in gentis dedecus atque patris,  
Noluit Anglorum priscae virtutis amator,  
Sed Deus in nostram perniciem voluit.  
Noluit in nostram, nisi conspirata, salutem  
Turba: quid ad nos si gens inimica volet?  
Pontifices fati, quasi Cayphas, omina dantes  
Nolebant: at grex cacolucos voluit.  
Elegere pij connubia talia nolle:  
Velle quidem demens haeresis illa fuit.  
Consilium multo praestantius octo mariti,  
Quinque cathenatis ob malefacta, dabant.  
Noluit hos iungi thalamos Northumbrius heros.  
O consultores, qui volvere, malos.  
Noluit haud aequo confligens mart Viatus,  
Solaque quae voluit, turba Papalis erat.  
Nolebat Graius, neque terra Britanna volebat:  
Nos, quoniam Dominus sic voluit, tulimus.  
Sed tulimus pariter fata infoelicia, quando  
Infoelix Maria est nupta Philippe tibi.   

* Other verses answering likewise.  
NVbat ut Hispano Regina Maria Philippo  
Dic age white mihi, quos voluisse vides?  
Noluit aut voluit quid inanis turba, refert nil,  
Velle & nolle Dei est: quid volet ille, refert.  
Hoc quoniam voluit (inquis) Dominus, voluistis:  
Quid voluit, quoniam nescis inept, scias.  
Scilicet hoc voluit, vates ut vanus & augur,  
Et mendax Whitus pseudopropheta foret.  
Regi non regi nupsit, non nupserat, Angla est,  
Non Angla est, gravida est, non gravida est, gravius est.  
Parturit atque parit, sic vos voluistis ovantes,  
Nil tamen illa parit: hoc voluit Dominus.  
Duxerat ad paucos menses, mox deserit idem:  
Sponsa est, mox vidua est: hoc voluit Dominus.  
Irrita frustrentur semper sic vota malorum,  
Perniciem patriae qui volvere suae.  
Sit nomen Domini benedictum.  

●. Philip ●●mmeth to windsor. The Armed 〈◊〉 England 〈◊〉 down 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 of  After the consummation of which marriage, they both removed from Winchester to sundry other places, and by easy journeys came to Windsor Castle, where he was stalled in the order of the Garter, upon Sunday, being the xii. of August. At which time an Herald took down the arms of England at Windsor, and in the place of them would have set the arms of Spain, but he was commanded to set them up again by certain Lords. From thence, they both removed to Richmond, 
Spain set up. K. Philip cometh to London.  and from thence by water came to London, and landed at the Bishop of Winchester's house through which they passed both into Southwark park, & so to Southwark house called Suffolk place, where they lay that night being the 18. of August.  
And the next day, being Saturday, and the nineteen. of August the king and Queen's majesties road from Suffolk place (accompanied with a great number, 
August. 19  as well of noble men as gentlemen) through the City of London to White Hall and at London bridge as he entered at the draw bridge, was a vain great spectacle set up, 
Vain pageants of London.  two Images representing 2. Giants, one named Corineus, and the other Gogmagoge holding between them certain Latin verses, which for the vain ostentation of flattery, I overpass.  
And as they passed over the bridge, there was a number of ordinance shot at the Tower, such as by old men's report the like hath not been heard or seen these hundredth years.  
From London Bridge they passed to the Conduit in Gracious street which was finely painted, and among other things, the ix. worthies, whereof king Henry the 8. was one. He was painted in harness having in one hand a sword, and in the other hand a book, whereupon was written Verbum Dei, 
Winchester cannot abide the book called Verbum Dei.  delivering the same book (as it were) to his son 〈◊〉 Edward, who was painted in a corner by him.  
But hereupon was no small matter made, for the Bishop of winchester Lord Chancellor, sent for the painter and not only called him knave for painting a book in K. Henry's hand, and specially for writing thereupon Verbum Dei, but also rank Traitor and Villain, saying to him that he should rather have put the book into the Queen's hand (who was also painted there) for that she had reform the church and religion, 
The painter sent for to the B. of Winchester.  with other things according to the pure and sincere word of God in deed.  
The Painter answered and said, that if he had known that that had been the matter wherefore his Lordship sent for him, he could have remedied it, and not have troubled his Lordship. 
The painters answer.   
The bishop answered & said, that it was the Queen's majesties will and commandment that he should send for him: and so commanding him to wipe out the book and Verbum Dei too: he sent him home. So the Painter departed, but fearing lest he should leave some part either of the book, or of Verbum Dei, in king Henry's hand: he wiped away a piece of his fingers withal.  
Here I pass over and cut of other gauds & pageants of pastime showed unto him in passing through London, with the flattering verses set up in Latin, wherein were blazed out in one place the five philips, as the five worthies of the world, Philip of Macedonia Philip the Emperor, Philippus Audax, Philippus Bonus, Philip Prince of Spain and king of England.  
In an other Poetry K. Philip was resembled by an Image representing Orpheus, 
V Phillips.  and all English people resembled to brute & savage beasts following after Orpheus' harp, and dancing after king Philip's pipe. Not that I reprehend the art of the Latin verses, which was fine and cunning, but that I pass over the matter, having other graver things in hand, and therefore pass over also the sight at Paul's church side of him that came down upon a rope tied to the batilmentes with his head before, neither staying himself with hand or foot: which shortly after cost him his life.  
But one thing by the way I cannot let pass touching the young flourishing Rood newly set up against this present tim● 〈◊〉 welcome king Philip into Paul's Church. The setting up of which Rood was this, and may make as good a Pageant as the best.  
An 2. Mariae Boner in his royalty, and all his Prebendaries about him in Paul's Choir, the Rood laid a long upon the pavement, 
The erecting up of the Rood at Paul's.  and also all the doors of Paul's being shut, the Bishop with other, said and sung divers prayers by the Rood: that being done they anointed the Rood with oil in divers places, and after the anointing crept unto it and kissed it.  
After that they took the said Rood and weighed him up and set him in his old accustomed place, 
B. Boners God the Rood of Paul's set up with ●e Deum.  and all the while they were doing thereof, the whole Choir sang Te Deum, and when that was ended, they rang the Bells, not only for joy, but also for the notable and great fact they had done therein.  
Not long after this, a merry fellow came into Paul's and spied the Rood with Mary and john new set up whereto (among a great sort of people) he made low courtesy and said: sir, your Mastership is welcome to town. 
Salutation to the Rood of Paul's.  I had thought to have talked further with your Mastership, but that ye be here clothed in the Queen's colours. I hope ye be but a summers bird, in that ye be dressed in white and green, etc.  
The Prince thus being in the Church of Paul's, after Doctor Harpesfield had finished his Oration in Latin, set forward through Fleetstreet, and so came to White hall, where he with the Queen remained four days after, and from thence removed unto Richmond.  
After this, all the Lords had leave to depart into their countries, with strait commandment to bring all their harness and artillery into the Tower of London with all speed. Now remained there no English Lord at the court but the Bishop of Winchester. From Richmond they removed to Hampton Court, where the hall door within the Court was continually shut, so that no man might enter, unless his errand were first known: which seemed strange to English men that had not been used thereto.  
About the eight day of September, Bishop Bover began his visitation, 
Septemb. 3.  who charged vj. men in every parish to inquire (according to their oaths) and to present before him the day after S. Mathewes day, being the xxij. of September, all such persons as either had or should offend in any of his Articles, which he had set forth to the number of 37. Of the which visitation of Boner, I have somewhat more largely to entreat, after that first I shall overpass a few other things following in course of this present story.  
The xvij. day of September, was a Proclamation in London, 
Septemb. 17.  that all Uacabonds and masteries men, as well strangers as Englishmen, should departed the City within five days: & straightly charging all Inholders, Uictuallers, Taverners, and Alehousekeepers, with all other that sell victuals, that they (after the said five days) should not sell any meat, drink, or any kind of victual to any Servingman whatsoever, unless he brought a testimonial from his Master to declare whose servant he was, and were in continual household with his said Master, upon pain to run in danger of the law if they offend herein.  
Upon the Sunday following, being the thirty. day of September, 
Septemb. 30.  the Bishop of Winchester Lord Chancellor of England preached at Paul's Cross, at whose Sermon were present all the Counsel that were at the Court, 
The B. of Winchester preacheth.  namely the Marquis of Winchester, the Earl of Arundel, Lord North, Sir Anthony Browne, Master Rochester, Master Walgrave, Master Englefild, Lord Fitzwaters, and Secretary Peter, & the Bishop of London, Duresme, & Ely, which iij. sat under the Bishop's arms. The Gospel whereof he made his Sermon is written in the xxij. cha. of Math. Where the Phariseis came unto Christ, & amongst them one asked Christ which was the greatest commandment. Christ answered: Thou shalt love thy Lord God with all thy hart, etc. and thy neighbour as thyself, in these two is comprehended the Law and the Prophets.  
After his long declaration of these words, speaking very much of love and charity, at the last he had occasion upon S. james his words, to speak of the true teachers, and of the false teachers, saying, that all the Preachers almost in King Edward's time, preached nothing but voluptuousness, 
A blasphemous mouth against the true preachers of God's word.  and filthy and blasphemous lies, affirming their doctrine to be that false doctrine whereof S. james speaketh: saying, that it was full of perverse zeal, earthly, full of discord and descension, that the preachers aforenamed would report nothing truly, & that they taught that it was lawful for a man to put away his wife for adultery, and marry another, 
The church never confessed the natural body of Christ so to be in the Sacrament, that the substance of bread was taken away before the time of pope Innocent the 3. anno. 1215: Winchester preacheth in commendation of king Philip.  and that if a man vowed to day, he might break it to morrow at his pleasure, with many other things which I omit. And when he spoke of the Sacrament, he said that all the Church from the beginning have confessed Christ's natural body to be in heaven, & here to be in the Sacrament, and so concluded that matter: & then willed all men to say with joseph's brethren: Peccavimus in fratrem. We have all sinned against our brother, and so (said he) have I to. Then he declared what a noble King & Queen we have, saying that if he should go about to show that the King came hither for no necessity or need, & what he had brought with him, it should be superfluous, seeing it is evidently known that he hath x. times as much as we are in hope & possession of, affirming him to be as wise, sober, gentle & temperate a Prince as ever was in England, and if it were not so proved, then to take him for a false liar for his so saying: Exhorting all men to make much of him, & to win him whilst we had him, and so should we also win all such as he hath brought with him, and so made an end.  
Upon the Tuesday following, being the second day of October, xx. carts came from Westminster laden (as it was noised) with gold and silver, and certain of the Guard with them through the City to the Tower, and there it was received in by a Spaniard, who was the King's Treasurer, and had custody of it within the Tower. It was matted about with mats, and mailed in little bundles about two foot long, and almost half a foot thick, and every cart were six of those bundles. What it was in deed God knoweth, for it is to us uncertain.  
About the same time, or a little before, upon Corpus Christi day, the procession being made in Smithfield, 
joh. 〈◊〉▪  where after the manner the Priest with his box went under the Canapy, by chance there came by the way a certain simple man, named john Street, a joiner of Coleman street, who having some haste in his business, 
The 〈◊〉 worse 〈◊〉 than 〈◊〉▪  and finding no other way to pass through, by chance went under the Canapy by the Priest. The Priest seeing the man so to presume to come unto the Canapy, being belike afraid, and worse feared than hurt, for fear let his Pixe fall down. 
The 〈◊〉 let the 〈◊〉 fall for fear.  The poor man being strait ways apprehended, was had to the Counter, the Priest accusing him unto the Counsel, as though he had come to slay him, when as the poor man (as he himself hath since declared unto us) had no such thought ever in his mind. Then from the Counter he was had unto Newgate, where he was cast into the Dungeon, 
joh. 〈◊〉 innocent cast in the Dungeon▪  there chained to a post, where he was cruelly & miserably handled & so extremely dealt withal, that being but simple before, he was now feared out of his wit altogether, and so upon the same had to Bedlam. Whereupon the brief Chronicle of London in this point is not to be credited, 
joh. 〈◊〉 falsely rep●●●ted of.  which untruly reported that he feigned himself in Newgate to be mad: which thing, we in writing of this history by due inquisition of the party, have found to be contrary.  
About the v. day of October, 
October▪  and within a fortnight following, were divers as well householders as servants & prentices apprehended and taken, and committed to sundry prisons, for the having and selling of certain books which were sent into England by the Preachers that fled into Germany and other Countries, which books nipped a great number so near, 
Men pris●●ned for books.  that within one fortnight there were little less than threescore imprisoned for this matter: among whom, was M. Browne a Goldsmith, Master Spark a Draper, randal Tirer a Stationer, M. Beston a Merchant, with many other.  
Upon the Sunday being the xiv. day of October, the old Bishop of Duresme preached in the shrouds. 
October. ●4   
Upon S. Luke's day following, being the xviij. of October, the kings Majesty came from Westminster to Paul's Church along the Streets, accompanied with a great number of Noble men, and there he was received under a Canapy at the West door, and so came into the Chancel where he heard Mass (which a Spanish Bishop and his own Chapel song) and that done, he returned to Westminster to dinner again.  
Upon the Friday being the xxuj. of October, 
October 26. The 〈◊〉 of the 〈◊〉 men 〈◊〉 were of 〈◊〉 Throgm●●tons 〈◊〉 October Nouemb●● Nouemb●●  certain men, whereof I spoke before, which were of Master Throgmortons' quest, being in number viii. for the other four were delivered out of prison, for that they submitted themselves and said they had offended, like weakelyng, not considering truth to be truth but of force for fear said so: these viii. men I say (whereof Master Emanuel Lucas, and M. Whetstone were chief) were called before the Counsel in the Star chamber: where they all affirmed that they had done all things in that matter according to their knowledge and with good consciences, even as they should answer before God at the day of judgement. Where master Lucas said openly before all the Lords, that they had done in the matter like honest men and true and faithful subjects, and therefore they humbly besought the Lord Chancellor and the other Lords, to be means to the King and Queen's Majesties, that they might be discharged and set at liberty, & said that they were all contented humbly to submit themselves to their majesties, saving and reserving their truth, consciences and honesty. Some of the Lords said that they were worthy to pay a thousand pounds a piece, and other some said that Master Lucas and Master Whetstone were worthy to pay a thousand marks a piece, and the rest five hundredth pounds a piece. In conclusion, sentence was given by the Lord Chancellor, that they should pay a thousand Marks a piece, and that they should go to prison again, & there remain till further order were taken for their punishment.  
Upon the Tuesday being the thirty. of October, the Lord john Grace was delivered out of the Tower and set at liberty.  
Upon Sunday the fourth of November, five Priests did penance at Paul's Cross, which were content to put away their wives, and take upon them again to minister. Every of them had a Taper in his hand, and a rod, wherewith the Preacher did dispel them.  
Upon Wednesday the seven. of November, the Lord Paget & Sir Edward Hastings Master of the horse, were sent as Ambassadors, I know not whither, but as it was adjudged, to Cardinal Poole, who lay all the summer before at Bruxelles, 
 and it was thought: they were sent to accompany and conduct him into England, where at that time he was nominated and appointed bishop of Caunterbury.  
Upon the Friday following the 9 of November Master Barlow late Bishop of bath, and M. Card-maker were brought before the counsel in the Star Chamber, 
 where a●ter communication they were commanded to the Fleet.  
Upon the Saturday being the tenth of November, the Sheriffs of London had commandment to take an inventory of every one of their goods which were of M. Throgmortons' quest, 
 & to seal up their doors, which was done the same day. M. Whetstone, master Lucas, and Master Kyteley, were judged to pay 2000 pounds a piece and the rest 1000 Marks a piece, to be paid within one fortnight after. From this payment were exempted those 4. which confessed a fault and submitted themselves whose names are these, M. Lo, M. Poynter, M. Beswicke, and M. Cater.  
Mention was made a little before of the visitation of Ed. Boner bishop of London, 
 which began (as is said) about the month of September: for the better preparation whereof were set forth certain Articles to the number of 37. Which articles partly for the tediousness of them, partly for that master Bale in a certain treatise hath sufficiently painted out the same in their colours, partly also, because I will not infect this book with them, I slip them over, proceeding in the progress of this bishop in his visitation in the county of Essex. Who passing through the said county of Essex being attended with divers worshipful of the shire (for so they were commanded) arrived at Sterford in Hertfordshyre where he rested certain days, 
B. Boners behaviour at Sterford.  solacing himself after that painful peregrination with no small feasting and banqueting with his attendants aforesaid, at the house of one Persons his Nephew whose wife he commonly called his fair Niece (and fair she was in deed) he took there great pleasure to hear her play upon the Uirginals (wherein she excelled) in so much that every dinner (sitting by his sweet side) she rose and played three several times at his request of his good and spiritual devotion towards her. These certain days thus passed in this bishoplike fashion, he proceeded in his popish visitation towards Hadham his own house and parish, not past two miles from Sterford, 
Boner behaviour at Hadham.  being there most solemnly rang out, as in all other places whereas he passed. At length drawing near unto Hadham, when he heard no bells there ●●●●ring in honour of his holiness, he grew into some choler & the nearer he approached the hotter was his fit, & the quieter the bells were, the unquieter was his mood. Thus road he on chafing and fuming with himself. 
 What meaneth (saith he) that knave the Clerk, that he ringeth not, and the parson that he meeteth me not? with sundry other furious words of fiery element. There this patiented prelate coming to the town, alighted, calling for the key of the Church, which was then all unready, for that (as they then pretended) he had prevented his time by two hours, whereupon he grew from collar to plain melancholy, so as no man willingly would deal with him to qualify the raging humour so far incorporated in his breast. At last the Church-door being opened, the Bishop entered, and finding no sacrament hanged up, nor rood lost decked after the popish precept (which had commanded about the same time a well favoured Rood, and of able stature universally in all Churches to be set up) curtalled his small devotions, and fell from all collar and melancholy to flat madness in the uppermost degree, swearing and raging with an hunting ●the or two, and by no beggars, that in his own Church where he hoped to have seen best order, he found most disorder (to his honours most heavy discomfort, as he said) calling the Parson (whose name was Doctor Bricket) knave, 
 and heretic. Who there humbled himself and yielded as it were, to his fault, saying he was sorry his Lordship was come before that he and his parish looked for him: and therefore could not do their duties to receive him accordingly: & as for those things lacking, he trusted, a short time hereafter should compass that, which hitherto he could not bring about. Therefore if it pleased his Lordship to come to his poor house (where his dinner was prepared) he would satisfy him in those things, which his Lordship thought amiss. Yet this so reasonable an answer, nothing could satisfy nor assuage his passion unreasonable. For the Catholic Prelate utterly defied him and his cheer, commanding him out of his sight saying: 
 (as his by word was) before God thou art a knave, avant heretic, and therewithal, whether thrusting or striking at him, so it was that with his hand he gave sir Thomas josselin Knight (who was then amongst the rest, & stood next the bishop) a good flewe● upon the upper part of the neck, even under his ear (as some say which stood by) but as he himself said he hit him full upon the ear: 
Sir Thomas josselyn strooken of Boner.  whereat he was somewhat astonished at the suddenness of the quarrel for that time. At last, he spoke and said, what meaneth your Lordship? have you been trained in Will Somers school, to strike him who standeth next you? The Bishop still in rage either heard not, or would not hear.  
Then M. Fecknam Deane of Paul's seeing the bishop still in this bitter rage, said: O M. josselin, you must bear with my lord: 
Fecknam excuseth B. Boner by the marshalsea.  for truly his long imprisonment in the marshalsea, and the misusing of him there hath altered him, that in these passions he is not ruler of himself, nor it booteth any man to give him counsel until his heat be past, & then assure yourself M. josselin my lord will be sorry for those abuses that now he cannot see in himself. Whereunto he merrily replied and said: so it seemeth Master Fecknam, 
Sir Tho. josselyns Apothegma touching B. Boner.  for now that he is come forth of the marshalsea, he is ready to go to Bedlam. At which merry conciepte some laughed and more smiled because the nail was so truly hit upon the head. The Bishop nothing abashed at his own folly, gave a deaf ear, as no marvel it was that he shamed little to strike a stranger, which spared not the burning of so many good men.  
After this worthy combat thus finished and achieved, this martial Prelate presently taketh him to his horse again (notwithstanding he was minded to tarry at Hadhan 3. or 4. days, and so had made provision in his own house) and leaving his dinner road that night with a small company of his household to Ware (where he was not looked for 3. days after) to the great wonder of all the country why he so prevented his day afore stalled.  
At this hasty posting away of this Bishop, his whole train of attendants there left him. Also his Doctors and chaplains (a few excepted) tarried behind, and dined at D. Brickets as merrily as he road towards Ware all chasingly: which dinner was prepared for the bishop himself. Now whether the Bishop were offended at those solemnities which he wanted and was accustomed to be saluted withal in other places where he journeyed, joining to that his great God was not exalted above ground over the altar, nor his block almighty set seemly in the rood lost to entertain strangers, 
B. Boner drive from a good dinner.  and therupon took occasion to quarrel with D. Bricket (whose religion percase he somewhat suspected) I have not perfectly to say, but so it was supposed of divers the cause thereof to rise, which drove the bishop so hastily from such a dinner. Testified by such as there and then were present, Rich. K. etc.   

¶ A story of a Rood set up in Lankashyre.  
In this Visitation of Bishop Boner above mentioned, ye see how the bishop took on for not setting up the Rood and ringing the bells at Hadham. 
A story of a Rood set up in Lankeishire.  Ye heard also of the precept, which commanded in every parish a Rood to be erected both well favoured and of an able stature. By the occasion whereof, it cometh in mind (and not out of place) to story likewise what happened in a certain Town in Lankashyre near to Lancaster called Cockram, where the Parishioners & Churchwardens having the same time a like charge for the erecting of a rood in their parish church had made their bargain and were at a price with one that could cunningly karue & paint such idols, for the framing of their Rood: who according to his promise, 
The men of Cockram not pleased with their Rood.  made them one, & set it up in their Church. This done, he demanded his money. But they misliking his workmanship, refused to pay him, whereupon he arrested them, and the matter was brought before the Mayor of Dancaster, who was a very meet man for such a purpose, and an old favourer of the Gospel, which is rare in that country. Then the carver began to declare how they had covenanted with him for the making of a Rood, with the appurtenances ready karued and set up in their Church, which he according to his promise had done and now demanding his money they refused to pay him. Is this true, quoth the Mayor to the Wardens? Yea Sir, said they. And why do ye not pay the poor man his due, quoth he? And it please you Master Maior (quoth they) because the Rood we had before was a well-favoured man, and he promised to make us such an other: but this that he hath set us up now, is the worst favoured thing that ever you set your eyes on, gaping & grinning in such sort that none of our Children dare once look him in the face or come near him. 
The Rood of Cockram driving the children out of the Church.  The mayor thinking that it was good enough for the purpose if it had been worse, my masters (quoth he) howsoever the rood like you, the poor man's labour hath been never the less, and it is pity that he should have any hindrance or loss thereby. 
Anno 1554. November.  Therefore I will tell you what you shall do: Pay him the money ye promised him, and go your ways home and look on it, & if it will not serve for a God, make no more a do: but clap a pair of horns on his head, and so will he make an excellent devil. This the Parishioners took well aworth, the poor man had his money, and divers laughed well thereat: but so did not the babylonish Priests.  

The Mayor of Dancaster a good man.  This Mayor above mentioned continued a Protestant almost fifty years, & was the only reliever of M. Marsh the Martyr (whole story followeth hereafter) with meat, drink, and lodging while he lay in Lancaster Castle the space of iij. quarters of a year, before he was had to Chester to be burned. etc.  
About this time or the month next before, which was October, there came a precept or mandate from Boner bishop of London, to all Parsons and Curates within his Diocese, for the abolishing of such scriptures & writings as had been painted upon Church walls before, in king Edward's days. The copy of which precept or mandate here we thought good to express, that the world might see the wicked proceedings of their impious zeal, or rather their malicious rage against the Lord and his word, & against the edifying of Christian people: whereby it might appear by this blotting out of these Scriptures, not only how blasphemously they spoke against the holy Scriptures of God, but also how studiously they sought by all manner of means, to keep the people still in ignorance.   

¶ A Mandate of Boner Bishop of London, to abolish the Scriptures and writings painted upon the Church Walls.  
EDmund by God's permission bishop of London, to all & every Parsons, 
The Scriptures painted on Church walls razed out.  Vicars, Clerks, and lettered, within the parish of Hadham, or within the precinct of our diocese of London wheresoever being, sendeth greeting, grace, & benediction. Because some children of iniquity, given up to carnal desires and novelties, have by many ways enterprised to banish the ancient manner & order of the Church and to bring in and establish sects and heresies: taking from thence the picture of Christ, and many things beside instituted and observed of ancient time laudably in the same, placing in the room thereof such things, as in such a place it behoved them not to do: & also have procured as a stay to their heresies (as they thought) certain scriptures wrongly applied, 
Note well these causes reader, why the Scriptures should be razed out.  to be painted upon the Church walls, all which persons tend chief to this end, that they might uphold the liberty of the flesh & marriage of priests, and destroy as much as lay in them, the reverend sacrament of the altar and might extinguish and enaruate holidays, fasting days, and other laudable discipline of the Catholic church, 
Scriptures open a window to vices with Boner.  opening a window to all vices, and utterly closing up the way unto virtue: Wherefore we being moved with a christian zeal, judging that the premises are not to be longer suffered do for discharge of our duty, commit unto you jointly & severally, & by the tenor hereof do straight charge and command you, that at the receipt hereof, with all speed convenient, you do warn, or cause to be warned, first, second, & third time, & peremptorily, all and singular Churchwardens and Parishioners whosoever within your foresaid Diocese of London, wheresoever any such Scriptures or paintings have been attempted, that they abolish and extinguish such manner of Scriptures, so that by no means they be either read or seen, and therein to proceed moreover as they shall see good and laudable in this behalf. And if after the said monition, the said Churchwardens and Parishioners shall be found remiss and negligent, or culpable, than you jointly and severally shall see the foresaid Scriptures to be razed abolished and extinguished forthwith: citing all and singular those Churchwardens and Parishioners (whom we also for the same do cite here by the tenor hereof) that all and singular the said Churchwardens and Parishyoners being slack and negligent, or culpable therein, shall appear before us our Vicar general and principal official, or our Commissary special in our Cathedral Church of S. Paul at London, in the Consistory there, at the hour appointed for the same, the sixth day next after their citation if it be a court day, or else at the next court day after ensuing▪ whereas either we or our Official or Commissary shall sit: there to say and allege for themselves some reasonable cause: if they have or cantle of any, why they ought not to be excommunicated, and otherwise punished for their such negligence, slackness, & fault, to say and to allege, and further to do and receive, as law & reason requireth. And what you have done in the premises, do you certify us, or our Vicar, principal Official, and such our Commissary, diligently and duly in all things, and through all things, or let him among you thus certify us, which hath taken upon him to execute this Mandate: In witness whereof we have set our seals to these presents. Dated in the bishops palace at London the 25. day of the month of October in the year of our Lord 1454. and of our translation the 16▪  
About this time the L. Chancellor sent M. Christopherson unto the university of Cambridge with these 3. Articles, which he enjoined them to observe. 
M. Chri●stophers●● sent to C●●●bridge 〈◊〉 Gardener injunction   
The first, that every scholar should wear his apparel according to his degree in the schools.  
The second was touching the pronunciation of the Greek tongue.  
The third, that every Preacher there should declare the whole style of the king and Queen in their sermons.  
In this university of Cambridge, and also of Oxford, by reason of the bringing of these things, and especially for the alteration of religion, many good wits and learned men departed the Universities: of whom, some of their own accord gave over, some were thrust out of their fellowships some were miserably handled: in so much that in Cambridge in the College of Saint john, there were 24. places void together, in whose rooms were taken in 24. other which neither in virtue nor in religion seemed to answer to them before. And no less miserable, was the state of Oxford, 
In Cambridge 〈◊〉 34. place● void at one time one College.  by reason of the time, and the strait dealing of the visitors that for setting forward their Papistical procedings, had no regard or respect to the forwardness of good wits, and the maintenance of good letters beginning then more & more to flourish in that University.  
And for so much as we have entered into the mention of Oxford, we may not pass over in silence the famous exhortation of D. Tresham who supplying the room of the Subdeane in Christ's Church, 
A Popish exhortati●● of Doct. Tresham.  after he had called all the Students of the College together, with great Eloquence & art persuasory, began to commend the dignity of the mass unto them, declaring that there was stuff in Scripture enough to prove the mass good. Then to allure them to the catholic service of the Church, he used these reasons declaring that there were a goodly company of Copes, 
The great reasons o● D. Tresh●●  that were appointed to Windsor, but he had found the Queen so gracious unto him, that they should come to Christ's church. Now if they like honest men, would come to Church, they should wear them on holidays. And besides all this, he would get them the Lady Bell of Bampton, & that should make the sweetest ring in all England. And as for an holy watersprinckle, he had already the fairest that was within the realm, Wherefore he thought that no man would be so mad to forego these commodities. etc.  
Which things I rehearse, that it may appear what want of discretion is in the fathers of popery, & into what idle follies such men do fall. Whom I beseech the Lord if it be his pleasure, to reduce to a better truth, & to open their eyes to see their own blindness.  
To proceed now further in the course & race of our story where as we left, being before in the month of November it followeth more that in the 
* Where note that the Prince of Queen mary's Statutes doth err his supportation, which saith, that this Parliament beg●● the 11. of this mon●●● which da● was then Sunday.  xii. day of the same month of November being Monday, began the Parliament holden at Westminster, to the beginning whereof both the king and Queen road in their Parliament robes having 2. swords borne before them. The Earl of Penbroke bore his sword, & the Earl of Westmoreland bore the Queens. They had ij. caps of maintenance borne before them: whereof the Earl of Arundel bore one, and the Earl o● Shrewsbury the other.  
Cardinal Poole landed at Dover upon the Wednesday being the xxi. day of November, on which day one Act passed in the parliament for his restitution in blood, utterly repealing as false & most slanderous that Act made against him in king Henry the eights time, and on the next day being Thursday and the xxij. of November, the King and the Queen both came to the Parliament house to give their royal assent & to establish this Act against his coming. 
Cardinal Poole arriveth in England Ex Statu●● an. 1. & 〈◊〉 Regis P●●lip & 〈◊〉 cap. 8. Nouemb●● 28.   
Upon the Saturday being the xxiv. of November, the said Cardinal came by water to London, & so to Lambeth house which was ready prepared against his coming.  
Upon the Wednesday following being the 28. of November, there was general procession in Paul's for joy that the Queen was conceived and quick with child, as it was declared in a letter sent from the counsel to the Bishop of London. The same day at this procession was present ten Bishops with all the Prebendaries of Paul's, and also the Lord Mayor with the Aldermen, and a great number of Commons of the City in their best array. The Copy of the Counsels letter here followeth, ad perpetuam rei memoriam.  

* A Copy of a letter sent from the Counsel unto Edmund Boner Bishop of London, concerning Queen Mary conceived with Child.  
AFter our hearty commendations unto your good Lordship whereas it hath pleased almighty God amongst other his infinite benefits of late most graciously poured upon us and this whole Realm, to extend his benediction upon the Queen's majesty in such sort, as she is conceived and 
 quick of child. Whereby (her majesty being our natural liege Lady, queen & undoubted inheritor of this imperial crown) good hope of certain succession in the crown is given unto us, & consequently the great calamities, which (for want of such succession might otherwise have fallen upon us, & our posterity) shall by God's grace be well avoided, if we thankfully acknowledge this benefit of almighty God, endeavouring ourselves with earnest repentance to thank honour and serve him as we be most bounden: These be not only to advertise you of these good news, to be by you published in all places within your Diocese, but also to pray and require you, that both yourself do give God thanks with us for this his especial grace, and also give order that thanks may be openly given by singing of Te Deum in all the churches within your said Diocese: and that likewise all priests and other Ecclesiastical ministers, in their Masses and other divine services, may continually pray to almighty God, so to extend his holy hand over his majesty, the kings highness and this whole Realm, as this thing being by his omnipotent power graciously thus begun may by the same be well continued and brought to good effect, to the glory of his name. Whereunto, albeit we doubt not, ye would of yourself have had special regard without these our letters yet for the earnest desire we have to have this thing done out of hand, & diligently continued, we have also written these our letters, to put you in remembrance: and so bid your Lordship most heartily well to far.  
From Westminster the 27. of November 1554. Your assured loving friends. 

S. Winton. Chancel.  
Arundel.  
F. Shrewesbury.  
Edward Derby,  
Henry Sussex.  
john Bathon.  
R Rich.  
Thomas Warthom.  
john Huddilstone.  
R. Southwell.     
Also the same day in the afternoon, Cardinal Poole came to the Parliament house, 
Cardinal Poole cometh to the Parliament.  which at that present was kept in the great Chamber of the Court at Whitehall: for that the Queen was then sick, and could not go abroad: where as (the King and Queen's majesties sitting under the cloth of Estate, & the Cardinal sitting on their right hand, with all the other Estates of the Parliament being present) the Bishop of Winchester being Lord Chancellor, began in this manner.   

¶ The words of Winchester for receiving of the Cardinal.  
MY Lords of the upper house, & you my Masters of the neither house, here is present the right reverend father in God my Lord Cardinal Poole come from the apostolic Sea of Rome. 
〈◊〉 words 〈◊〉 Card●●all Pool.  As Ambassador to the king and Queen's Majesties, upon one of the weightiest causes that ever happened in this Realm, & which pertaineth to the glory of God, and your universal benefit. The which embassage their majesties pleasure is to be signified unto you all by his own mouth, trusting that you will receive and accept it in as benevolent and thankful wise, as their highnesses have done, and that you will give an attended and inclinable ear unto him.  
When the Lord Chancellor had thus ended his talk, the Cardinal taking the time then offered, began his Oration, wherein he declared the causes of his coming, and what were his desires and requests. In the which mean time, the Court gate was kept shut until he had made an end of his Oration. The tenor and words whereof here followeth.   

¶ The tenor of Cardinal Pools Oration. made in the Parliament house.  


 
cardinal ●●oles O. 〈◊〉 in Parliament house.   MY Lords all, and you that are the Commons of this present Parliament assembled, which in effect is nothing else but the state and body of the whole realm, as the cause of my repair hither hath been most wisely & gravely declared by my Lord Chancellor, so before that I enter to the particularities of my Commission, I have somewhat touching myself, and to give most humble and hearty thanks to the king and Queen's Majesties, and after them to you all, which of a man exiled and banished from this Common wealth, hath restored me to be a member of the lame, & of a man having no place, neither here, or else where within this Realm, have admitted me in place, where to speak and to be heard. This I protest unto you all, that though I was exiled my native country without just cause as God knoweth, yet the ingratitude could not pull from me the affection and desire that I had to profit & do you good. If the offer of my service might have been received, it was never to seek, and where that could not be taken, you never failed of my prayer, nor never shall.  
But leaving the rehearsal thereof, and coming more near to the matter of my Commission, I signify unto you all that my principal travel is, for the restitution of this noble realm to the ancient nobility, and to declare unto you, that the Sea Apostolic from whence I come, hath a special 
More for the vantage that was hoped by it then for any great love.  respect to this realm above all other, & not without cause seeing that God himself, as it were by providence hath given this realm, prerogative of Nobility above other, which to make more plain unto you, it is to be considered that this Island, first of all Islands received the light of Christ's religion. For as stories testify, 
England of all Islands, received first the faith of Christ.  it was prima provinciarum quae amplexa est fidem Christi.  
For the Britain's being first inhabitants of this Realm (notwithstanding the subjection of Emperors and heathen Princes) did receive Christ's faith from the Apostolic Sea universally, and not in parts as other Countries nor by one and one, as Clocks increase their hours by distinction of times, but altogether at once, as it were in a moment. But after that their ill merits or forgetfulness of God had deserved expulsion, and that Strangers being Infidels had possessed this land, yet God of his goodness not leaving where he once loved, so illuminated the hearts of the Saxons being Heathen men, that they forsook the darkness of heathen errors and embraced the light of Christ's religion. So that within small space, idolatry and Heathen superstition was utterly abandoned in this Island.  
This was a great prerogative of nobility, whereof though the benefit thereof be to be ascribed to God, yet the mean occasion of the same came from the 
* 
That the faith of the Britaines came first from Rome, neither doth it stand with the circumstance of our stories: neither if it so did yet that faith and doctrine of the romanists was not such then as it is now. Read before.  
Of this Offa read before. Of Alcuinus read before.   church of Rome. In the faith of which Church, we have ever since continued and consented with the rest of the world in unity of religion. And to show further the fervent devotion of the inhabitants of this Island towards the Church of Rome, we read that divers princes in the Saxons time with great travel & expenses went personally to Rome, as Offa & Adulphus which thought it not enough to show themselves obedient to the said Sea, unless that in their own persons they had gone to that same place from whence they had received so great a grace and benefit.  
In this time of Carolus Magnus who first founded the University of Paris, he sent into England for Alcuinus a great learned man, which first brought learning to that University, Whereby it seemeth that the greatest part of the world set the light of the religion from England.  
Adrian the fourth being an Englishman, converted Norway from infidelity, which Adrian afterwards, upon great affection and love that he bore to this Realm, being his native country, gave to Henry the second king of England the right and signory of the dominion of Ireland, which pertained to the Sea of Rome.  
I will not rehearse the manifold benefits that this Realm hath received from the Apostolic Sea, nor how ready the same hath been to relieve us in all our necessities. 
Nay, rather what riches and treasures the Sea of Rome hath sucked out of England it is incredible.  Nor I will not rehearse the manifold miseries & calamities that this realm hath suffered by swerving from that unity. And even as in this realm, so in all other countries which refusing the unity of the Catholic saith have followed fantastical doctrine, the like plagues have happened. Let Asia and the Empire of Greece be a spectacle unto the world who by swerving from the unity of the Church of Rome are brought into captivity & subjection of the Turk. 
* The cause of their subiecton to the Turk cannot be proved to come by swerving from the unity of the church of Rome for they were never fully joined unto it. And as touching the subjection of Asia and Grecia to the Turks, read in the story of the Turks before.  All stories be full of like examples. And to come unto the latter time, look upon our neighbours of Germany, who by swerving from this unity, are miserably afflicted with diversity of sects and divided in factions.  
What shall I rehearse unto you the tumults & effusion of blood, that hath happened there of late days? Or trouble you with the rehearsal of those plagues that have happened since this innovation of religion, where you have felt the bitterness, and I have heard the report? Of all which matters I can say no more, but such was the misery of the time. And see how far forth this fury went. For those that live under the 
* And why then do ye more cruel than the Turk persecute other for their conscience.  Turk, may freely live after their conscience, and so was it not lawful here.  
If men examine well upon what grounds these innovations began: they shall well find that the roo● of this as of many other mischiefs, was avarice, and that the lust & carnal affection of one man confounded all laws both divine and humane. And notwithstanding all these devices and policies practised within this realm against the church of Rome, they needed not to have lost you, but that they thought rather as friends to reconcile you, then as enemies to infest you. For they wanted not great offers of the most mighty Potentates in all Europe to have aided the Church in that quarrel. Then mark the sequel: There seemed by these changes to rise a great face of riches & gain which in proof came to great misery and lack. See how God then can confound the wisdom of the wise, & turn unjust policy to mere folly, & that thing that seemed to be done for relief, was cause of plain ruin & decay. Yet see that goodness of God, which at no time failed us, but most benignly offered his grace, when it was of our parts lest sought, and worse deserved.  
And when all light of true religion seemed utterly extinct, as the churches defaced, the altars overthrown, the Ministers corrupted: even like as in a lamp the light being covered, yet it is not quenched, even so in a few remained the confession of Christ's faith, namely in the breast of the Queen's excellency, of whom to speak without adulation, the saying of the prophet may be verified: Ecce quasi derelicta.  
And see how miraculously God of his goodness preserved her highness, contrary to the expectation of man, that when numbers conspired against her, and policies were devised to disherit her, and armed power prepared to destroy her yet she being a virgin helpless, naked and unarmed, prevailed, & had the victory of tyrants, which is not to be ascribed to any 
What policy is this, to make promise to get strength and to break it as the Queen did?  policy of man, but to the almighty great goodness and providence of God, to whom the honour is to be given. And therefore it may be said, Da gloriam Deo. For in man's judgement, on her grace's part, was nothing in appearance, but despair.  
And yet for all these practices and devices of ill men here you see her Grace established in her estate being your lawful Queen and Governess, borne among you, whom God hath appointed to reign over you for the restitution of true religion, and extirpation of all errors and sects. And to confirm her grace the more strongly in this enterprise, lo how the providence of God hath joined her in marriage with a Prince of like religion, who being a King of great might, armour & force, yet useth towards you neither armour nor force, but seeketh you by the way of love and amity: in which respect great cause you have to give thanks to almighty God, that hath sent you such a catholic Governess. It shall be therefore your part again to love, obey and serve them.  
And as it was a singular favour of God to conjoin them in marriage, so it is not to be doubted but that he shall send them 
* The Cardinal here appeareth to be a false prophet.  issue, for the comfort & surety of this common wealth. Of all Princes in Europe, the Emperor hath travailed most in the cause of Religion, as it appeareth by his acts in germany: yet happily by some secret judgement of god, he hath not achieved the end. With whom in my journey hitherwardes I had conference touching my legation, whereof when he had understanding, he showed great appearance of most earnest joy & gladness, saying that it rejoiced him no less of the reconcilement of this realm unto christian unity, them that his son was placed by marriage in the kingdom, and most glad he was of all, that the occasion thereof should come by me, being an English man borne, which is, (as it were) to call home ourselves. 
Charles the Emperor compared to David.  I can well compare him to David, which though he were a man elect of God, yet for that he was contaminate with blood and war, he could not build the temple of jerusalem, but left the finishing thereof to Solomon, which was Rex pacificus. So may it be thought that the appeasing of controversies of religion in christianity, is not appointed to this Emperor, but rather to his son, who shall perform the building that his Father hath begun. Which church can not be perfectly builded, without universally in all Realms we adhere to one head, 
Two powers in earth: Ecclesiastical and Imperial.  and do acknowledge him to be the Vicar of God, and to have power from above. For all power is of God, according to the saying, Non est potestas nisi a Deo. And therefore I consider that all power, being in God, yet for the conservation of quiet & godly life in the world, he hath derived that power from above into two parts here in earth: which is into the power imperial and Ecclesiastical. And these two powers, as they be several and distinct, so have they two several effects and operations. For secular Princes to whom the temporal sword is committed, be ministers of god to execute vengeance upon transgressors and evil livers, and to preserve the well doers and Innocentes from injury and violence. Which power is represented in these two most excellent people, the king & Queen's Majesties here present, who have this power committed unto them immediately from God, without any superior in that behalf.  
The other power is of ministration, which is the power of the keys, 
The power of the keys clarkly declared.  and order in the ecclesiastical state, which is by the authority of god's word, & examples of the apostles, and of all old holy fathers from Christ hitherto, attributed and given to the Apostolic sea of Rome by special prerogative. From which sea I am here deputed Legate & Ambassador, having full and ample commission from thence, and have the keys committed to my hands. I confess to you that I have the keys, not as mine own keys, 
The Po●● keys sen● by the C●●●dinall.  but as the keys of him that sent me: and yet cannot open, not for what of power in me to give, but for certain impediments in you to receive, which must be taken away before my commission can take effect. This I protest before you, my Commission is not of prejudice to any person. I come not to destroy but to build, I come to reconcile, not to condemn, I come not to compel, but to call again, I am not come to call any thing in question already done, but my Commission is of grace and clemency, to such as will receive it. For touching all matters that be past, they shallbe as things cast into the sea of forgetfulness.  
But the mean whereby you shall receive this benefit, is to revoke and repeal those laws and statutes, 
The Po●● keys can●not wo●● in Engla●● before th● lock of good law be change  which be impediments, blocks, and bars to the execution of my commission. For like as I myself had neither place nor voice to speak here among you, but was in all respects a banished man, till such time as ye had repealed those laws, that lay in my way: even so cannot you receive the benefit and grace offered from the apostolic sea, until the abrogation of such laws, whereby you have disjoined and dissevered yourselves from the unity of Christ's Church.  
It remaineth therefore, that you like true christians & provident men for the weal of your souls & bodies, ponder what is to be done in this so weighty a cause, and so to frame your acts and proceedings, as they may tend first to the glory of God, and next to the conservation of your common wealth, surety and quietness.  
The next day after, the 3. Estates assembled again in the great chamber of the Court at Westminster: where the king and queen's majesties, and the Cardinal being present, they did exhibit (sitting all on their knees) a supplication to their highnesses, the tenor whereof ensueth.   

* The Copy of the supplication and submission exhibited to the king and Queen's majesties, by the Lords and Commons of the Parliament.  
WE the Lords spiritual, and temporal, and the commons of this present parliament, assembled, 
The supp●●●cation & ●●●●mission o● the Lo●● and Com●mons, to the king 〈◊〉 Queen's majesties.  representing the whole body of the realm of England, and dominions of the same, in our own names particularly, and also of the said body universally in this supplication directed to your majesties, with most humble suit, that it may by your gracious intercession and mean be exhibited to the most reverend father in God, the Lord Cardinal Poole Legate, sent specially hither from our most holy father Pope julius the third, and the Sea Apostolic of Rome, do declare our selves very sorry and repentant for the schism and disobedience committed in this realm and the dominions of the same, against the said sea Apostolic, either by making, agreeing, or executing any laws, ordinances, 
O great s●●row and deep repentance  or commandments against the supremacy of the said sea, or otherwise doing or speaking, that might impugn the same: Offering ourselves & promising by this our supplication, that for a token and knowledge of our said repentance, we be, and shallbe always ready, under and with the authorities of your Majesties, to the uttermost of our power, to do that shallbe in us, for the abrogation and repealing of the said laws and ordinances in this present parliament, as well for ourselves, as for the whole body, whom we represent.  
Whereupon we most humbly beseech your majesties, as persons undefiled in the offence of his body towards the said Sea, which nevertheless God by his providence hath made subject to your majesties so to set forth this our most humble suit, 
The Pop● absolution cannot 〈◊〉 but by in●tercessio● of king Queen▪ The supp●●●cation 〈◊〉 up by the king and Queen 〈◊〉 the Cothurnal.  that we may obtain from the sea Apostolic, by the said most reverent father, as well particularly as universally, Absolution, release and discharge from all danger of such Censures, and sentences, as by the laws of the church we be fallen in, and that we may, as children repentant, be received into the bosom & unity of Christ's church, so as this noble Realm, with all the members thereof, may in unity and perfect obedience to the Sea Apostolic, and Popes for the time being, serve GOD and your Majesties to the furtherance and advancement of his Honour and Glory. Amen.  
The Supplication being read, the king and Queen delivered the same unto the Cardinal, who (perceiving the effect thereof to answer his expectation) did receive the same most gladly from their Majesties: and after he had in few words given thanks to God, and declared what great cause he had to rejoice above all others, that his coming from Rome into England had taken most happy success: He by the Pope's authority, did give them this absolution following.   

¶ An absolution pronounced by Cardinal Poole, to the whole Parliament of England, in the presence of the King and Queen.  
OUr Lord jesus Christ which with his most precious blood hath redeemed and washed us from all our sins and iniquities, 
 that he might purchase unto himself a glorious spouse without spot or wrinkle, & whom the Father hath appointed head over all his church: he by his mercy absolve you. And we by apostolic authority given unto us by the most holy lord Pope julius the 3. his Vicegerent in earth) do absolve & deliver you, and every of you with the whole Realm and the Dominions thereof, from all Heresy and Schism, and from all and every judgement, Censures, and pains, for that cause incurred: & also we do restore you again, unto the unity of our Mother the holy Church: as in our Letters more plainly it shall appear: In the name of the father, of the son, and of the holy Ghost.  
When all this was done they went into the Chapel, and there singing Te Deum, with great solemnity, declared the joy and gladness that for this reconciliation was pretended.  
The report of this was with great speed sent unto Rome, as well by the king and Cardinal's Letters, which hereafter follow: as also otherwise. Whereupon the pope caused there at Rome processions to be made, and thanks to be given to God with great joy, for the conversion of England to his Church: and therefore praising the Cardinal's diligence, and the devotion of the king and queen, on Christmas even, by his Bulls he set forth a general pardon to all such as did truly rejoice for the same.   

¶ A copy of king Philip's Letter, written with his own hand to Pope julius, touching the restoring of the Realm of England.  
MOst holy Father, I wrote yesterday unto Don john Maurique, 

November. 30.  
K. philip's letter to the Pope, tran●uted out of Spanish into English.   that he should declare by word of mouth, or else write to your holiness, in what good state the matter of religion stood in this Realm, and of the submission to your holiness, as to the chief. As this day, which is the feast of S. Andrew, late in the evening, we have done God that service (to whose only goodness we must impute it, and to your holiness, who have taken so great pain to gain these souls) that this realm with full & general consent of all them that represent the state, being very penitent for that was past and well bend to that they come to do, submitted themselves to you holiness, & to that holy Sea, whom at the request of the Queen and me, your Legate did absolve. And forasmuch as the said Don john shall signify unto your holiness, all that passed in this matter, I will write no more thereof, but only that the Queen & I, as most faithful & devout children of your holiness, have received the greatest joy and comfort hereof, that may be expressed with tongue: Considering that besides the service done to God hereby, it hath chanced in the time of your holiness, to place as it were in the lap of the holy Catholic church, such a kingdom as this is. And therefore I think I cannot be thankful enough for that is done this day. And I trust in him, that your holiness shall always understand, that the holy sea hath not had a more obedient son than I, not more desirous to preserve and increase the authority of the same. God guide and prosper the most holy parsonage of your holiness as I desire.  
From London the thirty. of November. 1554. Your holiness most humble Son the king. etc.   

¶ Here followeth likewise the Cardinal's letter to the said Pope concerning the same matter.  
THose things which I wrote unto your holiness of late, of that hope, 
The Cardinal's letter 〈◊〉 the Pope 〈◊〉 the 〈…〉 of ●ngland to 〈◊〉 Sea.  which I trusted would come to pass, that in short space this realm would be reduced to the unity of the church, & obedience of the Apostolic sea, though I did write them not without great cause: yet nevertheless, I could not be void of all fear, not only for that difficulty, which the minds of our countrymen did show, being so long alienated from the sea Apostolic, and for the old hatred which they had borne so many years to that name: but much more I feared, lest the first entry into the cause itself should be put of by some other by matter or convention coming betwixt.  
For the avoiding whereof, I made great means to the king and Queen, which little needed, for their own godly forwardness, and earnest desire to bring the thing to pass, far surmounted my great and earnest expectation. This day in the evening being S. Andrew's day, (who first brought his brother Peter to Christ) it is come to pass by the providence of God, that this Realm is reclaimed to give due obedience to Peter's seat and your holiness, by whose means it may be conjoined to Christ the head, & his body, which is the Church. The thing was done and concluded in Parliament (the king and queen being present) with such full consent & great rejoicing, that incontinently after I had made my Oration, and given the Benediction with a great joy, and shout, there was divers times said, Amen, Amen: which doth evidently declare, that that holy seed, although it hath been long oppressed, yet was not utterly quenched in them: which chief was declared in the 
* The Pope's authority as much welcome to the Nobility of England, as w●●ter into the ship.  Nobility. Returning home to my house, these things I wrote unto your holiness upon the sudden rejoicing that I had of so weighty a matter, so luckily brought to pass by the divine providence, thinking to have sent my letters by the king's post, who? as it was said) should have departed shortly: but afterwards, changing my purpose, when I had determined to send one of mine own men, I thought good to add this much to my Letters, for the more ample gratulation and rejoicing at that good chance: which thing as it was right great gladness to me, through the event of the same (being itself very great, and so holy, so profitable to the whole Church, so healthsome to this my Country, which brought me forth, so honourable to the same (which received me) so likewise I took no less rejoicing of the Princes themselves, through whose virtue and godliness the matter did take success and perfection. Of how many, and how great things may the Church (which is the spouse of Christ, & our mother) make her account through those her children? Oh notable zeal of godliness, 
Oh dissimulation of a fl●ttering Cardinal.  Oh ancient faith which undoubtedly doth so manifestly appear in them both that who so seethe them, must needs (whether he will or no) say the same which the prophet spoke of, of the first children of the Church: Isti sunt semen, cui benedixit Dominus. Haec plantatio Domini ad gloriandum. That is. These are the seed which the Lord hath blessed. This is the Lords planting to glory in. How holily did your holiness with all your authority and earnest affection favour this marriage, which truly seemeth to express a great similitude of the highest king, which being heir of the world, was sent down by his father from the Regal seat, 
What similitude is betwixt light and darkness, 2. Cor. 6.  to be Spouse and Son of the virgin, & by this means to comfort all mankind: for even so this king himself, the greatest heir of all men which are in the earth, leaving his father's kingdoms that are most great, is come into his little kingdom, and is become both the spouse, and son of this virgin (for he so behaveth himself as though he were a son, whereas in deed he is an husband) that he might (as he hath in effect already performed) show himself an aider & helper to reconcile this people to christ, & his body, which is the church. 
Cardinal Pool● flattereth the king.  Which things seeing they are so, what may not our mother the Church herself look for at his hands that hath brought this to pass, to convert the hearts of the Fathers towards their Sons, and the unbelievers to the wisdom of the righteous, which virtue truly doth wonderfully shine in him. But the Queen, which at that time when your holiness sent my Legate unto her, did rise up as a rod of incense springing out of the trees of myrrh, and as Frankincense our in the desert, she I say, which a little before was forsaken of all men, how wonderfully doth she now shine? what a savour of myrrh & frankincense doth she give forth unto her people? which (as the Prophet saith, of the mother of Christ) brought forth before she laboured, before she was delivered brought forth a man child, 
Scripture well applied▪  who ever heard of such a thing? and who hath seen the like of this? shall the earth bring forth in one day, or shall a whole nation be brought forth together? But she hath now brought forth a whole nation before the time of that delivery, whereof we are in most great hope.  
How great cause is given to us to rejoice? How great cause have we to give thanks to God's mercy, your holiness and the Emperor's majesty, which have been causers of so happy and so godly a marriage, by which we being reconciled, are joined to God the father, to Christ & to the Church? of the which, although I cannot comprehend in words the joy that I have taken, yet I can not keep silence of it. And to this my rejoicing, this also was joined (which when I had perceived by the letters of the reverend Archb. of Cousane, your holiness Nuncio, with the emperors majesty, brought me marvelous great gladness) that your said holiness began to restore to the ancient beauty, those things which in the Church of Rome through the corruption of times were deformed, which truly when it shallbe finished, them in deed may we well cry out with the Prophet, 
The Scripture speaking of Zion and jerusalem, unaptly applied to the Pope.  and speak unto your holiness with these words. Exue te stola luctus & vexationis & endue te decore, qui a deo tibi est in gloria sempiterna: nominabitur enim tibi nomen tuum a deo sempiternum, pax justitiae, & honour pietatis. Tum auten dicetur, circumspice & vide collectos filios tuos ab oriente sole usque in occidēt●m, verbo sancto gaudentem. That is: Put of the stool of sorrow and vexation and put on comeliness, which thou hast of God in everlasting glory. For thy name shall be named of God everlasting, peace of righteousness, and honour of godliness: & than it shall be said: look about and see thy sons gathered together from the son rising to the going down of the same, rejoicing in the holy word. There is nothing truly (to speak of thy children gathered together in the West, which prepare themselves to meet their mother) which they had rather see, than her appareled (that I may use the words of the prophet) in that garment of righteousness, wherewith God adorned her in times past. This one thing remaineth, that your holiness joy, and the joy of all the universal Church may be perfited, which together with us her unworthy children, ceaseth not to pray to God for it. The almighty God preserve your holiness long to continue in health, for the profit of his church.  
From London the last of November. 1554. Your most humble servant Reginald Poole Cardinal.  

December 2.  Upon the Sunday following, being the 2. of December the Bishop of Wynchester Lord Chancellor of England preached at Paul's Cross, at which Sermon was present the King and Cardinal Poole. 
A Sermon of Steven Gardiner preached at Paul's Crosse.  He took for his Theme this part of the Epistle of S. Paul to the Romans the 13. chap. This also we know the season (brethren) that we should now awake out of sleep, for now is our salvation nearer, than when we believed etc.  
Some notes whereof as they came to my hands faithfully gathered (as it appeareth by sundry copies) I have here thought good to set forth.  

A dreaming Sermon of the B. of Winchester.  First, he showed how the saying of S. Paul was verified upon the gentiles, who had a long time slept in dark ignorance not knowing god: therefore S. Paul (quoth he) to stir up their heavy dullness, willed them to wake out of their long sleep, because their salvation was nearer than when they believed. In amplifying this matter, & comparing our times with theirs: he took occasion to declare what difference the jewish Sacraments had, from those of the Christians, wherein he used these words:  
Even as the Sacraments of the jews did declare Christ to come, so doth our sacraments declare Christ to be already come: but Christ to come, and Christ to be come is not all one. For now that he is come, the jews sacraments be done away, and ours only remain, which declare that he is already come, & is nearer us than he was to the fathers of the old law: for they had him but in signs, but we have him in the Sacrament of the altar, even his very body. Wherefore now also it is time that we awake out of our sleep, who have slept, or rather dreamt these xx. years past, as shall more easily appear by declaring at large some of the properties and effects of a sleep or dream. And first, as men intending to sleep, do separate themselves from company, and desire to be alone: even so have we separated ourselves from the sea Apostolic of Rome, and have been alone, 
〈…〉 very 〈…〉 (as it 〈◊〉) in ghostly dreams.  no Realm in Christendom like us.  
Secondly, as in sleep men dream sometime of killing, sometime of maiming, sometime of drowning, or burning sometime of such beastliness as I will not name, but will spare your ears: so have we in this our sleep, not only dreamt of beastliness but we have done it in deed. For in this our sleep, hath not one brother destroyed an other? Hath not half our money been wiped away at one time? And again those that would defend their conscience, were slain: and others also otherwise troubled, besides infinite other things: which you all know as well as I: whereof I report me to your own consciences.  
Farther in a man's sleep all his senses are stopped, so that he can neither see, smell, nor hear, even so whereas the ceremonies of the church were instituted to move and stir up our senses, they being taken away, were not our senses (as ye would say) stopped and we fast a sleep? Moreover when a man would gladly sleep, he will put forth the candle lest peradventure it may let his sleep, & awake him: So of late all such writers as did hold any thing with the Apostolic Sea were condemned, 
Who putteth out the candle 〈◊〉 they which 〈◊〉 God's word & forbidden the Scriptures that should give us light?  and forbidden to be read and Images (which were 
* They forbidden lay men's books but you forbidden the book of God.  lay men's books) were cast down and broken.  
The sleep hath continued with us these xx. years, and we all that while without a head. For when King Henry did first take upon him to be head of the church, it was then no Church at all. After whose death, King Edward (having over him Governors and Protectors which ruled as them listed) could not be head of the Church but was only a shadow or sign of a head: and at length it came to pass, that we had no head at all, no, not so much as our 2. Archbishops. For on the one side, the Queen being a woman could not be head of the Church, 
Then 〈◊〉 Christ 〈…〉 head at 〈◊〉 to give 〈◊〉 to his Church unless 〈◊〉 Pope's 〈◊〉 also be clapped on 〈◊〉 Churche● shoulders  and on the other side they both were convicted of one crime & so deposed. Thus while we desired to have a supreme head among us, it came to pass that we had no head at all. When the tumult was in the North, in the time of king Henry the ●. (I am sure) the king was determined to have given over the supremacy again to the Pope: but the hour was not then come, and therefore it went not forward, lest some would have said, that he did it for fear.  
After this M. Kneuet, and I were sent Ambassadors unto the Emperor to desire him that he would be a mean between the pope's holiness and the king, to bring the king to the obedience of the sea of Rome: but the time was neither yet come. For it might have been said, that it had been done for a civil policy. Again, in the beginning of King Edward's reign, the matter was moved, but the time was not yet: for it would have been said that the king (being but a child) had been bought and sold. Neither in the beginning of the Queen's reign was the hour come. For it would have been said that it was done in a time of weakness Likewise when the king first came, if it had been done, they might have said it had been by force & violence. But now even now, 
* Imo po●●stas tenebrarum.  hora est, the hour is come, when no thing can be objected, but that it is the mere mercy and providence of God. Now hath the Pope's holiness, Pope julius the 3. sent unto us this most reverend father, 
Ste. Gardener claw●eth the Cardinal●  Cardinal Poole, an Ambassador from his side. What to do? not to revenge the injuries done by us against his holiness: sed benedicere maledicentibus, to give his benediction to those which defamed and persecuted him.  
And that we may be the more meet to receive the said benediction, I shall desire you that we may always acknowledge ourselves offenders against his holiness. 
Note ho● the meaning of S● Paul's words is here appl●●ed.  I do not exclude myself forth of the number. I will flere cum flentibus, & gaudere cum gaudentibus, that is: weep with them that weep and rejoice with them which rejoice. And I shall desire you that we may defer the matter no longer, for now hora est the hour is come. The King and the Queen's Majesties have already restored our holy Father the Pope to his supremacy and the three estates assembled in the Parliament representing the whole body of the Realm have also submitted themselves to his holiness, and his successors 
* For eue● Winchest●● a false Prophet. S. Paul though 〈◊〉 was the f●●ther of m●●ny Chur●ches in Christ Ie●●● yet was h● never so arragant 〈◊〉 take upon him to be supreme head of 〈◊〉 church 〈◊〉 left that 〈◊〉 to Chri●● & labour to bring 〈◊〉 under him▪  for ever. Wherefore let not us any longer stay. And even as S. Paul said to the Corinthians, that he was their father, so may the Pope say that he is our Father: for we received our doctrine first from Rome, therefore he may challenge us as his own. We have all cause to rejoice, for his holiness hath sent hither, and prevented us before we sought him: such care hath he for us. Therefore let us say: Haec est dies quam fecit Dominus, exultemus & laetemur in ea, Rejoice in this day which is of the Lords working: that such a noble man of birth is come, yea such a holy Father (I mean my Lord Cardinal Poole) which can speak unto us, as unto brethren, and not as unto strangers: who hath a long time been absent. And let us now awake, which so long have slept, and in our sleep have done so much naughtiness against the Sacraments of Christ, denying the blessed Sacrament of the Altar, and pulled down the 
* So Ezech●●as pulled down th● hill Alt●● which M●●nasses afterwards did up: and 〈◊〉 we commend th● doings o● Ezechias disprove the fact 〈◊〉 the other▪  altars which thing Luther himself would not do, but rather reproved them that did, examining them of their belief in Christ.  
This was the sum of this Sermon before his prayers, wherein he prayed, first for the Pope, Pope julius the 3. withal his College of Cardinals, the B. of London with the rest of that order: then for the king and Queen & the nobility of this Realm, and last for the commons of the same, with the souls departed, lying in the pains of Purgatory. This ended (the time being late) they began in Paul's to ring to their Evening song, whereby the preacher could not be well heard, which caused him to make a short end of this clerkly Sermon.  
About this very time a Post or Messenger was sent from the whole Parliament to the Pope, to desire him to confirm and establish the sale of Abbey lands and Chantry lands: For the Lords and the Parliament would grant nothing in the Pope's behalf before their purchases were fully confirmed.  
Upon the Thursday following, being the 6. day of december, and S. Nicholas day, 
Decemb.  all the whole Convocation both Bishops and other: were sent for to Lambeth to the Cardinal, 
The Ch●●●ter of Paul's dissolved by the Car●●●nall. Decemb●● 12.  who the same day forgave them all their per●urations, schisms, and heresies, and they all there kneeled down and received his absolution, and after an exhortation and gratulation for their conversion to the catholic church made by the Cardinal, they departed.  
Upon the Wednesday being the 12. of December, five of the 8. men (which lay in the Fleet, that were of M. Throgmortons' quest) were discharged and set at liberty upon their fine paid, which was ccxx. li. a piece, and the other ●oure put up a Supplication, therein declaring, that their goods did not amount to the sum that they were appointed to pay, and so upon that declaration paying lx.li. a piece, 
 they were delivered out of prison upon S. Thomas day before Christmas, being the xxi. of December.  
Upon the Saturday following, being the xxij. of December, all the whole Parliament had straight commandment, that none of them should departed into their country this Christmas, nor before the Parliament were ended. Which commandment was wonderful contrary to their expectations. For as well many of the Lords, as also many of the inferior sort had sent for their horse, and had them brought hither.  

December. ●8.  Upon the Friday following, being the 28. of December, and Childermas day, the Prince of Piedmont came to the court at Westminster.  

Anno. 1555.  

 Upon Newyeares' day at night following, certain honest men and women of the City, to the number of thirty. & a minister with them named M. Rose, were taken as they were in a house in Bow Churchyard at the Communion, and the same night they were all committed to prison. And on the Thursday following, being the 3. day of january, M. Rose was before the B. of Winchester being L. Chancellor, and from thence the same day he was committed to the Tower, after certain communication had between the Bishop and him.  

The act of supremacy passed in the Parliament.  The same day the Act of the supremacy passed in the parliament. Also the same day at night was a great tumult between Spaniards & English men at Westminster, whereof was like to have ensued great mischief through a Spanish Friar, which got into the Church and rung Alarm. The occasion was about two whores which were in the cloister of Westminster with a sort of Spaniards, 
A stir between the spaniards and English men at Westminster  whereof whilst some played the knaves with them, other some did keep the entry of the Cloister with Dags in harness. In the mean time certain of the Deans men came into the cloister, and the Spaniards discharged their dags at them and hurt some of them. By and by the noise of this doing came into the streets, so that the whole town was up almost, but never a stroke was stricken. notwithstanding, the noise of this doing with the Deans men, and also the ringing of the Alarm made much ado, and a great number also to be sore afraid.  
Ye heard a little before the Counsels letter sent to B. Boner, signifying the good news of Queen Mary to be not only conceived, but also quick with child, which was in the month of November, the xxviij. day. Of this child great talk began at this time to rise in every man's mouth, with busy preparation, and much ado, especially amongst such as seemed in England to carry Spanish hearts in English bodies. In number of whom here is not to be forgotten, nor defrauded of his condign commendation for his worthy affection toward his Prince and her issue, one sir Rich. Southwel, who being the same time in the parliament house when as the Lords were occupied in other affairs & matters of importance, suddenly starting up, for fullness of joy, braced out in these words following: Tush my Masters (quoth he) what talk ye of these matters? I would have you take some order for our young master that is now coming into the world apace, 
The words of Sir Rich. Southwell ●n the Parliament house for his young master.  lest he find us unprovided, etc. By the which words both of him, and also by the foresaid letters of the counsel, and the common talk abroad, it may appear what an assured opinion was then conceived in men's heads of Queen Mary, to be conceived and quick with child. In so much that at the same time, and in the same Parliament: there was eftsoons a bill exhibited, and an Act made upon the same, the words whereof for the more evidence, I thought here to exemplificate, as under followeth.    

¶ The words of the Act.  
ALbeit we the Lords spiritual and temporal, & the commons in this present parliament assembled, 
Ex s●at. ●n. 1. & 2. Phil. & Mar. cap. 10.  have firm hope & confidence in the goodness of almighty God, that like as he hath hitherto miraculously preserved the Queen's majesty from many great imminent perils and dangers: even so he will of his infinite goodness, give her highness strength, the rather by our continual prayers to pass well the danger of deliverance of child, 
The judgement of the 〈…〉 in God 〈…〉.  wherewith it hath pleased him (to all our great comforts) to bless her: Yet forasmuch as all things of this world be uncertain, and having before our eyes the dolorous experience of this inconstant government during the time of the reign of the late king Edward the 6. do plainly see the manifold inconveniences, great dangers and perils that may ensue to this whole realm, if foresight be not used to prevent all evil chances if they should happen: For the eschewing hereof, we the Lords spiritual & temporal, and the commons in this present Parliament assembled, for and in consideration of a most special trust and confidence, thot we have and repose in the king's majesty, 
Orders taken by Parliament for Q. Mary's child.  for and concerning the politic government, order, and administration of this realm in the time of the young years of the issue or issues of her majesties body to be borne, if it should please God to call the Queen's highness out of this present life, during the tender years of such issue or issues (which God forbidden) according to such order and manner, as hereafter in this present Act his highness most gracious pleasure is, should be declared and set forth, have made our humble suit by the assent of the Queen's highness, that his majesty would vouchsafe to accept and take upon him the rule, order, education, and government of the said issue or issues to be borne, as is aforesaid, upon which our suit being of his said majesty most graciously accepted, it hath pleased his highness not only to declare, that like as for the most part his majesty verily trusteth that almighty God (who hath hitherto preserved the Queen's majesty) to give this realm so good an hope of certain succession in the blood royal of the same realm, will assist her highness with his graces and benedictions, to see the fruit of her body well brought forrh, 
Trust disappointed.  live and able to govern (whereof neither all this realm, ne all the world beside, should or could receive more comfort than his majesty should and would) yet if such chance should happen, his majesty at our humble desires is pleased and contented, not only to accept and take upon him the cure and charge of the education, rule, order, and government of such issues as of this most happy Marriage, shall be borne between the Queen's highness and him: but also during the time of such government, would by all ways and means, study, travail, and employ himself to advance the weal both public & private, of this realm and dominions thereunto belonging, according to the said trust in his majesty reposed, with no less good will and affection, then if his highness had been naturally borne amongst us. In consideration whereof, be it enacted by the King and the queens most excellent majesties, by the assent of the Lords spiritual and temporal, and the commons in this present Parliament assembled, and by the authority of the same, etc. as it is to be seen in the Act more at large ratified and confirmed at the same Parliament, to the same intent and purpose.  
¶ Thus much out of the Act and statute I thought to rehearse, to the intent the Reader may understand, not so much how Parliaments may sometimes be deceived (as by this child of Queen Mary may appear) as rather what cause we Englishmen have to render most earnest thanks unto almighty god, who so mercifully against the opinion, expectation, and working of our adversaries, hath helped & delivered us in this case, which otherwise might have opened such a window to the Spaniards to have entered and replenished this land, that peradventure by this time Englishmen should have enjoyed no great quiet in their own country: the Lord therefore make us perpetually mindful of his benefits, Amen.  
Thus we see then, how man doth purpose, but God disposeth as pleaseth him. For all this great labour, provision, and order taken in the Parliament house for their young master long looked for, coming so surely into the world in the end appeared neither young master, nor young mistress, that any man yet to this day can hear of.  
Furthermore, as the labour of the lay sort was herein deluded: 
The Prayers of the Papists of what little effect they are with God.  so no less ridiculous it was to behold what little effect the prayers of the Pope's Churchmen had with almighty God, who travailed no less with their processions Masses, and Collects, for the happy deliverance of this young master to come, as here followeth to be seen.   

¶ A prayer made by D. Weston Deane of Westminster, daily to be said for the Queen's deliverance.  
O Most righteous Lord God, which for the offence of the first woman, hast threatened unto all women a common, sharp, 
A prayer for Queen Mary and her child, turned out of Latin into English.  and inevitable malediction, and hast enjoined them that they should conceive in sin, and being conceived, should be subject to many and grievous torments, and finally be delivered with the danger and jeopardy of their life: We beseech thee, for thine exceeding great goodness and bottomless mercy, to mitigate the straightness of that law. Assuage thine anger for a while and cherish in the bosom of thy favour and mercy, our most gracious Queen Mary, being now at the point of her deliverance. So help her, that without danger of her life, she may overcome the sorrow, and in due season bring forth a child, in body beautiful and comely, in mind noble and valiant. So that afterward she forgetting the trouble, may with joy, laud & praise the bountifulness of thy mercy, 
Anno 1554. january.  and together with us, praise and bless both thee and thy holy name, world withouten end. This (Oh Lord) we desire thee, we beseech thee, and most heartily crave of thee. Hear us oh Lord, and grant us our petition: Let not the enemies of thy faith, and of thy Church say: Where is their God?   

¶ A solemn prayer made for king Philip and Queen Mary's child, that it may be a male child, well-favoured and witty, etc.  

A devout prayer made by the Catholics for Q Mary being great & quick with child.  O Most mighty Lord God, which regardest the prayer of the humble, and despisest not their request, bow down from thine high habitation of the heavens, the eyes of thy mercy, unto us wretched sinners, bowing the knees of our hearts, and with many and deep sighs bewailing our sins & offences, humbly with eyes intent, & hands displayed, praying & beseeching thee, with the shield of thy protection, to defend Mary thy servant, and our Queen, who hath none other helper but thee, and whom through thy grace thou hast willed to be conceived with child: and at the time of her travail graciously with the help of thy right hand deliver her, and from all danger with the child in her conceived, mercifully preserve.  
It hath seemed good in thy sight merciful Father, by thy servant Mary, to work these wonders, that is to say: in her hands to vanquish and overthrow the stout enemy & to deliver us thy people out of the hands of 
* The Papists call the Protestants heretics and enemies to the cross of Christ, even as Achab called Elias the disturber of israel, when he was only the disturber himself.  heretics, Infidels, enemies to thee, and to the cross of thy beloved son jesus Christ, that of thy servant thou mightest speak in far countries. Therefore for these wonderful works which thou dost to thy servants, thou art magnified Lord God for ever, and we thy people bless thee the God of heaven, which hast wrought upon us this great mercy, and hast excluded from us the heretic, the enemy of truth, the persecuter of thy church. We know, we know that we have grievously (Lord) sinned, that we have been deceived by vanity, and that we have forsaken thee our God. Our iniquities be multiplied on our head, and our sins be increased up to heaven, and we ourselves have offended, and our princes & our priests for these our sins have deserved an hypocrite to our prince, our sins have deserved a Tyrant to our Governor, that should bring our life to bitterness. We be not worthy to have so gentle and merciful a Queen, so godly a ruler, & finally so virtuous a prince: at the very beginning of whose reign, a new light as it were of God's religion, seemed to us for to spring & rise. 
Q. Marry compared of the Papists to Q. judith.  The jews did bless the widow judith with one voice, saying: Thou art the glory of jerusalem, thou art the joy of Israel, thou art the honour of our people, for that thou hast loved chastity, and thou shalt be blessed for ever.  
And we the English people with one agreeable consent do cry: 
Make how forgetting his prayer, he falleth to the praising of Q Mary.  Thou Mary art the glory of England, our joy, the honour of thy people, for that thou hast embraced chastity: thine heart is strengthened, for the hand of our Lord hath comforted thee, and therefore thou shalt be blessed for ever. But bow down, O most merciful Father, thine ear, and open thine eyes, and behold our affliction, and our humble confession. Thou knowest Lord, that against Philip, not by human, but by thy ordinance our king, and against thy servant Mary by thy providence our Queen, the restorers and maintainers of thy Testament & of the faith & most constant defenders of thy church? thou knowest I say, that against these our two governors (the enemies of thy holy 
* The Testament setteth up only the glory of Christ.  Testament, & of the Church thy spouse) be most rank Rebels and spiteful murmurers, walking after their lusts, whose mouth speaketh words of pride, to the end they may set up the kingdom of heretics & schismatics. By the power of their hands they would 
* If the changing of God's promises, destroying his inheritance, stopping the mouths of God's people, if contentions, wars, and schisms, be tokens of heretics, who so great heretics as the papists be?  change thy promises, and destroy thine inheritance, and stop and shut up the mouths of them that praise thee, and extinguish the glory of thy catholic Church and altar.  
It is manifest and plain, how many contentions how many conspiracies and seditions, how great wars, what tumults, how many, & how great troublesome vexations, how many heresies & schisms (for these be the most ready devices, and evident tokens of heretics) for our sins do hang over us, if thy servant be taken from this life: for we acknowledge that our Lord is omnipotent, who hath pitched his dwelling place in the midst of his people, to the intent to deliver us out of the hands of our enemies. Turn therefore thy countenance unto us, show unto us, O Lord, thy face. Punish us for our sins according to thy will & pleasure, only now deliver us. We bowing the knees of our hart, beseech thee that thou wilt not reserve unto us punishment for ever, & we shall praise thee, all the days of our life. Hear our cry, and the prayer of thy people, & open to them the treasure of thy mercy, thy gracious savour, the spring of lively water. Thou that hast begun, make in the hand of the servant a perfect work. Suffer not, we pray thee, the 
* Cry 〈◊〉 louder 〈◊〉 Priest's 〈…〉 your God a sleep. The Lord● gave a 〈◊〉 to S●●ra 〈◊〉 Eli●zabeth so did he no● to Q Ma●●▪  faithless rebels to say of thy servant and her counsellors, that they have devised matters which they cannot perform. And grant unto thy servant an happy and an easy travail. For it is not impossible to thy power, nor indecent to thy justice, nor unwonted to thy mercy.  
It is well known unto us, how marvelously thou didst work in Sara of the age of xc. years, and in Elizabeth the barren, and also far stricken in age: for thy counsel is not in the power of men. Thou Lord that art the searcher of hearts & thoughts, thou knowest that thy servant never lusted after man, never gave herself to wanton company, nor made herself partaker with them that walk in lightness: but she consented to take an husband with thy fear, & not with her lust. Thou knowest that thy servant took an husband, not for carnal pleasure, but only for the desire & love of posterity, wherein thy name might be blessed for ever and ever. give therefore unto thy servants, Philip our king, and Mary our Queen, a male issue, which may sit in the seat of thy kingdom. give unto our Queen thy servant, a little infant in fashion and body, comely & beautiful, in pregnant wit notable and excellent.  
Grant the same to be in obedience like 
* It is not best such one to be granted unto you 〈◊〉 being like Abraham●▪ joseph, Moses and Solomon h● may chaū●● to smell o● your corrupt doctrine▪ and detest yo● bloody tyranny. etc.  Abraham, in hospitality like Loath, in chastity and brotherly love, like joseph, in meekness & mildness like Moses, in strength & valiantness like Samson. Let him be found faithful as David after thy hart. Let him be wise among kings as the most wise Solomon. Let him be like job, a simple and an upright man, fearing God & eschewing evil. Let him finally be garnished with the comeliness of all virtuous conditions, and in the same let him wax old and live, that he may see his children's children to the third & fourth generation. And give unto our sovereign Lord and Lady. K. Philip and Queen Mary, thy blessing and long life upon earth. And grant that of them may come kings & Queens which may steadfastly continue in faith, love, and holiness. And blessed be their seed of our God, that all nations may know, thou art only God in all the earth, which art blessed for ever and ever, Amen.   

¶ Another prayer for Queen Mary, and her conceived child.  
O Almighty father, which didst sanctify the blessed Virgin and mother of Mary in her conception, and in the birth of Christ our saviour (thy only son:) also by thy omnipotent power didst safely deliver the prophet jonas out of the Whale's belly: Defend O Lord, we beseech thee, 
another prayer for the same.  thy servant Mary our Queen, with child conceived, and so visit her in and with thy godly gift of health, that not only the child thy creature within her contained, may joyfully come from her into this world, and receive the blessed Sacraments of Baptism and Confirmation, enjoying therewith daily increase of all princely and gracious gifts both of body & soul, but that also she, the mother, thorough thy special grace and mercy, may in time of her travail avoid all excessive dolour and pain, and abide perfect and sure from all peril and danger of death, with long and prosperous life, through Christ our Lord, Amen.  
It followeth now further in process of the story, that upon the Tuesday, being the x. of january, nineteen. of the lower house of the Parliament, with the Speaker, 
january. 1●  came to the White Hall to the king, and there offered him the government of the realm, and of the Issue, if the Queen should fail, which was confirmed by act of Parliament, within ten days after.  
Upon Wednesday following, 
january. ●●  being the xxvi. of january, the Parliament was clean dissolved. In this Parliament, among other things, the bishop of Rome was established, and all such laws as were made against him since the xx. year of K. Henry the 8. were repealed, & also cardinal Pool, bish. Pates, 
The Pope supremacy establishe● by Parliament. Matters cō●cluded in the Parla●ment.  lily & other were restored to their blood. Also there was an act made for speaking of words: that whosoever should speak any thing against the king or Queen, or that might move any sedition or rebellion, at the first time to have one of his ears cut of▪ or to forfeit an C. marks: and at the second time to have both his ears cut off, or else to forfeit an C. pounds, & who so ever should write, cipher, or print any of the premises, to have their right hand cut off. 
Three statutes against heretics re●uiued.   
Also in this Parliament, three statutes were revived for trial of heresy: one made in the fift year of Richard the 2. an other in the 2. year of Henry the 4. and the third, in the 2. year of Henry the 5. Also the doing of M. Rose and the other that were with him, was communed of in this Parliament, and upon that occasion an act was made, that certain evil prayers should be treason against the Queen's highness. The prayers of these men were thus: God turn the hart of Queen Mary from Idolatry, or else shorten her days. Whereof read the statute, Ann. 1. & 2. Reg. Phil. & Mariae. Cap. 9  
As touching the taking of M. Rose & his fellows, word was brought thereof to M. Hooper being then in the Fleet. Whereupon the said M. Hooper sendeth answer again, with a letter also of consolation sent to the said prisoners: the copy whereof I thought here not to overpass.   

¶ The answer of M. Hooper to a letter sent unto him concerning certain prisoners taken in Bow churchyard.  

〈◊〉 aun●●re to a 〈…〉 sent 〈◊〉 him.  THe grace of God be with you. Amen. I perceive by your letter, how that upon Newyeres day at night, there were taken a godly company of Christians, whilst they were praying. I do rejoice in that men can be so well occupied in this perilous time, and flee unto God for remedy by prayer, as well for their own lacks and necessities, as also charitably to pray for them that persecute them. So doth the word of God command all men to pray charitably for them that hate them, and not to revile any Magistrate with words, or to mean him evil by force or violence. They also may rejoice that in well doing, they were taken to the prison. Wherefore I have thought it good to send them this little writing of consolation: praying God to send them patience, charity & constancy in the truth of his most holy word. Thus far you well, and pray God to send his true word into this Realm again amongst us, which the ungodly Bishops have now banished. Ianua. 4. ann. 1555.   

¶ A letter of consolation sent from M. Hooper to the godly brethren taken in Bow churchyard, in prayer, and laid in the Counter in Breadstreat.  
THe grace, favour, consolation, and aid of the holy ghost, be with you now and ever, So be it.  
dearly beloved in the Lord, ever sithence your imprisonment, 
A letter of 〈◊〉. Hooper 〈◊〉 of most heavenly consolation.  I have been marvelously moved with great affections and passions, as well of mirth and gladness, as of heaviness & sorrow. Of gladness in this, that I perceived how ye be bend & given to prayer and invocation of gods help in these dark & wicked proceed of men against God's glory. I have been sorry to perceive the malice and wickedness of men to be so cruel, devilish, & tyrannical, to persecute the people of God for serving of God, saying & hearing of the holy Psalms, and the word of eternal life. These cruel doings do declare, that the Papists Church is more bloody and tyrannical, then ever was the sword of the ethnics and Gentiles.  
When I heard of your taking, and what ye were doing wherefore, and by whom ye were taken, I remembered how the Christians in the primative Church were used by the cruelty of unchristened heathens, in the time of trajan the Emperor about 77. years after Christ's ascension into heaven: 
Of this persecution, 〈◊〉 before.  and how the Christians were persecuted very sore, as though they had been traitors and movers of sedition. Whereupon the gentle Emperor trajan required to know the true cause of Christian men's trouble. A great learned man called Plinius, wrote unto him & said, it was because the Christians said certain psalms before day, 
The Pope 〈◊〉 than Traian's the Hea●●● Emperor.  unto one called Christ, whom they worshipped for god. When trajan the Emperor understood it was for nothing but for conscience & religion, he caused by his commandments every where, that no man should be persecuted for serving of God. But the Pope & his church hath cast you into prison, being taken even doing the work of God, and one of the excellents works that is required of Christian men: that is, to wit, whiles ye were in prayer, & not in such wicked & superstitious prayers as the papists use, but in the same prayer that Christ hath taught you to pray. And in his name only ye gave God thanks for that ye have received, and for his sake ye asked for such things as ye want. O glad may ye be that ever ye were borne, to be apprehended whilst ye were so virtuously occupied. Blessed be they that suffer for righteousness sake. For if God had suffered them that took your bodies, then to have taken your life also, now had ye been following the Lamb in perpetual joys, away from the company and assembly of wicked men. But the Lord would not have you suddenly so to departed, but reserveth you, gloriously to speak and maintain his truth to the world.  
Be ye not careful what ye shall say, for God will go out & in with you, and will be present in your hearts, & in your mouths to speak his wisdom, although it seemeth foolishness to the world. He that hath begun this good work in you, continue you in the same unto the end: & pray unto him, that ye may fear him only, that hath power to kill both body & soul, and to cast them into hell fire. Be of good comfort. All the hairs of your head are numbered, and there is not one of them can perish, 
Math. 10. 〈◊〉. 12.  except your heavenly father suffer it to perish. Now ye be in the field & placed in the forefront of Christ's battle. Doubtless, it is a singular favour of God, & a special love of him towards you, to give you this forward & pre-eminence, & a sign that he trusteth you before others of his people. 
The first onset of this persecution given in Bowchurchyarde.  Wherefore (dear brethren and sisters) continually fight this fight of the Lord. Your cause is most just and godly, ye stand for the true Christ (who is after the flesh in heaven) & for his true religion and honour, which is amply, fully, sufficiently and abundantly contained in the holy Testament, sealed with Christ's own blood. How much be ye bound to God, to put you in trust with so holy and just a cause.  
Remember what lookers upon you have, to see & behold you in your sight, God & all his Angels, who be ready always to take you up into heaven, if ye be slain in his fight. Also you have standing at your backs all the multitude of the faithful, who shall take courage, strength, 
1. john 4.  and desire to follow such noble & valiant Christians as you be. Be not afraid of your adversaries: for he that is in you, is stronger than he that is in them. Shrink not although it be pain to you, your pains be not now so great, as here after your joys shall be. Read the comfortable chapters to the Romans. 8.10.15. Heb. 11.12. 
Comfort taken out of Scriptures.  And upon your knees thank God that ever ye were accounted worthy to suffer any thing for his name's sake. Read the 2. chap. of s. Luke's gospel, & there you shall see how the shepherds that watched upon their sheep all night, as soon as they heard that Christ was borne at Bethlem, 
True obedience putteth no doubts.  by and by they went to see him. They did not reason nor debate with themselves, who should keep the Wolf from the sheep in the mean time, but did as they were commanded, & committed their sheep unto him, whose pleasure they obeyed. So let us do now we be called, commit all other things to him that calleth us. He will take heed that all things shall be well. He will help the husband, he will comfort the wife, he will guide the servants, he will keep the house, 
All carefulness to be cast upon the Lord.  he will preserve the goods: yea, rather than it should be undone, he will wash the dishes, and rock the cradle. Cast therefore all your care upon God, for he careth for you.  
Besides this, you may perceive by your imprisonment that your adversaries weapons against you, be nothing but flesh, blood, and tyranny. For if they were able, 
All the strength of the Pope's religion standeth in outward force.  they would maintain their wicked religion by God's word: but for lack of that, they would violently compel such as they cannot by holy Scripture persuade, because the holy word of God, and all Christ's doings be contrary unto them. I pray you pray for me, & I will pray for you. And although we be asunder after the world, yet in Christ (I trust) for ever joining in the spirit, and so shall meet in the palace of the heavenly joys, after this short and transitory life is ended. God's peace be with you. Amen. The 14, of january. 1554.  
Upon the Friday after this following, being the 18. of january, all the Counsel went unto the Tower, & there the same day discharged and set at liberty all the prisoners of the Tower, or the most part of them, namely, 
january. 18. Gentlemen delivered out of the Tower by the Queen's pardon.  the late duke of Northumberlands sons, Ambrose. Robert, and Henry, sir Andrew Dudley, sir john Rogers, sir james Crofts, sir Nich. Throgmorton, sir Nicholas Arnall, sir George Harper, sir Edw. Warner, sir W. Sentlow, sir Gawen Carew, M. Gybbes, Cuthbert Uaughan, with many other.  
Upon the Tuesday following, 
january. 22. ●he Preachers called before the B. of Winchester at S. Marry Oueryes.  being the xxij. of january, all the preachers that were in prison were called before the B. of Wincher, L. Chancellor and certain other, at the bishop's house at S. Mary Oueries. From whence (after communication being asked whether they would convert and enjoy the Queen's pardon, or else stand to that they had taught: they all answered that they would stand to that they had taught) they were committed to straighter prison then before they were, with charge that none should speak with them.  
Amongst the which number of prisoners, one james George the same time died in prison, 
james George died in prison, and was buried in the fields.  being there in bands for religion & righteousness sake: who therefore was exempted to be buried in the popish churchyard, and was buried in the field.  
Upon the Wednesday following being the 23. of january, all the bishops with all the rest of the Convocation house were before the cardinal at Lambeth, 
january. 25.  where he willed them to repair every man where his cure and charge lay, exhorting them to entreat the people and their flock with all gentleness, and to endeavour themselves to win the people rather by gentleness then by extremity & rigour, and so let them departed.  
Upon the Friday following, being the 25. of january & the day of the Conversion of S. Paul, there was general and solemn procession through London to give God thanks for their conversion to the catholic church: 
january. 25. General procession for joy of the realms conversion.  Wherein (to set out their glorious pomp) there were fourscore & ten crosses, 160. priests and clerks, who had every one of them copes upon their backs, singing very lustily. There followed also for the better estimation of the sight, 8. Bishops, and last of all came Boner the B. of London, carrying the popish pixe under a Canapy.  
Besides, there was also present the Mayor, Aldermen, and all the livery of every occupation. Moreover, the king also himself, and the Cardinal came to Paul's Church the same day. From whence after Mass they returned to Westminster again. As the king was entered the Church at the steps going up to the Choir, all the Gentlemen that of late were set at liberty out of the Tower, kneeled before the king and offered unto him themselves and their services.  
After the procession there was also commandment given to make Bonfires at night. Whereupon did rise among the people a doubtful talk why all this was done. Some said it was that the Queen, being then (as they said) with child, might have a safe delivery. Others thought that it was for joy that the realm was joined again to the sea of Rome, which opinion of both, seemed most true.  
Upon the Monday following being the 28. of january, 
january. 28. Commission from the Cardinal to sit upon the persecuted Preachers for religion.  the B. of Winchester and the other bishops, had Commission from the cardinal to sit upon, and order according to the laws, all such preachers and heretics (as they termed them) as were in prison, and according to this Commission, the same day the B. of Winchester and the other bishops with certain of the counsel, sat in S. Mary Oueries church, and called before them these three, M. Hooper, M. Rogers, and M. Card-maker, who were brought thither by the shrives', from whence after communication, they were committed to prison till the next day, but Card-maker this day submitted himself unto them.  

january. 29. M. Hooper and M. Roger's condemned.  Upon the Tuesday being the 29. of january, Hooper, Rogers, D. Taylor, and Bradford were brought before them, where sentence of excommunication and judgement ecclesiastical was pronounced upon M. Hooper, and M. Rogers by the bishop of Winchester, who sat as judge in Caiphas' seat, who drove them out of the church according to their law and order. D. Taylor and Bradford were committed to prison till the next day.  
Upon the Wednesday being the 30. of january, Doct. Taylor, D. Crome, M. Bradford, M. Saunders, and D. Ferrar sometime B. of S. David's, 
january. 30. D. Ferrar, D. Taylor▪ and M. Saunders condemned.  were before the said bishops, where iij. of them, that is to say, D. Taylor, M. Sanders, and M. Bradford were likewise excommunicated, & sentence pronounced upon them, & so committed to the sheriffs. D. Crome desired two months' respite, and it was granted him, & M. Ferrar was again committed to prison till another tyme. All these men showed themselves to be learned (as in deed they were no less) but what availeth either learning, reason or truth itself, where will beareth rule.  
After the examination and condemnation of these good men and preachers above recited, Commissions and inquisitors were sent abroad likewise into all parts of the realm: by reason whereof a great number of most godly & true christians (out of all the quarters of the realm, but especially Kent, Essex, Norfolk, and Suffolk) were apprehended, brought up to London, and cast in prison, and afterward (most of them) either consumed cruelly by fire, or else through evil handling died in the prisons, & were buried on dunghills abroad in the fields, or in some backside of the prison. Of all which matters, concerning the tragical handling of these blessed Martyrs and witnesses of jesus Christ, of all the bloody persecution of this time, now followeth (the Lord so granting) severally and more particularly in this next book in order to be declared: after that I shall first recite a general supplication, given up in the name of the preachers aforesaid lying in prison, unto the King and Queen, during the time of the Parliament, as followeth.   

¶ Unto the King and Queen's most excellent Majesties, and to their most honourable and high Court of Parliament.  
IN most humble and lamentable wise complain unto your Majesties, and to your high court of Parliament, 
A suppl●c●●tion of 〈◊〉 persecute preachers the king Queen  your poor desolate & obedient subjects, H. F. T. B. P. R. S. etc. That where as your said subjects living under the laws of God and of this realm in the days of the late most noble king Edward 6. did in all things show themselves true, faithful and diligent subjects, according to their vocation, as well in the sincere ministering of God's holy word, as in due obedience to the higher powers, & in the daily practice of such virtues and good demeanour, as the laws of God at all times, and the statutes of the realm did then allow: Your said subjects nevertheless, contrary to all laws of justice, equity and right, are in very extreme manner, not only cast into prison (where they have remained now these 15. or 16. months) but their livings also, their houses and possessions, 
The long inprisonm●●● of the Christian Preachers Unorderly proceeding of the adversaries against Go●● people.  their goods and books taken from them, and they slandered to be most heinous heretics, their enemies themselves being both witnesses, accusers, and judges, belying, slandering, and misreporting your said subjects at their pleasure, whereas your said subjects being straightly kept in prison, cannot yet be suffered to come forth and make answer accordingly.  
In consideration whereof, it may please your most excellent Majesties, and this your high court of Parliament, graciously to tender the present calamity of your said poor subjects, and to call them before your presence, granting them liberty, either by mouth or writing in the plain English tongue, to answer before you or before indifferent Arbiters to be appointed by your Majesties unto such articles of controversy in religion as their said adversaries have already condemned them of, 
Request of the Preachers to stand to th● trial of their doctrine befo●● indifferent judges.  as of heinous heresies: Provided, that all things may be done with such moderation & quiet behaviour, as becometh subjects and children of peace, & that your said subjects may have the free use of all their own books and conference together among themselves.  
Which thing being granted, your said subjects doubt not but it shall plainly appear that your said subjects are true and faithful christians, & neither heretics, neither teachers of heresy, nor cut of from the true catholic universal church of Christ: Yea, that rather their adversaries themselves be unto your Majesties, as were the charmers of Egypt unto Pharaoh Sedechias & his adherents, unto the king of Israel, 
Acts. 1●.  and Bariesu to the Proconsul Sergius Paulus. And if your said subjects be not able by the testimony of Christ, his prophets, Apostles, & godly fathers of his church to prove, that the doctrine of the church, homilies, and service taught and set forth in the time of our late most godly prince and king, Edward the 6. is the true doctrine of Christ's Catholic church, and most agreeable to the articles of the christian faith: your said subjects offer themselves then to the most heavy punishment, that it shall please your majesties to appoint.  
Wherefore for the tender mercy of God in Christ (which you look for at the day of judgement) your said poor subjects in bonds, most humbly beseech your most excellent majesties, and this your high court of Parliament, benignly and graciously to hear and grant this their petition, tending so greatly to the glory of God, to the edifying of his church, to the honour of your majesties, to the commendation and maintenance of justice, right, and equity, both before God and man. And your said subjects according to their bounden duty, shall not cease to pray unto almighty God, for the gracious preservation of your most excellent majesties long to endure.    
❧ The end of the tenth Book.   


An●● 1554. ●●brua●●  ¶ Here beginneth the eleventh Book, wherein is discoursed the bloody murdering of God's Saints, with the particular Processes and Names of such good Martyrs, both Men and Women, as in this time of Queen Mary, were put to death.  

❧ The Story, Life, and martyrdom of Master JOHN ROGERS.  

 THE fourth day of February, 
 suffered the constant Martyr of God, M. john Rogers, concerning whose life, examinations, and suffering, here followeth in order set forth. And first touching his life and bringing up. john Rogers brought up in the University of Cambridge, where he profitably traveled in good learning, 
●. Roger's ●haplayne 〈◊〉 the merchant 〈…〉 Roger's brought to the03 Gospel's 〈◊〉 M. W. 〈◊〉, & 〈…〉.  at the length was chosen and called by the Merchant's Adventurers, to be their Chaplain at Antwerp in Brabant, whom he served to their good contentation many years. It chanced him there to fall in company with that worthy servant and Martyr of God, William tindal, and with Miles Coverdale (which both for the hatred they bore to popish superstition and idolatry, and love to true religion, had forsaken their native country.) In conferring with them the scriptures, he came to great knowledge in the Gospel of God, in so much that he cast of the heavy yoke of Popery, perceiving it to be impure and filthy Idolatry, and joined himself with them two in that painful & most profitable labour of translating the Bible into the English tongue, 
 which is entitled: The Translation of Thomas Matthew. He knowing by the scriptures, that unlawful vows may lawfully be broken, and that Matrimony is both honest and honourable amongst all men, joined himself in lawful matrimony, and so went to Wittemberge in Saxony, where he with much soberness of living did not only greatly increase in all good and godly learning: 
 but also so much profited in the knowledge of the Dutch tongue, that the charge of a congregation was orderly committed to his cure.  
In which ministry, he diligently and faithfully served many years, until such time as it pleased God by the faithful travel of his chosen and dear servant king Edward the sixth, 
 utterly to banish all Popery forth of England, & to receive in true Religion, setting God's Gospel at liberty. He then being orderly called, having both a conscience and a ready good will to help forward the work of the Lord in his native country, left such honest and certain conditions as he had in Saxony, and came into England to preach the Gospel, without certainty of any condition. In which office, after he had a space diligently and faithfully travailed, 
 Nicholas Ridley then bishop of London, gave him a Prebend in the Cathedral Church of Paul's, and the Dean and the Chapter chose him to be the Reader of the Divinity lesson there, wherein he diligently travailed, until such time as Queen Mary obtaining the crown, banished the Gospel and true religion, and brought in the Antichrist of Rome, with his Idolatry and superstition.  
After the Queen was come to the Tower of London, he being orderly called thereunto, made a godly and vehement Sermon at Paul's Cross, confirming such true doctrine as he and other had there taught in K. Edward's days, exhorting the people constantly to remain in the same, and to beware of all pestilent Popery, Idolatry, and superstition. The Council being then overmatched with popish and bloody bishops, 
M. Rogers called to account for his Sermon at Paul's Crosse.  called him to account for his Sermon: To whom he made a stout, witty, & godly answer, and yet in such sort handled himself, that at that time he was clearly dismissed. But after that, Proclamation was set forth by the Queen to prohibit true preaching, he was called again before the Counsel, (for the bishops thirsted after his blood.) The Counsel quarreled with him concerning his doctrine, and in conclusion commanded him as prisoner to keep his own house, and so he did: although by flying he might easily have escaped their cruel hands, and many things there were, 
M. Roger's aga●ne called before the Counsel, and commanded to keep his house.  which might have moved him thereunto. He did see the recovery of religion in England for that present, desperate: he knew he could not want a living in Germany, and he could not forget his wife and x. children, and to seek means to secure them. But all these things set apart, after he was called to answer in Christ's cause, he would not departed, but stoutly stood in defence of the same, and for the trial of that truth, was content to hazard his life.  
Thus he remained in his own house as prisoner a long time, till at the length through the uncharitable procurement of Boner Bishop of London, who could not abide such honest neighbours to dwell by him, 
M. Rogers sent to Newgate.  he was removed from his own house, to the prison called Newgate, where he was lodged among thieves and murderers, for a great space: during which time, what business he had with the adversaries of Christ, all is not known, neither yet any certainty of his examinations, further than he himself did leave in writing, which God would not to be lost, but to remain for a perpetual testimony in the cause of God's truth, as here followeth recorded and testified by his own writing.  

¶ The Examination and answer of John Rogers made to the L. Chancellor, and to the rest of the Counsel, the 22. of january, Anno. 1555.  The Lord Chancellor. 
FIrst the L. Chancellor said unto me thus. Sir, 
Examination & answer of M. john Rogers.  ye have heard of the state of the realm in which it standeth now.  Rogers. 
No my Lord, I have been kept in close prison, and except there have been some general thing said at the table when I was at dinner or supper, I have heard nothing, and there have I heard nothing whereupon any special thing might be grounded.  L. Chan. 
Then said the L. Chancellor: General things, general things, mockingly? Ye have heard of my L. Cardinal's coming, and that the Parliament hath received his blessing, not one resisting unto it, but one man which did speak against it. Such an unity, and such a miracle hath not been seen. And all they, of which there are eight score in one house, said one that was by (whose name I know not) have with one assent and 
* Full sore against their wills if they could otherwise have chosen.  consent, received pardon of their offences, for the schism that we have had in England, in refusing the holy father of Rome to be head of the Catholic Church. How say ye, are ye content to unite and knit yourself to the faith of the catholic church with us in the state in which it is now in England? Will ye do that?  Rogers. 
The Catholic Church I never did nor will descent from.  L. Chancel. 
Nay, but I speak of the state of the Catholic church, in that wise in which we stand now in England, having received the Pope to be supreme head.  Rog. 

No head of the Catholic Church, but Christ.  I know none other head but Christ, of his catholic church, neither will I acknowledge the Bishop of Rome to have any more authority than any other bishop hath by the word of God, and by the doctrine of the old and pure Catholic church 400. years after Christ.  L. Chaun. 
Why didst thou then acknowledge King Henry the 8. to be supreme head of the church, if Christ be the only head?  Rog. 

The supremacy of king Henry 8. how it is to be taken.  I never granted him to have any supremacy in spiritual things, as are the forgiveness of sins, giving of the holy Ghost, authority to be a judge above the word of God.  L. Chan. 
Yea said he, and Tonstall B. of Duresme, and N. B. of Worcester, 
Tonstall B. of Duresme. N. Bishop of Worcester.  if thou hadst said so in his days (and they nodded the head at me, with a laughter) thou hadst not been alive now.  Rog. 
Which thing I denied, and would have told how he was said and meant to be supreme head. But they looked & laughed one upon another, and made such a business, that I was constrained to let it pass. There lieth also no great weight thereupon: for all the world knoweth what the meaning was. The L. Chancellor also said to the L. Wil Haward, that there was no inconvenience therein, to have Christ to be supreme head, 
The meaning why K. Henry was titled supreme head.  and the B. of Rome also: and when I was ready to have answered that there could not be two heads of one church, and have more plainly declared the vanity of that his reason, the L. Chancellor said: what sayst thou? make us a direct answer whether thou wilt be one of this catholic church, or not, with us in the state in which we are now?  Rog. 
My L. without fail I cannot believe, that ye yourselves do think in your hearts that he is supreme head in forgiving of sin. 
The Bishop's contrary to their former doings and writings.  etc. (as is before said) seeing you, & all the bishops of the realm have now xx. years long preached, and some of you also written to the contrary, and the Parliament hath so long agone condescended unto it. And there he interrupted me thus.  L. Chan. 
Tush that Parliament was with most great cruelty constrained to abolish and put away the primacy from the bishops of Rome.  Rog. 
With cruelty? Why then I perceive that you take a wrong way with cruelty to persuade men's consciences. For it should appear by your doings now, that the cruelty then used hath not persuaded your consciences▪ How would you then have our consciences, persuaded with cruelty.  L. Chan. 
I talk to thee of no cruelty, but that they were so often & so cruelly called upon in that Parliament, to let the Act go forward, yea and even with force driven thereunto, where as in this parliament it was so uniformly received, as is aforesaid.  Rog. 
Here my L. Paget told me more plainly, what my L. Chancellor meant. 
Truth goeth not by number nor by the greater part.  Unto whom I answered: My Lord what will ye conclude thereby? that the first Parliament was of less authority, because but few condescended unto it? and this last Parliament of great authority, because more condescended unto it? It goeth not (my Lord) by the more or lesser part, but by the wiser, truer, & godlier part: and I would have said more, but the L. Chancellor interrupted me with his question, willing me once again to answer him. For (said he) we have more to speak▪ with them thou, 

10. Prisoners out of New●●t● to be 〈◊〉 before 〈…〉.  
〈…〉: the 10. yielded.   which must come in after thee. And so there were in deed ten persons more out of Newgate, besides two that were not called. Of which ten, one was a citizen of London, which granted unto them, and ix. of the contrary: which all came to prison again, and refused the cardinals blessing, and the authority of his holy father's Church, saving that one of these ix. was not asked the question other wise then thus, whether he would be an honest man as his father was before him, and answering yea, he was so discharged by the friendship of my Lord William Haward (as I have understanded): He bade me tell him what I would do: whether I would enter into one Church with the whole Realm as it is now, or not? No, said I, I will first see it proved by the Scriptures. Let me have pen, ink, and books, etc. And I shall take upon me plainly to set out the matter, so that the contrary shall be proved to be true, & let any man that will, confer with me by writing. 
Steph Gardiner refused to have the truth to be tried by learning.   L. Chan. 
Nay, that shall not be permitted thee. Thou shalt never have so much proffered thee as thou hast now, if thou refuse it, and wilt not now condescend and agree to the catholic church. Here are ij. things, Mercy, and justice: If thou refuse the Queen's mercy now, then shalt thou have justice ministered unto thee.  Rog. 
I never offended, nor was disobedient unto her grace, 
The Bishops' 〈…〉 stand b● their 〈…〉 yet wi●● suffer 〈◊〉 men so do.  and yet I will not refuse her mercy. But if this shall be denied me to confer by writing, and to try out the truth▪ then it is not well, but to far out of the way. Ye yourselves (all the Bishops of the Realm) brought me to the knowledge of the pretenced primacy of the Bishop of Rome, when I was a young man twenty years past: and will ye now without collation▪ have me to say and do the contrary? I cannot be so persuaded.  L. Chan. 
If thou wilt not receive the Bishop of Rome to be supreme head of the Catholic Church, 
A fayrey tense to ●●cuse yo●● ignora●●●  than thou shalt never have her mercy thou mayst be sure. And as touching conferring and trial, I am forbidden by the Scriptures to use any conferring and trial with thee. For S. Paul teacheth me that I shall shun and eschew an heretic after one or two monitions, knowing that such an one is overthrown and is faulty, in as much as he is condemned by his own judgement.  Rog. 
My L. I deny that I am an heretic: prove ye that first, and then allege the foresaid text. But still the Lord Chancellor played on one string, saying.  L. Chan. 
If thou wilt enter into one Church with us, etc. tell us that, 
Gardener will 〈◊〉 to that, 〈◊〉 which 〈◊〉 cannot 〈◊〉 to be 〈◊〉  or else thou shalt never have so much proffered thee again, as thou hast now.  Rog. 
I will find it first in the Scripture, and see it tried thereby, before I receive him to be supreme head.  Wor. 
Why? do ye not know what is in your Creed: Credo ecclesiam sanctam catholicam. I believe the holy Catholic Church.  Rog. 
I find not the bishop of Rome there. For [Catholic] signifieth not the Romish Church: It signifieth the consent of all true teaching Churches of all times, 
The Pop● church p●●●ued not to be Catholic.  and all ages. But how should the Bishop of Rome's Church be one of them which teacheth so many doctrines that are plainly and directly against the word of God? Can that bishop be the true head of the Catholic Church that doth so? that is not possible.  L. Chancellor. 
Show me one of them, one, one, let me hear one.  Rog. 
I remembered myself, that amongst so many I were best to show one, and said I will show you one.  L. Chan. 
Let me hear that, let me hear that.  Rog. 
The B. of Rome and his Church, say, read, and sing all that they do in their congregations, in Latin, 
Latin Se●●uice.  which is directly and plainly against the first to the Corrinthians, the 14. chapter.  L. Chan. 
I deny that, I deny that, that is against the word of God. Let me see you prove that, how prove ye that?  Rog. 
Thus I began to say the text from the beginning of the chap. Qui loquitur lingua, 
Speaking a strange tongue, ●●gaynst S. Paul.  etc. to speak with tongue said I, is to speak with a strange tongue: as Latin or Greek, etc. and so to speak, is not to speak unto men, but to God. But ye speak in Latin, which is a strange tongue, wherefore ye speak not unto men, but unto God 
* Imperforation.  (meaning God only at the most.) This he granted, that they speak not unto men, but unto God.  L. Chan. 
Well, than it is in vain unto men.  Rog. 
No, not in vain. For one man speaketh in one tongue, and another in another tongue, and all well.  L. Chan. 
Nay I will prove then, that he speaketh neither to God nor to man, but unto the wind.  Rog. 
I was willing to have declared how and after what sort these two texts do agree (for they must agree, 
1. Cor. 1● To speak● 〈◊〉 God 〈◊〉 To speak● both to 〈◊〉 and man▪ To speak● neither 〈◊〉 God not 〈◊〉 man, but 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉  they be both the sayings of the holy Ghost, spoken by the Apostle Paul) as to wit, to speak, not to men, but unto God▪ and to speak into the wind: and so to have gone forward with the proof of my matter begun, but here arose a noise and a confusion. Then said the L. Chancellor.  L. Chan. 
To speak unto God, and not unto God, were unpossible.  Rog. 
I will prove them possible.  L. Haward. 
No said my Lord William Haward to my L. Chancellor: now will I bear you witness that he is out of the way. For he granted first, that they which speak in a strange speech, speak unto God: and now he saith the contrary, that they speak neither to God, nor to man.  Rog. 
I have not granted or said (turning me to my L. Haward) as ye report. I have alleged the one text, and now I am come to the other. They must agree, and I can make them to agree. But as for you, you understand not the matter.  L. Haward. 
I understand so much, that that is not possible. This is a point of Sophistry, 
Secretary Bourne. A 〈◊〉 Suaue●.  quoth secretary Bourne.  L. Chan. 
Then the Lord Chancellor began to tell the L. Hawarde, 
Anno 1555. ●ebrua●●  that when he was in high Dutchlande, they at Hale, which had before prayed and used their service all in dutch, began them to turn part into latin, & part into dutch.  Worcest. 
Yea and at Wittenberg to.  Rog. 
Yea (but I could not be heard for the noise) in an University, were men for the most part understand the Latin, and yet not all in Latin. And I would have told the order & have gone forward both to have answered my lord and to have proved the thing that I had taken in hand: but perceiving their talking and noise to be too noisome, 
 I was feign to think this in my heart (suffering them in the mean while to talk one of them one thing, and an other a nother) Alas, neither will, these men hear me if I speak, neither yet will they suffer me to write. There is no remedy but let them alone, and commit the matter to God. Yet I began to go forward, and said that I would make the texts to agree, and to prove my purpose well enough.  L. Chan. 
No, no, thou canst prove nothing by the scripture. The scripture is dead: it must have a lively expositor.  Rog. 
No the Scripture is alive. But let me go forward with my purpose.  Wor. 
All heretics have alleged the scriptures for them, and therefore we must have a lively expositor for them.  Rog. 
Yea, all heretics have alleged the Scriptures for them: but they were confuted by the scriptures, and by none other expositor.  Wor. 
But they would not confess that they were overcome by the scriptures, I am sure of that.  Rog. 
I believe that: and yet were they overcome by them, and in all Counsels they were disputed with & overthrown by the scriptures. 
Confused 〈◊〉 without order.  And here I would have declared how they ought to proceed in these days, & so have come again to my purpose, but it was unpossible, for one asked one thing, an other said an other, so that I was feign to hold my peace, and let them talk. And even when I would have taken hold on my proof, the Lord Chancellor bad, to prison with me again: and away, away (said he) we have more to talk withal: if I would not be reform (so he termed it) away, away. Then up I stood, for I had kneeled all the while.  
Then sir Richard Southwell, who stood by in a window, said to me: thou wilt not burn in this gear when it cometh to the purpose, 
Sir Rich. Southwell speaketh.  I know well that.  Rog. 
Sir I cannot tell, but I trust to my Lord God yes, lifting up mine eyes unto heaven.  B. of Ely. 

The bishop of Ely speaketh.  Then my Lord of Ely told me much of the queens majesties pleasure and meaning, and set it out with large words, saying that she took them that would not receive the Bishop of Rome's supremacy, to be unworthy to have her mercy. etc.  Roger. 
I said, I would not refuse her mercy, and yet I never offended her in all my life: And that I besought her Grace and all their honours to be good to me, reserving my conscience.  divers speak at once. 
No, quoth they then, a great sort of them, 
divers speak at ●nce.  and specially Secretary Bourne, a married priest, and have not offended the law?  Rog. 
I said, I had not broken the Queen's law, nor yet any point of the law of the Realm therein, For I married where it was lawful.  divers at once. 
Where was that said they? thinking that to be unlawful in all places. 
divers speak at ●nce.   Rog. 
In Dutchland. And if ye had not here in England made an open law that Priests might have had wives, I would never have come home again: 
lawfulness of priests marriage. 〈◊〉. Roger's ●rought 8. children with him ●nto Eng●●nd.  for I brought a wife and eight children with me: which thing ye might be sure that I would not have done, if the laws of the realm had not permitted it before.  
Then there was a great noise, some saying that I was come too soon with such a sort: I should find a sour coming of it, and some one thing, some another. And one said (I could not well perceive who) that there was never catholic man or country, that ever granted that a priest might have a wife.  Rog. 
I said the Catholic church never denied marriage to Priests, 
M Rogers had away to prison.  nor yet to any other man, and therewith was I going out of the chamber, the sergeant which brought me thither, having me by the arm.  Wor. 
Then the B. of Worcester turned his face towards me, and said that I witted not where that church was or is.  Rog. 
I said yes, that I could tell where it was, but therewith went the sergeant with me out of the door.  
This was the very true effect of all that was spoken unto me, and of all that I answered thereunto.  
And here would I gladly make a more perfect answer to all the former objections, as also a due proof of that which I had taken in hand: but at this present I was informed that I should to morrow come to further answer. Wherefore I am compelled to leave out that which I would most gladly have done, desiring here the hearty & unfeigned help of the prayers of all Christ's true members, the true imps of the true unfeigned Catholic Church, that the Lord God of all consolation, will now be my comfort, aid, strength, buckler and shield: as also of all my brethren that are in the same case & distress, that I and they all may despise all manner of threats and cruelty, and even the bitter burning fire and the dreadful dart of death, and stick like true soldiers to our dear & loving captain Christ, our only redeemer, and saviour, and also the only true head of the church, that doth all in us all, which is the very property of an head (and is a thing that all the Bishops of Rome cannot do,) and that we do not traitorously run out of his tents, or rather out of the plain field from him, in the most jeopardy of the battle, but that we may persevere in the fight (if he will not otherwise deliver us) till we be most cruelly slain of his enemies. For this I most heartily, and at this present, with weeping tears most instantly & earnestly desire and beseech you all to pray: And also if I die, to be good to my poor and most honest wife, being a poor stranger, and all my little souls, hers and my children. 
M. Roger's careful prayer for his wife and children.  Whom with all the whole faithful and true catholic congregation of Christ the Lord of life and death, save, keep and defend, in all the troubles and assaults of this vain world, and to bring at the last to everlasting salvation, the true & sure inheritance of all crossed Christians. Amen, Amen.  
The 27. day of januarie at night.   

The 2. confession of john Rogers, made and that should have been made (if I might have been heard) the 28. and 29. day of januarie. 1555.  
FIrst being asked again by the Lord Chancellor, 
The 2. examination of Master Rogers.  whether I would come into one Church with the Bishops and whole realm, as now was concluded by Parliament, (in the which all the Realm was converted to the Catholic church of Rome) and so receive the mercy before proffered me, arising again with the whole realm, 
Winchester's mercy, what it meaneth.  out of the schism and error in which we had long been, with recantation of my errors: I answered, that before I could not tell what his mercy meant, but now I understood that it was a mercy of the Antichristian church of Rome, 
To rise to the Pope, is to fall from Christ.  which I utterly refused, & that the rising which he spoke off, was a very fall into error and false doctrine. Also that I had and would be able by God's grace, to prove that all the doctrine which I had ever taught, was true and catholic, and that by the scriptures and the authority of the fathers that lived 400. years after Christ's death. He answered that should not, might not, nor ought not be granted me: for I was but a private man, 
Whatsoever is once concluded in a Parliament ought not to be reform afterward by no doctrine nor the word of God, by the Bishop of Winchester's divinity.  & might not be heard against the determination of the whole realm. Should (quoth he) when a Parliament hath concluded a thing, one, or any private person have authority to discuss, whether they had done right or wrong? No that may not be.  
I answered shortly, that all the laws of men might not, neither could rule the word of God, but that they all must be discussed and judged thereby, and obey thereto: and my conscience, nor no christian man's could be satisfied with such laws as disagreed from that word: and so was willing to have said much more, but the L. Chancellor began a long tale to very small purpose, concerning mine answer, to have defaced me, that there was nothing in me wherefore I should be heard, but arrogancy, pride, and vainglory. I also granted mine ignorancy to be greater than I could express, or then he took it: but yet that I feared not by God's assistance & strength, to be able by writing to perform my word, 
The Bishop of Winchester judgeth M. Rogers, by his own disease.  neither was I (I thanked God) so utterly ignorant as he would make me, but all was of God, to whom be thanks rendered therefore. Proud man was I never, nor yet vain glorious. All the world knew well, where and on which side pride, arrogancy, and vainglory was. It was a poor pride that was or is in us, God it knoweth.  
Then said he, that I at the first dash condemned the Queen and the whole realm, to be of the church of Antichrist, and burdened me highly therewithal. I answered that the Queen's majesty (God save her grace) would have done well enough, if it had not been for his counsel. He said, the Queen went before him, and it was her own motion, I said with out fail, I neither could nor I would ever believe it.  
Then said D. Aldrise the bishop of Carlisle, that they the bishops would bear him witness. 
D. Aldresse witnesseth with the B. of Winchester.  Yea (quoth I) that I believe well, and with that the people laughed: For that day there were many, but on the morrow they had kept the doors shut, and would let none in, but the Bishops adherentes and servants, in manner, yea and the first day the thousand man came not in. Then master controller and Secretary Bourne, would have stand up also to bear witness, and did.  
I said it was no great matter: and to say the truth, I thought that they were good helpers thereto themselves: but I ceased to say any more therein, knowing that they were too strong and mighty of power, and that they should be believed before me, yea and before our saviour Christ, and all his Prophets and Apostles thereto in these days.  
Then after many words he asked me what I thought concerning the blessed sacrament, 
The opinion of M Rogers 〈…〉 sacrament of the body ●f Christ, required.  and stood up and put off his cap, & all his fellow bishops (of which there were a great sort new men, of whom I knew few) whether I believed in the sacrament to be the very body and blood of our saviour Christ that was borne of the virgin Mary, and hanged on the cross, really and substantially.  
I answered, I had often told him that it was a matter in which I was no meddler, and therefore suspected of my brethren to be of a contrary opinion. Notwithstanding, even as the most part of your doctrine in other points is false, and the defence thereof only by force and cruelty: so in this matter I think it to be as false as the rest. For I cannot understand [really and substantially] to signify otherwise then corporally: 
Act. 3.  but corporally Christ is only in heaven, and so cannot Christ be corporally also in your sacrament. And here I somewhat set out his charity after this sort: My Lord (quoth I) ye have dealt with me most cruelly. For ye have set me in prison without law, and kept me there now almost a year and a half. 
Cruelty showed without cause.  For I was almost half a year in my house, where I was obedient to you (God knoweth) and spoke with no man. And now have I been a full year in Newgate at great costs and charges, 
M. Rogers a year and a half in durance.  having a wife and 10. children to find, and I had never a penny of my livings which was against the law.  
He answered, that D. Ridley which had given them me, was an usurper, and therefore I was the unjust possessor of them.  
Was the king than an Usurper (quoth I) which gave D. Ridley the Bishopric? 
Ste. Gardiner calleth king Edward an usurper.   
Yea (quoth he) and began to set out the wrongs that the king had done to the B. of London, and to himself also. But yet I do misuse my terms (quoth he) to call the King usurper. But the word was gone out of the abundance of the heart before: and I think that he was not very sorry for it in hart. I might have said more concerning that matter, but I did not.  
I asked him wherefore he set me in prison. He said because I preached against the Queen.  
I answered that it was not true: and I would be bound to prove it, and to stand to the trial of the law, that no man should be able to prove it, 
M. Rogers imprisoned against all law and right.  and thereupon would set my life. I preached (quoth I) a sermon at the Cross, after the Queen came to the Tower: but therein was nothing said against the Queen, I take witness of all the audience: which was not small. I alleged also that he had after examination let me go at liberty after the preaching of that Sermon.  
Yea, but thou didst read thy lectures after (quoth he) against the commandment of the Counsel.  
That did I not (quoth I:) let that be proved and let me die for it. Thus have ye now against the law of God & man handled me, & never sent for me, never conferred with me, never spoke of any learning, till now that ye have gotten a whip to whip me with, & a sword to cut off my neck, if I will not condescend unto your mind. This charity doth all the world understand.  
I might and would have added, if I could have been suffered to speak, that it had been time enough to take away men's livings, and thereto to have prisoned them, after that they had offended laws. For they be good Citizens that break not laws, and worthy of praise and not of punishment. 
M. Rogers punished before any law was broken.  But their purpose is to keep men in prison so long, until they may catch them in their laws, and so kill them. I could & would have added the example of Daniel, which by a crafty devised law was cast into the Lion's den. Item, I might have declared, that I most humbly desired to be set at liberty, sending my wife to him with a supplication, being great with child, & with her 8. honest women, or thereabout, to Richmond, at Christmas was a 12. month, whiles I was yet in my house.  
Item, I wrote two supplications to him out of Newgate, 
M. Gosnold laboured for M. Rogers.  and sent my wife many times to him. M. Gosnolde also that worthy man, who is now departed in the Lord, laboured for me, and so did divers other worthy men also take pains in the matter. These things declare my Lord Chancellors Antichristian charity, which is, that he hath and doth seek my blood, and the destruction of my poor wife and my ten children.  
This is a short sum of the words which were spoken the 28. day of january at after noon, after that Master Hooper had been the first, & M. Card-maker the second in examination before me. The Lord grant us grace to stand together, fight lawfully in his cause, till we be smitten down together, if the Lords will be so to permit it. For there shall not a hair of our heads pearish against his will, but with his will. Whereunto the same Lord grant us to be obedient unto the end, and in the end. Amen: Sweet, mighty, and merciful Lord jesus the son of David and of God, Amen, Amen, let every true Christian say and pray.  
Then the clock being (as I guessed) about four, the L. Chancellor said, 
Great me●●cy of Winchest. no less than the Fox hath to the chickenes, the Wolf to suck the blood of Lambs.  that he and the Church must yet use charity with me (what manner of charity it is, all true christians do well understand, as to wit, the same that the fox doth with the chickens, and the wolf with the Lambs) and gave me respite till to morrow, to see whether I would remember myself well to morrow, and whether I would return to the catholic church (for so he calleth his Antichristian false church) again, and repent, and they would receive me to mercy.  
I said that I was never out of the true Catholic Church, nor would be: but into his church, would I, by God's grace, never come.  
Well (quoth he) then is our church false and Antichristian. 
The Pope's church is the church of antichrist.   
Yea, quoth I  
And what is the doctrine of the sacrament?  
False, quoth I, and cast my hands abroad.  
Then said one, that I was a player. To whom I answered not: for I passed not upon his mock. 
M. Rogers warned to appea●e the next day.   
Come again quoth the Lord Chancellor, to morrow between nine and ten.  
I am ready to come again, whensoever ye call quoth I.  
And thus was I brought by the sheriffs to the Counter in Southwark, Master Hooper going before me, and a great multitude of people being present, so that we had much to do to go in the streets.  
Thus much was done the 28. day of januarie.  
THe second day, which was the 29. of january, we were sent for in the morning about 9 of the clock, 
M. Roger & M. Hooper brought again before the Chancellor.  and by the Sheriffs fetched from the Counter in Southwark, to the Church again, as to wit, to S. Mary Oueries, where we were the day before in the after noon, as is said. And when Master Hooper was condemned (as I understood afterward) then sent they for me. Then the Lord Chancellor said unto me:  
Rogers (quoth he) here thou wast yesterday, and we gave thee liberty to remember thyself this night, whether thou wouldst come to the holy catholic church of Christ again or not. Tell us now what thou hast determined, 
Gardiner● words to M. Rogers.  whether thou wilt be repentant and sorry, and wilt return again and take mercy.  
My Lord, quoth I, I have remembered myself right well what you yesterday laid for you, 
Answer of M. Roger●s to the B●●hop of W●n●hester.  and desire you to give me leave to declare my mind what I have to say thereunto, and that done, I shall answer you to your demanded question.  
When I yesterday desired that I might be suffered by the Scripture and authority of the first, best, 
M. Rogers n●t suffered here to defend himself by writing▪  and purest Church to defend my doctrine by writing (meaning not only of the primacy: but also of all the doctrine that ever I had preached) ye answered me that it might not, nor ought not to be granted me, for I was a private person: and that the parliament was above the authority of all private persons, & therefore the sentence thereof might not be found faulty and valureles by me being but a private person. And yet my Lord, quoth I, I am able to show examples, that one man hath come into a general Council, and after the whole had determined and agreed upon an act or article, that some one man coming in afterward, hath by the word of God declared so pithily that the counsel had erred in decreeing the said Article, 
W●ole Co●●cel●s turned by private person's.  that he caused the whole Counsel to change and altar their Act or Article before determined. And of these examples (said I) I am able to show two. I can also show the authority of S. Augustine, that when he disputed with an heretic, 
〈◊〉 Ma●entium lib. ●. cap. 14.  he would neither himself, nor yet have the heretic, to lean unto the determination of two former Counsels, of the which the one made for him, and the other for the heretic that disputed against him: but said that he would have the scriptures to be their judge which were common and indifferent for them both, and not proper to either of them.  
Item I could show (said I) the authority of a learned Lawyer Panormitanus, which saith: 
 that unto a simple lay man that bringeth the word of God with him there aught more credit to be given, then to a whole Council gathered together. By these things will I prove that I ought not to be denied to say my mind, and to be heard against a whole Parliament, bringing the word of God for me and the authority of the old Church 400. years after Christ, all be it that every man in the Parliament had willingly and without respect of fear and favour agreed thereunto (which thing I doubt not a little off, specially seeing the like had been permitted in that old Church, even in general Counsels, yea and that in one of the chiefest counsels that ever was, 
〈◊〉 put 〈◊〉 the B. of 〈◊〉.  unto which neither any Acts of this Parliament, nor yet any of the late general Counsels of the Bishops of Rome ought to be compared.) For, said I, if Henry the eight were alive, and should call a Parliament, and begin to determine a thing (and here I would have alleged the example of the Act of making the Queen a Bastard, 
 and of making himself the Superior head, but I could not, being interrupted of one, whom God forgive) then will ye (pointing to my Lord Chancellor) and ye and ye, and so ye all (pointing to the rest of the Bishops) say, Amen: yea, and it like your grace, it is meet that it be so enacted, etc.  

M. Roger's 〈◊〉 suffered to speak.  Here my L. Chancellor would suffer me to speak no more: but had me sit down mockingly, saying that I was sent for to be instructed of them, and I would take upon me to be their instructor.  
My Lord (quoth I) I stand and sit not: shall I not be suffered to speak for my life?  

Mark here ●he spirit of this prelate.  Shall we suffer thee to tell a tale, and to prate quoth he? and with that he stood up, and began to face me, after his old arrogant proud fashion, for he perceived that I was in a way to have touched them somewhat, which he thought to hinder, by dashing me out of my tale, and so he did. For I could never be suffered to come to my tale again, no not to one word of it: but he had much like communication with me as he had the day before, and as his manner is, taunt upon taunt, and check upon check. For in that case (being God's cause) I told him he should not make me afraid to speak.  L. Chaun. 
See what a spirit this fellow hath, said he, finding fault at mine accustomed earnestness, and hearty manner of speaking.  Rog. 

The godly spirit of M. Rogers.  I have a true spirit, quoth I, agreeing and obeying the word of God, and would further have said, that I was never the worse, but the better, to be earnest in a just and true cause and in my master Christ's matters: but I might not be heard. And at the length he proceeded towards his excommunication and condemnation, after that I had told him that his Church of Rome was the Church of antichrist, 
The church of Rome is the Church of Antichrist, meaning the laws and doctrine now used in Rome.  meaning the false doctrine and tyrannical laws, with the maintenance thereof by cruel persecution used by the Bishops of the said church (which the B. of Winchester and the rest of his fellow bishops that are now in England, are the chief members): Of laws I mean (quoth I) and not of all men and women which are in the pope's church. Likewise when I was said to have denied their sacrament (whereof he made his wont reverent mention, more to maintain his kingdom thereby, then for the true reverence of Christ's institution: more for his own and his Popish generations sake, then for religion or God's sake) I told him after what order I did speak of it (for the manner of his speaking, was not agreeing to my words, which are before recited in the communication that we had the 28. of januarie) wherewith he was not contented, but he asked the audience whether I had not simply denied the sacrament. 
How the Bishop of Winchester seeketh for blood.  They would have said, and did what he lusted: for the most of them were of his own servants at that day, the 29. day of january I mean. At the last I said, I will never deny that I said, that is, that your doctrine of the Sacrament is false: but yet I tell you after what order I said it.  
To be short, he red my condemnation before me particularly, mentioning therein but 2. Articles, first that I affirmed the Romish catholic church, to be the church of antichrist, and that I denied the reality of their sacrament. He cursed me to be disgraded and condemned, and put into the hands of the laity, and so he gave me over into the shrives' hands, which were much better than his.  
¶ The copy of which his condemnation here I thought to put down in English, to the intent that the same being here once expressed, may serve for all other sentences condemnatory through the whole story to be referred unto.   

The Sentence condemnatory against Master Rogers.  
IN the name of God Amen, We Steven by the permission of God Bishop of Winchester, lawfully and rightly proceeding with all godly favour by authority and virtue of our office, against thee john Roger's priest, 
The 〈◊〉 definit●●● against M. R●ge●s.  alias called matthew before us personally here present, being accused and detected, and notoriously slandered of heresy, having heard, seen, and understand, and with all diligent deliberation weighed, discussed, and considered the merits of the cause, all things being observed, which by us in this behalf, in order of law ought to be observed, sitting in our judgement seat, the name of Christ being first called upon, and having God only before our eyes: because by the acts enacted, propounded, and exhibited in this matter, and by thine own confession judicially made before us, we do find, that thou hast taught, holden, and affirmed, and obstinately defended divers errors, heresies, and damnable opinions, contrary to the doctrine and determination of the holy church, as namely these: That the catholic church of Rome, is the church of Antichrist: Item, 
His Articles.  that in the Sacrament of the aultare, there is not substantially nor really the natural body and blood of Christ. The which aforesaid heresies and damnable opinions being contrary to the law of God, and determination of the universal and Apostolical Church, thou hast arrogantly, stubbornly, and wittingly maintained, held, and affirmed, and also defended before us, as well in this judgement, as also otherwise, and with the like obstinacy, stubbornness, malice and blindness of heart, both wittingly and willingly haste affirmed, that thou wilt believe, maintain and hold, affirm, and declare the same: We therefore S. Wint. B. Ordinary and Diocesan aforesaid, by the consent and assent as well of our reverend brethren the Lord Bishops here present and assistant, as also by the counsel and judgement of divers worshipful lawyers and professors of Divinity, with whom we have communicated in this behalf, do declare and pronounce thee the said john Rogers, otherwise called matthew, through thy demerits, transgressions, obstinacies, & wilfulnesses (which thou manifold ways hast incurred by thine own wicked and stubborn obstinacy) to have been and to be guilty in the detestable, horrible, and wicked offence of heretical pravity and execrable doctrine, and that thou haste before us sundry times spoken, maintained, and wittingly and stubbornly defended the said cursed and execrable doctrine in thy sundry confessions, assertions, and recognitions here judicially before us oftentimes repeated, and yet still dost maintain, affirm and believe the same, and that thou haste been and art lawfully and ordinarily convicted in this behalf. We therefore (I say) all be it following the example of Christ, Which would not the death of a sinner, but rather that he should convert and live, we have gone about oftentimes to correct thee, and by all lawful means that we could, and all wholesome admonitions that we did know, to reduce thee again unto the true faith and unity of the universal catholic church, notwithstanding have found thee obstinate and stiff-necked, willingly continuing in thy damnable opinions and heresies, and refusing to return again unto the true faith and unity of the holy mother Church, and as the child of wickedness and darkness so to have hardened thy heart, that thou wilt not understand the voice of thy shepherd, which with a fatherly affection doth seek after thee, nor wilt not be alured with his fatherly and godly admonitions: we therefore Ste▪ the B. aforesaid, not willing that thou which art wicked, shouldest now become more wicked, and infect the Lords flock with thine heresy (which we are greatly afraid off) with sorrow of mind and bitterness of heart do judge thee, 
 and diffinitively condemn thee the said john Rogers, otherwise called Matthew, thy demerits & defaults being aggravate through thy damnable obstinacy, as guilty of most detestable heresies, and as an obstinate impenitent sinner, refusing penitently to return to the lap and unity of the holy mother church, and that thou hast been and art by law excommunicate, & do pronounce and declare thee to be an excommunicate person: Also we pronounce and declare thee being an heretic, to be cast out from the church, & left unto the judgement of the secular power, & now presently so do leave thee as an obstinate heretic, and a person wrapped in the sentence of the great curse, to be disgraded worthily for thy demerits [requiring them notwithstanding in the bowels of our Lord jesus Christ, that this execution and punishment worthily to be done upon thee, may so be moderated, that the rigour thereof be not too extreme, nor yet the gentleness too much mitigated, but that it may be to the salvation of thy soul, to the extirpation, terror, and conversion of the heretics, to the unity of the Catholic faith] by this our sentence definitive which we here lay upon, and against thee, and do with sorrow of heart promulgate in this form aforesaid. 
M. Rogers and M. Hooper sent to Newgate.   
After this sentence being read, he sent us (M. Hoper, I mean, and me) to the Clinke, there to remain till night: and when it was dark, they carried us, M. Hoper going before with the one sheriff, and I coming after with the other, with bills and weapons enough, out of the Clinke, & led us through the bishop's house, and so thorough S. Marie Oueries churchyard, and so into Southwark, and over the bridge on procession to Newgate through the city. But I must show you this also, that when he had red the condemnation, he declared that I was in the great curse, and what a vengeable dangerous matter it were to eat and drink with us that were accursed, 
A vengeable thing to be in the Pope's Church.  or to give us any thing: for all that so did, should be partakers of the same great curse.  
Well my Lord (quoth I) here I stand before God and you, 
M. Roger's words to the the Bishop of Winchester.  and all this honourable audience, and take him to witness, that I never wittingly or willingly taught any false doctrine: and therefore have I a good conscience before God and all good men. I am sure that you and I shall come before a judge that is righteous, before whom I shall be as good a man as you: and I nothing doubt but that I shall be found there a true member of the true Catholic church of Christ & everlastingly saved. And as for your false church ye need not to excommunicate me forth of it. I have not been in it these 20. years, the Lord be thanked therefore. But now ye have done what ye can my Lord, I pray you yet grant me one thing.  
What is that? quoth he.  
That my poor wife being a stranger, may come and speak with me so long as I live. 
M. Roger's request to have his wife come to him while he lived, could not to be granted.  For she hath ten children that are hers & mine, and somewhat I would counsel her what were best for her to do.  
No (quoth he) she is not thy wife.  
Yes my Lord (quoth I) and hath been these 18. years.  
Should I grant her to be thy wife, quoth he?  
Choose you, quoth I, whether ye will or not: she shallbe so nevertheless.  
She shall not come at thee quoth he.  
Then I have tried out all your charity, said I. You make yourself highly displeased with the Matrimony of priests, but you maintain open whoredom: as in Wales (quoth I) where every priest hath his whore openly dwelling with him and lying by him: even as your holy Father suffereth all the priests in Dutchlande and in France to do the like. Thereto he answered not, but looked as it were, a squint at it: and thus I departed, and saw him last.  
Other good matter there is beside penned by M. Rogers in the prison, which he thought and would have answered, if he might have been permitted, touching which matter, as here under followeth to be seen by his own setting down.  
HItherto dearly beloved, ye have heard what was said: now hear what I purposed the night before to have said if I could have been permitted. Two things I purposed to have touched. The one how it was lawful for a private man to reason and write against a wicked act of Parliament, or an ungodly counsel, which the L. Chancellor the day before denied me. Tother was to prove that prosperity was not always a token of God's love.  
And this I purpose to speak off, because the Lord Chancellor boasted of himself that he was delivered fourth of prison, as it were by miracle, & preserved of God to restore true religion, and to punish me and such other, whom he termed heretics. Concerning these two points in this manner I purposed to have proceeded. It is not unknown to you, that king Henry the eight in his time made his daughter the Queen that now is, a bastard: he abolished the authority of the Bishop of Rome, he pulled down Abbeys, and all this he did by the consent of Parliament.  
King Edward the sixth in his time made lawful the marriage of priests, turned the service into English, abolished the idolatrous Mass, with all like superstitious trumpery, set up the holy Communion, and all by consent of Parliament.  
The Queen that now is, hath repealed the Act that made her bastard, hath brought in the Bishop of Rome, and set him in his old authority, beginneth to set up abbeys again, hath made the marriage of priests unlawful, hath turned the English service into Latin again, hath set up the Mass again with like baggage: and pulled down the holy Communion: and all this is done by consent of Parliament.  
If the Acts of Parliament made in king Henry's time & in K. Edward's, had their foundation upon God's word, where upon all positive law ought to be grounded, than these which are established in the queens time, being clean contrary to the others, as they are not warranted by god's word, so are they wicked, and therefore to be both spoken, and written against of all men, as well of private as of public persons.  
If your Acts, my Lord Chancellor which you ha●e lately coined (I call them yours, because ye only bear the swinge, devise, and decree, what ye list all other men are forced to follow,) be good, and according to God's word, than the former Acts were nought, which thing ye seem to say, in utterly taking of them away, and setting up of the contrary: if the former were nought, why then did ye consent unto them, and confirm them to be good by your voluntary and advised writing, as it appeareth, and will to the worlds end in your Book, de vera Obedientia, where you prove the Queen a Bastard, and the bishop of Rome to be an usurper, and to have no authority in the Realm of England?  
Ye must needs confess, that the most part of your Acts of Parliament in these latter days, have been according to the fantasies of a few. King Henry in his time established by Parliament in a manner what he listed, and many things that might well have been amended.  
In King Edward's days the Duke of Somersette and Northumberlande, bore a great stroke in things, and did not all things sincerely. Even so, since the Queen that now is, came to the government of the realm, all things are ordered by your devise, and head, and the whole Parliament house is led as you list, by reason whereof they are compelled to condescend to things both contrary to God's manifest word, and also contrary to their own consciences: so great is your cruelty.  
For, to bring your wicked purposes to pass, and to establish your Antichristian kingdom (which I trust the Lord with the breath of his mouth will speedily blow over) ye have called three parliaments in one year and an half, that what you could not compass by subtle persuasion, ye might bring to pass by tyrannical threatening: for if ye had not used cruel force in your doings, ye had never brought to pass such things as this day ye have, to the utter defacing and abolishing of Gods true religion, and to the casting away and destruction of your natural Country, so much as in you lieth.  
And as it is most true that Acts of Parliament have in these latter days been ruled by the fantasies of a few, and the whole Parliament house, contrary to their minds was compelled to consent to such things as a few had conceived: So it must needs be granted that the Papists at all times were most ready to apply themselves to the present world, and like men pleasers to follow the fantasies of such as were in authority, and turn with the estate, which way so ever it turned. Yea, if the estate should change ten times in one year, they would ever be ready at hand to change with it, and so follow the cry, and rather utterly to forsake God, and be of no religion, then that they would forego lust or living, for God or for religion.  
King Henry by parliament, according to God's word put down the Pope: the Clergy consented, and all men openly by oath refused this usurped supremacy, knowing by God's word Christ to be head of the church, and every King in his Realm to have under and next unto Christ, the chief Sovereignty.  
King Edward also by Parliament, according to God's word, set the marriage of Priests at liberty, abolished the Popish and idolatrous mass, changed the Latin service, and set up the holy Communion: the whole Clergy consented hereunto: many of them set it forth by then preaching: and all they by practising confirmed the same.  
notwithstanding, now when the state is altered, and the laws changed, the Papistical clergy with other, like worldlings, as men neither fearing God, neither flying worldly shame, neither yet regarding their consciences, oaths, or honesty, like wavering weather Cocks, turn round about, & putting on harlot's foreheads, sing a new song, and cry with an impudent mouth: Come a-againe, come again to the catholic church, meaning the Antichristian church of Rome which is the Synagogue of Satan, and the very sink of all superstition, heresy and Idolatry.  
Of what force I pray you may a man think these parliaments to be, which scantly can stand a year in strength? Or what credit is to be given to these law makers, which are not ashamed to establish contrary laws, and to condemn that for evil, which before (the thing in itself and the circumstances remaining all one) they affirmed, and decreed to be good. truly, ye are so ready, contrary to all right to change and turn for the pleasure of man, that at the length I fear, GOD will use you like changelings, 
Anno 1554. April.  and both turn you forth of his kingdom, and out of your own country.  
Ye charge the gospel preachers with the undoing of this realm: nay it is the turning papists, which have not only set a sale their Country like Traitors, but also troubled the simple people, so that they can not tell what they may believe. For that which they affirmed, and preached to be new doctrine in King Edward's days, now they cry against it, as it were most abominable heresy. This fault I trust ye shall never find at our hands.  
Therefore, to conclude that which I purposed, for somuch as the Acts of Parliament of these latter times are one contrary to an other, and those which ye now have established in your time, are contrary to Gods most manifest word, as is the usurped supremacy of the bishop of Rome, the Idolatrous Mass, the Latin Service, the prohibiting of lawful marriage (which Saint Paul calleth the Doctrine of devils) with many such other: I say it is not only lawful for any private man, which bringeth God's word for him, and the authority of the primative and best Church, to speak and write against such unlawful laws, but it is his duty, and he is bound in very conscience to do it: Which thing I have proved by divers examples before, and now will add too but one other, which is written in the fifth of the Acts, where it appeareth that the high Priests, the Elders, Scribes, and pharisees decreed in their Council, and gave the same commandment to the Apostles, that they should not preach in the name of Christ, as ye have also forbidden us: notwithstanding when they were charged therewithal, they answered. Obedire oportet Deo magis quam hominibus, that is, we ought more to obey God then man: even so we may and do answer you. God is more to be obeyed then man: & your wicked laws can not so tongue tie us, but we will speak the truth.  
The Apostles were beaten for their boldness, and they rejoiced that they suffered for Christ's cause. Ye have also provided rods for us, and bloody whips: yet when ye have done that which Gods hand and Counsel hath determined, that ye shall do, be it life or death, I trust that God will so assist us by his holy spirit and grace, that we shall patiently suffer it, & praise God for it: and whatsoever become of me and others, which now suffer for speaking, and professing of the truth, yet be ye sure that God's word will prevail and have the over hand, when your bloody laws and wicked decrees, for want of sure foundation, shall fall in the dust: and that which I have spoken of your Acts of Parliament, the same may be said of the general Counsels of these latter days, which have been within these five hundredth years, where as the Antichrist of Rome, by reason of his usurped authority ruled the roost, and decreed such things as made for his gain, not regarding God's glory: and therefore are they to be spoken, written, and cried against of all such as fear God, and love his truth.  
And thus much I purposed to have said, concerning the first point.  
Now touching the second point. That where as my Lord Chancellor had the day before said his pleasure of them that ruled the Realm, while he was in prison, and also rejoiced as though God had make this alteration, even for his sake and his Catholic Church, as he calleth it, and to declare as it were by miracle, that we were before in a Schism and Heresy, and the Realm was now brought to an unity, and to a truth, and I can not tell whereto: Thereto was I fully purposed to have said. secondly, my Lord, where as ye yesterday so highly dispraised the government of them that ruled in innocent King Edward's days, it may please your Lordship to understand, that we poor Preachers, whom ye so evil allow, did most boldly and plainly rebuke their evil governance in many things, specially their covetousness, and neglect and small regard to live after the Gospel: as also their negligence to occasion other to live thereafter, with more things than I can now rehearse. This can all London testify with us, I would also have told him, what I myself for my part did once at Paul's Cross, concerning the misuse of Abbeys, and other church goods: and I am assured right well, that never a papist of them all did ever so much therein as I did, I thank the Lord therefore: I was also (as it is well known) feign to answer therefore before all the Counsel, and many of my brethren did the like, so that we for the not rebuking of their faults, shall not answer before God, nor be blame worthy before men. Therefore let the Gentlemen and the Courtiers themselves, and all the Citizens of London, testify what we did.  
But my Lord, you could not abide them, for that which they did unto you, and for that they were of a contrary Religion unto you. Wherefore in that you seem so infest against them, it is neither any just or public cause, but it is your own private hate, that maketh you to report so evil of their governance. And ye may now say what ye list of them, when they be partly dead and gone, and partly by you put out of office.  
But what shall be said of you when your fall shall follow, ye shall then hear. And I must say my conscience to you: I fear me ye have and will with your governance bring England out of God's blessing into a warm sun. I pray God you do not.  
I am an English man borne, and God knoweth, do naturally wish well to my Country. And my Lord, I have often proved, that the things which I have much feared afore hand should come to pass, have in deed followed. I pray God I may fail of my guessing in this behalf: but truly that will not be with expelling the true word of God out of the Realm, and with shedding of innocent blood.  
And as touching your rejoicing, as though God had set you aloft to punish us by miracle, (for so you report and brag openly of yourself) and to minister justice, if we will not receive your holy father's mercy, and thereby to declare your church to be true, and ours false, to that I answer thus: Gods works be wonderful, & are not to be comprehended, and perceived by man's wisdom, not by the wit of the most wise and prudent. Yea, they are soon deceived, and do most easily judge amiss of God's wonderful works, that are most worldly wise. God hath made all the wisdom of this world foolishness, first Corrinthians the first, and the second Chapter. Dedit dilectam animam suam in manus inimicorum eius. Hierem. xii.  
That is.  
He doth put his beloved and dear heart, into the hands of the enemies thereof.  
This thing doth God, which thing all wise men account to be the most foolish and unwise part that can be. Will the wise of the world (trow ye) put their most dear friends and tenderly beloved children, into their enemies hands, to kill, slay, burn? etc. that is unto them a madness above all madness. And yet doth God use this order, and this is an high and singular wisdom in his sight, which the world taketh to be most extreme madness.  
Can the world show a cause why he suffered the great multitude of innocent children to be murdered of Herode, of Ascalon, or why he put that most holy man john baptist, into the hands of Herode his son to be headed, and that in prison secretly without open judgement most tyrannously? Why he suffered his beloved Apostle james, to be beheaded of another Herode. Acts 12? Why he suffered his beloved seed of Abraham, Isaac, and jacob, to be four hundred years in thraldom and bondage, and under Pharaoh? And all the stock of juda and Benjamin his beloved children and Church, to come under the power, sword, and tyranny of Nabuchodonosor? No verily, but his true Catholic Church knoweth divers causes hereof, which are now too long to rehearse, and which I would right gladly show, if I had time.  
But this I am right sure off, that it was not because that the aforesaid Godly men were in heresies, and subject to false gods services, and Idolatry, and that their adversaries were men of God, and beloved of God. The contrary was true: John Baptist was beloved of God, and Herode hated, and so forth of the rest: and john Baptist, the innocent children, james, the Children of Israel, in egypt, and in Babylon, were the catholic members and people of God: and their adversaries, into whose hands they were put and delivered, and that of GOD, and by his good will and pleasure were Idolaters and the people of the Devil: but they would be called the chief members of God, and rejoiced that they had the true God, and that it was now declared by miracle, that the Israelites had but a false God, and a false religion, seeing they were delivered into the Babylonians hands. And all the other (the Herodes and Pharaoh I mean) plainly determined, that if the men which they killed and handled evil, had been God's people, God would never have suffered them to come into their hands, but rather have done the contrary, and have let john Baptist kill Herode, and the Israelites Pharaoh, and Nabuchodonosor. Even the like is now to be seen in us, and in our most cruel adversaries.  
They are not therefore the catholic Church, because our merciful God hath at this present given our lives into their hands: neither are we therefore heretics, because we suffer punishment at their hands, as the Lord Chancellor by his rejoicing, seemeth to gather: the contrary is hereby to be gathered, that we be the members of the true Catholic church, because we suffer for the same Doctrine which john baptist, james, the Israelites, yea Christ, & the Apostles, did teach: of which none taught any thing of our adversaries doctrine, namely that the rotten Antichristian head of Rome, should be the head of Christ's church: But they have manifestly taught the contrary, specially Paul 2. to the Thessalonians, the 2. chapter. john in the Apocalypse, Dan. 11. which thing, if I might have life and Books, I would so (by God's grace) set forth, that all the world should see it: and that our adversaries with their Antichristian head, are the members of the devils church, as they undoubtedly are. And in like case, as the above mentioned holy men, though they in their days, were counted to be heretics, seditious, and disturbers of the whole world, (for unto john baptist it was said, john 1. Wherefore baptisest thou, if thou be not Helias, nor that Prophet? etc. As who say, thou haste no such authority to begin a new Ceremony in the Church. For we be in ordinary possession of the church: and of us thou haste received no such power. We abide by our circumcision: and the like could I declare of james, and of all the Apostles and Prophets, and of our Saviour Christ himself, that were all condemned as heretics & blasphemers of God, and disturbers of the whole world. Paul and Silas. Act. 16. heard like words of the Philippians: these men trouble our City, seeing they are jews, and preach institutions, which are not lawful for us to receive, seeing we be Romans. And in 17. In Athens, the wise men of this world, & such as gave their endeavour to wisdom, said by S. Paul: Quid vult spermologus hic dicere? That is. What will this prater (as my Lord Chancellor said to me, shall we suffer this fellow to prate, when I would feign have said that thing, that I have here written) trifler, news carrier, or ●ringer, that telleth what so ever men will have him, for gain and advantage, that will for a piece of bread say what ye will have him. etc. And an other said in the same place: he seemeth to be a preacher of new devils. etc. And Acts 21. The jews say by Paul, laying hands on him, help O ye Israelites (say they) this is the man that teacheth all men every where against the people (meaning the jews) and the law and this place (meaning jerusalem) and yet was never a word of these true. And Acts 22. the same jews said of Paul: out of the earth with that man, or away with him. For it is not lawful for him to live, or he is not worthy to live. And how many more of these examples are to be found in the Bible? Although (I say) these men were in their days taken for heretics, of them that were then in authority, and of the great multitude of the world, yet it is now well known, yea and very shortly after their deaths this was known: yea, and even in their lives also unto the true Catholic Church, that they were not only the chief and special members of the true Catholic Church, but also the founders and builders thereof, (notwithstanding the sinister judgement, that the wise and mighty men, and the great multitude of the world had of them) and in their consciences they were always assuredly certified of the same. Even the same shall the world find true in us, shortly after our deaths, as also there be at this hour (the Lord be thanked therefore) not a few, that already know it, as we ourselves also are by God's grace assuredly certified in our consciences, that we are no heretics, but members of the true catholic church, and that our adversaries the bishops and popish clergy, which will have that title, are the members of Satan's church, and their Antichristian head of Rome with them.  
But here they will cry out: lo these men will be still like john Baptist, the Apostles, and the Prophets. etc.  
I answer, we make not ourselves like unto them, in the singular virtues and gifts of God, given unto them: as of miracles doing, and of many other things. The similitude and likeness of them and us, consisteth not in all things, but only in this, that is, that we be like them in doctrine, and in the suffering of persecution and infamy for the same.  
We have preached their very doctrine and none other thing: that we are able sufficiently to declare by their writings: & by writing for my part, I have proffered to prove the same (as is now often said.) And for this cause we suffer the like reproach, shame, and rebuke of the world, & the like persecution, losing of our lives and goods, forsaking (as our master Christ commandeth) father, mother, sister, brethren, wives, children, and all that there is, being assured of a joyful resurrection, and to be crowned in glory with them, according to the unfallible promises made unto us in Christ, our only and sufficient mediator, reconciler, priest and sacrifice, which hath pleased the father, and quieted and pacified his wrath against our sins, & made us without spot or wrinkle in his sight by imputation, although we, off, and in ourselves are bespotted, & be blotted with many filthy sins, which if the great mercy granted in Christ, did not put away, by not imputing them unto us of his measureless unspeakable mercy and love to save us, they would have brought us to everlasting damnation, and death perpetual. Herein, and in no other, do we affirm ourselves to be like unto our head Christ, and all his Apostles, Prophets, Martyrs and Saints: And herein ought all Christian men to be like them, and herein are all true Christian men and women like them every one, according to the measure of the faith that God hath dealt unto them, and to the diversity of the gifts of the spirit given unto them. But let us now consider, that if it be Gods good will and pleasure, to give his own beloved heart, that is, his beloved church and the members thereof, into the hands of their enemies, to chasten, try & prove them, and to bring them to the true unfeigned acknowledging of their own natural stubbornness, disobedience towards God, and his commandments, as touching the love of God and of their brethren or neighbours, and their natural inclination, readiness & desire, to love creatures, to seek their own lusts, pleasures and things forbidden of God, to obtain a true and earnest repentance, and sorrowfulness therefore, and to make them to sigh and cry for the forgiveness of the same, and for the aid of the spirit, daily to mortify and kill the said evil desires and lusts: yea and often falling into gross outward sins, as did David, Peter, Magdalen, and other, to arise again also thereout with a mighty crying for mercy, with many other causes: let us also consider what he hereafter doth with the said enemies, into whose hands he hath given his tenderly beloved darlings to be chastened and tried. Forsooth, whereas he but chasteneth his darlings, and crosseth them for a small while, according to his good pleasure, as all fathers do with their children. Heb. 12. Proverb. 3. 
God's justice upon his enemies and persecutors.  He utterly destroyeth, yea and everlastingly damneth the unrepentant enemies. Let Herode tell me what he wan by killing james, and persecuting Peter, and Christ's tender darlings, and beloved spouse and wife, his Church. verily God thought him not worthy to have death ministered unto him by men or Angels, or any worthy creatures, but those small, and yet most vile beasts, lice, and small worms, must consume and kill his beastly, vile, and tyrannous body. Pharaoh and Nabuchadonoser, for all their pride and most mighty power, must at the length let God's darlings go freely away out of their land, yea out of their bands and tyranny. For when it could not be obtained at their hands, that God's congregation might have true mercy ministered unto them, but the counterfeit mercy of these our days, that is to say, extreme cruelty, and even the very and that most horrible and cruel death, God arose and awoke out of his sleep, and destroyed those enemies of his flock, with a mighty hand, and a stretched out arm. Pharaoh did with most great and intolerable labours and burdens, express and bring under the poor Israelits, and yet did the Courtiers undoubtedly noise abroad, that the king was merciful unto them, to suffer them to live in his land, and to set them awork, that they might get them their livings. If he should thrust them out of his land, whether should they go, like a sort of vagabunds and runagates? This title & name of mercy, would that tyant have, and so did his flattering false Courtiers spread his vain praise abroad. Have not we the like examples now a days? O that I had now time to write certain things pertaining to our Winchester's mercy. 
Wincheste●● mercy.  How merciful he hath been to me and to my good brethren I will not speak of, neither yet unto the Duke of Suffolk's most innocent daughter, and to her as innocent husband. For although their fathers were faulty, yet had their youth and lack of experience deserved a pardon by all true merciful men's judgements. O that I had time to paint out this matter a right: but there be many alive that can do it much better when I am dead. Pharaoh had his plagues: and his most flourishing land was by his counterfeit mercy, which was in deed right cruelty and abominable tyranny, utterly destroyed. And think ye that this bloody butcherly bishop of Winchester and his most bloody brethren shall escape? Or the England shall for their offences, and specially for the maintenance of their Idolatry, and wilful following of them not abide a great brunt? Yes undoubtedly.  
If God look not mercifully upon England, 
Ann. 1554. february.  the seeds of utter destruction are sown in it already, by these hypocritical tyrants, and Antichristian Prelates Popish Papists, and double Traitors to their natural Country. And yet they speak of mercy, of blessing of the Catholic Church, of unity, of power and strengthening of the Realm. This double dissimulation will show itself one day when the plague cometh, which will undoubtedly light upon these crowneshorne captains, and that shortly, whatsoever the godly and the poor Realm suffer in the mean while by God's good sufferance and will.  
Spite of Nabuchodonosors' beard, and maugre his heart, the captive, thrall and miserable jews must come home again, and have their City and temple builded up again by zorobabel, Esdras, and Nehemias', &c. And the whole Kingdom of Babylon must go to ruin, and be taken in of straunges, the Persians and the Medes. So shall the disperpled English flock of Christ be brought again into their former estate, or to a better I trust in the Lord God, than it was in innocent King Edward's days, and our bloody babylonical Bishops, and the whole crowneshorne company brought to utter shame, rebuke, ruin, decay, and destruction: for God can not, and undoubtedly will not suffer for ever their abominable lying false doctrine, their hypocrisy, bloudthrist, whoredom, idleness, their pestilent life pampored in all kind of pleasure, their thrasonical boasting, pride, their malicious, envious, and poisoned stomachs, which they bear towards his poor and miserable Christians. Peter truly warneth, that if judgement beginneth at the house of God, what shall be the end of them that believe not the Gospel? If the righteous shall scant be saved, where shall the ungodly and sinful appear? Some shall have their punishment here in this world, and in the world to come, and they that do escape in this world, shall not escape everlasting damnation. This shall be your sauce, O ye wicked Papists, make ye merry here as long as ye may.  
After that I. Rogers (as ye have heard) had been long & straightly imprisoned, 
Febr. 4.  lodged in newgate amongst thieves, often examined: and very uncharitably entreated & at length unjustly and most cruelly by wicked Winchester condemned the 4. of February, 
M. Rogers warned to prepare to death.  in the year of our Lord 1555. being Monday in the morning, he was warned suddenly by the keepers wife of newgate, to prepare himself to the fire: who then being sound a sleep, scarce with much shogging could be awaked. 
M. Roger's 〈◊〉.  At length being raised and waked, and bid to make haste, then, said he, if it be so, I need not to tie my points: 
M. Roger's coul● not be 〈◊〉 of Boner to 〈◊〉 to his wife before his burning. M. Rogers brought to Smithfield.  and so was had down, first to Boner to be disgraded. That done, he craved of Boner but one petition. Boner ask what that should be: nothing said he: but that he might talk a few words with his wife, before his burning. But that could not be obtained of him. Then said he, you declare your charity, what it is: and so he was brought into Smithfield by Master Chester, and Master Woodrofe, than sheriffs of London, there to be burnt, where he showed most constant patiency, not using many words, for he could not be permitted, but only exhorting the people constantly to remain in that faith and true doctrine which he before had taught and they had learned, and for the confirmation whereof he was not only content patiently to suffer and bear all such bitterness and cruelty as had been showed him, but also most gladly to resign up his life, and to give his flesh to the consuming fire for the testimony of the same.  
Briefly and in few words to comprehend the whole order of his life, doings, and martyrdom, first this godly M. Rogers was committed to prison (as is abovesaid) & there continued a year and half. In prison he was merry, and earnest in all he went about. He wrote much: his examinations he penned with his own hand, 
The copy of M. Roger's 〈…〉 gods providence preserved.  which else had never come to light. Wherein is to be noted by the way a memorable working of God's providence. Ye heard a little above how M. Rogers craved of Boner, going to his burning, that he might speak a few words before with his wife, which could not be granted. What these words were which he had to say to his wife, it is for no man certainly to define. Likely it may be supposed that his purpose was, amongst other things, to signify unto her of the book written of his examinations and answers which he had privily hid in a secret corner of the prison where he lay. But where man's power lacketh, see how God's providence worketh. For notwithstanding that during the time of his imprisonment, strait search there was to take away his letters and writings: yet after his death, his wife and one of her sons called Daniel, coming into the place where he lay, to seek for his books and writings, and now ready to go away, it chanced her son aforenamed, cast●ng his eye aside to spy a black thing (for it had a black cover belike because it should not be known) lying in a blind corner under a pair of stairs. Who willing his mother to see what it was, found it to be the book written with his own hand, containing these his examinations & answers with other matter above specified. In the latter end where of this also was contained, which because it concerneth a Prophetical forewarning of things pertaining to the Church I thought to place the same his words, as they be there written, which are these. If God look not mercifully upon England, the seeds of utter destruction are sown in it already, by these hypocritical tyrants, & Antichristian Prelates, Popish Papists, and double traitors to their natural country. And yet they speak of mercy, 
M. Rogers seemeth to prophesy here of England, and that truly.  of blessing, of the Catholic Church, of unity, of power, & strengthening of the realm. This double dissimulation will show itself one day when the plague cometh, which will undoubtedly light upon these crowneshorne Captains, and that shortly, whatsoever the godly and the poor realm suffer in the mean while by God's sufferance and will.  
Spite of Nabuchodonozers beard, and maugre his hart, the captive, thrall & miserable jews must come home again, and have their City and temple builded up again by zorobabel, Esdras, & Nehemias', &c. And the whole kingdom of Babylon must go to ruin and be taken of strangers, the Persians and Medes. So shall the disper●kled english flock of Christ be brought again into their former estate, or to a better I trust in the Lord God, than it was in innocent king Edward's days, and our bloody Babylonical Bishops, 
He meaneth here of the return of the exiles into England.  and the whole crowneshorn company, brought to utter shame: rebuke, ruin, decay and destruction, for God cannot and undoubtedly will not suffer for ever their abominable lying, false doctrine, their hypocrisy, bloudthirst, whoredom, idleness, their pestilent life pampered in all kind of pleasure: their thrasonical boasting, pride, their malicious, envious, and poisoned stomachs which they bear towards his poor and miserable Christians. Peter truly warneth that if judgement beginneth in the house of God, 
1. Pet. 4.  what shall be the end of them that believe not the Gospel? If the righteous shall scant be saved, where shall the ungodly and sinful appear? Some shall have their punishment here in this world and in the world to come, and they that do escape in this world, shall not escape everlasting damnation. This shall be your sauce O ye wicked Papists, make ye merry here as long as ye may.  
Furthermore, amongst other his words & sayings, which may seem prophetically to be spoken of him, this also may be added, and is notoriously to be marked, 
M. Rogers prophesieth of the return of the Gospel.  that he spoke being then in prison, to the Printer of this present book, who then also was laid up for like cause of religion: Thou (said he) shalt live to see the alteration of this religion and the gospel to be freely preached again: And therefore have me commended to my brethren, as well in exile as others, and bid them be circumspect in displacing the Papists, & putting good ministers into churches, or else their end will be worse than ours. And for lack of good ministers to furnish churches, 
M. Roger's counsel in placing good ministers.  his devise was (M. Hooper also agreeing to the same) that for every x. Churches, some one good and learned superintendant should be appointed, which should have under him faithful Readers, such as might well be got, so that popish Priests should clean be put out, and the bishop once a year to oversee the profiting of the Parishes, and if the minister did not his duty, as well in profiting himself in his book, and his Parishioners in good instructions, so that they may be trained by little & little to give a reckoning how they do profit, them he to be expelled, and an other put in his place. And the Bishop to do the like with the superintendant, this was his counsel and request. Showing moreover, and protesting in his commendations to his brethren by the Printer aforesaid, that if they would not so do, their end he said would be worse than theirs.  
Over and beside divers other things touching M. Rogers, this is not to be forgotten, 
A note touching Priests caps.  how in the days of K. Edward the sixth, there was a controversy among the Bishops and clergy, for wearing of priests caps, and other attire belonging to that order. M. Rogers being one of the number which never went otherwise then in a round cap, during all the time of K. Edward, affirmed that he would not agree to that decreement of uniformity, but upon this condition, that if they would needs have such an uniformity of wearing the cap, tippet, etc. then it should also be decreed with all that the Papists for a difference betwixt them and other, should be constrained to wear upon their sleeves a Chalice with an host upon it. Whereunto if they would consent, he would agree to the other, otherwise he would not he said consent to the setting forth of the same, nor ever wear the cap, as in deed he never did.  
To proceed now further in describing the doings of this man, during the time while he remained prisoner in Newgate, he was to the prisoners beneficial and liberal, for whom he had thus devised, 
Provision by M. Rogers for the prisoners.  that he with his fellows should have but one meal a day, they paying notwithstanding, for the charges of the whole: the other meal should be given to them that lacked on the other side of the prison. But Alexander their keeper, a straight man, and a right Alexander, 
Alexander Andrew jailer of Newgate compared to Alexander the Copersmith.  a Copersmith in deed, of whose doings more shall be said God willing hereafter, would in no case suffer that. The Sunday before he suffered, he drunk to M. Hooper (being then underneath him) and bade them commend him unto him, and tell him, there was never little fellow better would stick to a man than he would stick to him, presupposing they should both be burned together, although it happened otherwise, for M. Rogers was burnt alone. And thus much briefly concerning the life and such acts of M. Rogers, as I thought worthy noting.  
Now when the time came, that he being delivered to the Sheriffs, should be brought out of Newgate to Smithfield the place of his execution, first came to him M. Woodrofe one of the foresaid Sheriffs, and calling M. Rogers unto him, asked him if he would revoke his abominable doctrine, 
The 〈◊〉 of Master Woodrofe to M. Ro●gers.  and his evil opinion of the Sacrament of the altar. M. Rogers answered and said: that which I have preached, I will seal with my blood. Then quoth master Woodrofe, thou art an heretic. That shall be known, quoth Rogers, at the day of judgement. Well, quoth master Woodrofe, I will never pray for thee. But I will pray for you, quoth M. Rogers, and so was brought the same day, which was Monday the fourth of February, by the Sheriffs toward Smithfield, saying the Psalm Miserere by the way, all the people wonderfully rejoicing at his constancy, with great praises and thanks to God for the same: and there in the presence of M. Rochester, controller of the Queen's household, Sir Richard Southwell, both the Sheriffs, and a wonderful number of people, he was burned into ashes, washing his hands in the flame as he was in burning. A little before his burning at the stake, 
M. Roge●● refuseth 〈◊〉 pardon.  his pardon was brought if he would have recanted, but he utterly refused it. He was the first Protomartyr of all that blessed company that suffered in Queen mary's time, that gave the first adventure upon the fire. His wife and children being xj. in number, x. able to go, and one sucking on her breast, met him by the way as he went towards Smithfield: this sorrowful sight of his own flesh and blood could nothing move him, but that he constantly and cheerfully took his death with wonderful patience, in the defence & quarrel of Christ's Gospel.  
The burning of M. john Rogers, Vicar of S. Pulchers, and Reader of Paul's in London.   

* The history and martyrdom of Laurence Saunders, burned for the defence of the Gospel at Coventry. An. 1555. February 8.  
AFter that Queen Mary by public proclamation in the first year of her reign, 
February. 8.  had inhibited the sincere preaching of God's holy word, as is before declared, divers godly Ministers of the word which had the cure and charge of souls committed to them, 
The story of Laurence Saunders, Martyr.  did notwithstanding according to their bounden duty, feed their flock faithfully, not as Preachers authorized by public authority (as the godly order of the Realm was in the happy days of blessed King Edward) but as the private pastors of particular flocks, among whom, Laurence Saunders was one, 
Scholars are taken out of Eton College into the kings College at Cambridge.  a man of worshipful parentage. His bringing up was in learning from his youth, in places meet for that purpose, as namely, in the school of Eton. From whence (according to the manner there used) he was chosen to go to the King's College in Cambridge, where he continued scholar of the College three whole years, and there profited in knowledge, and learning very much for that time: shortly after that, he did forsake the University, and went to his parents, upon whose advise he minded to become a Merchant, for that his mother was a Gentlewoman of good estimation, being left a widow, and having a good portion for him among his other brethren, she thought to set him up wealthily, and so he coming up to London, was bound prentice with a Merchant, named Sir William Chester (who afterward chanced to be Sheriff of London the same year that Saunders was burned at Coventry. 
M. Saunders first bound prentice with M. Chester. ) Thus by the mind of his friends Laurence should needs have been a Merchant, but almighty God which hath his secret working in all things, saw better for his servant, as it fell out in the end, for although that Saunders was bound by fast indenture to play the Merchant, yet the Lord so wrought inwardly in his hart, that he could find no liking in that vocation: so that when his other fellows were busily occupied about that kind of trade, he would secretly withdraw himself into some privy corner, and there fall into his solitary lamentations, as one not liking with that kind and trade of life.  
It happened that his master, being a good man, and hearing his prentice thus in his secret prayers inwardly to mourn by himself, called him unto him, to know what the cause was of that his solitariness and lamentation, who then perceiving his mind nothing to fantasy that kind of life, (for so Saunders declared unto him) and perceiving also his whole purpose to be bend to the study of his book, 
 and spiritual contemplation, like a good man, directed his letters incontinently unto his friends, and giving him his Indenture, so set him free, And thus Laurence Saunders being ravished with the love of learning, and especially with the reading of God's word, tarried not long time in the traffic of merchandise, but shortly returned to Cambridge again to his study, where he began to couple to the knowledge of the Latin, the study of the Greek tongue, wherein he profited in small time very much: Therewith also he joined the study of the Hebrew. Then gave he himself wholly to the study of the holy scripture, to furnish himself to the office of a Preacher.  
In study he was diligent and painful, in godly life he declared the fruits of a well exercised conscience, he prayed often and with great fervour, and in his prayers as also at other times, he had his part of spiritual exercises, which his hearty sighing to God declared. In which when any special assault did come, by prayer he felt present relief: then was his company marvelous comfortable. For as his exercises were special teachings, so in the end they proved singular consolations: wherein he became so expert, that within short space he was able to comfort other which were in any affliction, by the consolation wherewith the Lord did comfort him. Thus continued he in the University, till he proceeded Master of Art, and a long space after.  
In the beginning of K. Edward's reign, when Gods true religion was begun to be restored, 
M. Saunders reader in the College of Fothringa.  after licence obtained, he began to preach, and was so well liked of them which then had authority, that they appointed him to read a Divinity lecture in the College at Fothringa, where by doctrine and life he edified the godly, drew many ignorant to God's true knowledge, and stopped the mouth of the adversaries. 
Saunders after reader at Lichfield.  He married about that time, and in the married estate led a life unblamable before all men. The College of Fothringa being dissolved, he was placed to be reader in the Minster at Lichefield: where he so behaved himself in teaching and living, that the very adversaries did give him a full report as well of learning, as of much godliness. After a certain space, he departed from Lichfield to a benefice in Leicester shire, called Churchlangton, whereupon he keeping residence, taught diligently, and kept a liberal house. From thence he was orderly called to take a benefice in the City of London, named All-hallows in Breadstreete. Then minded he to give over his Cure in the Country: and therefore after he had taken possession of his benefice in London, he departed from London into the Country, clearly to discharge himself thereof. And even at that time began the broil about the claim that Queen Mary made to the Crown, by reason whereof he could not accomplish his purpose.  
In this trouble, and even among the beginner's of it, (such I mean as were for the Queen) he preached at Northampton, 
The constant 〈…〉 Sa●ders.  nothing meddling with the estate, but boldly uttered his conscience against Popish doctrine and Antichrists damnable errors, which were like to spring up again in England as a just plague for the little love which the English nation did bear to the blessed word of God, which had been so plentifully offered unto them. The Queen's men which were there and heard him, were highly displeased with him for his Sermon, and for it kept him among them as prisoner. But partly for love of his brethren & friends, which were chief doers for the Queen among them, partly because there was no law broken by his preaching, they dismissed him. He seeing the dreadful days at hand, inflamed with the fire of godly zeal, preached with diligence at both those benefices, as time could serve him, seeing he could resign neither of them now, but into the hand of a Papist.  
Thus passed he to and fro in preaching, until that proclamation was put forth, of which mention is made in the beginning. At which time he was at his benefice in the country, where he (notwithstanding the proclamation aforesaid) taught diligently God's truth, confirming the people therein, and arming them against false doctrine, until he was not only commanded to cease, but also with force resisted, 
●. Saunders 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 the ●eal●e.  so that he could not proceed there in preaching. Some of his friends perceiving such fearful manassing, counseled him to fly out of the realm, which he refused to do. But seeing he was with violence kept from doing good in that place, he returned towards London, to visit the flock, of which he had there the charge.  
On Saturday, the 14. of October, as he was coming nigh to the City of London, Sir john Mordant a Counsellor to Queen Mary, did overtake him, & asked him whether he went. I have (said Saunders) a cure in London, and now I go to instruct my people according to my duty. If you will follow my council, quoth M. Mordant let them alone, and come not at them. To this Saunders answered: how shall I then be discharged before God, if any be sick and desire consolation, if any want good counsel & need instruction, or if any should slip into error & receive false doctrine? Did not you, quoth Mordant preach such a day, and named the day, in Breadstreet in London? Yes verily, said Saunders, that same is my cure. 
M. Mordant dissuadeth Laurence Saunders from preaching.  I heard you myself, quoth M. Mordant: and will you preach now there again? If it please you said Saunders, to morrow you may hear me again in that same place, where I will confirm by the authority of God's word, all that I said then, and whatsoever before that time I taught them.  
I would counsel you (quoth the other) not to preach. If you can and will forbid me by lawful authority, then must I obey, said Saunders. Nay quoth he, I will not forbid you, but I do give you counsel. And thus entered they both the City, & departed each from other. M. Mordant of an uncharitable mind, went to give warning to Boner Bishop of London, that Saunders would preach in his Cure the next day. Saunders resorted to his lodging, with a mind bend to do his duty. Where because he seemed to be somewhat troubled, 
M. Saunders 〈◊〉 prison, till he was in prison.  one which was there about him asked him how he did. In very deed (saith he) I am in prison till I be in prison: meaning that his mind was unquiet until he had preached, and that then he should have quietness of mind, though he were put in prison.  
The next day which was Sunday, in the forenone he made a sermon in his parish, 
M. Saunders sermon at All-hallows. 2. Cor. 11.  entreating that place which Paul writeth to the Corinthians: I have coupled you to one man, that ye should make yourselves a chaste Virgin unto Christ. But I fear lest it come to pass, that as the Serpent beguiled Eve: even so your wits should be corrupt from the singleness which ye had towards Christ. He recited a sum of that true Christian doctrine, through which they were coupled to Christ, to receive of him free justification through faith in his blood. The Papistical doctrine he compared to the Serpents deceiving, and lest they should be deceived by it, he made a comparison between the voice of God, and the voice of the Popish Serpent: descending to more particular declaration thereof, as it were to let them plainly see the difference that is between the order of the Church service set forth by king Edward in the English tongue: comparing it with the popish service then used in the Latin tongue.  
The first he said was good, because it was according to the word of God. Corinth. 14. and the order of the primative Church. The other he said was evil, and though in that evil he intermingled some good Latin words: yet was it but as a little honey or milk mingled with a great deal of poison, to make them to drink up al. This was the sum of his sermon.  
In the after noon he was ready in his Church to have given an other exhortation to his people. 
M. Saunders apprehended by B. Boner at his sermon. Sir john Mordant accuser of L. Saunders. Preaching of God's word, made treason with Bishop Boner.  But the B. of London interrupted him by sending an officer for him. This officer charged him upon the pain of disobedience and contumacy, forthwith to come to the Bishop his master. Thus, as the Apostles were brought out of the Temple where they were teaching, unto the rulers of the priests so was Laurence Saunders brought before this Bishop in his Palace of London, who had in his company the aforenamed Sir john Mordant & some of his Chapleins. The bishop laid no more to Laurence Saunders charge but treason for breaking the Queen's proclamation, heresy and sedition for his Sermon.  
The treason, and sedition, his charity was content to let slip, until an other time. But an heretic he would now prove him and all those, he said, which did teach and believe that the administration of the Sacraments and all orders of the Church are most pure, which do come most nigh to the order of the primitive Church. For the Church was then but in her infancy, and could not abide that perfection which was afterward to be furnished with ceremonies. And for this cause Christ himself, & after him the Apostles did in many things bear with the rudeness of the Church. 
Ceremonies invented only for weak infirmity.  To this Laurence Saunders answered with the authority of S. Augustine, that ceremonies were even from the beginning invented and ordained for the rude infancy & weak infirmity of man, and therefore it was a token of the more perfection of the primitive Church, that it had few ceremonies, and of the rudeness of the Church Papistical▪ because it had so many ceremonies, partly blasphemous, partly unsavoury and unprofitable.  
After much talk had concerning this matter, the Bishop willed him to write what he believed of transubstantiation. 
B. Boner seeketh the blood of M. Saunders.  Laurence Saunders did so, saying: My Lord, ye do seek my blood, and ye shall have it: I pray God that ye may be so baptized in it, that ye may thereafter loath bloodsucking, and become a better man. This writing the Bishop kept for his purpose, even to cut the writer's throat, as shall appear hereafter. The Bishop when he had his will, sent Laurence Saunders to the Lord Chancellor, as Annas sent Christ to Cayphas: 
M. Saunders sen● from Annas to Cayphas.  and like favour found Saunders as Christ his Master did before him. But the Chancellor being not at home, Saunders was constrained to tarry for him by the space of four hours, in the utter chamber, where he found a chaplain of the Bishops very merrily disposed with certain Gentlemen playing at the Tables, with divers other of the same family or house, occupied there in the same exercise.  
All this time Saunders stood very modestly and soberly at the screen or Cupboard, bareheaded, Sir john Mordant his guide or leader walking up and down by him: who (as I said before) was then one of the Counsel. At the last, the Bishop returned from the Court, whom, as soon as he was entered, a great many suitors met and received: so that, before he could get out of one house into another, half an hour was passed. At the last, he came into the chamber where Saunders was, and went through into another chamber: where in the mean way Saunders leader gave him a writing containing the cause, or rather the accusation of the said Saunders, which when he had perused, where is the man, said the Bishop? Then Saunders being brought forth to the place of examination, first, most lowly and meekly kneeled down, and made courtesy before the table where the Bishop did sit: Unto whom the Bishop spoke on this wise.  
How happeneth it (said he) that notwithstanding the Queen's Proclamation to the contrary, 
Wichesters' talk with M. Saunders.  you have enterprised to preach?  
Saunders denied that he did preach: Saying, that for so much as he saw the perilious times now at hand, he did but (according as he was admonished, 
M. Saunders answer to M. Winchester.  and warned by Ezechiel the Prophet,) exhort his flock and Parishioners to persever and stand steadfastly, in the doctrine which they had learned, saying also, that he was moved and pricked forward thereunto by that place of the Apostle wherein he was commanded rather to obey God then man: and moreover, that nothing more moved or stirred him thereunto, than his own conscience.  
A goodly conscience surely said the Bishop. This your conscience could make our Queen a Bastard or misbegotten: 
Winchester.  Would it not I pray you?  
Then said Saunders, we (said he) do not declare or say that the Queen is base or misbegotten, neither go about any such matter. 
M. Saunders.  But for that let them care whose writings are yet in the hands of men, witnessing the same, not without the great reproach and shame of the Author: 
A privy nip to Winchester.  privily taunting the Bishop himself, which had before (to get the favour of Henry 8.) written and set forth in print a book of true obedience, wherein he had openly declared Queen Mary to be a Bastard. 
Winchester's book de vera obedientia.  Now M. Saunders going forwards in his purpose, said: We do only profess and teach the sincerity and purity of the word, the which albeit it be now forbidden us to preach with our mouths, yet notwithstanding I do not doubt, but that our blood hereafter shall manifest the same. The Bishop being in this sort prettily nipped and touched, said: Carry away this frenzy fool to prison. 
Note how Winchester confuteth M. Saunders.  Unto whom M. Saunders answered, that he did give God thanks which had given him at the last, a place of rest and quietness, where as he might pray for the bishops conversion.  
Furthermore, he that did lie with him afterwards in prison in the same bed, 
A notable example of the Lord comforting his servants in their troubles.  reported that he heard him say that even in the time of his examination, he was wonderfully comforted, in so much as not only in spirit, but also in body, he received a certain taste of that holy communion of Saints, whilst a most pleasant refreshing did issue from every part and member of the body unto the seat & place of the hart, and from thence did ebb and flow to and fro, unto all the parts again.  
This Saunders continued in prison a whole year and 3. months. In all which space he sent divers letters to divers men: as one to Cranmer, Ridley, and Latimer: and other to his wife and also to others, 
M. Saunders in prison a year and 3. months.  certifying them both of the public calamity of the time, and also of his private afflictions, and of sundry his conflicts with his adversaries: As in writing to his friend, he speaketh of Weston conferring with him in prison, whereof you shall hear anon (by the leave of the Lord) as followeth in the story. In the mean time the Chancellor, after this little talk with M. Saunders (as is aforesaid) sent him to the prison of the marshalsea, etc. For the Caiphas (Winchester I mean) did nothing but bait him with some of his currish eloquence, and so committed him to the prison of the marshalsea, where he was kept prisoner one whole year and a quarter. But of his cause and estate, thou shalt now see, what Laurence Saunders himself did write.   

¶ A parcel of a Letter of Laurence Saunders sent to the Bishop of Winchester, as an answer to certain things wherewith he had before charged him.  
TOuching the cause of my imprisonment, 
A fragment of M. Sau●●ders letter  I doubt whether I have broken any law or proclamation. In my doctrine I did not, forasmuch as at that time it was permitted by the proclamation to use according to our consciences, such service as was then established. 
He mean the proclamation of which metation is 〈◊〉 before. Satis pece●●uit qui re●●stere non pot●it.  My doctrine was then agreeable unto my conscience and the service then used. The Act which I did (he meaneth public teaching of God's word in his own parish, called All-hallows in Breadstreete in the City of London) was such, as being indifferently weighed, sounded to no breaking of the proclamation, or at the least no wilful breaking of it, forasmuch as I caused no bell to be rung, neither occupied I any place in the Pulpit, after the order of Sermons or Lectures. But be it that I did break the Proclamation, this long time of continuance in prison may be thought to be more than a sufficient punishment for such a fault.  
Touching the charging of me with my Religion, I say with S. Paul: This I confess, 
Act. 24.  that after the way which they call heresy, so worship I the God of my forefathers, believing all things which are written in the law and the Prophets, and have hope towards God, etc. And herein study I ●o have always a clear conscience towards God, and towards men: 
A good t●●stimony o● good conscience.  so that God I call to witness, I have a conscience. And this my conscience is not grounded upon vain fantasy, but upon the infallible verity of God's word, with the witnessing of his chosen Church agreeable unto the same.  
It is an easy thing for them, which take Christ for their true Pastor, and be the very sheep of his pasture, to discern the voice of their true shepherd, from the voice of wolves, hirelings, and strangers, for as much as Christ sayeth: 
john. 10.  My sheep hear my voice, yea and thereby they shall have the gift to know the right voice of the true shepherd, and so to follow him, and to avoid the contrary, as he also sayeth: The sheep follow the shepherd, for they know his voice: A stranger will they not follow, but will fly from him: for they know not the voice of a stranger. Such inward inspiration doth the holy Ghost put into the children of God, being in deed taught of God, but otherwise unable to understand the true way of their salvation. 
Math. 7.  And albeit that the Wolf (as Christ saith) cometh in sheeps clothing, yet he saith: by their fruits ye shall know them. 
How the Wolf is known 〈◊〉 the true shepherd  For there be certain fruits whereby the Wolf is bewrayed, notwithstanding that otherwise in sundry sorts of devout holiness in outward show, he seemeth never so simple a sheep. That the Romish religion is ravening & wolvish, it is apparent in 3. principal points.  
First, it robbeth God of his due and only honour.  
Secondly, it taketh away the true comfort of conscience, 
The inco●●uenience the Rom●● religion, 〈◊〉 3. points.  in obscuring, or rather burying of Christ, and his office of salvation.  
Thirdly, it spoileth God of his true worship and service in spirit and truth, appointed in his prescript commandments, and driveth men unto that inconvenience, against the which Christ with the Prophet Esay doth speak sharply: This people honoureth me with their lips, but their hart is far from me. 
Esay. 26. Math. 25.  They worship me in vain, teaching the doctrine and precepts of men. And in another place: ye cast aside the commandment of God to maintain your own traditions.  
Wherefore I in conscience weighing the Romish Religion, and by indifferent discussing thereof, finding the foundation unsteadfast, and the building thereupon but vain: and on the other side having my conscience framed after a right and uncorrupt religion, ratified and fully established by the word of God, and the consent of his true Church. I neither may, nor do intend by God's gracious assistance, to be pulled one jot from the same, no though an Angel out of heaven should preach another Gospel then that which I have received of the Lord.  
And although that for lack either of such deep knowledge and profound judgement, or of so expedite uttering of that I do know and judge, as is required in an excellent clerk, I shall not be able sufficiently to answer, for the convincing of the gaine-sayer: yet nevertheless, this my protestation shall be of me premised, that for the respect of the grounds and causes before considered, albeit I cannot 
* Explicit●●ides. is 〈◊〉 a man ha● to answer to every point of 〈◊〉 ●ayth by sufficient 〈◊〉 ground an● learning.  explicita fide as they call it, conceive all that is to be conceived, neither can discuss all that is to be discussed, nor can effectually express all that is to be expressed in the discourse of the doctrine of this most true religion, whereunto to I am professed: Yet do I bind myself as by my humble simplicity, so by my fidem 
*  implicitam: that is, by faith in generalty (as they call it) to wrap my belief in the credit of the same, that no authority of that romish religion repugnant thereunto, shall by any means remove me from the same, though it may hap that our adversaries will labour to beguile us with enticing words, and seek to spoil us through Philosophy and deceitful vanity after the traditions of men, and after the ordinances of the world, and not after Christ, etc.  
And thus much out of M. Sanders letter, so much as remained thereof. The residue, because it was rend away, I could not adjoin hereunto. Notwithstanding by this already expressed, it is sufficient to understand how good was the cause & estate of this blessed child of god, being prisoner for Christ's cause. 
Ann. 1555. February.  For the defence whereof he wholly bestowed & resigned himself in such sort as he forbade his wife to sue for his delivery, & when other of his friends had by suit almost obtained it, he discouraged them, so that they did not follow their suit, as by this letter following may appear.   

¶ A letter of M. Saunders to his wife.  
GRace, mercy, and peace in jesus Christ our Lord.  
Entirely beloved wife, even as unto mine own soul and body, so do I daily in my hearty prayer wish unto you, for I do daily, twice at the least in this sort remember you. And I do not doubt (dear wife) but that both I and you, as we be written in the book of life, so we shall together enjoy the same everlastingly, through the grace and mercy of God our dear father, in his son our Christ. And for this present life, let us wholly appoint ourselves to the will of our good God, to glorify him either by life or by death, and even that same merciful Lord make us worthy to honour him either way as pleaseth him Amen. I am merry, I thank my God and my Christ, 
1. Tim. 4.  in whom and through whom I shall (I know) be able to fight a good fight, and finish a good course, and then receive the crown which is laid up in store for me, and all the true Soldiers of Christ. Wherefore wife, let us in the name of our God, fight lustily to overcome the flesh, the devil and the world. What our harness and weapons be in this kind of fight, look the 6. unto the Ephesians, and pray, pray, pray. I would that you make no suit for me in any wise. 
M, Saunders would have no suit made for him.  Thank you know whom, for her most sweet and comfortable putting me in remembrance of my journey whether I am passing. God send us all good speed, and a joyful meeting. I have too few such friends to further me in that journey, which is in deed the greatest friendship. The blessing of God be with you all, Amen.  
A prisoner in the Lord Laurence Saunders.  
This his constancy is sufficiently commended and declared by his valiant buckling with two mighty enemies, 
Antichrist and death two enemies.  Antichrist and death. To neither of these did he give place: but by suffering their malice, got the victory over them both. One of the conflicts which he had with Antichrist & his members, I have gathered out of a letter of his own hand writing. It was with Doctor Weston, a man, whom though I should praise, yet would all good and godly men worthily dispraise. Of this the said Laurence Saunders thus writeth in a letter which he sent to one of his friends, which wrote to him to know what Doct. Weston did at the marshalsea: whereunto he thus answereth.  
M. Weston came to confer with M. Grimoald. What he hath concluded with him, 
This Doct. Weston and M. Gri●moald died both about the Coronation of Q. Elizabeth.  I know not: I wish it may be to God's glory, Amen, Amen. M. Weston of his gentleness visited me, & offered me friendship in his worldly wily sort, etc. I had not so much good manner, as to take it at his hand: for I said, that I was well enough, and ready cheerfully to abide the extremity, to keep thereby a good conscience. You be a sleep in sin (said he.) I would awake (quoth I) and do not forget Vigilate & orate. i. Watch & pray. What church was there, 
The church goeth not always by number.  said he 30. years past? What church was there, quoth I, in Helias time? joane of Kent, said he, was of your Church. No, quoth I, we did condemn her as an heretic.  
Who was of your Church, said he 30. years past? Such (quoth I) as that Romish Antichrist, and his rabble have reputed and condemned as heretics, Wicklife, said he, Thorpe, Old castle, etc. Yea, quoth I, with many more, as stories do tell.  
The B. of Rome hath, said he, long time played a part in your tayling sermons: but now be ye sure he must play another manner of part. The more pity, quoth I, and yet some comfort it is to see how that the best learned, 
Winchester's book De Vera Obedientia.  wisest, & holiest of you all, have heretofore had him to play a part likewise in your sermons & writings, though now to please the world, you do turn with the weathercock. Did you ever said he, hear me preach against the Bishop of Rome? No (quoth I) for I never heard you preach. But I trow you have been no wiser than other, etc. with more about the Sacrament. Pray, pray. God keep your family & bless it.  
What a blessed taste this good man had of God's holy spirit, by divers and sundry his letters may right well appear to him that is disposed to peruse the same: 
What a blessed taste of M. Sanders had of Christ's comforts▪  whereof certain we have here thought good, the Lord willing, to express, first beginning with that which he wrote out of the marshalsea to D. Cranmer, Ridley, and Latimer, prisoners for the like cause of Christ in Oxford.   

To the Archbishop Cranmer, Bish. Ridley, and M. Latimer, being prisoned in Oxford.  
IN my most humble wise I salute you most reverend fathers in Christ jesus our Lord, 
M. Saunders writeth to D. Cranmer Ridley, etc. Coloss. 1.  Immortal thanks and everlasting praises be given unto that our father of mercies, Which hath made us meet to be partakers of the inheritance of Saints in light, which hath delivered us from the power of darkness, and hath translated us into the kingdom of his beloved Son, by whom we have redemption through his blood. etc. O most happy estate, that in an unspeakable wise our life is hid with Christ in God: 
Coloss. 3.  But whensoever Christ which is our life shall show himself, then shall we also appear with him in glory. In the mean season as our sight is but in a glass, even in a dark speaking, 
1. Cor. 13.  so we walk in faith, not after outward appearance, the which faith although for want of outward appearance, reason reputeth but as vain, yea the chosen of God do know the effect thereof, to bring a more substantial taste and lively fruition of very felicity and perfect blessedness, than reason can reach or senses receive. By this faith we have in our profession all good things, yea even them which the eye hath not seen, and the ear hath not heard, neither hath entered the hart of man. etc. 
Esay. 54. 1. Cor. 2.  Then if hereby we do enjoy all good things, it followeth that we must needs possess, have and enjoy you most reverend Fathers, who be no small part of our joy and good things given us of God.  
We heretofore have had the fruition of you by bodily presence to our inexplicable benefit, praised be that our gracious God therefore. And now in spirit we have the experience of unspeakable comfort, by your reverent fatherhoodes for that in this so glorious sort, 
Math. 5.  ye become a town set upon a hill, a candle upon a candlestick, a specktacle unto the world both to the Angels & unto men. So that, as we to our great comfort do feel, 
1. Cor. 4. Phil. 1.  you also may assuredly say with saint Paul, that the things which hap unto us, do chance unto the great furtherance of the Gospel, so that our bonds in christ are manifest, not only throughout all the judgement hall, but in all whole Europa, in so much that many of the brethren in the Lord, being encouraged through our bonds, dare more boldly speak the word without fear. And here in as you have with s. Paul greatly to rejoice, so we do rejoice with you, and we do in deed with you give thanks for this worthy excellent favour of our God, towards you, that christ is thus magnified in you, yea and hereafter shall be magnified in your bodies, 
Phil. 1. Phil. 1.  whether it be through life or death. Of which thing truly we are assured in our prayers for you, and ministering of the spirit. And although for your own parts Christ is unto you life, and death advantage, and that your desire is (as in deed it were better for you) to be loosed, and to be with Christ, yet for the Church of Christ were it much more necessary, that ye should abide in the flesh. Yea that merciful God, even for his Christ's sake grant that ye may abide and continue for the furtherance of the Church and rejoicing of faith, that the rejoicing thereof may be the more abundant through jesus Christ by your restoring, Amen, Amen.  
But if it seem better otherwise unto the divine wisdom that by speedy death he hath appointed you to glorify him, the Lords will be done. Yea even as we do rejoice both on your behalfs, & also on our own, that God is magnified by life, and should be more abundantly glad for the continuance thereof: so we shall no less rejoice to have the same wrought by death. We shall give thanks for this honour given unto you, rejoicing that ye are accounted worthy to suffer for the name of Christ, and that it is given to you of God, not only that ye should believe in him, but also that ye should suffer for his sake. And herein we shall have to rejoice in the behalf of the Church of Christ, whose faith may be the faster fixed upon God's verity, being confirmed with three such worthy witnesses. Oh thanks be to God for this his unspeakable gift.  
And now most reverend Fathers, that you may understand the truth of us and our estate how we stand in the lord, I do assure your reverences, partly by that I perceive by such of our brethren as be here in bonds with me, partly by that I hear of them which be in other places, & partly by that inward experience which I most unworthy wretch have of God's good comfort (more abundance whereof I know there is in others) you may be assured (I say) by God's grace, that you shall not be frustrate of your hope of our constant continuance in the cheerful confession of God's everlasting verity. For even as we have received the word of truth, even the Gospel of our salvation, wherein we believing, are sealed with the holy spirit of promise, which is the earnest of our inheritance (the which spirit certifieth our spirit, 
The constant mind of a christian soldier Ephes. 1. Rom. 8. Galat. 4.  that we are the children of God, and therefore God hath sent the spirit of his Son into our hearts, crying, Abba, Father) so after such portion as God measureth unto us, we with the whole Church of Christ, and with you reverend fathers, receiving the same spirit of faith, according as it is written: I believed, and therefore I have spoken. 
2. Cor. 4. Psal. 116.  We also believe, and therefore speak. For the which we in this dangerous bondage and other afflictions, having even such a fight as we have seen in you and have heard of you, 
Phil. 1.  are in no wise afraid of our adversaries.  
And forasmuch as we have such an office, even as God hath had mercy on us, 
1. Cor. 4.  we go not out of kind, but even with you, after our little power, we labour to maintain the faith of the Gospel, knowing most certainly that though we have this treasure in earthen vessels, 
2. Cor 4.  that the excellency of this power might be Gods and not ours: yet shall we not be dashed in pieces: For the Lord will put his hand under us. [When] we are troubled on every side, yet are we not without shift: [when] we are in poverty, we are not utterly without some thing: [when] we suffer persecution, we are not forsaken therein: [when] we are cast down, yet we shall not perish: but to communicate with our sweet Saviour Christ in bearing the cross, it is appointed unto us, that even with him also we shall be glorified. For it is a true saying: If we be dead with him, 
2. Tim. 2.  we shall also live with him: If we be patiented, we shall also reign with him: If we deny him, he shall also deny us. Wherefore be we of good cheer, 
3. Cor. 4.  always bearing about in our body the dying of the Lord jesus, that the life of jesus might appear also in our body: For we know that he which raised up the Lord jesus, shall raise up us also by the means of jesus, and shall join us to himself together with you. Wherefore we are not wearied: but though our outward man perish, yet the inward man is renewed day by day. For our tribulation, which is momentane and light, prepareth an exceeding and eternal weight of glory unto us, while we look not on the things which are seen, but on the things which are not seen. For the things which are seen, are temporal: but the things which are not seen, are eternal.  

Esay. 12.  We testify unto you, Reverend fathers, that we draw these waters with joy out of the Wells of the saviour. And I trust we shall continually with you bless the Lord, 
Psal. 48.  & give thanks to the Lord out of the wells of Israel, we trust to be merry together at that great Supper of the Lamb, whose spouse we are by faith, and there to sing that song of everlasting Haleluyah, Amen. Yea come Lord jesu. The grace of our Lord jesus Christ be with you, Amen.  
Another letter written to his wife, wherein is to be seen how this worthy warrior prepared himself to the appointed fight, and to keep his standing in Christ's Campe.   

Laurence Saunders to his wife.  
GRace and comfort in Christ jesus our only comfort, in all extreme assaults, Amen.  

M. Saunders letter to his wife.  Fain would this flesh make strange of that which the spirit doth embrace. Oh Lord how loath is this loitering sluggard to pass forth in God's path? It fantasieth forsooth much fear of fraybugs: and were it not for the force of faith which pulleth it forward by the rain of Gods most sweet promise, and of hope which pricketh on behind, great adventure there were of fainting by the way. But blessed, and everlastingly blessed be that heavenly father of ours, who in his Christ, our sufficient Saviour, hath vouched safe to shine in our hearts, 
2. Cor. 4.  that he giveth us the light of the knowledge of the glory of God, in the face of jesus Christ: and having this treasure in our earthen vessels, that the excellency of the power might be Gods, and not ours, we are [according to his good will] troubled on every side, yet are we not without shift: we are in poverty, but yet not without that is sufficient: 
2. Cor. 4.  we suffer persecution, but are not forsaken therein: we are cast down, nevertheless we perish not: we bear in the body the dying of the Lord jesus, that the life of jesus might also appear in our body. Wherefore by the grace of our Christ we shall not be wearied, neither be dismayed by this our probation through the fire of affliction, as though some strange thing had happened unto us: but by his power we shall rejoice, in as much as we are partakers of Christ's passion, that when he doth appear, we may be merry and glad, knowing that our tribulation which is momentane and light, 
2. Cor. 4.  prepareth an exceeding and an eternal weight of glory unto us, while we look not on the things which are seen, but on the things which are not seen. They that sow in tears, 
Psal. 126.  shall reap in joy. For he that goeth on his way weeping and scattering his good seed, shall doubtless come again with joy, and bring his whole sheaves with him. Then, then shall the Lord wipe away all tears from our eyes. Then, then shall be brought to pass that saying which is written: Death is swallowed up in victory. Death, where is thy sting? Hell, where is thy victory? Yea, thanks be to God which hath given us the victory through our Lord jesus Christ, Amen. 
1. Cor. 15.   
In the mean season it remaineth for us to follow S. Peter's bidding: Let them (saith he) that are troubled according to the will of God, 
1. Pet. 4.  commit their souls to him with well doing, as a faithful Creator and Maker. He is our maker: we are his handiwork and creatures, whom now when he hath made, he doth not leave and forsake as the shipwright doth the ship, 
Acts. 17.  leaving it at all adventures to be tossed in the tempest, but he comforteth us his creatures, and in him we live, move, and have our being: Ye not only that, but now that he hath in his dear Christ repaired us, being before utterly decayed, and redeemed us, purging us unto himself as a peculiar people by the blood of his Son he hath put on a most tender good will and fatherly affection toward us, never to forget us: unto whom by such promises he hath plighted such faith, that though it were possible that the mother could forget her infant, 
God's promises firm and sure. Esay. 49.  and not be tender hearted to the child of her womb, yet may not it be that his faithful believers should be forgotten of him. He biddeth us to cast our care on him, and saith, that assuredly he careth for us. And what though for a season he doth suffer us to be turmoiled in the troublous tempests of temptation, and seemeth as in much anger to have given us over, and forgotten us? 
1. Pet. 5.  let not us for all that leave off to put our trust in him, but let us with godly job conclude in ourselves and say: Even though he kill me, 
job. 3. Trust vpo● God's promise.  yet will I put my trust in him. Let us with the blessed Abraham in hope, even contrary to hope by belief, lean unto that our loving Lord, who though for our probation, he suffereth us to be afflicted, yet will he not be always chiding, neither keepeth he his anger for ever: for he knoweth whereof we be made: he remembreth that we are but dust. Wherefore, look how high the heaven is in comparison of the earth, 
Psal. 103.  so great is his mercy towards them which fear him. Look how wide the East is from the West, so far hath he set our sins from us. Yea, like as a father pitieth his own children, even so is the Lord merciful unto them that fear him. Oh what great cause of rejoicing have we in our most gracious God? we can not but burst forth into the praising of such a bountiful benefactor, and say with the same Psalmist: Praise the Lord O my soul, and all that is within me praise his holy name Praise the Lord O my soul, and forget not all his benefits.  
Dear wife, riches have I none to leave behind me, wherewith to endow you after the worldly manner. But that treasure of tasting how sweet Christ is unto hungry consciences (whereof I thank my Christ, I do feel part, 
Saunders godly bequest to hi● wife.  and would feel more) that I bequeath unto you, and to the rest of my beloved in Christ, to retain the same in sense of hart always. Pray, pray, I am merry, 
Experienc● of the comforts of Christ in prison.  and I trust I shall be merry, maugre the teeth of all the devils in hell. I utterly refuse myself, and resign myself unto my Christ in whom I know I shall be strong as he seethe needful. Pray, pray, pray.  
Laurence Saunders.  
As the said Master Saunders was in prison, straight charge was given to the keeper, 
M. Saunder● wife not suffered to speak with him in prison.  that no person should speak with him. His wife yet came to the prison gate with her young child in her arms, to visit her husband. The keeper, though for his charge, he durst not suffer her to come into the prison, yet did he take the little babe out of her arms, and brought him unto his father. Laurence Saunders seeing him, rejoiced greatly, saying, that he rejoiced more to have such a boy, than he should if two thousand pound were given him. And unto the standers by, which praised the goodliness of the child, he said: what man fearing God would not lose this life present, rather than by prolonging it here, he should adjudge this boy to be a Bastard, his wife a whore, and himself a whoremonger? Yea, if there were no other cause, for which a man of my estate should lose his life, yet who would not give it, to avouch this child to be legitimate, and his marriage to be lawful and holy?  
I do (good Reader) recite this saying, not only to let thee see what he thought of Priest's marriage: but chief to let all married couples and parents learn to bear in their bosom true affections: natural, but yet seasoned with the true salt of the spirit, unfeignedly and thoroughly mortified to do the natural works and offices of married couples & parents, so long as with their doing they may keep Christ with a free confessing faith, in a conscience unfoyled: otherwise, both they and their own lives are so to be forsaken, as Christ required them to be denied, and given in his cause,  
And now to come to the examination of this good man, alter that the Bishops had kept him one whole year and a quarter in prison, at the length they called him, as they did the rest of his fellows, openly to be examined. Of the which his first examination the effect and purpose thus followeth. 
   

¶ The Examination of Laurence Saunders.  
Praised be our gracious God who preserveth his from evil, and doth give them grace to avoid all such offences as might hinder his honour, or hurt his Church. Amen.  
Being convented before the Queen's most honourable Council, 
 sundry bishops being present, the Lord Chancellor began to speak in such form as followeth.  I. Chan. 
It is not unknown, that you have been Prisoner for such abominable heresies & false doctrine as hath been sown by you: and now it is thought good that mercy be showed to such as seek for it. Wherefore if now you will show yourself conformable, & come home again, mercy is ready. We must say that we have fallen in manner all: but now we be risen again, and returned to the Catholic Church, you must rise with us, and come home unto it. give us forthwith a direct answer.  Saun. 
My Lord, and my Lords all, my it please your honours to give me leave to answer with deliberation.  Chan. 
Leave of your painting and pride of speech. For such is the fashion of you all to please yourselves in your glorious words. 
 Answer yea or nay.  Saund. 
My Lord, it is no time for me now to paint. And as for pride, there is no great cause why it should be in me. My learning I confess to be but small: and as for riches or worldly wealth I have none at all. Notwithstanding it standeth me in hand to answer to your demand circumspectly, considering that one of these two extreme perils are like to fall upon me: the losing of a good conscience, or the losing of this my body and life. And I tell you truth, I love both life and liberty, if I could enjoy them without the hurt of my conscience.  Chan. 
Conscience? you have none at all, but pride and arrogancy, 
* Of this 〈…〉 S. 〈◊〉. 2. Cor. 6. & Ier●m. ●0. Come out and divide yourselves from them. etc. Argument. Conscience 〈…〉 upon things uncertain. 〈…〉.  dividing yourselves by singularity from the Church.  Saun. 
The Lord is the knower of all men's consciences. And where your Lordship layeth to my charge this dividing myself from the Church (as you do mean, & is now among you concluded upon, as I do understand) I do assure you, that I live in the faith wherein I have been brought up sithence I was 14. year old: being taught that the power of the B. of Rome is but usurped, with many other abuses springing thereof. Yea this I have received even at your hands that are here present, as a thing agreed upon by the Catholic Church and public authority.  Chan. 
Yea marry, but I pray you, have you received by consent and authority all your heresies of the blessed Sacrament of the altar?  Saund. 
My Lord, it is less offence to cut off an arm, hand, or joint of a man, then to cut of the head. For the man may live though he do lack an arm, hand or joint, and so he can not without his head. But you, all the whole sort of you, have agreed to cut of the supremacy of the Bishop of Rome, whom now you will have to be the head of your Church again.  Bish. of Lond. 
And if it like your Lordship, I have his hand against the blessed sacrament. How say you to that?  Saunders. 
What I have written, that I have written, and farther I will not accuse myself. Nothing have you to burden me withal, for breaking of your laws since they were in force. 
A lawful 〈◊〉, but 〈◊〉 not 〈…〉.   Chan. 
Well, you be obstinate and refuse liberty.  Saund. 
My Lord, I may not buy liberty at such a price: but I beseech your honours to be means to the Queen's Majesty for such a pardon for us, that we may live and keep our consciences unclogged, and we shall live as most obedient subjects. Otherwise, I must say for myself, that by God's grace I will abide the most extremity that man may do against me, rather than to do against my conscience.  Chan. 
Ah Sirrah, you will live as you list. The Donatists did desire to live in singularity: but in deed they were not meet to live on earth: no more be you, and that shall you understand within these seven days: and therefore away with him.  Saund. 
Welcome be it, whatsoever the will of God shallbe, either life or death. And I tell you truly, I have learned to die. But I exhort you to beware of shedding of innocent blood. Truly it will cry. The spirit of God rest upon all your honours. Amen. This is the sum and form of my first examination. Pray. etc.  
This examination being ended the officers led him out of the place, & so stayed until the rest of his fellows were likewise handled, that they might have them altogether to prison. Laurence Saunders standing among the Officers seeing there a great multitude of people, opened his mouth and spoke freely, warning them well of that, 
M. Saunders freely preacheth Christ.  which by their falling from Christ to Antichrist they did deserve, & therefore exhorting them by repentance to rise again, and to embrace Christ with stronger faith, to confess him to the end, in the defiance of Antichrist, sin, death & the devil: so should they retain the lords favour and blessing.  
The copies of his other examinations and excommunication came to the hands of such as do keep them still in secret. But in them as he defended Christ's cause stoutly: 
The 2. examination here lacketh.  so warned he the Pharisaical bishops and papists, of their hypocrisy and tyranny freely, and cleared himself of their unjust quarrellinge truly. After he was excommunicate and delivered to the secular power, he was brought by the sheriff of London, 
M. Saunders delivered to the secular power.  to the prison called the Counter in his own parish in Breadstreet: whereat he rejoiced greatly, both because he found there a fellow prisoner, M. Card-maker, with whom he had Christian and comfortable conference, and also because out of prison, as before out of a pulpit, he might preach to his parishners: as by his letter here after shall be declared.  
THe fourth day of February, 
M. Saunders degraded by B. Boner.  the Bishop of London did come to the prison where he was, to disgrade him: which when he had done, Laurence Saunders said to him: I thank God I am none of your Church.  
The day following in the morning, 
M. Saunders carried to coventry.  the sheriff of London delivered him to certain of the Queen's Guard, which were appointed to carry him to the City of Coventry, there to be burned. The first night they came to S. Albons, where M. Grimoald (a man who had more store of good gifts, then of great constancy) did speak with him.  
After M. Saunders had given him a lesson meet for his lightness, he took a cup into his hand, and asked him if he would pledge him of that cup, of which he would begin to him. Grimoald by his shrugging and shrinking showing what he was, said: of that cup which is in your hand, I will pledge you: but of that other which you mean, I will not promise you. Well said Master Saunders, my dear Lord jesus Christ hath begun to me of a more bitter cup than mine shall be, and shall I not pledge my most sweet Saviour? yes I hope.  
After they were come to Coventry, 
A good Shoemaker of coventry.  the same night a poor Shoemaker, which was wont to serve him of shoes, came to him after his manner & said: Oh my good Master God strengthen and comfort you. Gramercies good Shoemaker, quoth M. Saunders, and I pray thee to pray for me: for I am the unmeetest man for this high office, that ever was appointed to it: but my gracious God and dear father is able to make me strong enough. That same night he was put into the common Jail among other prisoners, where he slept little, but spent the night in prayer, 
M. Saunders put in the common jail in coventry. February. 8. M. Saunders brought to the place of execution.  and instructing of others.  
The next day, which was the viii. of Februarye he was lead to the place of execution in the Park without the City, going in an old gown, and a shyerte, barefooted, and afttimes fell flat on the ground and prayed. When he was come nigh to the place, the Officer appointed to see the execution done, said to M. Saunders, that he was one of them which marred the Queen's Realm with ●alse doctrine and heresy: wherefore thou hast deserved death (quoth he) but yet if thou wilt revoke thy heresies, the Queen hath pardoned thee: if not, yonder fire is prepared for thee. To whom M. Saunders answered: it is not I, nor my fellow Preachers of God's truth, that have hurt the queen's Realm, but it is yourself, & such as you are, 
Achab accuseth Elias for troubling Israel.  which have always resisted Gods holy word: it is you which have & do mar the Queen's Realm. I do hold no heresies, but the doctrine of God, the blessed Gospel of Christ: that hold I, that believe I, that have I taught, and that will I never revoke. With that this Tormentor cried, away with him and away from him went M. Saunders with a merry courage towards the fire. He fell to the ground, and prayed: he rose up again, & took the stake to which he should be chained, in his arms and kissed it saying: Welcome the Cross of Christ, welcome everlasting life: and being fastened to the stake, and fire put to him, full sweetly he slept in the Lord.  
❧ The burning of Master Laurence Saunders at Coventry.  
And to the intent to give to the Reader to understand the better, what the grace of Christ worketh in his servants, and again, 
A Comparison between Laurence Saunders and S. Laurence.  how feeble & weak man is of himself without this grace given from above, though he seem otherwise never so stout in himself: here therefore have we added to the foresaid story of Laurence Saunders, the communication which in the beginning of his trouble, was between him and Doct. Pendleton, 
Strength to stand in Christ, cometh not of ourselves, but it is the gift of God.  by the example whereof, such as stand, may learn to understand and take heed with due fear, & not to brag: to lean to the grace of the Lord, and not to presume in themselves.   

¶ A certain communication between Laurence Saunders and Doctor Pendleton, in the beginning of Queen Maries tyme.  


Talk between M. Saunders, & Doctor Pendleton.  
D Pendleton a stout preacher of the Gospel in K. Edward's tyme.   AT the change of religion in this Realm, and the beginning of Queen Mary's reign, Doct. Pendleton and M. Saunders men known to the world, not only to be learned but also earnest preachers of God's word in the time of blessed king Edward, met together in the country, where by occasion they were at that time, and as the case required (by reason of the persecution that was then at hand) fell to debate what was best for them to do, in so dangerous a season. Whereupon M. Saunders, whether thorough very frailty in deed of his weak flesh that was loath to taste of the bitter cup, though his spirit were ready thereunto: or whether it were upon the mistrust of his own strength, that he might receive the greater power from above: or whether it were not for any one of the said causes alone, but for both together, or such like: seemed so fearful and feeble spirited, that he showed himself in appearance, like either to fall quite from God and his word, which he had taught, or at least to betake him to his heels and to fly the land, rather than to stick to his profession and abide by his tackle: 
M. Saunders timorous in Christ's cause at the first beginning.  so as Doctor Pendleton (who on the contrary side, appeared not so big of body, but as bold in courage, nor so earnest before in Pulpit, but as ready now to seal the same with his blood) took upon him to comfort M. Saunders all that he might, admonishing him (as he could do it very well) not to forsake cowardly his flock when he had most need to defend the wolf from them: neither having put to his hand to God's plough, to start now aside and give it over, nor yet (that is worst of all) having once forsaken Antichrist, to fall either himself, or to suffer others by his example to return to their vomit again.  
After which and such like persuasions bidding him be of good comfort, and to take a good hart unto him: what man (quoth he) there is a great deal more cause in me to be afeard than in you, for as much as you see, I carry a greater mass of flesh upon my back than you do, and being so laden with a heavier lump of this vile carcase ought therefore of nature to be more frail than you: & yet saith he, 

The stou● brags 〈◊〉 D. Pendl●●ton at th● first begi●●ning.  
God giveth strength where fe●●blenes is confessed▪   I will see the uttermost drop of this grease of mine molten away, & the last gobbet of this flesh consumed to ashes, before I will forsake God and his truth. Whereunto the other answering but little, & wishing that almighty God would give him more strength than he presently felt in himself, acknowledging his own weakness, consented notwithstanding though it were somewhat faintly, to join with him in the profession of the Gospel, & so to go up to London & set forth the same: whereupon they gave each other their hands.  
Now when they were come to London, Lord what a great change was there between these two persons. The poor feeble faint hearted Saunders, by the goodness of almighty God, taking hart of grace to him, seeking the same in humility, boldly & stoutly confirmed his flock out of the pulpit, where his charge lay, mightily beating down Antichrist, & lustily preached Christ his master, for the which he afterward suffered most willingly as is afore declared. Whereas on the other side, Pendleton the proud (who, as it appeared by the sequel, had been more stout in words, 
Example how feeb●● man is 〈◊〉 himself without the Lord support him.  than constant in deeds, and a greater bragger, than a good warrior) followed Peter so justly in cracks, howsoever he did in repentance (which God only knoweth) that he came not so soon to London but he changed his tipet, & played the Apostata, preaching in stead of sound doctrine, nothing almost but errors & lies, advancing Antichrist, and overthrowing poor Christ with all his main: so his former boldness came to nothing, unless it were a contrary key, becoming of a faithful pastor a false runagate, and of a true Preacher a sworn enemy of God's everlasting Testament, to the great offence of his brethren, the hurt of his flock, and the utter undoing, with our Gods greater mercy, of his own soul. Wherein are specially to be considered the deep and marvelous judgements of God, who as he can and doth make strong whom it pleaseth him, when he seethe his time, & most commonly such as appear most feeblest: even so contrariwise throweth he down other some, 
 seem they never so stout, stand they never so much in their own conceits. Wherefore let him that standeth take heed he fall not, and let us pray continually to almighty God though we have faith, that he will help and increase our faith, that in him it may be made strong, which of itself is so weak, that it is soon overthrown.  

Anno 1555. February  This blessed man of God enduring long time in prison, did not pass all his time in unfruitful idleness, but still from time to time did visit his friends (as is said) and especially his wife, 
 with many letters full of godly instruction & consolation. All which letters it shall not be greatly needful here to insert, partly because they are to be found in the book of letters, partly because we intend also (if God will) to prosecute the same more at large. In the mean time it shall not be out of place here presently to comprehend certain of them, as in order followeth.   

¶ A letter sent to M. Farrar Bishop of S. David's, Doctor Tailor, M. Bradford, and M. Philpot.  

A letter of M Saunde●s sent to B. Farrar, D. Taylor, M. Bradford and M. P●ilpot. 〈◊〉. 8.  GRace, mercy and peace, in jesus Christ our Lord. etc. Good fathers and dear brethren, be thankful unto our most gracious God, which hath preserved us, and shall (I doubt not) from blaspheming his blessed name: yea not only that, but also ex ore Infantium & Lactentium perficiet laudem. etc. i. Out of the mouths of very babes and sucklings shall be set forth his praise. They offer us (forsooth) our liberty & pardon, so that we will rise with them unto that faith which we with them were fallen from. Yea or no, must be answered in haste. They will not admit any need full circumstances, but all (as heretofore) most detestable & abominable. Rise with them we must unto the unity. And pardon (say I) of me must not be so dearly purchased. A pardon I desire, for to live with an unclogged conscience. The Donatists (say they) sought for such singularity, but they were not meet to live in a common wealth, no more be you, as you shall shortly understand. Wherefore away with him, yea the time was named within this seven night. There be 12. hours in the day. Death shall be welcome (say I) as being looked for long since, and yet do justice ye were best, for Abel's blood cried ye wots what. The spirit of God be upon you, 
john. 11.  & God save your honours. Thus departed I from them. Pray, pray. Ah, ah, puer sum, nescio loqui. i. I am a child, I cannot speak. My brother P. shall show you more herein. By him send me word what you have done. Far ye well, and pray, pray, I would gladly meet with my good brother Bradford, on the backside about 11. of the clock. Before that time I cannot start out, we have such outwalkers, but then will they be at dinner.  
Yours as you know, Laurence Saunders.   

¶ A Letter which L. Saunders did write to his wife, and others of the faithful, after his condemnation to the fire, written the last of Ianua. 1555. out of the Counter in Breadstreete.  
THe grace of Christ, with the consolation of the holy Ghost, to the keeping of faith and a good conscience, confirm & keep you for ever vessels to God's glory. 
A comfortable letter ●f M. Saunders to his 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 of the 〈…〉.  Amen.  
Oh what worthy thanks can be given to our gracious God for his unmeasurable mercies plentifully poured upon us? And I most unworthy wretch cannot but pour forth at this present, even from the bottom of my hart, the bewailing of my great ingratitude and unkindness towards so gracious a good God and loving father. I beseech you all, as for my other many sins, so especially for that sin of my unthankfulness, crave pardon for me in your earnest prayers, commending me to God's great mercies in Christ.  
To number these mercies in particular, where to number the drops of water which are in the Sea, the sands on the shore, the stars in the sky, O my dear wife & ye the rest of my friends, rejoice with me, I say rejoice with thanksgiving for this my present promotion, 
The sweet comfort of 〈…〉 away 〈◊〉 fear of death from 〈…〉.  in that I am made worthy to magnify my God, not only in my life by my slow mouth & uncircumcised lips, bearing witness unto his truth, but also by my blood to seal the same, to the glory of my God, and confirming of his true church. And as yet I testify unto you, that the comfort of my sweet Christ doth drive from my fantasy the fear of death. But if my dear husband Christ do for my trial, leave me alone a little to myself, alas I know in what case I shallbe then: but if for my proof he do so, yet am I sure he will not be long or far from me. Though he stand behind the wall & hide himself (as Solomon saith in his mystical ballet) yet will he peep in by a crest to see how I do. He is a very tender hearted joseph: though he speak roughly to his brethren & handle them hardly, yea & threaten grievous bondage to his best beloved brother Benjamin: yet can he not contain himself from weeping with us & upon us, with falling on our necks, and sweetly kissing us. Such, 
Christ a sweet brother unto us.  such a brother is our Christ unto us all. Wherefore hasten to go unto him as jacob did with his Sons and family, leaving their country and acquaintance. Yea this our joseph hath obtained for us, that Pharaoh the Infidel shall minister unto us chariots, wherein at ease we may be carried to come unto him: as we have experience how our very adversaries do help us unto our everlasting bliss by their speedy dispatch, yea & how all things have been helpinges hereunto: blessed be our God. Be not afraid of fraybugges which lie in the way. Fear rather the everlasting fire: fear the Serpent which hath that deadly sting of which by bodily death they shall be brought to taste which are not grafted in Christ, wanting faith and a good conscience, and so are not acquainted with Christ the killer of death. But oh my dear wife and friends, we, we whom God hath delivered from the power of darkness, and hath translated us into the kingdom of his dear son, by putting of the old man, & by faith putting on the new, even our Lord jesus Christ, his wisdom, holiness, righteousness & redemption, we I say have to triumph against the terrible spiteful Serpent the Devil, sin, hell, death & damnation. For Christ our brazen Serpent hath pulled away the sting of this serpent, 
The sting of death pluck● out. 1. Cor. 15.  so that now we may boldly in beholding it spoiled of his sting, triumph & with our Christ & all his elect say: Death where is thy sting? Hell where is thy victory? Thanks be to God, who hath given us [Us] the victory through our Lord jesus Christ.  
Wherefore be merry my dear wife, & all my dear fellow heirs of the everlasting kingdom always remember the Lord. Rejoice in hope, be patient in tribulation, continue in prayer, & pray for us now appointed to the slaughter that we may be unto our heavenly father, a fat offering, and an acceptable sacrifice. I may hardly write to you. Wherefore let these few words be a witness of commendations to you and all them which love us in faith, 
To this his flock the parish of All-hallows in Bredstreate. He wrote also a fruitful letter, exhorting and charging them to beware of the Romish religion and constantly to stick to the truth which they had confessed.  and namely unto my flock, among whom I am resident by God's providence, but as a prisoner.  
And although I am not so among them, as I have been to preach to them out of a pulpit, yet doth god now preach unto them by me, by this my imprisonment and captivity which now I suffer among them for Christ's Gospels sake, bidding them to beware of the Romish Antichristian religion and kingdom, requiring and charging them to abide in the truth of Christ, which is shortly to be sealed with the blood of their Pastor: who though he be unworthy of such a ministry, yet Christ there high pastor is to be regarded, whose truth hath been taught them by me, is witnessed by my chains, & shall be by my death, through the power of that high pastor. Be not careful good wife, cast your care on the Lord, & commend me unto him in repentant prayer, as I do you and our Samuel: whom even at the stake, I will offer as myself unto God. Far ye well all in Christ, in hope to be joined with you in joy everlasting. This hope is put up in my bosom, Amen, Amen, Amen, Pray, pray.   

* An other Letter to master Lucy Harington, a Godly Gentlewoman, and friendly to him in his troubles.  
YOur most gentle commendations, 
another comfortable lette● of M. Saunders,  whereof this messenger made remembrance unto me, was for two causes very comfortable. First, for that thereby I understood of the state of your health & bodily welfare, for the which I give thanks unto god, who grant the long continuance thereof to his honour and fatherly good will, whereunto I will daily say, Amen. And farther I was refreshed by the expressing of your mindful friendship towards me far unworthy thereof. Wherein I take occasion of much rejoicing in our so gracious a God and merciful Father, who as he hath in his unmeasurable mercy by faith handfasted us his chosen children unto his dear son our Christ, as the spiritual spouse of such an heavenvly husband: so he linketh us by love one unto an other, being by that bond compact together with charitable readiness to do good one unto another: so that first to the glory of our God & his Christ, them to our own joying in the testimony of a good conscience, and last of all to the stopping of the mouths and confusion of our adversaries, we bear the badge as the right spouse of our Christ, which himself noted in this saying: Herein shall all men know that ye be my Disciples, if ye love one another. Then farther, by this bond of mutual love, 
The true badge of Christ. john 13.  is set forth the fatherly providence of God towards us his children, that though it be he that careth for us, in whom we live, move and be, who feedeth all flesh with bodily sustenance, yet hath he appointed us in these present necessities, to stand in his stead one unto another. Wherein is not only set forth our dignity, but also that unspeakable accord and unity among us the many members in his mystical body. And though that either for lack of ability, or else through distance of place, power and opportunity of helping one another do fail: yet wonderful is the working of God's children through the spirit of prayer, as whereby they fetch all heavenly influence from Christ their celestial head by his spirit▪ to be measured severally as may serve to the maintenance of the whole body.  
Thus doth our faithful prayer which we make one for another, distribute and scatter Gods bountiful blessings both ghostly and bodily, 
john. 15.  when ordinary ability lacketh, and when the arm may not reach forth such God's riches. According hereunto I well perceive and understand your readiness to do good unto all, and especially I have experience of your ready good will towards me in your hearty desire to stretch out your helping hand to relieve my lack, 
Prayer distributeth God's blessings from one to an other.  and of your help to be extended to me in the other spiritual sort by your good prayer, I doubt not: as I also therein assure you of my help, being all that I may do, & yet the same not so much as I would do.  
My need concerning bodily necessaries, is as yet furnished by God's provision, so that I am not driven to any extremity wherefore to be burdenous to you, as your gentle benevolence provoketh me, the Lord reward you therefore. If God make me worthy to be eyes witness at this present, in giving this corruptible body to burn for the testimony of his truth, it is enough for me to say unto you that I have a poor wife and child whom I love in the Lord, and whom I know for my sake you will tender when I am departed hence. etc.   

¶ An other Letter to master Lucy Harrington.  
GRace and mercy. etc. It happeneth oftentimes that abundance of matter bringing with it much vehemency of friendly affection, maketh men dumb, and even then chiefly when there is most eager purpose of speaking, 
another letter of M. Saunders.  silence doth suppress, and causeth the party so affected, unperfectly to express that he goeth about to utter. Such impediment by much matter mingled with fervency of affection, feel I some times in myself, letting the utterance either by tongue or writing, of the abundance of the hart. The love of our most gracious God and heavenly Father bestowed upon us in the merits of Christ our Saviour, who may by conceit of mind comprehend, passing in deed all understanding? much less may the same by any means be expressedly uttered. And as such heavenly blessings which by faith we fetch from above, be inexplicable: so is it hard to utter, when the faithful are set on fire by love, their readiness to reach forth and to give by charity, as by faith they have received. But (alas) we carry this treasure in earthen vessels. Many times faith is feeble and then love loseth her fervour. 
2. Cor. 4. faith many times in us is feeble.  Pray we therefore, Lord increase our faith, and love forthwith will be on fire. And immortal thanks be given unto our God, who in our Christ hath bestowed upon us the first fruits of his spirit, who crieth in our hearts Abba Father. And (as S. Paul saith) seeing we have the same spirit of faith, 
Rom 8. 1. Cor 4.  according as it is written: I believed and therefore have I spoken? we also believe and therefore we speak: Yea God knoweth this spirit putteth in us a mind to speak, but in attempting thereof, we are driven with Moses to say: O Lord, I am slow mouthed and of uncircumcised lips: & with jeremy: 
Exod. 8. Jerome. 1.  O Lord I cannot speak.  
Albeit that this infancy restraineth the opening of such abundance of hart in my tender Christian duty to be declared towards you, yet I beseech you let this be settled in your understanding, that as S. Paul expresseth unto his Corinthians that they were in his hart either to live or to die, with many other such sayings uttered unto them and the Galathians, expressing his vehement affection towards them: so in some part I would be like affected towards all God's children, and especially towards you whom I know in Christ, and to whom I will not say, how much I am indebted. I thank you for your great friendship and tender good will towards my wife: yea that good gracious God recompense you, which may worthily with the more countervail the same, and fulfil that which lacketh of thankful duty in us. And because of that which heretofore I have conceived of you and of your more than natural love towards me and mine: I make myself thus bold to lay this burden upon you, even the care and charge of my said poor wife I mean, to be unto her a mother & mistress to rule and direct her by your discreet counsel. 
M. Saunders commendeth the care of his wife to Mistress Harrington.  I know she conceiveth of you the same that I do, & is thankful unto God with me for such a friend, and therefore I beseech you even for Christ's sake, put never from you this friendly charge over her, whether I live longer or shortly departed. But to charge you otherwise, thanks be to God, neither I neither she have any such extreme need: if we had I would be as bold with you as mine own mother. I beseech you give my hearty salutations unto M. Fitzwilliams & my good Lady, with thanks also for my poort wife and child, the Lord recompense them.  
Laurence Saunders.  
Furthermore as touching his fatherly care & affection to his wife and his little child, the same is lively set forth in an other letter, which he did write to his wife: wherein he admonished her, that she should not resort much to the prison, where he was, for danger of trouble that might ensue, the tenor of whose letter here followeth.   

¶ An other letter to his wife with a certain remembrance to M. Harrington and M. Hurland.  
GRace and comfort. etc. Wife you shall do best not to come often unto the Grate where the Porter may see you. 
another letter of Saunder● his wife.  Put not yourself in danger where it needs not: you shall I think, shortly come far enough into danger by keeping faith and a good conscience: which (dear wife) I trust you do not slack to make reckoning and account upon by exercising your inward man in meditation of Gods most holy word, being the sustenance of the soul, and also by giving yourself to humble prayer: for these two things be very means how to be made members of our Christ meet to inherit his kingdom.  
Do this (dear wife) in earnest, and not leaving of, and so we two shall with our Christ and all his chosen children, enjoy the merry world in that everlasting immortality, whereas here will nothing else be found but extreme misery, even of them which most greedily seek this worldly wealth: and so, if we two continue God's children graffed in our Christ, the same God's blessing which we receive, shall also settle upon our Samuel. Though we do shortly departed hence and leave the poor Infant (to our seeming) at all adventures, yet shall he have our gracious God to be his God: for so hath he said and he cannot lie: I will be thy God (saith he) and the God of thy seed. Yea if you leave him in the wilderness destitute of all help, being called of God to do his will either to die for the confession of Christ, 
Care of children time of n●●cessitye ought to left to Go● who wil● not see th● forsaken.  either any work of obedience: that God which heard the cry of the little poor infant of Agar Sara's handmaiden and did secure it, will do the like to the child of you or any other fearing him and putting your trust in him. And if we lack faith (as we do in deed many times) let us call for it and we shall have the increase both of it and also of any other good grace needful for us: and be merry in GOD, in who also I am very merry and joyful. O Lord what great cause of rejoicing have we, to think upon that kingdom which he voucheth safe for his Christ's sake, freely to give us, forsaking our selves and following him? Dear wife this is truly to follow him, 
What it 〈◊〉 to follow Christ.  even to take up our cross and follow him, and then as we suffer with him, so shall we reign with him everlastingly. Amen. Shortly, Shortly, Amen.   

* An other letter to his wife, to Master Robert Harrington, M Hurland. etc.  
GRace and comfort, etc. Dear wife rejoice in our gracious God, and his our Christ, 
another letter of M. Saunders his wife 〈◊〉 other friends.  and give thanks most humbly and heartily to him for this days work, that in any part I most unworthy wretch should be made worthy to bear witness unto his everlasting verity, which Antichrist with his, by main force (I perceive) and by most impudent pride and boasting, will go about to suppress. Remember God always my dear wife, and so shall gods blessing light upon you and our Samuel. O remember alway my words for Christ's sake: be merry and grudge not against God, and pray, pray. We be all merry here thanks be unto God, who in his Christ hath given us great cause to be merry, by whom he hath prepared for us such a kingdom, and doth and will give unto us some little taste thereof, even in this life, and to all such as are desirous to take it. 
Math. 26.  Blessed (saith our Christ) be they which hunger and thirst after righteousness, for such shall be satisfied. Let us go, yea let us run to seek such treasure, and that with whole purpose of hart to cleave unto the Lord, to find such Riches in his heavenly word through his spirit obtained by prayer. 
Luke. 5. Psal. 119.  My dear Friends and Brethren Master Harryngton and Master Hurland, pray, pray. Spiritus quidem promptus est, caro autem infirma. That is. The spirit is ready, but the flesh is weak. When I look upon myself, quid ego stupidus & attonitus habeo quod dicam, nisi illud Petri, exi a me Domine quia homo peccator sum? i. Being astonished and confounded, what have I else to say, but those words of Peter: Lord go from me: for I am a sinful man? 
john. 6.  But then feel I that sweet comfort: Lucerna pedibus meis verbum Domini, lumen semitis meis, & haec mea est consolatio in humilitate mea. i. The word of the Lord is a Lantern to my feet, and a light unto my paths: and this is my comfort in my trouble. Then wax I bold with the same Peter to say: Domine ad quem ibimus, verba vitae aeternae habes. i. Lord to whom shall we go? thou hast the words of everlasting life. This comfort have I when the giver thereof doth give it. But I look for battles with the root of unfaithfulness, the which I feel in me, will most eagerly give unto my conscience, when we come once to the combat. We be (I ween) within the sound of the triumpe of our enemies. Play ye that be abroad the part of Moses, 
Tim 1.  Orantes in omni loco, sustollentes puras manus. i. Praying in all places, lifting up pure hands, & God's people shall prevail: 
〈◊〉. 5.  yea our blood shallbe their perdition who do most triumphantly spill it, & we then being in the hands of our God, shall shine in his kingdom, and shall stand in great steadfastness, against them which have dealt extremely with us: And when these our enemies shall thus see us, they shallbe vexed with horrible fear, and shall wonder at the hastiness of the sudden health, and shall say with themselves, having inward sorrow and mourning for very anguish of mind: These are they whom we sometime had in derision and jested upon: we fools thought their lives to be very madness, and their end to be without honour, but lo how they are accounted among the children of God. The blessing of God be with you all. etc.  
Laurence Saunders.   

¶ To his wife a little before his burning.  
GRace and comfort in Christ, Amen. Dear wife be merry in the mercies of our Christ, 
A letter of 〈…〉 to ●is wife.  & ye also my dear friends. Pray, pray for us every body. We be shortly to be dispatched hence unto our good Christ. Amen, Amen. Wife I would you sent me my shirt which you know whereunto it is consecrated. Let it be sowed down on both the sides and not open. Oh my heavenly father look upon me in the face of thy Christ, 
〈◊〉 writeth 〈◊〉 his stirte ●herein he ●hould be 〈◊〉.  or else I shall not be able to abide thy countenance: such is my filthiness. He will do so, and therefore I will not be afraid what sin, death, hell, and damnation can do against me. O Wife always remember the Lord. God bless you, yea he will bless thee good wife & thy poor boy also: only cleave thou unto him, and he will give thee all things. Pray, pray, pray.   

¶ An other letter to M. Robert and john Glover, written the same morning that he was burnt.  
GRace and consolation in our sweet Saviour Christ, Oh my dear brethren whom I love in the Lord, being loved of you also in the Lord, be merry & rejoice for me, now ready to go up to that mine inheritance, which I myself in deed am most unworthy of, but my dear Christ is worthy, who hath purchased the same for me with so dear a price. Make haste my dear brethren, to come unto me, that we may be merry, eo gaudio quod nemo tollet a nobis. i. with that joy which no man shall take from us. Oh wretched sinner that I am, not thankful unto this my Father, who hath vouched me worthy to be a vessel unto his honour. But O Lord, now accept my thanks, though they proceed out of a not enough circumcised hart. Salute my good Sisters your wives, & good sisters fear the Lord. Salute all other that love us in the truth. God's blessing be with you always. Amen. Even now towards the offering of a burnt sacrifice. O my Christ help, or else I perish.  
Laurence Saunders.  
¶ After these godly letters of M. Saunders diversly dispersed and sent abroad to divers of the faithful congregation of Christ, as is afore to be seen, now in the latter end we will adjoin two other letters written not by Master Saunders the martyr, but by M. Ed. Saunders the justice his brother, sent to this our Saunders in prison, although containing no great matter worthy to be known, yet to this intent that the reader may see in these two brethren so joined in nature, and so divided in religion, the word of the Lord verified, truly saying: brother shallbe against brother. 
Math. 10.  etc. as by the contents of these two letters following may appear.   

¶ A letter of justice Saunders, to his brother Laurence.  

● letter of 〈…〉 to ●●urence ●●unders 〈◊〉 b●other.  AFter my most hearty commendations, these been to a certain you that I have spoken with M. Basset, who hath showed me that 4. pound (all deductions being allowed) is the whole that hath come to his hands of the profit of the Prebendary at York, the which you shall have although as he thinketh, it was not due unto you by the reason of your deprivation: before it was due. As concerning your conscience in Religion, I beseech God it may be lightened by the holy Ghost, and that you may also have the grace of the holy Ghost to follow the counsel of Saint Paul to Timothe. 2. Recte tractare verbum veritatis. That is. To handle rightly the word of truth. Wherein you are dissenting from many holy and Catholic men, especielly in the Sacrament, maketh me in my conscience to condemn yours. For although I have not hitherto fancied to read Peter Martyr & other such. etc. 
justice saith▪ Audi Alteram partem.  yet have I had great desire to see Theophilact and divers others of his sort and opinion both notable and holy Fathers (if any credit be given to the writings of our ancient fathers before us) and surely the sentences and judgements of two or three of them hath more confirmed my conscience then 300. of the zwinglians or as many of the Lutherians can or should do. Thus in haste willing to relief you to the end you might convert, if you shall need towards your finding, if you shall require it of me, you shall unfeignedly find my money ready, as knoweth our Lord, who send us all things good for us. Scribbled this Thursday by your brother and petitioner to God.  
Ed. Saunders   

¶ An other letter of justice Saunders to his brother wherein he seeketh to win him to Popery.  
AS nature and Brotherly love with godly charity requireth, 
Greeting with protestation.  I send you by these letters (quantum licet) most hearty commendation, being sorry for your fault and your disobedient handling of yourself towards my Lord Chancellor, who I assure you, mindeth your good and preservation, if you can so consider and take it. I would be glad to know whether you have not had with you of late some learned men to talk with you by my Lord Chancellors' appointment, and how you can frame yourself to reform your error in the opinion of the most blessed and our most comfortable Sacrament of the altar. Wherein I assure you I was never in all my life more better affected than I am at this present, using to my great comfort hearing of Mass, 
He meaneth peradventure when the Sanctus is singing for then the Organs pipe merely and that may give some Comfort. The meditations of S. Bernard sent by justice Saunders to his brother.  and somewhat before the sacring time, the meditation of S. Barnard, set forth in the third leaf of this present book. The accustomable using whereof I am fully professed unto during my life, and to give more faith unto that confession of holy barnard, them to Luther etc. or Latimer. etc. for that the antiquity, the universality of the open church, and the consent of all holy Saints and Doctors do confirm the same, acertayning you that I have been earnestly moved in mine own conscience these ten or twelve days past, and also between God and myself, to move you to the same, most earnestly desiring you, and as you tender my natural, godly, or friendly love towards you, that you would read over this book this holy time, at my request, although you have already seen it, and let me know wherein you cannot satisfy your own conscience. Thus far you well for this time.  
By yours, from Seriantes Inn. Ed. Saunders.   

¶ The Life and martyrdom of Master JOHN HOOPER Bishop of Worcester and Gloucester, burnt for the defence of the Gospel at Gloucester. Anno. 1555. February. 9  
JOHN HOOPER Student and graduate in the university of Oxford, after the study of other sciences, 
The story, life, & martyrdom of M. john Hooper Martyr.  wherein he had abundantly profited and proceeded, through God's secret vocation was stirred with fervent desire to the love & knowledge of the Scriptures. In the reading & searching whereof, as there lacked in him no diligence, joined with earnest prayer: so neither wanted unto him the grace of the holy Ghost to satisfy his desire, and to open unto him the light of true Divinity.  
Thus Master Hooper growing more and more by God's grace, in ripeness of spiritual understanding, and showing withal some sparkles of his fervent spirit being then about the beginning of the 6. Articles, in the time of king Henry the 8. fell eftsoons into displeasure & hatred of certain Rabbins in Oxford, who by and by began to stir coals against him, whereby, and especially by the procurement of Doctor Smith, he was compelled to void the University, and so removing from thence, was retained in the house of Sir Thomas Arundel, and there was his Steward, till the time that Sir Thomas Arundel having intelligence of his opinions & religion, which he in no case did favour, and yet exceedingly favouring the person & conditions of the man, 
M. Hooper sent to the Bishop of Winchester.  found the means to send him in a message to the Bishop of Winchester, writing his letter privily to the bishop, by conference of learning to do some good upon him, but in any case requiring him to send home his servant to him again.  
Winchester after long conference with M. Hooper 4. or 5. days together, when he at length perceived that neither he could do that good, which he thought, to him, nor that he would take any good at his hand, according to M. arundel's request, he sent home his servant again, right well commending his learning and wit, but yet bearing in his breast a grudging stomach against Master Hooper still.  
It followed not long after this (as malice is always working mischief) that intelligence was given to master Hooper to provide for himself, 

M. Hooper forced to avoid the house of Sir Thomas Arundel.  
M. Hooper flieth again out of England.   for danger that was working against him. Whereupon M. Hooper leaving M. arundel's house, and borrowing an horse of a certain friend (whose life he had saved a little before from the gallows) took his journey to the Sea side, to go to France, sending back the horse again by one, which in deed did not deliver him to the owner. M. Hoper being at Paris tarried there not long, but in short time returned into England again, & was retained of M. Sentlow, till the time that he was again molested and laid for: whereby he was compelled (under the pretence of being Captain of a ship going to Ireland) to take the Seas, and so escaped he (although not without extreme peril of drowning) through France, 
Great friendship between M. Bullinger and M. Hooper.  to the higher parts of Germany. Where he entering acquaintance with the learned men, was of them friendly and lovingly entertained, both at Basil, and especially at Zuricke of Master Bullinger, being his singular friend. Where also he married his wife, which was a Burgonian, and applied very studiously the Hebrew tongue.  
At length when God saw it good to stay the bloody time of the 6. Articles, and to give us king Edward to reign over this Realm, with some peace and rest unto the gospel, amongst many other English exiles, which than repaired homeward, M. Hooper also, moved in conscience, thought not to absent himself, seeing such a time and occasion offered to help forward the Lords work, 
M. Bullingers' words to M. Hooper at his departing from Zurick.  to the uttermost of his ability. And so coming to M. Bullinger, and other of his acquaintance in Zuricke (as duty required) to give them thanks for their singular kindness and humanity toward him manifold ways declared, with like humanity again purposed to take his leave of them at his departing, & so did. Unto whom M. Bullinger again (who had always a special favour to M. Hooper) spoke on this wise: M. Hooper (said he) although we are sorry to part with your company for our own cause, yet much greater causes we have to rejoice, both for your sake, and especially for the cause of Christ's true religion, that you shall now return out of long banishment unto your native country again, where not only you may enjoy your own private liberty but also the cause and state of Christ's Church by you may far the better as we doubt not but it shall.  
another cause moreover why we rejoice with you & for you, is this, that you shall remove not only out of exile, into liberty: 
The answer of M Hooper to M. Bullinger.  but you shall leave here a barren, a sour, & an unpleasant country, rude & savage, and shall go into a land flowing with milk and honey, replenished with all pleasure & fertility. Notwithstanding with this our rejoicing, one fear and care we have, lest you being absent, and so far distant from us, or else coming to such abundance of wealth & felicity, in your new welfare, and plenty of all things, and in your flourishing honours, where ye shall come peradventure to be a Bishop, and where ye shall find so many new friends, you will forget us your old acquaintance & well-willers. Nevertheless howsoever you shall forget & shake us of, yet this persuade yourself, that we will not forget our old friend & fellow M. Hooper. And if you shall please not to forget us again, than I pray you let us hear from you.  
Whereunto M. Hooper answering again, first gave to M. Bullinger and the rest right hearty thanks, for that their singular good will, and undeserved affection, appearing not only now, but at all times towards him: declaring moreover that as the principal cause of his removing to his country was the matter of Religion: so touching the unpleasantness and barrenness of that country of theirs, there was no cause therein, why he could not find in his hart to continue his life there, as soon as in any place in the world, and rather than in his own native country, if there were nothing else in his conscience that moved him so to do. And as touching the forgetting of his old friends, although (said he) the remembrance of a man's country naturally doth delight him, neither could he deny, but god had blessed his country of England with many great commodities: yet neither the nature of country nor pleasure of commodities, nor newness of friends should over induce him to the oblivion of such friends and benefactors, whom he was so entirely bound unto: & therefore you shall be sure (said he) from time to time to hear from me, and I will write unto you as it goeth with me. But the last news of all I shall not be able to write: for there (said he) taking M. Bullinger by the hand) where I shall take most pains, there shall you hear of me to be burned to ashes: 
M. Hooper prophesyeth of himself.  and that shallbe the last news which I shall not be able to write unto you, but you shall hear it of me. etc.  
To this also may be added an other like prophetical demonstration, forshewing before the manner of his martyrdom wherewith he should glorify God, which was this. When M. Hooper being made Bishop of Worcester and Gloucester should have his arms given him by the Herold, 
A note 〈◊〉 M. Hoo●●● arms 〈◊〉 signify 〈◊〉 his Martyrdom.  as the manner is here in England, every Bishop to have his arms assigned unto him (whether by the appointment of M. Hoper, or by the Herold I have not certainly to say) but the arms which were to him allotted was this: a Lamb in a fiery bush, and the sun beams from heaven descending down upon the Lamb, rightly devoting (as it seemed) the order of his suffering, which afterward followed.  
But now to the purpose of our story again: 
M. Hoo●●● return●● again 〈◊〉 Englan●▪  Thus when M. Hooper had taken his farewell of M. Bullinger and his friends in Zurick, he made his repair again into Enland in the reign of K. Edward 6. where he coming to London used continually to preach, most times twice, at least once every day, and never failed.  
In his Sermons, according to his accustomed manner, he corrected sin, 
The not●●ble diligent of M. 〈◊〉 in pr●●●ching.  and sharply inveighed against the iniquity of the world, and corrupt abuses of the Church. The people in great flocks and companies, daily came to hear his voice, as the most melodious sound and tune of Orpheus harp, as the Proverb saith: Insomuch that often times, when he was preaching, the Church should be so full, that none could enter further than the doors thereof. In his doctrine he was earnest, in tongue eloquent, in the scriptures perfect, in pains indefatigable.  
Moreover, besides other his gifts and qualities, this is in him to be marveled, that even as he began so he continued still unto his lives end. 
The sing●●ler vertu●● of M. Hanaper descr●●bed.  For neither could his labour and pain taking break him, neither promotion change him, neither dainty fare corrupt him. His life was so pure and good, that no kind of slander (although divers went about to reprove it) could fasten any fault upon him. He was of body strong, his health whole & sound, his wit very pregnant, his invincible patience able to sustain whatsoever sinister fortune and adversity could do. He was constant of judgement, a good justicer, spare of diet, sparer of words, & sparest of time. In housekeping very liberal, and sometime more free than his living would extend unto. Briefly, of all those virtues and qualities required of S. Paul in a good B. in his epistle to Timothe, I know not one in this good B. lacking. He bore in countenance & talk always a certain severe & grave grace, which might peradventure be wished sometimes to have been a little more populare and vulgarlike in him: but he knew what he had to do best himself.  
This by the way I thought to note, for that there was once an honest Citizen, & to me not unknown, which having in himself a certain conflict of conscience, came to his door for counsel: but being abashed at his austere behaviour durst not come in, but departed, seeking remedy of his troubled mind at other men's hands, which he afterward by the help of almighty God did find & obtain. Therefore in my judgement, such as are appointed & made governors over the flock of Christ, to teach and instruct them, ought so to frame their life, manners, 
Discretion how ministers and preacher● ought to behave themselu●●▪  countenance and external behaviour, as neither they show themselves to familiar & light whereby to be brought in contempt, nor in the other side again, that they appear more lofty and rigorous, then appertaineth to the edifying of the simple flock of Christ. Nevertheless, as every man hath his peculiar gift wrought in him by nature, so this disposition of fatherly gravity in this man neither was excessive, neither did he bear that parsonage which was in him without great consideration. For it seemed to him peradventure, that this licentious and unbridled life of the common sort, aught to be chastened, not only with words and discipline, but also with the grave and severe countenance of good men.  
After he had thus practised himself in this popular and common kind of preaching: at length, and that not without the great profit of many, he was called to preach before the kings majesty, and soon after, made Bishop of Gloucester by the kings commandment. 
M. Hoo●●● made Bishop of Gloceste● and Wor●cester.  In that office he continued two years, and behaved himself so well, that his very enemies (except it were for his good doings, and sharp correcting of sin) could find no fault with him: and after that he was made Bishop of Worcester.  
But I cannot tell what sinister & unlucky contention concerning the ordering and consecration of Bishops, and of their apparel, with such other like trifles, began to disturb the good & lucky beginning of this godly bishop. For notwithstanding that godly reformation of religion then begun in the church of England, besides other ceremonies more ambitious than profitable or tending to edification, they used to wear such garments and apparel as the popish Bishops were wont to do: first a Chymere, 
Popish a●●tyre.  & under that a white Rochet: then a Mathematical cap with iiij. angles, dividing the whole world into four parts. These trifles tending more to superstition than otherwise, as he could never abide, 
 so in no wise could he be persuaded to wear them. For this cause he made supplication to the king's majesty, most humbly desiring his highness, either to discharge him of the bishopric, or else to dispense with him for such ceremonial orders. Whose petition the king granted immediately, writing his letter to the Archb. after this tenor.   

¶ The King's letters or grant, for the dispensation of john Hooper elected B. of Gloucester, written to the Archbishop of Caunterbury and other Bishops.  

 RIght reverend father, and right trusty and well-beloved, we greet you well. Whereas we by the advise of our Counsel, have called and chosen our right well-beloved and well worthy, M john Hooper, professor of Divinity, to be our B. of Gloucester, as well for his great knowledge, deep judgement and long study, both in the scriptures and other profane learning, as also for his good discretion, ready utterance and honest life for that kind of vocation: to the intent all our loving subjects which are in his said charge and elsewhere, might by his sound and true doctrine, learn the better their duty towards God, their obedience towards us, and love towards their neighbours: from consecrating of whom, we understand you do stay, because he would have you omit and let pass certain rites and ceremonies offensive to his conscience, whereby ye think you should fall in Praemunire of laws: we have thought good by the advise aforesaid, to dispense and discharge you of all manner of dangers, penalties and forfeitures, you should run and be in any manner of way, by omitting any of the same. And these our letters shall be your sufficient warrant and discharge therefore.  
yeven under our signet at our Castle of Wyndsore, the 5. of August, the 4. year of our reign. 

Ed. Somerset.  
W. Wiltshire.  
W. North.  
W. Paget.  
An. Wingfield.  
N. Wootton.    
Besides this letter of the king, also the Earl of Warwick (which was afterward D. of Northumberland) adjoined his letter to the foresaid Archb. of Cant. to this purpose and effect, that M. Hooper might not be burdened with the oath used then commonly in the consecration of bishops, which was against his conscience, as by the purport of the letter here is to be seen, as followeth.  

A letter of the Earl of W●●wicke to 〈◊〉 Archb. in the behalf of M. Hooper.  AFter my most hearty commendations to your grace, these may be to desire the same, that in such reasonable things, wherein this bearer my L. elect of Gloucester, craveth to be borne withal at your hands, you would with safe to show him your grace's favour the rather at this my instance: which thing partly, I have taken in hand by the kings Majesties own motion. The matter is weighed by his highness, none other but that your grace may facilely condescend unto. The principal cause is, that you would not charge this said bearer wi●h an oath burdenous to his conscience. And so for lack of time I commit your grace to the tuition of almighty God.  
From Westm. the 23. of july, 1550. Your grace's most assured loving friend. I. Warwick.  
¶ Both this grant of the King, and also the Earls letters aforesaid notwithstanding, the bishops still stood earnestly in the defence of the foresaid ceremonies, saying it was but a small matter, and that the fault was in the abuse of the things, and not in the things themselves: adding moreover, that he ought not to be so stubborn in so light a matter, 

The kings 〈◊〉 no● the Earls ●ould take 〈◊〉.  
Discord 〈◊〉 ritual garments of 〈◊〉. M. Hooper 〈…〉 to the ●i●hops. M▪ Hooper ●●●pelled to preach before the 〈…〉.   and that his wilfulness therein was not to be suffered.  
To be short, whilst both parties thus contended about this matter more than reason would, in the mean time occasion was given, as to the true Christians to lament, so to the adversary to rejoice. In conclusion, this Theological contention came to this end, that the bishops having the upper hand, M. Hooper was feign to agree to this condition, that sometimes he should in his Sermon show himself appareled as the other Bishops were. Wherefore, appointed to preach before the king as a new player in a strange apparel, he cometh forth on the stage. His upper garment was a long scarlet Chymere down to the foot, and under that a white linen Rochet that covered all his shoulders. Upon his head he had a Geometriall, that is, a four squared cap, albeit that his head was round. What cause of shame the strangeness hereof was that day to that good preacher, every man may easily judge. But this private contumely and reproach in respect of the public profit of the Church, which he only sought, he bore and suffered patiently. And I would to God in like manner, they which took upon them the other part of that tragedy, had yielded their private cause whatsoever it was to the public concord and edifying of the Church: for no man in all the City, was one hair the better for that hot contention.  
I will name no body, partly for that his oppugners being afterwards joined in the most sure friendship with him, in one & for one cause, suffered martyrdom, and partly for that I commonly use according to my accustomed manner, 
The cross maketh peace.  to keep my pen from presumptuous judging of any person: yet I thought to note the thing for this consideration, to admonish the reader hereby, how wholesome & necessary the cross of Christ is sometime in the church of Christ, as by the sequel hereof did afterward appear. For as in a civil governance & common wealth, nothing is more occasion of war, than overmuch peace: so in the church, and among churchmen, as nothing is more pernicious than too much quietness, so nothing more ceaseth private contentions oftentimes rising amongst than, than the public cross of persecution.  
Furthermore, so I persuaded myself, the same not to be unexpedient, to have extant such examples of holy and blessed men. For if it do not a little appertain to our public consolation and comfort, when we read in the scriptures of the foul dissension between Paul and Barnaby: of the fall of Peter, and of David's murder and adultery: why may or should it not be as well profitable for our posterity, to hear and know the falls of these godly Martyrs, 
The falls and infirmities of holy Saints and Martyrs left for our consolation.  whereby we may the less despair in our infirmity, considering the same or greater infirmities to reign in the holy Saints of God, both Prophets, Apostles, and Martyrs.  
And this by the way, thou hast heard (good Reader) hitherto the weakness of these good men, plainly and simply, as the truth was, declared unto thee, 
Note how discord & reconsiliation happeneth many times amongst good men.  to the end their fall may minister occasion to us, either of eschewing the like, or else to take hart and comfort in the like fall & frailness of ours. Now again on the other part it remaineth to record after the foresaid discord, the godly reconciliations of these good men in time of persecution, who afterward being in prison for the truth's sake, reconciled themselves again with most godly agreement, as appeareth by this letter sent by Bishop Ridley, to the said Bishop of Gloucester. The copy whereof as it was written with his own hand in Latin, hereafter followeth translated into English.   

¶ To my dear brother and reverend fellow Elder in Christ, john Hooper, grace and peace.  
MY dearly beloved brother and fellow Elder, 
A letter of reconsiliatiation sent by Doctor Ridley to Bishop Hooper.  whom I reverence in the Lord, pardon me, I beseech you, that hitherto since your captivity and mine, I have not saluted you by my letters: where as (I do in deed confess) I have received from you (such was your gentleness) two letters at sundry times: but yet at such time as I could not be suffered to write unto you again: or if I might, yet was I in doubt how my letters might safely come unto your hands. But now my dear brother, for as much as I understand by your works, which I have but superficially seen, that we thoroughly agree and wholly consent together in those things which are the grounds and substantial points of our Religion, against the which the world so furiously rageth in these our days, howsoever in time passed in certain by matters and circumstances of Religion, your wisdom and my simplicity (I grant) hath a little jarred, each of us following the abundance of his own sense and judgement: now (I say) be you assured, 
1. Cor. 10. B. Ridley and Bishop Hooper join hands together.  that even with my whole heart (God is my witness) in the bowels of Christ, I love you in the truth, and for the truths sake, which abideth in us, and (as I am persuaded) shall by the grace of God, abide in us for evermore.  
And because the world (as I perceive brother) ceaseth not to play his pageant, and busily conspireth against Christ our Saviour, with all possible force and power, Exalting high things against the knowledge of God: let us join hands together in Christ, and if we cannot overthrow, yet to our power, and as much as in us lieth, let us shake those high altitudes, not with carnal, but with spiritual weapons: and with all brother, let us prepare ourselves to the day of our dissolution, by the which, after the short time of this bodily affliction, by the grace of our Lord jesus Christ, we shall triumph together with him in eternal glory.  
I pray you brother salute in my name your reverend fellow prisoner and venerable father, D.C. by whom since the first day that I heard of his most godly and fatherly constancy, in confessing the truth of the gospel, I have conceived great consolation and joy in the Lord. For the integrity and uprightness of that man, his gravity & innocency all England I think hath known long ago. Blessed be God therefore, which in such abundance of iniquity and decay of all godliness, hath given unto us in this reverend old age, such a witness for the truth of his Gospel. Miserable and hard hearted is he, whom the godliness and constant confession of so worthy, so grave, and innocent a man, will not move to acknowledge and confess the truth of God.  
I do not now brother require you to write any thing to me again: for I stand much in fear lest your letters should be intercepted before they can come to my hands. Nevertheless know you, that it shall be to me great joy to hear of your constancy & fortitude in the lords quarrel. And albeit I have not hitherto written unto you, yet have I twice (as I could) sent unto you my mind touching the matter which in your letters you required to know. Neither can I yet brother, be otherwise persuaded: I see me thinks so many perils, whereby I am earnestly moved to counsel you not to hasten the publishing of your works, especially under the title of your own name. For I fear greatly left by this occasion both your mouth should be stopped hereafter, and all things taken away from the rest of the prisoners, whereby otherwise, if it so please God they may be able to do good to many. Farewell in the Lord my most dear brother, and if there be any more in prison with you for Christ's cause, I beseech you, as you may, salute them in my name. To whose prayers I do most humbly and heartily commend myself and my fellow prisoners and concaptives in the Lord, and yet once again, and for ever in Christ, my most dear brother, farewell.  
N. Ridley.  

B Ridley rejoiceth to hear of B. Hoopers' constancy.  M. Hooper after all these tumults and vexations sustained about his investing and priestly vestures, at length entering into his Diocese, did there employ his time which the Lord lent him under King Edward's reign, with such diligence, as may be a spectacle to all bishops, which shall ever hereafter succeed him, not only in that place, but in whatsoever Diocese through the whole realm of England, so careful was he in his Cure, that he left neither pains untaken, nor ways unsought, how to train up the flock of Christ in the true word of salvation, continually labouring in the same. Other men commonly are wont for lucre or promotion sake, to aspire to bishoprics, some hunting for them, and some purchasing or buying them, as men use to purchase Lordships, & when they have them, are loath to leave them, and thereupon also loath to commit that thing by worldly laws, whereby to lose them.  

The diligent care of B. Hooper in his Diocese.  To this sort of men M. Hooper was clean contrary, who abhorred nothing more than gain, labouring always to save and preserve the souls of his flock. Who being B. of two Dioceses, so ruled and guided either of them, and both together, as though he had in charge but one family. No father in his household, no gardener in his garden, nor husbandman in his vineyard, was more or better occupied, than he in his Diocese amongst his flock, going about his towns and villages in teaching and preaching to the people there.  
That time that he had to spare from preaching, he bestowed either in hearing public causes, or else in private study, prayer, and visiting of schools, with his continual doctrine, he adjoined due & discrete correction, not so much severe to any, as to them which for abundance of riches, & wealthy state, 
M. Hooper B. of two Diocese. M Hooper a light to all churchmen.  thought they might do what they listed. And doubtless he spared no kind of people, but was indifferent to all men, as well rich as poor, to the great shame of no small number of men now adays. Whereof many we do see so addicted to the pleasing of great and rich men, that in the mean time they have no regard to the meaner sort of poor people, whom Christ hath bought as dearly as the other.  
But now again we will return our talk to master Hooper, all whose life in fine was such, that to the church and all churchmen, it might be a light and example, to the rest a perpetual lesson and sermon. Finally, how virtuous and good a bishop he was, ye may conceive and know evidently by this: that even as he was hated of none but of them which were evil, so yet the worst of them all could not reprove his life in any one jot.  

The order and governance of M. Hoopers' house.  I have now declared hi● usage and behaviour abroad in the public affairs of the Church: and certainly there appeared in him at home no less example of a worthy prelate's life. For although he bestowed & converted the most part of his care upon the public flock and congregation of Christ, for the which also he spent his blood: yet nevertheless there lacked no provision in him, and to bring up his own children in learning and good manners: even so much that ye could not discern whether he deserved more praise for his fatherly usage at home, 
The 〈◊〉 M. Hoo●●● in instru●●ting 〈◊〉.  or for his bishoply doings abroad. For every where he kept one religion in one uniform doctrine and integrity. So that if you entered into the Bishop's palace, you would suppose to have entered in to some Church or temple. In every corner thereof, there was some smell of virtue, good example, honest conversation, and reading of holy scriptures. There was not to be seen in his house any courtly roisting or idleness: no pomp at all, no dishonest word, no swearing could there be heard.  
As for the revenues of both his bishoprics, 
The hosp●●tality of ●▪ Hooper.  although they did not greatly exceed, as the matter was handled, yet if any thing surmounted thereof, he pursed nothing, but bestowed it in hospitality. Twice I was (as I remember) in his house in Worcester, where in his common hall I saw a table spread with good store of meat, and beset full of beggars and poor folk: and I ask his servants what this meant, they told me that every day their Lord & masters manner was, to have customably to dinner a certain number of poor folk of the said city by course, who were served by four at a mess, with hot & wholesome meats: and when they were served (being afore examined by him or his deputies of the lords prayer, the articles of their faith, and x. commandments) than he himself sat down to dinner, and not before.  
After this sort and manner M. Hooper executed the office of a most careful and vigilant pastor, by the space of two years and more, so long as the state of religion in K. Edward's time did safely flourish and take place: 
M. Hoop●● called up 〈◊〉 London 〈◊〉 Queen mary's coming in.  and would God that all other bishops would use the like diligence, care, and observance in their function. After this, K. Edward being dead, and Mary being crowned Queen of England, religion being subverted & changed, this good B. was one of the first that was sent for by a pursuivant to be at London, and that for two causes.  
First, to answer to D. Heath then appointed bishop of that Diocese, 
Two cause● why M. Hooper was called up.  who was before in K. Edward's days deprived thereof for papistry.  
Secondarily, to render account to D. Boner Bishop of London, for that he in King Edward's time was one of his accusers, in that he showed himself not conformable to such ordinances as were prescribed to him by the king and his Counsel, openly at Paul's Crosse. And although the said M. Hooper was not ignorant of the evils that should happen towards him (for he was admonished by certain of his friends to get him away and shift for himself) yet he would not prevent them, but tarried still, saying: Once I did flee and took me to my feet, but now, because I am called to this place and vocation, I am thoroughly persuaded to tarry, and to live and die with my sheep.  
And when at the day of his appearance (which was the first of September) he was come to London, before he could come to the foresaid D. Heath and Boner, he was intercepted & commanded violently against his will to appear before the Queen and her Counsel, 
M. Hoope● refused to fly away.  to answer to certain bonds and obligations, wherein they said he was bound unto her. And when he came before them, Winchester by and by received him very opprobriously, 
M. Hoop●● cometh up to Lo●don.  and railing and rating of him, accused him of Religion. He again freely and boldly told his tale, and purged himself. But in fine it came to this conclusion, that by them he was commanded to Ward (it being declared unto him by his departure, 
M. Hoop●● charged to answer the Que●● for bonds 〈◊〉 debt.  that the cause of his imprisonment was only for certain sums of money, for the which he was indebted to the Queen, and not for religion.) This how false and untrue it was, shall hereafter in his place more plainly appear.  
The next year, being 1554. the 19 of March, 
M. Hope● comma●●●ded to ward.  he was called again to appear before Winchester and other the Queen's Commissioners: where, what for the Bishop, and what for the unruly multitude, when he could not be permitted to plead his cause, he was deprived of his bishoprics. Which how, & in what order it was done, 
M. Hoop●● deprived 〈◊〉 his Bishoprick●s.  here now followeth to be seen by the testimony and report of one, which being present at the doing, committed the same to writing.   

¶ A letter or report of a certain godly man, declaring the order of M. Hoopers' deprivation from his Bishopric. An. 1554. March. 19  
FOr so much as a rumour is spread abroad of the talk had at my L. Chuancellours, 
A letter reporting the order 〈◊〉 M. Hoop●● deprivation.  between him with other Commissioners there appointed, and M. Hooper clean contrary to the verity and truth thereof in deed, and therefore to be judged rather to be risen of malice, for the discrediting of the truth by false suggestions and evil reports, than otherwise, I thought it my duty, b●yng present thereat myself, in writing to set forth the whole effect of the same: partly that the verity thereof may be known to the doubtful people, and partly also to advertise them, how uncharitably M. Hooper was handled at their hands: which with all humility used himself towards them, desiring that with patience he might have been permitted to speak, assuring all men, that where I stood in a mammering and doubt, which of these two religions to have credited, either that set forth by the king's majesty that dead is, or else that now maintained by the Queen's majesty,, their unreverend behaviour towards M. Hooper, doth move me the rather to credit his doctrine, then that which they with railing and cruel words defended, considering that Christ was so handled before. And that this which I have written here, was the effect of their talk, as I acknowledge it to be true myself: so I appeal to all the hearer's consciences, that there were present, (so they put affection away) for the witness to the same.   

¶ The Bishops of Wint. of London, of Duresme, of Landaffe, of Chichester, sat as Commissioners.  Lord Chancellor. 
AT M. Hoopers' coming in, the L. Chancellor asked whether he was married.  Hooper. 

 Yea, my L. and will not be unmarried, till death unmary me.  Duresme. 
That is matter enough to deprive you.  Hooper. 
That it is not my Lord, except ye do against the Law.  
The matter concerning marriage, was no more talked of then for a great space: but as well the Commissioners, as such as stood by, began to make such outcries, & laughed, 
 and used such gesture as was unseemly for the place, and for such a matter. The Bishop of Chichester D. Day, called M. Hooper hypocrite, with vehement words, and scornful countenance. Bekonsall called him beast: so did Smyth one of the clerks of the Counsel, and divers other that stood by. At length the Bishop of Winchester said, that all men might live chaste that would, and brought in this text: Castraverunt se propter regnum coelorum, That is, There he that have gelded themselves for the kingdom of heaven, Math. 19  
M. Hooper said, that text proved not that all men could live chaste, but such only to whom it was given: and read that which goeth before in the text. But there was a clamour and cry, 
Priest ma●●age not forbid by ●he old ●anon.  mocking and scorning, with calling him beast, that the text could not be examined. Then M. Hooper said, that it did appear by the old Canons that marriage was not forbidden unto Priests, and named the Decrees. But the Bishop of Winchester sent for another part, namely, the Clementines, or the Extravagants. But M. Hooper said, that book was not it which he named.  
Then cried out the Bishop of Winchester, and said: You shall not have any other, until ye be judged by this. And then began such a noise, tumult, and speaking together of a great many that favoured not the cause, 
〈◊〉 More 〈◊〉 shortly 〈◊〉 into 〈…〉 died of 〈◊〉.  that nothing was done ne spoken orderly, nor charitably. Afterwards judge Morgan began to rail at M. Hooper a long time, with many opprobrious & fowl words of his doing at Gloucester, in punishing of men, & said, there was never such a tyrant as he was. After that D. Day Bishop of Chichester said, that the Council of Ancyra, which was before the Council of Nice, was against the marriage of Priests.  
Then cried out my L. Chancellor, & many with him, that M. Hooper had never read the Counsels.  

 Yes my Lord (quoth M. Hooper) and my L. of Chichester Doctor Day knoweth, that the great Council of Nice, by the means of one Paphnutius, decreed that no Minister should be separated from his wife. But such clamours and cries were used, that the Council of Nice was not seen.  
After this long brutish talk, Tonstall Bishop of Duresme, asked M. Hooper whether he believed the corporal presence in the sacrament. And master Hooper said plainly that there was none such, neither did he believe any such thing.  
Then would the bishop of Duresme have read out of a book, for his purpose belike (what book it was, I cannot tell:) but there was such a noise and confuse talk on every side, that he did not read it. Then asked Winchester of M. Hooper, what authority moved him not to believe the corporal presence? 
 He said, the authority of god's word, and alleged this text: Quem oportet coelum suscipere, usque ad tempus restaurationis omnium. i. Whom heaven must hold, until the latter day.  
Then the B. of Winchester would have made that text to have served nothing for his purpose, & he said, he might be in heaven, and in the sacrament also.  
M. Hooper would have said more to have opened the text, but all men that stood next about the Bishop, allowed so his saying with clamours and cries, that M. Hooper was not permitted to say any more against the Bishop. Whereupon they bade the Notaries writ that he was married, and said, that he would not go from his wife, 
Articles taken against M. Hooper.  and that he believed not the corporal presence in the Sacrament, wherefore he was worthy to be deprived from his bishopric.  
This is the truth of the matter (as far as I can truly remember) of the confuse and troublesome talk that was between them, and except it were hasty and uncharitable words, this is the whole matter of their talk, at that time. Atque haec ille hactenus.   

¶ The true report of M. Hoopers' entertainment in the Fleet, written with his own hand, the seventh of january. 1554.  
THe first of September, 1553. 
M. Hoopers' report of his imprisonment in the fleet.  I was committed unto the Fleet, from Richmount, to have the liberty of the prison: and within six days after, I paid for my liberty v. pounds sterling to the Warden for fees: who immediately upon the payment thereof, complained unto Steven Gardiner Bishop of Winchester, 
This good gentlewoman is thought to be Mistress Wilkinson.  and so was I committed to close prison one quarter of a year, in the Tower chamber of the Fleet, used very extremely. Then by the means of a good Gentlewoman, I had liberty to come down to dinner and supper, not suffered to speak with any of my friends: but as soon as dinner & supper was done, to repair to my chamber again. notwithstanding whilst I came down thus to dinner and supper, the Warden and his wife picked quarrels with me, and complained untruly of me, to their great friend the bishop of Winchester.  
After one quarter of a year and somewhat more. 
Babington Warden of the fleet a wicked Tyrant to God's people.  Babington the Warden and his wife fell out with me for the wicked Mass: and thereupon the Warden resorted to the B. of Wint. & obtained to put me into the wards, where I have continued a long time, having nothing appointed to me for my bed, but a little pad of straw, and a rotten covering with a tike and a few feathers therein, the chamber being vile and stinking, until by gods means good people sent me bedding to lie in. Of the one side of which prison is the sink and filth of the house, and on the other side the town ditch, so that the stinch of the house hath infected me with sundry diseases.  
During which time I have been sick: & the doors, 
The barbarous cruelty of the Warden of the Fleet.  bars, haspes, and chains being all closed, and made fast upon me, I have mourned, called and cried for help. But the Warden when he hath known me many times ready to die, and when the poor men of the wards have called to help me, hath commanded the doors to be kept fast, and charged that none of his men should come at me, saying: let him alone, it were a good riddance of him. And among many other times, he did thus the 18. of October, 1553. as many can witness.  
I paid always like a Baron to the said Warden, as well in fees, as for my board, which was xx. s. a week, besides my man's table, until I was wrongfully deprived of my bishopric, and since that time I have paid him as the best gentleman doth in his house: yet hath he used me worse and more vilely, than the veriest slave that ever came to the hall Commons.  
The said Warden hath also imprisoned my man William Downton, 
W. Downton M. Hoopers' man.  & stripped him out of his clothes to search for letters, & could find none but only a little remembrance of good people's names, that gave me their alms to relieve me in prison: and to undo them also, the Warden delivered the same bill unto the said St. Gardiner, God's enemy and mine.  
I have suffered imprisonment almost eighteen months, my goods, living, friends, 
M. Hooper 18. months in pr●son. Queen Ma●y indebted to M. Hooper.  and comfort taken from me, the Queen owing me by just account 80. pounds or more. She hath put me in prison, and giveth nothing to find me, neither is there suffered any to come at me, whereby I might have relief. I am with a wicked man and woman, so that I see no remedy (saving gods help) but I shall be cast away in prison before I come to judgement. But I commit my just cause to God, whose will be done, whether it be by life or death. Thus much wrote he himself of this matter.   

¶ Another examination of M. Hooper.  
THe xxij. of january following, 1555. Babington the Warden of the Fleet was commanded to bring M. Hooper before the Bishop of Winchester, 
M Hooper again convented before the bishop of Winchester.  with other Bishops and Commissioners at the said Winchester's house at S. Mary Oueries, where as in effect thus much was done.  
The Bishop of Winchester in the name of himself and the rest, moved Master Hooper earnestly to forsake the evil and corrupt doctrine (as he termed it) preached in the days of K. Edward the sixth, 
Gardiner exhorteth M. Hooper to return to the Pope's church.  and to return to the unity of the Catholic Church, and to acknowledge the Pope's holiness to be head of the same Church, according to the determination of the whole Parliament, promising, that as he himself, with other his brethren had received the Pope's blessing and the Queen's mercy: even so mercy was ready to be showed to him and others, if he would arise with them, and condescend to the Pope's holiness.  
M. Hooper answered: that for as much as the Pope taught doctrine altogether contrary to the doctrine of Christ, 
The Pope not worthy to be a member of Christ's church.  he was not worthy to be accounted as a member of Christ's Church, much less to be head thereof: wherefore he would in no wise condescend to any such usurped jurisdiction, neither esteemed he the Church, whereof they call him head, to be the Catholic Church of Christ: for the Church only heareth the voice of her spouse Christ, & flieth the strangers. Howbeit (saith he) if in any point to me unknown, I have offended the Queen's majesty, I shall most humbly submit myself to her mercy, if mercy may be had with safety of conscience, and without the displeasure of God.  
Answer was made, that the Queen would show no mercy to the Pope's enemies. 
Queen Mary will show no mercy but to the Pope's friends.  Whereupon Babington was commanded to bring him to the Fleet again: who did so, and shifted him from his former chamber into another, near unto the Wardens own chamber, where he remained six days: and in the mean time, his former chamber was searched by D. Martin and others, for writings and books, which M. Hooper was thought to have made but none was found.   

¶ Here followeth another examination of M. Hooper.  

another examination of M. Hooper before the Bishop of Winchester and his fellows.  THe 28. of january, Winchester and other the Commissioners, sat in judgement at S. Mary Oueries, whereas M. Hooper appeared before them at after noon again, and there after much reasoning and disputation to and fro, he was commanded aside, till M. Rogers (which was then come) had been likewise examined. Examinations being ended, the two sheriffs of London were commanded about four of the clock, to carry them to the Counter in Southwark, there to remain until the morrow at ix. a clock, to see whether they would relent and come home again to their Catholic Church. So M. Hooper went before with one of the sheriffs, and M. Rogers came after with the other, and being out of the Church door, M. Hooper looked back and stayed a little till M. Rogers drew near, 
M. Hoopers' words to M· Rogers.  unto whom he said: Come brother Rogers, must we two take this matter first in hand, and begin to fry these faggots? Yea Sir (said M. Rogers) by God's grace. Doubt not (said M. Hooper) but God will give strength. So going forwards, there was such a press of people in the streets, which rejoiced at their constancy, that they had much ado to pass.  
By the way the Sheriff said to M. Hooper: I wonder that ye were so hasty and quick with my L. Chancellor, 
M. Hooper earnest in his masters cause.  and did use no more patience? He answered: M. Sheriff, I was nothing at all impatient, although I was earnest in my masters cause, and it standeth me so in hand for it goeth upon life and death: not the life and death of this world only, but also of the world to come. Then were they committed to the Keeper of the Counter, and appointed to several chambers, with commandment that they should not be suffered to speak one with another, neither yet any other permitted to come at them that night.  
Upon the next day following, the 29. of january, at the hour appointed they were brought again by the sheriffs, before the said Bishop and Commissioners in the Church, 
The third and last examination of M. Hooper.  where they were the day before. And after long and earnest talk, when they perceived that M. Hooper would by no means condescend unto them, they condemned him to be disgraded, and read unto him his condemnation. 
M. Hooper condemned.  That done, M. Rogers was brought before them, and in like manner entreated, and so they delivered both of them to the secular power the two sheriffs of London, who were willed to carry them to the Clinke, a prison not far from the B. of Winchester's house, and there to remain till night.  
When it was dark, M. Hooper was led by one of the sheriffs, with many bills and weapons, first through the B. of Winchester's house, and so over London bridge, through the City to Newgate. And by the way some of the sergeants were willed to go before, and put out the Costermongers candles who use to sit with light in the streets: either fearing (of likelihood) that the people would have made some attempt to have taken him away from them by force, 
Darke● best for Papist●●  if they had seen him go to that prison: or else being burdened with an evil conscience, they thought darkness to be a most fit season for such a business.  
But notwithstanding this devise, the people having some foreknowledge of his coming, 
The 〈◊〉 rejoicing the 〈◊〉 of M● Hooper M. Ro●●● M. 〈◊〉 sent to Newgat●●  many of them came forth of their doors with lights and saluted him, praising God for his constancy in the true doctrine which he had taught them, and desiring God to strengthen him in the same to the end. M. Hooper passed by, and required the people to make their earnest prayers to God for him, and so went through Chepeside to the place appointed, & was delivered as close prisoner, to the Keeper of Newgate, where he remained six days, no body being permitted to come to him, or to talk with him, saving his Keepers. and such as should be appointed thereto.  
During this time, Boner B. of London, and others at his appointment, as Fecknam, Chedsey, 
B. Bone● his Cha●●laynes 〈◊〉 with Hooper prison.  and Harpsfield, etc. resorted divers times unto him, to assay if by any means they could persuade him to relent and become a member of their Antichristian church. All the ways they could devise, they attempted. For besides the disputations and allegations of testimonies of the Scriptures, and of ancient writers wrested to a wrong sense, according to their accustomed manner, they used also all outward gentleness and significations of friendship, with many great proffers and promises of worldly commodities, not omitting also most grievous threatenings, if with gentleness they could not prevail, but they found him always one man, steadfast and immovable.  
When they perceived that they could by no means reclaim him to their purpose, with such persuasions and offers as they used for his conversion, 
False ru●●mors of Hoopers' recantation  than went they about by false rumours and reports of recantations (for it is well known, that they and their servants did spread it first abroad) to bring him and the doctrine of Christ which he professed, out of credit with the people. So the brute being a little spread abroad, and believed of some of the weaker sort, by reason of the often resort of the Bishop of London and other, it increased more, & at the last came to M. Hoopers' ears. Wherewith he was not a little grieved, that the people should give so light credit unto false rumours, having so simple a ground, as it may appear by a letter which he wrote upon that occasion, the copy whereof followeth.  

* A letter of Master Hooper for the stopping of certain false rumours spread abroad of his recantation.  
THe grace of our Lord jesus Christ be with all them that unfeignedly look for the coming of our Saviour Christ, Amen. 
A 〈◊〉 of M. Ho●per against false 〈◊〉 spread o● his recan●●●tion.   
Dear brethren and sisters in the Lord, and my fellow prisons for the cause of God's gospel: I do much rejoice and give thanks unto God for your constancy and perseverance in affliction, unto whom I wish continuance unto the end. And as I do rejoice in your faith and constancy in afflictions that be in prison: even so do I mourn and lament to hear of our dear brethren that yet have not felt such dangers for gods truth, as we have, and do feel, and be daily like to suffer more, yea, the very extreme and vile death of the fire: yet such is the report abroad (as I am credibly informed) that I john Hooper a condemned man for the cause of Christ, should now after sentence of death (being in Newgate prisoner, and looking daily for execution) recant and abjure that which heretofore I have preached. And this talk ariseth of this, that the B. of London and his chaplains resort unto me. Doubtless, if our brethren were as godly as I would wish them, they would think, that in case I did refuse to talk with them, 
The 〈◊〉 of this 〈…〉 riseth.  they might have just occasion to say, that I were unlearned, & durst not speak with learned men, or else proud and disdainful to speak with them. Therefore to avoid just suspicion of both, I have and do daily speak with them when they come, not doubting but that they report that I am neither proud, nor unlearned. And I would wish all men to do as I do in this point. For I fear not their arguments, neither is death terrible unto me, praying you to make true report of the same, as occasion shall serve: and that I am more confirmed in the truth which I have preached heretofore by their coming.  
Therefore, ye that may send to the weak brethren, pray them that they trouble me not with such reports of recantations as they do. For I have hitherto left all things of the world, and suffered great pains and imprisonment, & I thank God I am as ready to suffer death, as a mortal man may be. It were better for them to pray for us, then to credit or report such rumours that be untrue. We have enemies enough of such as know not God truly. But yet the false report of weak brethren is a double cross. 
 I wish you eternal salvation in jesus Christ, and also require your continual prayer, that he which hath begun in us, may continue it to the end.  
I have taught the truth with my tongue, and with my pen heretofore, & hereafter shortly will confirm the same by God's grace with my blood.  
Forth of Newgate the 2. of February, an. 1554. Your brother in Christ, john Hooper.   
Upon Monday morning the B. of London came to Newgate, and there disgraded M. Hooper, the sentence of which his degradation here followeth.   

¶ Degradatio Hooperi.  
IN nomine ✚ patris, ✚ & filii, ✚ & spiritus sancti. Amen. Quoniam per sententiam diffinitivam à reverendo in Christo patre & Domino Stephano permissione divina, 
 Winton. Epìscopo in & contra te johannem Hooper praesbyterum, suae jurisdictionis ratione haeresis & delicti infra illius dioecesin Winton. notoriè commissi existentem, nuper ritè & legitimè prolatam, constat sufficienter & legitimè nobis Edmundo London. Episcopo te praefatum johannem Hooper haereticum manifestum & obstinatum, ac pertinacem fuisse & esse, ac constat similiter tanquam haereticum huiusmodi per dictam sententiam pronunciatum & declaratum fuisse, maiorisque excommunicationis sententia ob id innodatum & involutum similiter esse, ac ab ordine tuo deponendum & degradandum, curiaeque seculari ob demerita tua huiusmodi tradendum fore, prout ex tenore dictae sententiae, ad quam nos in hac part nos referimus, plenius, planius, & expressius lique● & apparet: Idcirco nos Edmundus Episc. London. antedictus, quia nostra & universitatis etiam in terest nostras hic partes interponere, & vicariam operam mutuamque vicissitudinem impendere, in cuius etiam dioecesi tu johannes Hooper per idem heresis crimen tunc & saepius, & ante & post commisisti, istis inquam & alijs praedictis attentis & exequendo omni meliori & efficaciori modo, quo possumus, sententiam praedictam, sic ut prae mittitur, latam in te qui infra fines & limites dioecesis nostrae London▪ notoriè consistens, & in hac part culpabilis & transgressor etiam notoriè existens, ad actualem degradationem tui praefati johannis Hooper (culpa tua exigente ac justitia id poscente) duximus procedendum fore, ac sic etiam realiter procedimus, ut deinde juxta juris exigentiam & temporis retroacti morem laudabilem & normam consuetam, te in Arca Ecclesiae manere nolentem, curiae seculari, ritè & legitimè ac effectualiter tradere possumus, Quod ipsum sic fieri debere, nos per hanc nostram sententiam sive decretum decernimus, pronunciamus, & declaramus in hijs scriptis.  
After the sentence of degradation thus declared, now let us see the form and manner of their degrading, which here also followeth. But first here is to be noted, that the disgrading of this blessed B. did not proceed against him as against a B. but as only against a Priest, as they termed him: for such as he was, these Baalamites accounted for no Bishop.   

Here followeth the form and manner used in the disgrading of B. Hooper.  
THe fourth day of February, the year above mentioned, in the Chapel in Newgate, the Bishop of London there sitting with his Notary and certain other witnesses. came Alexander Andrew the Gaoler, 
 bringing with him M. Hooper and M. Rogers, being condemned before by the Chancellor: where the said Bishop of London, at the request of the foresaid Winchester, proceeded to the degradation of the parties above mentioned, M. Hooper and M. Rogers, after this form and manner. First, he put upon them all the vestures and ornaments belonging to a Priest, with all other things to the same order appertaining, as though (being revested) they should solemnly execute in their office. Thus they being appareled and invested, the B. beginneth to pluck of, first the uttermost vesture, and so by degree and order coming down to the lowest vesture, 
M. Hooper and M. Roger's ●isgraded together.  which they had only in taking Bennet and Collet: and so being stripped and deposed, he deprived them of all order, benefit and privilege belonging to the Clergy: and consequently, that being done, pronounced, decreed, and declared the said parties so disgraded, to be given personally to the secular power, as the sheriffs being for that year, M. Davy Woodrofe, and M. William Chester: 
Davy Woodrofe, William Chester Shreive's.  who receiving first the said M. Rogers at the hands of the B. had him away with them, bringing him to the place of execution where he suffered. The witnesses there present. were M. Harpsfield Archdeacon of London, Rob. Cousin, and Rob. Willerton, canons of Paul's, Th. Montague, & George How clerks, Tristram Swadocke, and Richard Clunney Sumner, etc.  
The same Monday at night being the 4. of February, his keeper gave him an inkling that he should be sent to Gloucester to suffer death, whereat he rejoiced very much, lifting up his eyes and hands into heaven, & praising god that he saw it good to send him amongst the people, 
M. Hooper glad that he should suffer amongst his own flock.  over whom he was pastor, there to confirm with his death the truth which he had before taught them: not doubting but the Lord would give him strength to perform the same to his glory: and immediately he sent to his servants house for his boots, spurs, and cloak, that he might be in a readiness to ride when he should be called.  
The next day following, about four of the clock in the morning before day, the Keeper with others came to him and searched him, & the bed wherein he lay, to see if he had written any thing, and then he was led by the shiriffs of London and other their officers forth of Newgate, to a place appointed not far from S. Dunstanes Church in Fleetstreet, where six of the Queen's Guard were appointed to receive him & to carry him to Gloucester, there to be delivered unto the sheriff, who with the L. Shandois, M. Wickes, 
M. Hooper carried to Gloucester to be burned.  and other Commissioners were appointed to see execution done. The which Guard brought him to the Angel, where he broke his fast with them, eating his meat at that time more liberally than he had used to do a good while before. About the break of the day he went to horse, and leapt cheerfully on horseback without help, having a hood upon his head under his hat that he should not be known, and so took his journey joyfully towards Gloucester, and always by the way the Guard learned of him where he was accustomed to bait or lodge, and ever carried him to an other Inn.  
Upon the Thursday following, he came to a town in his Diocese, called Cicester, xv. miles from Gloucester, 
A woman of Cicester confirmed by the constancy of M. Hooper, which railed at him before.  about eleven of the clock, and there dined at a woman's house which had always hated the truth, and spoken all evil she could of M. Hooper. This woman perceiving the cause of his coming, showed him all the friendship she could, and lamented his case with tears, confessing that she before had often reported, that if he were put to the trial, he would not stand to his doctrine.  
After dinner he road forwards, 
M. Hooper c●●meth to Gloc●ster.  & came to Gloucest●r about v. of the clock, and a mile without the town was much people assembled which cried & lamented his estate: in so much, that on of the Guard road post into the town, to require aid of the Mayor and sheriffs, fearing lest he should have been taken from them.  
The Officers and their retinue repaired to the Gate with weapons, 
The quiet mind of M. Hooper in his troubles.  and commanded the people to keep their houses, etc. but there was no man that once gave any signification of any such rescue or violence. So was he lodged at one Ingrams house in Gloucester, and that night (as he had done all the way) he did eat his meat quietly, and slept his first sleep sound, as it was reported by them of the Guard and others. After his first sleep he continued all that night in prayer until the morning, and then he desired that he might go into the next chamber (for the Guard were also in the chamber where he lay) that there being solitary, he might pray and talk with God: so that all that day, saving a little at meat, and when he talked at any time with such as the Guard licensed to speak with him, he bestowed in prayer.  
Amongst other that spoke with him, Sir Anthony Kingston Knight, was one. Who seeming in times past his very friend, was then appointed by the Queen's letters, to be one of the commissioners, to see execution done upon him. Master Kingston being brought into the chamber, found him at his prayer, 
●yr Anthony Kingston comes to M. Hooper.  and as soon as he saw M. Hooper, he burst forth in tears. Master Hooper at the first blush knew him not. Then said master Kingston, Why my Lord, do ye not know me an old friend of yours Anthony Kingston.  
Yes M. Kingston, I do now know you well, and am glad to see you in health, and do praise God for the same.  
But I am sorry to see you in this case: for as I understand you be come hither to die. 
Sir Anthony Kingstones' persuasions.  But (alas) consider that life is sweet, and death is bitter. Therefore seeing life may be had, desire to live: for life hereafter may do good.  
In deed it is true M. Kingston, I am come hither to end this life, 
M. Hooper replieth.  and to suffer death here, because I will not gainsay the former truth that I have heretofore taught amongst you in this Diocese, and else where, and I thank you for your friendly counsel, although it be not so friendly as I could have wished it. True it is (M. Kingston) that death is bitter, and life is sweet: but (alas) consider that the death to come is more bitter, and the life to come is more sweet.  
Therefore for the desire and love I have to the one, and the terror and fear of the other, 
Life compared with life, and death with death.  I do not so much regard this death, nor esteem this life, but have settled myself through the strength of gods holy spirit, patiently to pass through the torments and extremities of the fire, now prepared for me, rather than to deny the truth of his word, desiring you and others in the mean time, to commend me to God's mercy in your prayers.  
Well (my Lord) than I perceive there is no remedy, 
Sir An●hony. Kingston.  and therefore I will take my leave of you: and I thanne God that ever I knew you, for God did appoint you to call me being a lost child: and by your good instructions, 
Sir Anthony Kingston converted by M. Hooper.  where before I was both an adulterer and a fornicator, God hath brought me to the forsaking and detesting of the same.  
If you have had the grace so to do, I do highly praise God for it: and if you have not, I pray God ye may have, and that you may continually live in his fear. 
M. Hooper.  After these and many other words, the one took leave of the other, M. Kyngston with bitter tears, M. Hooper with tears also trickling down his cheeks. At which departure M. Hooper told him, that all the troubles he had sustained in prison, had not caused him to utter so much sorrow.  
The same day in the after noon, a blind boy, after long intercession made to the Guard, 
A blind boy cometh to M. Hooper.  obtained licence to be brought unto M. Hoopers' speech. The same boy not long afore had suffered imprisonment at Gloucester for confessing of the truth. M. Hooper after he had examined him of his faith, 
God's grace upon a blind boy at Gloucester.  and the cause of his imprisonment, beheld him steadfastly, and (the water appearing in his eyes) said unto him: Ah poor boy, God hath taken from thee thy outward sight, for what consideration he best knoweth: but he hath given thee an other sight much more precious: for he hath endued thy soul with the eye of knowledge and faith. God give thee grace continually to pray unto him, that thou lose not that sight: for then shouldest thou be blind both in body and soul.  
After that another came to him, whom he knew to be a very papist and a wicked man, which appeared to be sorry for M. Hoopers' trouble, saying: Sir, I am sorry to see you thus. To see me? Why (said he) art thou sorry? To see you (saith the other) in this case. For I hear say ye are come hither to die, for the which I am sorry. Be sorry for thyself man (said M. Hooper) and lament thine own wickedness: for I am well, I thank God, and death to me for Christ's sake is welcome.  
The same night he was committed by the Guard (their Commission being then expired) unto the custody of the Sheriffs of Gloucester. The name of the one was jenkin's, 
M. Hooper committed to the sheriffs of Gloucester.  the other Bond, who with the Mayor & Aldermen repaired to M. Hoopers' lodging, and at the first meeting saluted him, and took him by the hand. Unto whom Hooper spoke on this manner. M. Mayor, I give most hearty thanks to you, and to the rest of your brethren, that you have vouchsafed to take me a prisoner and a condemned man by the hand: whereby to my rejoicing it is some deal apparent that your old love and friendship towards me, is not altogether extinguished: and I trust also, that all the things I have taught you in times past, 
The words of M. Hooper to the Mayor and the sheriffs of Gloucester.  are not utterly forgotten, when I was here by the godly K. that dead is, appointed to be your bishop and Pastor. For the which most true and sincere doctrine, because I will not now account it falsehood and heresy, as many other men do, I am sent hither (as I am sure you know) by the Queen's commandment, to die, and am come where I taught it, to confirm it with my blood. And now M. sheriffs I understand by these good men, and my very friends, (meaning the Guard) at whose hands I have found so much favour and gentleness by the way hitherward, as a prisoner could reasonably require (for the which also I most heartily thank them) that I am committed to your custody, as unto them that must see me brought to morrow to the place of execution. 
 My request therefore to you shall be only, that there may be a quick fire, sho●tl● to make an end, and in the mean time I will be as obedient unto you, as yourselves would wish. If you think I do amiss in any thing, hold up your finger, and I have done. For I come not hither as one enforced or compelled to die (for it is well known, I might have had my life with worldly gain:) but as one willing to offer and give my life for the truth, rather than to consent to the wicked papistical religion of the Bishop of Rome, received and set forth by the magistrates in England, to God's high displeasure and dishonour: and I trust by God's grace to morrow to die a faithful servant of God, and a true obedient subject to the Queen.  
These and such like words in effect used M. Hooper to the Mayor, sheriffs, and Aldermen, whereat many of them mourned and lamented. notwithstanding, the two Shiriffs went aside to consult, and were determined to have lodged him in the common jail of the town called Northgate, 
 if the Guard had not made earnest intercession for him: who declared at large how quietly, mildly, and patiently he had behaved himself in the way, adding thereto, that any child might keep him well enough, & that they themselves would rather take pains to watch with him, then that he should be sent to the common prison. So it was determined at the length he should still remain in Rob. Ingrams house, 
M. Hoo●●● spendet● the nig●● prayer.  and the sheriffs and the sergeants and other officers did appoint to watch with him that night themselves. His desire was that he might go to bed that night betimes, saying that he had many things to remember: and so did at five of the clock, and slept one sleep sound, and bestowed the rest of the night in prayer. After he gate up in the morning, he desired that no man should be suffered to come into the chamber, that he might be solitary till the hour of execution.  
About 8. of the clock came sir john Bridges L. Shandoys, with a great band of men, sir Anthony Kingston, 
Sir Ioh● Bridge●▪ Shando● Sir 〈◊〉 Bridges, Ant. Ki●●●ston, Commission  sir Edmund Bridges, & other Commissioners appointed to see execution done. At nine of the clock M. Hooper was willed to prepare himself to be in a readiness, for the time was at hand. Immediately he was brought down from his chamber by the sheriffs, who were accompanied with bills, glaives, and weapons. When he saw the multitude of weapons, he spoke to the sheriffs on this wise: Master sheriffs (said he) I am no traitor, neither needed you to have made such a business to bring me to the place where I must suffer: for if ye had willed me, I would have gone alone to the stake, & have troubled none of you al. And afterward looking upon the multitude of people which were assembled, being by estimation to the number of seven thousand (for it was market day, and many also come to see his behaviour towards death) he spoke unto those that were about him, saying: Alas, why be these people assembled and come together? 
M. Hoo●●● for Prea●ching 〈◊〉 doctrin●● put to death.  Peradventure they think to hear some thing of me now, as they have in times past, but alas speech is prohibited me. Notwithstanding the cause of my death is well known unto them. When I was appointed here to be their Pastor, I preached unto them true and sincere doctrine, and that out of the word of God. Because I will not now account the same to be heresy and untruth, this kind of death is prepared for me.  
So he went forward led between the two sheriffs, (as it were a Lamb to the place of slaughter) in a gown of his Hosts, his hat upon his head, & a stasse in his hand to stay himself withal. For the grief of the Sciatica, which he had taken in prison, caused him something to halt. 
M. Hoo●●● forbidd●● to speak● the peo●●●  All the way being straightly charged not to speak, he could not be perceived once to open his mouth, but beholding the people all the way which mourned bitterly for him, he would sometimes lift up his eyes towards heaven, 
His 〈…〉 to death  & look very cheerfully upon such as he knew: & he was never known during the time of his being amongst them to look with so cheerful and ruddish a countenance as he did at that present. When he came to the place appointed where he should die, smilingly he beheld the stake and preparation made for him, 
M. 〈◊〉 brought the 〈◊〉 Martyr▪  which was near unto the great Elm tree over against the college of priests, where he was wont to preach. The place round about the houses, & the bows of the tree were replenished with people, and in the chamber over the college gate stood the priests of the college. Then kneeled he down (for as much as he could not be suffered to speak unto the people) to prayer, and beckoned unto him six or seven times whom he knew well, to hear the said prayer, to make report thereof in time to come (pouring tears upon his shoulders & in his bosom) who gave attentive ears unto the same: the which prayer he made upon the whole Creed, wherein he continued for the space of half an hour. Now after he was somewhat entered into his prayer, a box was brought and laid before him upon a stool, with his pardon (or at the least wise it was feigned to be his pardon) from the Queen, if he would turn. At the sight thereof he cried: If you love my soul, away with it, if you love my soul, away with it. The box being taken away, 
Hooper ●seth the 〈…〉  the Lord Shandoys said: Seeing there is no remedy, dispatch quickly. Master Hooper said: Good my Lord, I trust your Lordship will give me leave to make an end of my prayers.  
Then said the Lord Shandoys to sir Edmund Bridges his son (which gave ear before to master Hoopers' prayer at his request:) Edmond, take heed that he do nothing else but pray: if he do, tell me, and I shall quickly dispatch him. Whiles this talk was, there stepped one or two in uncalled, which heard him speak these words following▪  
Lord (said he) I am hell, but thou art heaven: I am swill and a sink of sin, but thou art a gracious God and a merciful redeemer. 
Hoopers' 〈◊〉.  Have mercy therefore upon me most miserable and wretched offender, after thy great mercy, and according to thine inestimable goodness. Thou that art ascended into heaven, receive me hell to be partaker of thy joys, where thou sittest in equal glory with thy father. For well knowest thou Lord wherefore I am come hither to suffer, and why the wicked do persecute this thy poor servant: not for my sins and transgressions committed against thee, but because I will not allow their wicked doings, to the contaminating of thy blood, and to the denial of the knowledge of thy truth, wherewith it did please thee by thy holy spirit to instruct me: the which with as much diligence as a poor wretch might (being thereto called) I have set forth to thy glory. And well seest thou my Lord and God, what terrible pains and cruel torments be prepared for thy creature: such, Lord, as without thy strength none is able to bear, or patiently to pass. But all things that are impossible with man, are possible with thee. Therefore strengthen me of thy goodness, that in the fire I break not the rules of patience, or else assuage the terror of the pains, as shall seem most to thy glory.  
As soon as the Mayor had espied these men which made report of the former words, they were commanded away, and could not be suffered to hear any more. Prayer being done, 
M. Hooper ●●ndre●●eth himself to 〈…〉.  he prepared himself to the stake, and put off his hostess gown, and delivered it to the sheriffs, requiring them to see it restored unto the owner, and put off the rest of his gear, unto his doublet and his hose, wherein he would have burned. But the Sheriffs would not permit that, (such was their greediness) unto whose pleasures (good man) he very obediently submitted himself: and his doublet, hose, and petticoat were taken off. Then being in his shirt, he took a point from his hose himself, & trussed his shirt between his legs, where he had a pound of gun powder in a bladder, and under each arm the like quantity delivered him by the Guard. So desiring the people to say the lords prayer with him, and to pray for him, (who performed it with tears, during the time of his pains) he went up to the stake. Now when he was at the stake, three irons made to bind him to the stake, were brought: one for his neck, an other for his middle, and the third for his legs. But he refusing them said: ye have no need thus to trouble yourselves. For I doubt not but God will give strength sufficient to abide the extremity of the fire, without bands: notwithstanding, suspecting the frailty and weakness of the flesh, but having assured confidence in God's strength, I am content ye do as ye shall think good.  
So the hoop of iron prepared for his middle, 
M. Hooper bound to the stake.  was brought, which being made somewhat too short (for his belly was swollen by imprisonment) he shrank and put in his belly with his hand, until it was fastened: and when they offered to have bound his neck & his legs with the other two hoops of iron, he utterly refused them, & would have none, saying: I am well assured I shall not trouble you.  
Thus being ready, he looked upon the people, of whom he might be well seen (for he was both tall, and stood also on an high stool) and beheld round about him: 
The weeping of the people at M. Hoopers' burning.  and in every corner there was nothing to be seen but weeping and sorrowful people. Then lifting up his eyes and hands unto heaven, he prayed to himself. By and by he that was appointed to make the fire, came to him, and did ask him forgiveness. Of whom he asked why he should forgive him, saying: 
He forgiveth his execution●●  that he knew never any offence he had committed against him. Oh sir (said the man) I am appointed to make the ●ire. Therein (said M. Hooper) thou dost nothing offend me: God forgive thee thy sins & do thine office, I pray thee. Then the Reeds were cast up, and he received two bundles of them in his own hands, embraced them, kissed them, and put under either arm one of them, and showed with his hand how the rest should be bestowed, and pointed to the place where any did lack.  
Anon commandment was given that fire should be set too, and so it was. 
Fire put to M. Hooper.  But because there were put to no fewer green faggots then two horses could carry upon their backs, it kindled not by and by, and was a pretty while also before it took the Reeds upon the faggots. At length it burned about him, but the wind having full strength in that place (it was also a lowering & a cold morning) it blew the flame from him, so that he was in a manner no more but touched by the fire.  
The burning of M. john Hooper, Bishop at Gloucester. An. 1555. February 9  
Within a space after, a few dry faggots were brought, and a new fire kindled with faggots, (for there were no more Reeds:) and that burned at the neither parts, but had small power above, because of the wind, saving that it did burn his hair, 
A new fire made to M. Hooper.  and scorch his skin a little. In the time of which fire, even as at the first flame, he prayed, saying mildly and not very loud (but as one without pains:) O jesus the son of David have mercy upon me, and receive my soul. After the second was spent, he did wipe both his eyes with his hands, and beholding the people, he said with an indifferent loud voice: For God's love (good people) let me have more fire. 
M. Hooper calle● 〈◊〉 for more fire.  And all this while his neither parts did burn: for the faggots were so few, that the flame did not burn strongly at his upper parts.  
The third fire was kindled within a while after, which was more extreme than the other two: and then the bladders of gonnepouder broke, which did him small good, they were so placed, and the wind had such power. In the which fire he prayed with somewhat a loud voice: Lord jesus have mercy upon me: 
The last words of M. Hooper.  Lord jesus have mercy upon me: Lord jesus receive my spirit. And these were the last words he was heard to utter. But when he was black in the mouth, and his tongue swollen, that he could not speak, yet his lips went till they were shrunk to the gums: and he knocked his breast with his hands, until one of his arms fell off, and then knocked still with the other, 
The blessed Martyr long tormented in the fire.  what time the fat, water, and blood dropped out at his finger's ends, until by renewing of the fire▪ his strength was gone, and his hand did cleave fast in knocking to the iron upon his breast. So immediately bowing forwards, he yielded up his spirit.   

In clarissimi Doctrina & pietate viri johannis Hoperi Martyrium, Conradi Gesneri carmen.  
AVreus Hoperus flammis invictus & igni,  
Atque suum Christum confessus ad ultima vitae  
Momenta, integritate sua praeclarus, & arden's  
Exterius flammis, divinus Martyr: at intus  
Eximio fidei feruore accensus, ad astra  
Spiritus ascendit, coelesti luce beatus,  
In terris cineresque manent, & fama corusca  
Flammae instar lucens, lucebit dum stabit orbis,  
Vtcunque immanes Boreae, magnaeque procellae  
Flatibus adversis tam clarum abrumpere lumen  
Nitantur frustra. Nam quae Deus ipse secundat,  
Quis prohibere queat? mortalia facta sed ultro  
Et commenta ruunt, vastaque voragine sidunt.  
Hoperi exemplo, quotquot spiratis jesu  
Doctrinam Christi, discrimina temnere vitae,  
Durare, & vosmet rebus servare secundis  
Discite. Namque dabit Deus his meliora: nec auris  
Audijt ulla, oculus vel vidit, sed neque captus  
Humanae mentis potuit complectier unquam,  
Qualia, quanta Deus servet sua bona beatis.  
Thus was he three quarters of an hour or more in the fire. Even as a Lamb, patiently he abode the extremity thereof, 
The patiented end of this holy martyr.  neither moving forwards, backwards, or to any side: but having his neither parts burned, and his bowels fallen out, he died as quietly as a child in his bed: and he now reigneth as a blessed Martyr in the joys of heaven prepared for the faithful in Christ, before the foundations of the world: for whose constancy all Christians are bound to praise God.   

A letter which M. Hooper did write out of prison to certain of his friends.  
THe grace of God be with you. Amen. I did write unto you of late, 
A letter exhortatory of M. Hooper to certain of his friends.  and told you what extremity the parliament had concluded upon, concerning Religion, suppressing the truth, and setting forth the untruth, intending to cause all men by extremity to forswear themselves, and to take again for the head of the Church, him that is neither head nor member of it, but a very enemy, as the word of God & all ancient writers do record: and for lack of law and authority, they will use force and extremity, which have been the arguments to defend the Pope and Popery, sith this wicked authority began first in the world. But now is the time of trial, 
The pope's religion standeth only upon force and extremity.  to see whether we fear more God or man. It was an easy thing to hold with Christ whiles the Prince and world held with him: but now the world hateth him, it is the true trial who be his.  
Wherefore in the name and in the virtue, strength, and power of his holy spirit, prepare yourselves in any case to adversity and constancy. Let us not run away when it is most time to fight. Remember none shallbe crowned, but such as fight manfully: and he that endureth unto the end, shallbe saved. Ye must now turn all your cogitations from the peril you see, and mark the felicity that followeth the peril: either victory in this world of your enemies, 
Neither 〈◊〉 felicity 〈◊〉 the misery of this world is 〈◊〉 be looked upon.  or else a surrender of this life to inherit the everlasting kingdom. Beware of beholding too much the felicity or misery of this world: for the consideration and too earnest love or fear of either of them draweth from God.  
Wherefore think with yourselves as touching the felicity of the world, it is good: but yet none otherwise than it standeth with the favour of God. It is to be kept: but yet so far forth as by keeping of it we lose not God. It is good abiding and tarrying still among our friends here: but yet so, that we tarry not therewithal in God's displeasure, and hereafter to dwell with the devils in fire everlasting. There is nothing under God but may be kept, so that God being above all things we have, be not lost.  
Of adversity judge the same. Imprisonment is painful, but yet liberty upon evil conditions is more painful. 
Adversity compared with adu●●●sitie.  The prison's stink, but yet not so much as sweet houses, where as the fear and true honour of God lacketh. I must be alone and solitary. It is better so to be and have God with me, then to be in company with the wicked. Loss of goods is great, but loss of God's grace & favour is greater. I am a poor simple creature, & can not tell how to answer before such a great sort of noble, learned, & wise men: It is better to make answer before the pomp & pride of wicked men, then to stand naked in the sight of all heaven and earth before the just God at the latter day. 
Antithesis between joys and pains in this world and in the world to come.  I shall die then by the hands of the cruel man, he is blessed that looseth this life full of miseries, and findeth the life of eternal joys. It is pain and grief to depart from goods and friends: but yet not so much, as to depart from grace and heaven itself. Wherefore, there is neither felicity nor adversity of this world, that can appear to be great, if it be weighed with the joys or pains in the world to come.  
I can do no more, but pray for you: do the same for me, for God's sake. For my part (I thank the heavenly Father) I have made mine accounts, and appointed myself unto the will of the heavenly father: as he will, so I will by his grace. For God's sake as soon as ye can, send my poor wife and children some letter from you, and my letter also which I sent of late to D. As it was told me, she never had letter from me sithence the coming of M.S. unto her: the more to blame the messengers, for I have written divers times. The Lord comfort them, and provide for them for I am able to do nothing in worldly things. She is a godly and wise woman. If my meaning had been accomplished, she should have had necessary things: but that I meant, God can perform, to whom I commend both he● and you all. 
M. Hoope● care and commendation of his wife.  I am a precious jewel now and daintily kept, never so daintily: for neither mine own man, nor any of the servants of the house may come to me, but my keeper alone: a simple rude man (God knoweth) but I am nothing careful thereof.  
Far ye well the 21. of jan. 1555. Yours bounden, john Hooper.  
Amongst many other memorable acts and notes worthy to be remembered in the history of M. Hooper, this also is not to be forgotten, which happened between him, and a bragging Friar a little after the beginning of his imprisonment: the story whereof here followeth.  
A Friar came from France to England with great vaunt, 
Talk between M. Hooper an● a Friar in the prison▪  ask who was the greatest heretic in all England, thinking belike to do some great act upon him. To whom answer was made, that M. Hooper had then the greatest name to be the chiefest ringleader: who was then in the Fleet. The Friar coming to him, asked why he was committed to prison. He said for debt. Nay, said he, it was for heresy, Which when the other had denied, what sayest thou (quoth he) to hoc est corpus meum? M. Hooper being partly moved at the sudden question, desired that he might ask of him again an other question, which was this: What remained after the consecration in the Sacrament: any bread or no? No bread at all sayeth he. And when ye break it, what do ye break: 
If the mate●riall body of Christ be broken in the sacrament, than i● the commaundem●t of God's word broken.  either bread or the body, said Master Hooper? No bread said the Friar, but the body only. If you do so, said M. Hooper, ye do great injury, not only to the body of Christ, but also ye break the Scriptures, which say: Ye shall not break of him one bone. etc. With that the Friar having nothing be like to answer, recoiled back, and with his circles and crosses began to use exorcism against M. Hooper, as though. etc.  
This and more wrote master Hooper, to mistress Wilkinson in a letter, which letter was read unto her by john Kelke.   

Comparison between M. Hooper and Polycarpus.  
WHen I see and behold the great patience of these blessed Martyrs in our days, in their sufferings so quietly and constantly abiding the torments that are ministered unto them of princes for God's cause: 
● comparison between M. ●ooper & ●olycarpus  me thinks I may well and worthily compare them unto the old Martyrs of the primative Church. In the number of whom, if comparison be to be made betwixt Saint and Saint: Martyr and Martyr, with whom, might I match this blessed martyr M. john Hooper better through the whole catalogue of the old Martyrs, then with Polycarpus the ancient Bishop of Smirna, 
Euseb. lib. 4. cap. 15.  of whom Eusebius maketh mention in the Ecclesiastical story? For as both agreed together in one kind of punishment, being both put to the fire, so which of them showed more patience and constancy in the time of their suffering, it is hard to be said. And though Polycarpus being set in the flame (as the story saith) was kept by miracle from the torment of the fire, till he was stricken down with weapon, and so dispatched: yet Hooper by no less miracle armed with patience & fervent spirit of God's comfort, so quietly despised the violence thereof, as though he had felt little more than did Polycarpus in the fire flaming round about him.  
Moreover, as it is written of Polycarpus when he should have been tied to the stake, 
Of this Policarpus read before.  he required to stand untied, saying these words: Sinite me, qui namque ignem ferre posse dedit, dabit etiam ut sine vestra clavorum cautione immotus in rogo permaneam. That is, Let me alone, I pray you, for he that gave me strength to come to this fire, will also give me patience to abide in the same, without your tying. So likewise Hooper, with the like spirit, when he should have been tied with three chains to the stake, requiring them to have no such mistrust of him, was tied but with one, who and if he had not been tied at all, yet (no doubt) would have no less answered to that great patience of Polycarpus. 
M. Hooper compared to Polycarpus in life.   
And as the end of them both was much agreeing, so the life of them both was such, as might seem not far discrepant. In teaching, like diligent both, in zeal fervent, in life unspotted, in manners and conversation inculpable, Bishops & also martyrs both. Briefly, in teaching so pithy and fruitful, that as they both were joined together in one Spirit, so might they be joined in one name together of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  to wit, much fruitful. to which name also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is not much unlike. In this the martyrdom of M. Hooper may seem in suffering to go before, though in time it followed the martyrdom of Polycarpus, for that he was both longer in prison, 
The cruel handling of M. Hooper.  and there also so cruelly handled by the malice of his keepers, as I think none of the old martyrs ever suffered the like. To this also add how he was disgraded by Boner, with such contumelies and reproaches, as I think in Polycarpus time was not used to any.  
And as we have hitherto compared these two good Martyrs together, 
The enemies of M. Hooper and of Polycarpus compared.  so now if we should compare the enemies and authors of their death one with the other, we should find no inequality betwixt them both, but that the adversaries of M. Hooper seemed to be more cruel and unmerciful. For they that put Polycarpus to death, yet ministered to him a quick dispatch, moved belike by some compassion not to have him stand in the torment: where the tormentors of M. Hooper suffered him without all compassion to stand three quarters of an hour in the fire. And as touching the chief doers and authors of his martyrdom, what Consul or Proconsul was there to be conferred with the Chancellor here, which brought this Martyr to burning? Let this suffice.  

Books and treatises written by M. Hooper.  This good Bishop and servant of God being in prison, wrote divers Books and Treatises, to the number of 24. whereof some he wrote to the parliament in Latin, and one to the Bishop of Chichester D. Day: beside he wrote of the sacraments, of the lords prayer, and of the x. Commandments, with divers other.   

Here follow certain of M. Hoopers' letters.  
AS you have heard the whole story of the life and martyrdom of this good man declared: 
More of his letters ye shall read in the book of Letters of the Mar●●●.  so now let us consequently adjoin some part of his letters, written in the time of his imprisonment, most fruitful and worthy to be read, especially in these dangerous days, of all true Christians, which by true mortification seek to serve and follow the Lord, through all tempests and storms of this malignant world, as by the reading and perusing of the said letters, you shall better feel and understand.  

A letter of M. Hooper to certain godly professors and lovers of the truth, instructing them how to behave themselves in that woeful alteration and change of Religion.  
THe grace, mercy, and peace of God the father through our Lord jesus Christ, be with you my dearer brethren, 
A letter of ● Hooper.  and withal those that unfeignedly love and embrace his holy Gospel. Amen.  
It is told me, that the wicked Idol the Mass is established again by a law, & passed in the parliament house. Learn the truth of it, I pray you, & what penalty is appointed in the Act, to such as speak against it: also whether there be any compulsion to constrain men to be at it. The statute thoroughly known, such as be abroad & at liberty, 
The favourers o● God's word secluded out of the Parliament, both in the high house and lower against all right and reason.  may provide for themselves, & avoid the danger the better. Doubtless there hath not been seen before our time, such a parliament as this is, that as many as were suspected to be favourers of God's word, should be banished out of both houses. But we must give God thanks for that truth he hath opened in the time of his blessed servant king Edward the sixth, and pray unto him that we deny it not, nor dishonour it with Idolatry, but that we may have strength and patience rather to die ten times, then to deny him once. Blessed shall we be, if ever God make us worthy of that honour, to shed our blood for his name's sake: And blessed then shall we think the parents which brought us into this world, that we should from this mortality be carried into immortality. If we follow the commandment of S. Paul, that saith: If ye then be risen again with Christ, 
Colos. 3.  seek those things which are above, where Christ sitteth at the right hand of God. We shall neither depart from the vain transitory goods of this world, nor from this wretched and mortal life, with so great pains as other do.  
Let us pray to our heavenly father, that we may know and love his blessed will, and the glorious joy prepared for us in time to come, and that we may know and hate all things contrary to his blessed will, and also the pain prepared for the wicked in the world to come. There is no better way to be used in this troublesome time for your consolation, than many times to have assemblies together of such men and women as be of your religion in Christ, and there to talk and renew among yourselves the truth of your Religion, to see what ye be by the word of God, 
He exhorteth the brethren to resort and confer among themselves together.  and to remember what ye were before ye came to the knowledge thereof, to weigh and confer the dreams and false lies of the Preachers that now preach, with the word of God that retaineth all truth, and by such talk and familiar resorting together, ye shall the better find out all their lies, that now go about to deceive you, & also both know and love the truth that God hath opened to us. It is much requisite, that the members of Christ comfort one an other, make prayers together, confer one with an other, 
Conference amongst brethren comfortable.  so shall ye be the stronger, and God's spirit shall not be absent from you, but in the midst of you, to teach you, to comfort you, to make you wise in all godly things, patient in adversity, and strong in persecution.  
Ye see how the congregation of the wicked by helping one an other, make their wicked religion and themselves strong against God's truth and his people. If ye may have some learned man that can out of the Scriptures, speak unto you of faith and true honouring of God, also that can show you the descent of Christ's Church from the beginning of it until this day, that ye may perceive by the life of your forefathers these two things: the one, that Christ's word, which said, that all his must suffer persecution and trouble in the world, be true: the other, that none of all his before our time, escaped trouble: then shall ye perceive that it is but a folly for one that professeth Christ truly, to look for the love of the world.  
Thus shall ye learn to bear trouble, 
john. 10.  & to exercise your religion, and feel in deed that Christ's words be true: In the world ye shall suffer persecution. And when ye feel your religion in deed, say, ye be no better than your forefathers, but be glad, that ye may be counted worthy soldiers for this war: and pray to God when ye come together, that he will use and order you and your doings to these three ends, which ye must take heed of: the first, that ye glorify God: the next, 
Three things to be taken heed of.  that ye edify the Church and Congregation: the third, that ye profit your own souls.  
In all your doings beware ye be not deceived. For although this time be not yet so bloody and tyrannous as the time of our forefathers, that could not bear the name of Christ, without danger of life and goods: 
Luke. 18.  yet is our time more perilous both for body and soul. Therefore of us Christ said: Think ye when the son of man cometh, he shall find faith upon the earth? He said not, Think ye he shall find any man or woman Christened, & in name a Christian? but he spoke of the faith that saveth the Christian man in Christ: and doubtless the scarcity of Faith is now more (and will, I fear, increase) than it was in the time of the greatest tyrants that ever were: and no marvel why. 
Faith more scarser now then in the old time under tyrants.  Read ye the 6. chap. of s. john's Revelation, and ye shall perceive amongst other things, that at the opening of the fourth Seal, came out a pale horse, and he that sat upon him was called death, and hell followed him. This horse is the time wherein hypocrites and dissemblers entered into the Church under the pretence of true Religion, 

The pale horse in the apocalypse chap. 6. what it meaneth.  
more souls slain by Monks and Friars, etc. then bodies by Tytantes.   as Monks, Friars, Nouns, Massing Priests, with such other, that have killed more souls with heresy and superstition, than all the tyrants that ever were, killed bodies with fire, sword, or banishment, as it appeareth by his name that sitteth upon the horse, who is called death: for all souls that leave Christ, and trust to these hypocrites, live to the devil in everlasting pain, as is declared by him that followeth the pale horse, which is hell.  
These pretenced and pale hypocrites, have stirred the earthquakes, 
The 6. chapped. of the apocalypse opened.  that is to wit, the Princes of the world, against Christ's church, & have also darkened the Sun, and made the Moon bloody, and have caused the Stars to fall from heaven, that is to say, have darkened with mists and daily do darken (as ye hear by their Sermons) the clear sun of Gods most pure word: the Moon, which be Gods true Preachers, which fetch only light at the Sun of God's word, are turned into blood, prisons, and chains, that their light can not shine unto the world as they would: whereupon it cometh to pass, that the Stars, that is to say, Christian people fall from heaven, that is to wit, from Gods most true word, to hypocrisy, most devilish superstition and Idolatry. Let some learned man show you all the articles of your belief & monuments of Christian faith, from the time of Christ hitherto, and ye shall perceive that there was never mention of such articles as these hypocrites teach. God bless you, and pray for me, as I do for you.  
Out of the Fleet, by your brother in Christ, john Hooper.   

To master Ferrar Bishop of S. Davies, D. Tailor, M. Bradford, and M. Philpot, prisoners in the king's bench in Southwark.  
THe grace of God be with you. Amen. I am advertised by divers, 
another letter of M. Hooper.  as well such as love the truth, as also by such as yet be not come unto it, that ye and I shallbe carried shortly to Cambridge, there to dispute in the faith, and for the religion of Christ (which is most true) that we have and do profess. I am (as I doubt not ye be) in Christ ready, not only to go to Cambridge, but also to suffer by God's help, 
Commission given out for M. Hooper and other, to dispute at Cambridge.  death itself in the maintenance thereof. Weston and his complices have obtained forth the commission already, and speedily (most like) he will put it in execution. Wherefore dear brethren, I do advertise you of the thing before for divers causes. The one to comfort you in the Lord, that the time draweth nigh and is at hand, that we shall testify before God's enemies, God's truth. The next, that ye should prepare yourselves the better for it. The third, to show you what ways I think were best to use ourselves in this matter, and also to hear of every one of you, your better advise, if mine be not good. Ye know such as shallbe Censors and judges over us, breath and thirst our blood, and whether we by Gods help overcome after the word of God, or by force and subtlety of our adversaries be overcome, this will be the conclusion, our adversaries will say, they overcome, and ye perceive how they report of those great learned men and godly personages at Oxford.  
Wherefore I mind never to answer them, except I have books present, 
The counsel of M. Hooper how and upon what cautions to dispute with the adversaries.  because they use not only false allegation of the Doctors, but also a piece of the Doctors against the whole course of the Doctor's mind. The next, that we may have sworn Notaries, to take things spoken indifferently: which will be very hard to have, for the adversaries will have the oversight of all things, and then make theirs better than it was, & our worse than it was. Then if we see that two or three, or more will speak together, or with scoffs and taunts illude and mock us: I suppose it were best to appeal, to be heard before the Queen and the whole Counsel, and that would much set forth the glory of God. For many of them know already the truth, many of them err rather of zeal than malice, and the others that be indurate, should be answered fully to their shame (I doubt not) although to our smart and bloodshedding. For of this I am assured that the Commissioners appointed to hear us and judge us, mean nothing less than to hear the cause indifferently, for they be enemies unto us & unto our cause, and be at a point already to give sentence against us: so that if it were possible with S. Stephen to speak, so that they could not resist us, or to use such silence & patience as Christ did, they will proceed to revenging.  
Wherefore my dear brethren, in the mercy of jesus Christ, I would be glad to know your advise this day or to morrow, for shortly we shall be gone, and I verily suppose that we shall not company together, but be kept one abroad from an other. They will deny our appeal: yet let us challenge the appeal, and take witness thereof of such as be present, and require for indifferency of hearing and judgement to be heard, either before the Queen and the Counsel, or else before all the Parliament, as they were used in king Edward's days. Further, for my part I will require both books and time to answer. We have been prisoners now three quarters of a year, and have lacked our books, and our memory by close keeping, and ingratitude of their parts, be not as present and quick as theirs be. I trust God will be with us, yea I doubt not but he will, and teach us to do all things in his cause godly and constantly. If our adversaries that shallbe our judges, may have their purpose, we shall dispute one day, be condemned the next day, and suffer the third day. 
Note how● the papists proceed against all order and law.  And yet is there no law to condemn us (as far as I know) and so one of the Convocation house said this week to Doct. Weston. To whom Weston made this answer: It forceth not, quoth he, for a law, we have commission to proceed with them: when they be dispatched, let their friends sue the law.  
Now, how soon a man may have such a commission at my Lord chancellors hand, you know. It is as hard to be obtained, as an inditement for Christ at Cayphas hand. Besides that, the bishops having the Queen so upon their sides, may do all things both without the advise, and also the knowledge of the rest of the Lords of the temporalty: who at this present have found out the mark that the Bishops shoot at, and doubtless be not pleased with their doings. I pray you help that our brother Sanders and the rest in the marshalsea may understand these things, and send me your answer betime. judas non dormit: nec scimus diem neque horam. i. judas sleepeth not: neither know we the day nor the hour. Dominus jesus Christus suo sancto numine nos omnes consoletur & adiwet. Amen. i. The Lord jesus Christ with his holy spirit comfort and strengthen us all Amen.  
May 6. 1554. Yours and with you unto death, in Christ, I Hooper.   

An exhortation to patience, sent to his godly wife Anne Hooper: whereby all the true members of Christ may take comfort and courage, to suffer trouble & affliction for the profession of his holy Gospel.  
OUr saviour jesus Christ (dearly beloved & my godly wife) in s. Mathewes Gospel said to his disciples, 
M. 18.  that it was necessary slanders should come: and that they could not be avoided, 
An effectual letter of M Hooper sent to his wife.  he perceived as well by the condition of those that should pearish & be lost for ever in the world to come, as also by their affliction that should be saved. For he saw the greatest part of the people would contemn & neglect, whatsoever true doctrine or godly ways should be showed unto them, or else receive it & use it as they thought good to serve their pleasures without any profit to their souls at all, not caring whether they lived as they were commanded by God's word or not: but would think it sufficient to be counted to have the name of a Christian man, with such works and fruits of his profession and Christianity, as his fathers and elders after their custom & manner, esteem and take to be good fruits and faithful works, and will not try them by the word of God at all. These men by the just judgement of God, be delivered unto the craft and subtlety of the devil, 
Math. 14.  that they may be kept by one slanderous stumbling block or other, that they never come unto Christ, who came to save those that were lost: as ye may see how God delivereth wicked men up unto their own lusts, to do one mischief after an other careless, 
Rom. 1.1. 1. Thes. 2.  until they come into a reprobate mind, that forgetteth itself and can not know what is expedient to be done, or to be least undone, because they close their eyes, and will not see the light of God's word offered unto them, and being thus blinded, they prefer their own vanities before the truth of God's word. Whereas such corrupt minds be, 
Error taken for truth and persecution for God's service.  there is also corrupt election and choice of God's honour: so that the mind of man taketh falsehood for truth, superstition for true religion, death for life, damnation for salvation, hell for heaven, and persecution of Christ's members, for God's service and honour. And as these men wilfully and voluntarily reject the word of God: even so God most justly delivereth them into the blindness of mind & hardness of heart, that they can not understand, 
john. 8.9.  nor yet consent to any thing that God would have preached and set forth to his glory, after his own will and word: wherefore they hate it mortally, & of all things most detest Gods holy word. And as the devil hath entered into their hearts, that they themselves can not, nor will not come to Christ to be instructed by his holy word: even so can they not abide any other man to be a Christian man, and to lead his life after the word of God, but hate him, persecute him, rob him, imprison him, yea and kill him, whether he be man or woman, if God suffer it. And so much are those wicked men blinded, that they pass of no law, whether it be Gods or man's, but persecute such as never offended, yea, do evil to those that daily have prayed for them, and wish them Gods grace.  
In their Pharaonical and blind fury they have no respect to nature. 
No respect of nature with the persecuting adversaries.  For the brother persecuteth the brother, the father the son: and most dear friends, in devilish slander and offence are become most mortal enemies. And no marvel, for when they have chosen sundry masters, the one the devil, the other God, the one shall agree with the other, as God and the devil agree between themselves. For this cause, that the more part of the world doth choose to serve the devil under cloaked hypocrisy of God's title, Christ said: 
Math. ●8.  It is expedient and necessary that slanders should come, and many means be devised to keep the little babes of Christ from the heavenly father. But Christ saith: Woe be unto him by whom the offence cometh: Yet is there no remedy, man being of such corruption and hatred towards God, but that the evil shallbe deceived, & persecute the good: and the good shall understand the truth, and suffer persecution for it until the world's end. For as he that was borne after the flesh, persecuted in times past, him that was born after the spirit: 
Ge●e. 4. G●lat. 4.  even so is it now. Therefore, for so much as we live in this life amongst so many great perils and dangers, we must be well assured by god's word how to bear them, and how patiently to take them, as they be sent to us from God. We must also assure ourselves that there is no other remedy for Christians in the time of trouble, than Christ himself hath appointed us. 
Luke 2.  In S. Luke he giveth us this commandment: Ye shall possess your lives in patience, sayeth he. In the which words, he giveth us both commandment what to do, and also great comfort and consolation in all troubles. He showeth also what is to be done, and what is to be hoped for in troubles: 
Patience in troubles, only the christian man's remedy. Rom. 8.  and when troubles happen, he biddeth us be patient, and in no case violently nor seditiously to resist our persecutors, because God hath such care and charge of us, that he will keep in the mids of all troubles the very hears of our head, so that one of them shall not fall away without the will and pleasure of our heavenly father. Whether the hair therefore tarry in the head, or fall from the head, it is the will of the father. And seeing he hath such care for the hairs of our head, how much more doth he care for our life itself? Wherefore let Gods adversaries do what they lust, whether they take life or take it not, they can do us no hurt: for their cruelty hath no further power than God permitteth them: and that which cometh unto us by the will of our heavenly father, can be no harm, no loss, neither destruction unto us, but rather gain, wealth, and felicity. For all troubles and adversity that chance to such as be of God, by the will of the heavenly father, can be none other but gain and advantage.  
That the spirit of man may feel these consolations, the giver of them the heavenly father must be prayed unto for the merits of Christ's passion: for it is not the nature of man that can be contented, 
Prayer necessary. james 1. 1. Cor. 1.8.  until it be regenerated and possessed with God's spirit, to bear patiently the troubles of the mind or of the body. When the mind and heart of a man seethe of every side sorrow and heaviness, & the worldly eye beholdeth nothing but such things as be troublous & wholly bend to rob the poor of that he hath, and also to take from him his life: except the man weigh these brittle and uncertain treasures that be taken from him, with the riches of the life to come, and this life of the body with the life in Christ's precious blood, and so for the love and certainty of the heavenly joys contemn all things present, doubtless he shall never be able to bear the loss of goods, life, or any other things of this world.  
Therefore S. Paul giveth a very godly and necessary lesson to all men in this short and transitory life, and therein showeth how a man may best bear the iniquity and troubles of this world: If ye be risen again with Christ (saith he) seek the things which are above, 
Collos. ●● A lesson how to bear trouble.  where Christ sitteth at the right hand of God the father. Wherefore the Christian man's faith must be always upon the resurrection of Christ, when he is in trouble, and in that glorious resurrection he shall not only see continual and perpetual joy and consolation: but also the victory and triumph of all persecution, trouble, sin, death, hell, the devil, and all other tyrants and persecutors of Christ and of Christ's people, the tears and weepings of the faithful dried up, their wounds healed, their bodies made immortal in joy, their souls for ever praising the Lord, and conjunction and society everlasting, with the blessed company of Gods elects in perpetual joy. But the words of S. Paul in that place, if they be not marked, shall do little profit to the reader or hearer, and give him no patience at all in this impatient and cruel world.  
In this first part S. Paul commandeth us, to think or set our affections on things that are above. 

Two things commanded by S. Paul writing to the Collossians.  
The first is to see and know what things are above and what things are beneath and and to discern rightly between them.  
The second is to set our affection upon them that are above and not upon the other And this lesson is harder than the other.   When he biddeth us seek the things that are above, he requireth that our minds never cease from prayer and study in God's word, until we see, know, and understand the vanities of this world, the shortness and misery of this life, and the treasures of the world to come, the immortality thereof, and the joys of that life, and so never cease seeking, until such time as we know certainly, and be persuaded what a blessed man he is, that seeketh the one and findeth it, and careth not for the other though he lose it: and in seeking to have right judgement between the life present and the life to come, we shall find how little the pains, imprisonment, slanders, lies, and death itself is in this world, in respect of the pains everlasting, the prison infernal, and dungeon of hell, the sentence of God's just judgement, and everlasting death.  
When a man hath by seeking the word of God, found out what the things above be: then must he (as S. Paul saith) set his affections upon them. And this commandment is more hard than the other. For man's knowledge many times seethe the best, and knoweth that there is a life to come, better than this life present, as you may see how daily men and women can praise and commend, yea, and wish for heaven, and to be at rest there? yet they set not their affection upon it, they do more affect and love in deed a trifle of nothing in this world that pleaseth their affection, than the treasure of all treasures in heaven, which their own judgement saith is better than all worldly things. Wherefore we must set our affections upon the things that be above: that is to say, when any thing worse than heaven upon the earth, offereth itself to be ours, if we will give our good wills to it, and love it in our hearts, than ought we to see by the judgement of God's word, whether we may have the world without offence of God, and such things as be for this worldly life, without his displeasure. If we can not, S. Paul's commandment must take place: Set your affections on things that are above. If the riches of this world may not be gotten nor kept by God's law, neither our lives be continued without the denial of his honour, we must set our affection upon the richesse and life that is above, and not upon things that be on the earth. Therefore this second commandment of S. Paul requireth, 
How things of this world may be possessed and how not.  that as our minds judge heavenly things to be better than things upon the earth, and the life to come better than the life present: so we should choose them before other, & prefer them, and have such affection to the best, that in no case we set the worst before it, as the most part of the world doth and hath done, for they choose the best and approve it, and yet follow the worst.  
But these things (my godly wife) require rather cogitation, meditation, and prayer, than words or talk. They be easy to be spoken of, but not so easy to be used and practised. Wherefore, seeing they be God's gifts, 
Scriptures would be mused upon rather than talked upon.  and none of ours, to have as our own when we would, we must seek them at our heavenly father's hand, who seethe and is privy how poor and wretched we be, and how naked, how spoiled, and destitute of all his blessed gifts we be by reason of sin. He did command therefore his Disciples, when he showed them that they should take patiently the state of this present life full of troubles and persecution, 
Math. 24. Luke. 2.  to pray that they might well escape those troubles that were to come, and be able to stand before the son of man. When ye find yourself too much oppressed (as every man shallbe sometime with the fear of God's judgement) use the 77. Psalm, that beginneth: I will cry unto God with my voice, 
Psal. 27. Read also M. Hoopers exposition upon this Psalm, most comfortable for all broken and afflicted hearts.  and he shall hearken unto me. In which Psalm is both godly doctrine and great consolation unto the man or woman that is in anguish of mind.  
Use also in such trouble the 88 Psalm, wherein is contained the prayer of a man, that was brought into extreme anguish & misery, and being vexed with adversaries & persecutions, saw nothing but death & hell. And although he felt in himself, that he had not only man, but also God angry towards him: yet he by prayer humbly resorted unto God, as the only port of consolation, and in the midst of his desperate state of trouble, put the hope of his salvation in him, whom he felt his enemy. Howbeit no man of himself can do this, 
Rom. 8.  but the spirit of God that striketh the man's heart with fear, prayeth for the man stricken and feared with unspeakable groanings. And when you feel yourself, or know any other oppressed after such sort, be glad: for after that God hath made you to know what you be of yourself, he will doubtless show you comfort, and declare unto you what you be in Christ his only son: 
What Psalms are to be used in distress and tribulation.  and use prayer often, for that is the means whereby God will be sought unto for his gifts. These Psalms be for the purpose, when the mind can take no understanding, nor the hart any joy of gods promises: and therefore were these Psalms also made .6.22.30.31.38.69. from the which you shall learn buthe patience and consolation. Remember, that although your life (as all Christian men's be) be hid and appeareth not what it is, yet it is safe (as S. Paul saith) with God in Christ: 
Read also the fourth chapter of Eccle. Coloss. 3.  and when Christ shall appear, then shall our lives be made open with him in glory. But in the mean time with seeking and setting our affections upon the things that be above, we must patiently suffer whatsoever God shall send unto us in this mortal life. Notwithstanding it might fortune some would say. Who is so perfect, that can let all things pass as they come, & have no care of them: suffer all things, and feel nothing: be attempted of the Devil, the world, and the flesh, and be not troubled? verily no man living. But this I say, that in the strength of jesus Christ things that come, 
Note this well to thy comfort that art afflicted.  may pass with care, for we be worldly, and yet are we not carried with them from Christ, for we be in him godly. We may suffer things and feel them as mortal men, yet bear them and overcome them as Christian men. We may be attempted of the devil, the flesh, and the world: but yet although those things pinch, they do not pierce, and although they work sin in us, yet in Christ no damnation to those that be grafted in him. 
Rom. 8.  Hereof may the christian man learn both consolation & patience. Consolation, in that he is compelled both in his body & goods to feel pain and loss, and in the soul heaviness and anguish of mind: howbeit none of them both shall separate him from the love that God beareth him in Christ. 
Consolation.  He may learn patience, for as much as his enemies both of the body and soul, and the pains also they vex us withal for the time, 
Patience.  if they tarry with us as long as we live, yet when death cometh, they shall avoid, and give place to such joys as be prepared for us in Christ: for no pains of the world be perpetual, and whether they shall afflict us for all the time of our mortal life, we know not, for they be the servants of God to go and to come, as he commandeth them. 
Afflictions be the messengers and servants of God.  But we must take heed we meddle not forcibly nor seditiously, to put away the persecution appointed unto us by God, but remember Christ's saying: Possess you your lives by your patience. And in this commandment God requireth in every man and woman this patient obedience. 
Luke. 2.  He sayeth not, it is sufficient that other holy patriarchs, Prophets, Apostles, Evangelists, and Martyrs continued their lives in patience, and patient suffering the troubles of this world: but Christ saith to every one of his people: By your own patience ye shall continue your life: not that man hath patience of himself, 
Patience the gift only of God.  but that he must have it for himself of God, the only giver of it, if he purpose to be a godly man. Now therefore, as our profession and religion requireth patience outwardly without resistance and force: so requireth it patience of the mind, and not to be angry with God, although he use us that be as his own creatures, as him listeth.  
We may not also murmur against God, but say always his judgements be right & just, and rejoice that it pleaseth him by troubles to use us, as he used heretofore such as he most loved in this world, and have a singular care to this commandment: Gaudete, & exultate, Be glad & rejoice, for he showeth great cause why: Your reward (saith he) is great in heaven. 
Math. 3.  These promises of him that is the truth itself, shall by God's grace) work both consolation and patience in the afflicted christian person. And when our saviour Christ hath willed men in trouble to be content and patient, because God in the end of trouble in Christ hath ordained eternal consolation: he useth also to take from us all shame and rebuke, as though it were not an honour to suffer for christ, because the wicked world doth curse & abhor such poor troubled Christians. 
To suffer for Christ, is honourable. Math. 24. Heb. 11.  Wherefore Christ placeth all his honourably, and sayeth: Even so persecuted they the Prophets that were before you. We may also see with whom the afflicted for Christ's sake, be esteemed by S. Paul to the Hebrews, where as the number of the blessed and glorious company of Saints appear now to our faith in heaven in joy: yet in the letter, for the time of this life, in such pains and contempt, as was never more. Let us therefore consider both them and all other things of the world sithence the fall of man, and we shall perceive nothing to come to perfection, but with such confusion and disorder to the eye of the world, as though things were rather lost for ever, then like to come to any perfection at all. For of godly men, who ever came to heaven (no not Christ himself) until such time as the world had thought verily that both he & all his had been clean destroyed and cast away? as the wise man saith of the wicked people: We thought them to be fools, but they be in peace.  

S●p. 5. Example taken of our meat and drink how things never come to their perfection before they be utterly wasted.  We may learn by things that nourish and maintain us, both meat and drink, to what loathsomeness and (in manner) abhorring they come unto, before they work their perfection in us. From life they be brought to the fire, and clean altered from that they were when they were alive: from the fire to the trencher and knife, and all to hacked: from the trencher to the mouth, and as small ground as the teeth can grind them: and from the mouth into the stomach, and there so boiled and digested before they nourish, that who soever saw the same, would loath and abhor his own nourishment, before it come to his perfection.  
Is it then any marvel if such Christians as GOD delighteth in, be so mangled and defaced in this world, which is the kitchen and mill to boil and grind the flesh of God's people in, till they achieve their perfection in the world to come? And as a man looketh for the nutriment of his meat when it is full digested, and not before: so must he look for his salvation when he hath passed this troublous world, and not before. 
Vnmorte fi●ed men, be no people to God. Math. 10.  Raw flesh is not meat wholesome for man: and unmortified men and women, be not creatures meet for God. Therefore Christ sayeth, that his people must be broken, and all too torn in the mill of this world, and so shall they be most fine meal unto the heavenly father. And it shall be a Christian man's part, and the duty of a mind replenished with the spirit of God, to mark the order of God in all his things, how he dealeth with them, and how they suffer and be content to let God do his will upon them, as S. Paul sayeth: They wait until the number of the elects be fulfilled, and never be at rest, 
Rom. 8.  but look for the time when God's people shall appear in glory.  
We must therefore patiently suffer, and willingly attend upon Gods doings, although they seem clean contrary after our judgement, to our wealth and salvation: as Abraham did, when he was bid to offer his son Isaac, 
Example of Abraham. Example of joseph.  in whom God promised the blessing and multiplying of his seed. joseph at the last came to that which God promised him, although in the mean time, after the judgement of the world, he was never like to be (as God said he should be) Lord over his brethren. When Christ would make the blind man to see, he put clay upon his eyes, which after the judgement of man, 
john. 9  was means rather to make him double blind, then to give him his sight: but he obeyed, and knew that God could work his desire, what means soever he used contrary to man's reason: and as touching this world, he useth all his after the same sort. If any smart, 
1. Pet. 4. judgement 〈◊〉 beginneth with the house of God. Colos. 3.  his people be the first: if any suffer shame, they begin: if any be subject to slander, it is those that he loveth: so that he showeth no face or favour, nor love almost in this world outwardly to them, but laith clay upon their sore eyes, that be sorrowful: yet the patient man seethe (as S. Paul sayeth) life hid under these miseries and adversities, and sight under soul clay, and in the mean time he hath the testimony of a good conscience, and believeth God's promises to be his consolation in the world to come, which is more worth unto him, than all the world is worth beside: and blessed is that man in whom God's spirit beareth record that he is the son of God, what soever troubles he suffer in this troublesome world. 
Rom. 8.   
And to judge things indifferently (my godly wife) the troubles be not yet generally, as they were in our good father's time, soon after the death and resurrection of our Saviour Christ jesus, whereof he spoke in S. matthew. 
Math. 24.  Of the which place you and I have taken many times great consolation, and especially of the latter part of the Chapter, wherein is contained the last day and end of all troubles (I doubt not) both for you and me, and for such as love the coming of our saviour Christ to judgement. Remember therefore that place, and mark it again, and ye shall in this time see great consolation, and also learn much patience. Was there ever such troubles, as Christ threatened upon jerusalem? was there sithence the beginning of the world, such affliction? who was then best at ease? The Apostles that suffered in body persecution, and gathered of it ease and quietness in the promises of God. And no marvel, for Christ sayeth: Lift up your heads, for your redemption is at hand, that is to say, your eternal rest approacheth and draweth near. The world is stark blind, 
Luke 1.  and more foolish than foolishness itself, and so be the people of the world. For when God saith, trouble shall come, they will have ease. And when God sayeth, be merry and rejoice in trouble, we lament and mourn, as thought we were castaways. But this our flesh (which is never merry with virtue, nor sorry with vice, 
Flesh never merry with virtue, not sorry with 〈◊〉.  never laugheth with grace, nor ever weary with sin (holdeth fast with the world, and letteth God slip. But (my dearly beloved wife) you know how to perceive and to beware of the vanity and crafts of the devil well enough in Christ. And that ye may the better have patience in the spirit of God, read again the 24. chap. of S. Matthew, and mark what difference is between the destruction of jerusalem, 
Math. 24.  and the destruction of the whole world, and you shall see, that then here were left alive many offenders to repent: but at the latter day there shall be absolute judgement and sentence (never to be revoked) of eternal life and eternal death upon all men, 
 and yet towards the end of the world, we have nothing so much extremity, as they had then, but even as we be able to bear. So doth the merciful father lay upon us now imprisonment (and I suppose for my part, shortly death,) now spoil of goods, loss of friends, and the greatest loss of all, the knowledge of God's word. 
Ann. 1555. February.  God's will be done. I wish in Christ jesus our only mediator and Saviour, your constancy and consolation, that you may live for ever and ever, whereof in Christ I doubt not: to whom for his blessed and most painful passion I commit you. Amen. 13. October. 1553.   

* To a certain godly woman, instructing her how she should behave herself in the time of her wydowhoode.  
THe grace of God, and the comfort of his holy spirit, be with you and all them that unfeignedly love his holy Gospel. 
 Amen.  
I thank you (dear sister) for your most loving remembrance, and although I can not recompense the same, yet do I wish with all my hart, that God would do it, requiring you not to forget your duty towards God in these perilous days, in the which the Lord will try us. I trust you do increase by reading of the scriptures, the knowledge you have of God, and that you diligently apply yourself to follow the same: for the knowledge helpeth not, except the life be according thereunto. Further, I do heartily pray you, to consider the state of your wydowhoode, and if God shall put in your mind to change it, remember the saying of Saint Paul 1. Corinth. 7. 
1 Cor. ●.  It is lawful for the widow or maiden to marry to whom they list, so it be in the Lord: that is to say, 
 to such a one as is of Christ's Religion. dearly beloved in Christ, remember these words, for you shall find thereby great joy and comfort, if you change your state. Whereof I will when I have better leisure (as now I have none at all) further advertise you. In the mean time, I commend you to God, and the guiding of his good spirit, who establish and confirm you in all well doing, and keep you blameless to the day of the Lord. watch and pray, for this day is at hand.  
Yours assured in Christ, john Hooper.   

¶ To all my dear brethren, my relievers and helpers in the City of London.  
THe grace of God be with you. Amen. I have received from you (dearly beloved in our Saviour jesus Christ) by the hands of my servant William Downton, 
another letter of M. Hooper to his frien●es in London.  your liberality, for the which I do most heartily thank you, and I praise God highly in you for you, who hath moved your hearts to show this kindness towards me, praying him to preserve you from all famine, scarcity, and lack of the truth of his word, which is the lively food of your souls, as you preserve my body from hunger & other necessities, which should happen unto me, were it not cared for by the benevolence and charity of godly people. Such as have taken all worldly goods and lands from me, & spoilt me of all that I had, have imprisoned my body and appointed no one half penny to feed or relieve me withal: but I do forgive them, and pray for them daily in my poor prayer unto God, 
The christian charity of M. Hooper to his enemies.  and from my hart I wish their salvation, and quietly & patiently bear their injuries, wishing no farther extremity to be used towards us. Yet if it seem contrary best unto our heavenly father, I have made my reckoning, & fully resolved myself to suffer the uttermost that they are able to do against me, 
M. Hooper 〈◊〉 resolved to suffer.  yea death itself, by the aid of Christ jesus, who died the most vile death of the cross for us wretches & miserable sinners. But of this I am assured, that the wicked world with all his force & power, shall not touch one of the hears of your heads without leave & licence of our heavenly father, whose will be done in all things. If he will life, life be it: if he will death, death be it. Only we pray, that our wills may be subject unto his will, & then although both we & all the world see none other thing but death, yet if he think life best, we shall not die, no, although the sword be drawn out over our heads: as Abraham thought to kill his son Isaac, yet when God perceived that Abraham had surrendered his will to Gods will, and was content to kill his son, God then saved his son.  
dearly beloved, if we be contented to obey God's will, and for his commandments sake, to surrender our goods and ourselves to be at his pleasure, 
God's will 〈◊〉 be obey●● in all ●●inges.  it maketh no matter whether we keep goods and life, or lose them. Nothing can hurt us that is taken from us for God's cause, nor nothing can at length do ●s good, that is preserved contrary unto God's commandment. Let us wholly suffer God to use us and ours after his holy wisdom, and beware we neither use nor govern ourselves contrary to his will by our own wisdom, for if we do, our wisdom will at length prove foolishness. It is kept to no good purpose that we keep contrary unto his commandments. It can by no means be taken from us that he would should tarry with us. He is no good Christian that ruleth himself & his, as worldly means serveth: for he that so doth shall have as many changes as chanceth in the world. To day with the world he shall like and praise the truth of God, 
Difference between the true christian, and the worldling.  to morrow as the world will, so will he like and praise the falsehood of man: to day with Christ, and to morrow with Antichrist. Wherefore dear brethren, as touching your behaviour towards God, use both your inward spirits and your outward bodies, your inward and your outward man (I say) not after the means of men, but after the infallible word of god.  
Refrain from evil in both, and glorify your heavenly father in both. For if ye think ye can inwardly in the hart serve him, 
Both the inward man and outward man must concur in the honour of God.  and yet outwardly serve with the world in external service, the thing that is not God, ye deceive yourselves, for both the body and the soul must together concur in the honour of God, as S. Paul plainly teacheth. 1. Cor. 6. For if an honest wife be bound to give both hart and body to faith and service in marriage, and if an honest wives faith in the hart cannot stand with an whorish or defiled body outwardly: much less can the true faith of a Christian in the true service of Christianity, stand with the bodily service of external Idolatry: for the mystery of marriage is not so honourable between man and wife, as it is between Christ & every christian man, as S. Paul saith.  
Therefore dear brethren, pray to the heavenly father, that as he spared not the soul nor the body of his dearly beloved son, but applied both of them with extreme pain, to work our salvation both of body and soul: so he will give us all grace to apply our bodies and souls to be servants unto him: for doubtless he requireth as well the one as the other, and cannot be miscontented with the one and well pleased with the other. Either he hateth both, or loveth both: he divideth not his love to one and his hatred to the other. Let not us therefore good brethren, divide ourselves, and say our souls serve him whatsoever our bodoyes do the contrary, for civil order and policy.  
But (alas) I know by myself, what troubleth you, that is, the great danger of the world, that will revenge (ye think) your service to God, with sword and fire, with loss of goods and lands. But (dear brethren,) way of the other side, that your enemies, and Gods enemies, shall not do so much as they would, but as much as God shall suffer them, who can trap them in their own counsels, 
God's enemies can do no more than he giveth them leave. Math. 20.  and destroy them in the midst of their furies. Remember ye be the workmen of the Lord, and called into his Uineyard, there to labour till evening tide, that ye may receive your penny, which is more worth than all the kings of the earth. But he that calleth us into his vineyard, hath not told us how sore and how fervently the sun shall trouble us in our labour: But hath bid us labour and commit the bitterness thereof unto him: who can and will so moderate all afflictions, that no man shall have more laid upon him, then in Christ he shall be able to bear: Unto whose merciful tuition and defence I commend both your souls and bodies.  
2. September. 1554. Yours with my poor prayer, john Hooper.   

To a Merchant of London, by whose means he had received much comfort in his great necessity in the Fleet.  
GRace, mercy, and peace in Christ jesus our Lord. I thank God and you for the great help and consolation I have received in the time of adversity by your charitable means but most rejoice that you be not altered from truth, 
another letter of M. Hooper to a helper of his.  although falsehood cruelly seeketh to distain her. judge not (my brother) truth by outward appearaunee, for truth now worse appeareth and more vilely is rejected then falsehood. Leave the outward show, and see by the word of God what truth is, 
Truth is not to be esteemed by outward appearance.  and accept truth, and dislike her not though man call her falsehood. As it is now, so hath it been heretofore, the truth rejected and falsehood received. Such as have professed truth, for truth have smarted, and the friends of falsehood laughed them to scorn. The trial of both hath been by contrary success: the one having the commendation of truth by man, but the condemnation of falsehood by God, flourishing for a time with endless destruction, the other afflicted a little season, but ending with immortal joys. Wherefore dear brother ask and demand of your book, the Testament of jesus Christ in these woeful and wretched days, what you should think, and what you should stay upon for a certain truth, and whatsoever you hear taught try it by your book, whether it be true or false. The days be dangerous and full of peril, not only for the world and worldly things, but for heaven and heavenly things. It is a trouble to lose the treasures of this life, but yet a very pain if they be kept with the offence of God. Cry, call, pray, and in Christ daily require help, succour, mercy, wisdom, grace, and defence, that the wickedness of this world prevail not against us. We began well, God preserve us until the end. I would write more often unto you, but I do perceive you be at so much charges with me, that I fear you would think when I writ I crave. Send me nothing till I send to you for it, and so tell the good men your partners, and when I need, I will be bold of you.  
3. December 1554. Yours with my prayer, john Hooper.   

¶ To Mistress Wilkinson, a woman hearty in God's cause, and comfortable to his afflicted members.  
THe grace of God, and the comfort of his holy spirit be with you, Amen.  

This Mysteries Wilkinson afterward ●yed in Exile at Frankford.  I am very glad to hear of your health, and do thank you for your loving tokens. But I am a great deal more glad to hear how Christianly you avoid Idolatry, & prepare yourself to suffer the extremity of the world, rather than to endanger yourself to God. You do as you ought to do in this behalf, and in suffering of transitory pains, you shall avoid permanent torments in the world to come. Use your life, 
gains with God's displeasure is beggary.  and keep it with as much quietness as you can, so that you offend not God. The ease that cometh with his displeasure, turneth at length to unspeakable pains, and the gains of the world, with the loss of his favour, is beggary and wretchedness. Reason is to be amended in this cause of Religion: For it will choose and follow an error with the multitude if it may be allowed, rather than turn to faith and follow the truth with the people of God. Moses' found the same fault in himself, and did amend it, choosing rather to be afflicted with the people of God, then to use the liberty of the king's daughter, that accounted him as her son. 
Heb. 11. Math. 5.  Pray for contentation and peace of the spirit, and rejoice in such troubles as shall happen unto you for the truths sake, for in that part Christ saith you be happy. Pray also for me I pray you, that I may do in all things the will of our heavenly father: to whose tuition and defence I commend you.   

* To my dear friends in God Master john Hall and his wife.  
THe grace of God be with you, Amen. I thank you for your loving and gentle friendship at all times, 
another letter exhorting to stand fast in the truth.  praying God to show unto you such favour, that whatsoever trouble and adversity happen, y● go not back from him. These days be dangerous and full of peril, but yet let us comfort ourselves in calling to remembrance the days of our forefathers, upon whom the Lord sent such troubles, that many hundrethes, yea many thousands died for the testimony of jesus Christ, both men and women, suffering with patience and constancy as much cruelty as Tyrants could devise, and so departed out of this miserable world, to the bliss everlasting, where as now they remain for ever, looking always for the end of this sinful world, when they shall receive their bodies again in immortality, and see the number of the elects associated with them in full and consummate joys. 
Heb. 11.  And as virtuous men suffering martyrdom, and tarrying a little while in this world with pains, by and by rested in joys everlasting, and as their pains ended their sorrows and began ease, 
Consolation taken by the example of the ancient martyrs.  so did their constancy and steadfastness animate and confirm all good people in the truth, and gave them encouragement and lust to suffer the like, rather than to fall with the world to consent unto wickedness and Idolatry. Wherefore my dear friends, seeing God of his part, hath illuminated you with the same gift and knowledge of true faith, wherein the Apostles, the Evangelists, and all Martyrs suffered most cruel death, thank him for his grace in knowledge, and pray unto him for strength and perseverance, that through your own fault, you be not ashamed nor afeard to confess it. Ye be in the truth, and the gates of hell shall never prevail against it, nor Antichrist with all his imps prove it to be false. They may kill and persecute, but never overcome. Be of good comfort, and fear more God then man. This life is short and miserable: happy be they that can spend it to the glory of God. Pray for me as I do for you, and commend me to all good men and women.  
22. December 1554. Your brother in Christ, john Hooper.   

¶ To my dearly beloved sister in the Lord Mistress Anne Warcop. 
another letter written to one Masteries Warcop by Master Hooper.   
THe grace of God be with you. Amen. I thank you for your loving token. I pray you burden not yourself too much. It were meet for me rather to bear a pain, then to be a hindrance to many. I did rejoice at the coming of this bearer, to understand of your constancy, and how that you be fully resolved by God's grace, rather to suffer extremity, then to go from that truth in God which you have professed. He that gave you grace to begin in so infallible a truth, will follow you in the same unto the end. But my loving Sister, as you be traveling this perilous journey, take this lesson with you, practised by wise men: whereof ye may read in the second of S. Mathewes Gospel. Such as traveled to find Christ, followed only the star, and as long as they saw it, they were assured they were in the right way, and had great mirth in their journey. But when they entered into jerusalem, where as the star led them not thither but unto Bethelem, and there asked the Citizens the thing that the star showed before: as long as they tarried in Jerusalem and would be instructed where Christ was borne, 
The surest way is eue● to follow the Star●e.  they were not only ignorant of Bethelem, but also lost the sight of the star that led them before. Whereof we learn, in any case whiles we be going in this life, to seek Christ that is above, to beware we lose not the star of God's word, that only is the mark that showeth us where Christ is, and which way we may come unto him. But as jerusalem stood in the way, 
jerusalem signifieth the vision of peace.  and was an impediment to these wise men: so doth the synagogue of Antichrist, that beareth the name of jerusalem, which by interpretation is called the vision of peace, and amongst the people now is called the Catholic Church, stand in the way that pilgrims must go by through this world to Bethelem the house of saturity and plentifulness, 
Bethelem signifieth 〈◊〉 much as th● house of bread, or of saturity.  and is an impediment to all Christian travelers: yea and except the more grace of God be, will keep the pilgrims still in her that they shall not come where Christ is at all. And to stay them in deed, they take away the star of light which is God's word that it can not be seen: as ye may see how the celestial star was hid from the wise men, when they asked of the Phariseis at Jerusalem where Christ was borne. Ye may see what great dangers happened unto these wise men, whiles they were a learning of liars where Christ was. First they were out of their way, and next they lost their guide & conductor, the heavenly star. Christ is mounted from us into heaven, & there we seek him (as we say:) let us therefore go thetherward by the star of his word, & beware we happen not to come into Jerusalem the Church of men and ask for him. If we do, 
Christ is not to be sought not asked for but only by the scrip●tures.  we go out of the way & lose also our conductor and guide that only leadeth us strait thither.  
The Poets writ in fables, that jason when he fought with the Dragon in the isle of Colchis, was preserved by the medicines of Medea, and so wan the golden fleece. And they writ also that Titan, whom they feign to be son and heir of the high God jupiter, would needs upon a day have the conduction of the sun round about the world, but as they feign, he miss of the accustomed course: whereupon when he went too high, he burned heaven, 
Example of jason and Titon.  and when he went too low, he burned the earth & the water. These profane histories do shame us that be Christian men, jason against the poison of the dragon, used only the medicine of Medea. What a shame is it for a Christian man against the poison of the devil, heresy, & sin, to use any other remedy, than Christ & his word? Titan for lack of knowledge, was afeard of every sign of the Zodiac that the Sun passeth by: wherefore he now went too low, & now to high, and at length fell down and drowned himself in the sea. Christian men for lack of knowledge, and for fear of such dangers as christian men must needs pass by, go clean out of order, and at length fall into the pit of hell.  
Sister take heed, you shall in your journey towards heaven, meet with many a monstrous beast: 
Letters in the way to the kingdom of heaven.  have salve of God's word therefore ready. You shall meet husband, children, lovers and friends, that shall if God be not with them (as God be praised he is, I would it were with all other alike) be very lets and impediments to your purpose. You shall meet with slander and contempt of the world, and be accounted ungracious & ungodly: you shall hear & meet with cruel tyranny to do you all extremities: you shall now and then see the troubles of your own conscience, and feel your own weakness: you shall hear that you be cursed by the sentence of the Catholic Church, with such like terrors: but pray to God, and follow the star of his word, and you shall arrive at the port of eternal salvation, by the merits only of jesus Christ: to whom I commend you and all yours most heartily.  
Yours in Christ john Hooper.  
¶ Unto these letters of Master Hooper heretofore recited, we thought not inconvenient, to annex also another certain Epistle, not of Master Hoper, but written to him by a famous learned man Henry Bullinger, chief superintendant in the City of Zuricke. Of whose singular love and tender affection toward Master Hooper, ye heard before in the beginning of Master Hoopers' life discoursed. Now how lovingly he writeth unto him, ye shall hear by this present letter, as followeth.   

¶ To the most reverend father M. john Hooper Bishop of Worcester and Gloucester, and now prisoner for the Gospel of jesus Christ, my fellow Elder and most dear brother, in England.  
THe heavenly father grant unto you, and to all those which are in bands and captivity for his name sake, grace and peace through jesus Christ our Lord, 
A letter of M. Bullen●er to M. Hooper 〈…〉 of latin 〈◊〉 Eng●●●h.  with wisdom, patience and fortitude of the holy Ghost.  
I have received from you two letters (my most dear brother:) the former in the month of September of the year past, the latter in the month of May of this present year, both written out of prison. But I doubting lest I should make answer to you in vain, whilst I feared that my letters should never come unto your hands, or else increase and double your sorrow: did refrain from the duty of writing. In the which thing I doubt not, but you will have me excused, especially seeing you did not vouchsafe, no not once in a whole year, to answer to my whole libels rather than letters, whereas I continued still notwithstanding in writing unto you: as also at this present, after I heard that you were cast in prison, I did not refrain from continual prayer, beseeching our heavenly Father through our only mediator jesus Christ, to grant unto you and to your fellow prisoners, faith and constancy unto the end. Now is that thing happened unto you (my brother) the which we did oftentimes prophecy unto ourselves at your being with us, should come to pass, especially when we did talk of the power of Antichrist and of his felicity and victories. For you know the saying of Daniel: 
The power of Antichrist described in Daniel chapped. 8. Math. 10. john. 15.16. ●. Tim. 2.3.  His power shall be mighty, but not in his strength, and he shall wonderfully destroy and make havoc of all things, and shall prosper and practise, and he shall destroy the mighty and the holy people after his own will. You know what the Lord warned us of before hand by Matthew, in the tenth chapter, by john in the 15. chapter, and the 16. and also what that chosen vessel Saint Paul hath written in the second to Timothy and the third chapter. Wherefore I do nothing doubt (by God's grace) of your faith and patience, whilst you know that those things which you suffer are not looked for or come by chance, 
The doctrine of the Protestants, what it is, wherefore they are persecuted.  but that you suffer them in the best, truest, and most holy quarrel▪ for what can be more true and holy, than our doctrine, which the Papists, those worshippers of Antichrist do persecute? All things touching salvation, we attribute unto Christ alone, and to his holy institutions, as we have been taught of him and of his disciples, but they would have even the same things to be communicated as well to their Antichrist and to his institutions. 
Ephes. 1.  Such we ought no less to withstand, than we read that Helias withstood the Baalites. For if jesus be Christ, then let them know that he is the fullness of his Church, and that perfectly: but and if Antichrist be King and Priest, then let them exhibit unto him that honour. How long do they halt on both sides? 
2. Thes. 2. Christ is sufficient, and not be patched with the Pope.  Can they give unto us any one that is better than Christ? Or who shall be equal with Christ, that may be compared with him, except it be he whom the Apostle calleth the Adversary? But if Christ be sufficient for his Church, what needeth this patching and piecing? But I know well enough, I need not to use these disputations with you which are sincerely taught, and have taken root in Christ, being persuaded that you have all things in him, and that we in him are made perfect.  
Go forwards therefore constantly to confess Christ, and to defy Antichrist, 
Apoc. 21.  being mindful of this most holy and most true saying of our Lord jesus Christ: He that overcometh, shall possess all things, and I will be his God, and he shall be my son: but the fearful, and the unbelieving, and the abominable, and the murderers, and whoremongers, and sorcerers, and Idolaters, and all liars, shall have their part in the lake which burneth with fire and brimstone, which is the second death. The first death is soon overcome, although a man must burn for the lords sake: for they say well that do affirm this our fire to be scarcely a shadow of that which is prepared for the unbelievers, and them that fall from the truth. Moreover, the Lord granteth unto us, that we may easily overcome by his power the first death, the which he himself did taste and overcome, promising withal such joys as never shall have end, unspeakable, and passing all understanding, the which we shall possess so soon as ever we depart hence. For so again sayeth the Angel of the Lord: If any man worship the beast and his Image, and receive his mark in his forehead, or on his hand, the same shall drink of the wrath of God, 
Apoc. 14. God's wrath upon the beast and them that ta●e his 〈◊〉.  yea of the wine which is poured into the cup of his wrath, and he shall be tormented in fire and brimstone before the holy Angels, and before the Lamb: and the smoke of their torments shall ascend evermore, and they shall have no rest day nor night, which worship the beast & his Image, and whosoever receiveth the print of his name. Here is the patience of saints: here are they that keep the commandments of God, 
In this time of Antichrist is the patience and faith of God's children tried, whereby they shall overcome all his tyranny read. Math. 24.  and the faith of jesus. To this he addeth by and by: I heard a voice saying to me, writ: blessed be the dead that die in the Lord, from henceforth (or speedily they be blessed. Io. 5) even so saith the spirit, for they rest from their labours, but their works follow them: for our labour shall not be frustrate or in vain.  
Therefore seeing you have such a large promise, be strong in the Lord, fight a good fight, be faithful to the Lord unto the end: consider that Christ the son of God is your Captain, and fighteth for you, and for that all the Prophets, Apostles and Martyrs, are your fellow soldiers. They that persecute and trouble us, are men, sinful, and mortal, whose favour a wise man would not buy with the value of a farthing: & besides that, our life is frail, short, brickle, and transitory. Happy are we, if we depart in the Lord, who grant unto you, and to all your fellow prisoners faith and constancy. Commend me to the most reverend fathers and holy Confessors of Christ, Doctor Cranmer Bishop of Canterbury, D. Ridley Bishop of London, and the good old father D. Latimer. Them and all the rest of the prisoners with you for the lords cause, salute in my name, and in the name of all my fellow Ministers, the which do wish unto you the grace of God, and constancy in the truth.  
Concerning the state of our Church, it remaineth even as it was when you departed from us into your country. God grant we may be thankful to him, and that we do not only profess the faith with words, but also express the same effectually with good works to the praise of our Lord. The word of God increaseth daily in that part of Italy that is near unto us, and in France.  
In the mean while the godly sustain grievous persecutions, and with great constancy and glory, through torments they go unto the Lord. I and all my household, with my sons in law and kinsmen, are in good health in the Lord. They do salute you, and pray for your constancy, being sorrowful for you and the rest of the prisoners. There came to us Englishmen Students, both godly and learned: They be received of our Magistrate. Ten of them dwell together, the rest remain here and there with good men. Amongst the other, Master Thomas Lever is dear unto me and familiar. If there be any thing wherein I may do any pleasure to your wife and children, 
M. Tho. Lever.  they shall have me wholly at commandment: whereof I will write also to your wife, for I understand she abideth at Frankford. Be strong and merry in Christ, waiting for his deliraunce, when, and in what sort it shall seem good unto him. The Lord jesus show pity upon the Realm of England, and illuminate the same with his holy Spirit to the glory of his name, and the salvation of souls. The Lord jesus preserve and deliver you from all evil, with all them that call upon his name. Farewell, and farewell eternally.  
The 10. of October. 1554. From Zurich. You know the hand, H.B.    

The history of D. Roland tailor, which suffered for the truth of God's word, under the tyranny of the Roman Bishop .1555. the 9 day of February.  
THe town of Hadley was one of the first that received the word of God in all England at the preaching of M. Thomas Bilney: 
Hadly town commended. Thomas Bilney.  By whose industry the Gospel of Christ had such gracious success, and took such root there, that a great number of that parish became exceeding well learned in the holy scriptures, as well women as men: so that a man might have found among them many that had often read the whole Bible through, and that could have saith a great part of S. Paul's epistles by hart, and very well & readily have given a godly learned sentence in any matter of controversy. Their children and servants were also brought up and trained so diligently in the right knowledge of God's word, that the whole town seemed rather an University of the learned, than a town of Cloth-making or labouring people: And that most is to be commended, they were for the more part faithful followers of God's word in their living.  
In this town was D. Roland Taylor, Doctor in both the Civil and Canon laws, 
D. tailor, a Doctor in both laws. and a divine.  and a right perfect Divine, parson. Who at his first entering into his benefice, did not, as the common sort of beneficed men do, let out his benefice to a Farmar, that should gather up the profits, and set in an ignorant unlearned Priest to serve the Cure, & so they may have the fleece, little or nothing care for feeding the flock: But contrarily he forsook the Archbishop of Canterbury Tho. Cranmer, 
Thomas Cranmer Archb. of Canter●ury.  with whom he before was in household, and made his personal abode and dwelling in Hadley among the people committed to his charge. Where he as a good shepherd, abiding and dwelling among has sheep, 
A good shepherd and his conditions.  gave himself wholly to the study of holy scriptures most faithful endeavouring himself to fulfil that charge, which the Lord gave unto Peter, saying, Peter lovest thou me? 
john. 2. Feed with word.  Feed my Lambs, Feed my sheep, Feed my sheep. This love of Christ so wrought in him, that no Sunday nor holy day passed, nor other time when he might get the people together, 
Anno 1555. February-  but he preached to them the word of God, the doctrine of their salvation.  
Not only was his word a preaching unto them, but all his life and conversation was an example of unfeigned christian life, and true holiness. He was void of all pride, humble, 
Feed with example.  and meek as any child: so that none were so poor, but they might boldly as unto their father, resort unto him, neither was his lowliness childish or fearful, but as occasion, time and place required, he would be stout in rebuking the sinful and evil doers, so that none was so rich but he would tell him plainly his fault, with such earnest and grave rebukes as became a good Curate and Pastor. He was a man very mild, void of all rancour, grudge or evil will, ready to do good to all men, readily forgiving his enemies, and never sought to do evil to any.  
To the poor that were blind, lame, sick, bedrid, or that had many children, 
Feed with alms.  he was a very Father, a careful patron, and diligent provider, in so much that he caused the parishioners to make a general provision for them: and he himself (beside the continual relief that they always found at his house) gave an honest portion yearly, 
Commendation of Doct. tailors wife and his children.  to the common alms box. His wife also was an honest, discrete, and sober matron, and his children well nourtred, brought up in the fear of God and good learning.  
To conclude, he was a right and lively image or pattern of all those virtuous qualities described by S. Paul in a true Bishop, a good salt of the earth savourly biting the corrupt manners of evil men, a light in God's house set upon a Candlestick for all good men to imitate and follow.  
Thus continued this good shepherd among his flock, governing and leading them through this wilderness of the wicked world, all the days of the most innocent and holy King of blessed memory, Edward the vj. But after it pleased God to take King Edward from this vale of misery unto his most blessed rest, 
The Papists and their natural works.  the Papists, who ever sembled and dissembled, both with King Henry the eight, and king Edward his son, now seeing the time convenient for their purpose, uttered their false hypocrisy, openly refusing all good reformation made by the said two most godly Kings, and contrary to that, they had all these two Kings days preached, taught, written, and sworn, they violently overthrew the true doctrine of the Gospel, and persecuted with sword and fire all those that would not agree to receive again the Roman Bishop as supreme head of the universal Church, and allow all the errors, superstitions, and idolatries, that before by God's word were disproved and justly condemned, as though now they were good doctrine, virtuous, and true Religion.  
In the beginning of this rage of Antichrist, a certain Petigentleman after the sort of a Lawyer, called Foster, being Steward and keeper of Courts, 
Foster a lawyer, and joh. Clerk of Hadley, two notorious Papists.  a man of no great skill, but a bitter persecutor in those days, with one john Clerk of Hadley, which Foster had ever been a secret favourer of all Romish Idolatry, conspired with the said Clerk to bring in the Pope & his maumentry again into Hadley Church. For as yet Doct. tailor, as a good shepherd, had retained and kept in his Church, the godly Churchseruice and reformation made by king Edward, & most faithfully and earnestly preached against the popish corruptions, which had infected the whole country round about.  
Therefore the foresaid Foster and Clerk hired one john Auerth, 
john Auerth a right popish Priest.  Person of Aldam, a very money Mammonist, a blind leader of the blind, a Popish Idolator, and an open adulterer and whoremonger, a very fit Minister for their purpose, to come to Hadley, and there to give the onset to begin again the Popish Mass.  
To this purpose they builded up with all haste possible the altar, intending to bring in their Mass again, about the Palm Monday. 
Mark how unwillingly the people were to receive the papacy again.  But this their devise took none effect: for in the night the altar was beaten down. Wherefore they built it up again the second time, and laid diligent watch, lest any should again break it down.  
On the day following came Foster and john Clerk, bringing with them their Popish Sacrificer, who brought with him all his implements and garments, to play his Popish Pageant, whom they and their men guarded with swords and buklers, lest any man should disturb him in his Missal Sacrifice.  
When Doctor tailor, who (according to his custom) sat at his book studying the word of God, 
D. tailors custom ●o study.  heard the bells ring, he arose and went into the Church, supposing some thing had been there to be done, according to his Pastoral office: and coming to the Church, he found the Church doors shut and fast barred, saving the Chancel door, which was only latched: Where he entering in, and coming into the Chancel, 

Mass brought in●to Hadley with swo●● and bucklers.  
D. Taylor rebuked th● devil.  
The Papi●● call all th● trumpery 〈◊〉 the Quen● proceedin●▪ For you must rem●●●ber that Antichrist raineth by an others arm, and not by hy● own po●●er. Read Daniel, 〈◊〉 the king 〈◊〉 faces the 〈◊〉 chapter. D. Taylo● here playeth a righ● Elias. 3. R●● 18.   saw a Popish Sacrificer in his robes, with a broad new shaven crown, ready to begin his Popish sacrifice, beset round about with drawn swords and bucklers, lest any man should approach to disturb him.  
Then said Doctor tailor: Thou Devil, who made thee so bold to enter into this church of Christ, to profane and defile it with this abominable Idolatry? With that start up Foster, and with an ireful and furious countenance, said to Doctor tailor: thou Traitor, what dost thou here, to let and disturb the Queen's proceed? Doctor tailor answered: I am no traitor, but I am the shepherd that God & my Lord Christ hath appointed to feed this his flock: wherefore I have good authority to be here: & I command thee, thou popish Wolf, in the name of God to avoid hence, and not to presume here with such a Popish Idolatry, to poison Christ's flock.  
Then said Foster: wilt thou traytourly heretic make a commotion, & resist violently the Queen's proceed.  
Doctor tailor answered: I make no commotion, but it is you Papists that maketh commotions and tumults. I resist only with God's word, against your Popish Idolatries, which are against God's word, the Queen's honour, & tend to the utter subversion of this realm of England. And further thou dost against the Canon law, which commandeth that no Mass be said, but at a consecrate altar.  
When the Parson of Aldam heard that, he began to shrink back, & would have left his saying of Mass. Then start up john Clerk, and said: M. Auerth, be not afraid, ye have a 
* 
Super al●tare is a stone con●●●crated by the bishop commonly of a foot●● long 〈◊〉 the Papi●● carry in 〈◊〉 of an 〈◊〉 when th● mass for money in gentlem●● houses.  
The Pap●●● argument wherewith they maintain the doctrine. Sap. 2.   superaltar. Go forth with your business man.  
Then Foster with his armed men, took Doctor tailor, and led him with strong hand out of the Church, and the Popish Prelate proceeded in his romish Idolatry. Doct. tailors wife, who followed her husband into the Church, when she saw her husband thus violently thrust out of his Church, she kneeled down, & held up her hands, and with loud voice said: I beseech God the righteous judge to avenge this injury, that this Popish Idolator this day doth to the blood of Christ. Then they thrust her out of the Church also, and shut to the doors: for they feared that the people would have rend their Sacrificer in pieces. Notwithstanding, one or two threw in great stones at the windows, and miss very little the popish masser.  
Thus you see how without consent of the people, the Popish Mass was again set up, with battle array, with sword and bucklers, with violence and tyranny: which practise the Papists have ever yet used. As for reason, law, or Scripture, they have none on their part. Therefore they are the same that saith: The law of unrighteousness is our strength: Come, let us oppress the righteous without any fear, etc.  
Within a day or two after, with all haste possible, this Foster and Clerk made a complaint of Doctor tailor, by a letter written to Steven Gardiner Bishop of Winchester, and Lord Chancellor.  
When the Bishop heard this, he sent a letter missive to Doct. tailor, commanding him within certain days, to come and to appear before him upon his allegiance, 
D. Taylo● cited by a letter mis●siue.  to answer such complaints as were made against him.  
When Doctor tailors friends heard of this, they were exceeding sorry and aggrieved in mind: which then foreseeing to what end the same matter would come, seeing also all truth and justice were trodden under foot, and falsehood with cruel tyranny were set aloft and ruled all the whole rout: his friends I say came to him, and earnestly counseled him to depart and fly, alleging and declaring unto him, 
D. Taylo● friends would 〈◊〉 him to fly▪  that he could neither be indifferently heard to speak his conscience and mind, nor yet look for justice or favour at the said Chancellors' hands, who as it was well known, was most fierce and cruel: but must needs (if he went up to him) wait for imprisonment and cruel death at his hands.  
Then said D. tailor to his friends: Dear friends, 
The valiant courage of D. Taylo● in Christ's cause.  I most heartily thank you, for that ye have so tender a care over me. And although I know, that there is neither justice nor truth to be looked for at my adversaries hands, but rather imprisonment and cruel death: yet know I my cause to be so good and righteous, and the truth so strong upon my side, that I will by God's grace go and appear before them and to their beards resist their false doings.  
Then said his friends: M. Doctor, we think it not best so to do. You have sufficiently done your duty, and testified the truth, both by your godly Sermons, and also in resisting the Parson of Aldam, with other that came hitherto bring in again the popish Mass. And for as much as our Saviour Christ willeth and biddeth us, that when they persecute us in one City, we should fly into another: 
Math. 10.  we think in flying at this time ye should do best, keeping yourself against another time when the Church shall have great need of such diligent teachers, and godly Pastors.  
Oh (quoth Doct. tailor) what will ye have me to do? I am now old, and have already lived too long to see these terrible and most wicked days. Fly you, and do as your conscience leadeth you. 
D. tailor re●●●eth to ●ye.  I am fully determined (with God's grace) to go to the Bishop, & to his beard to tell him that he doth nought, God shall well hereafter raise up teachers of his people, which shall with much more diligence and fruit teach them, than I have done. For God will not forsake his Church, though now for a time he trieth and correcteth us, and not without a just cause.  
As for me, I believe before God, I shall never be able to do God so good service, as I may do now: nor I shall never have so glorious a calling, as I now have, nor so great mercy of God proffered me, as is now at this present. For what Christian man would not gladly die against the Pope and his adherents? I know that the Papacy is the kingdom of Antichrist, altogether full of lies, altogether full of falsehood: so that all their doctrine, even from Christ's Cross be my speed and S. Nicholas, 
The Papacy a kingdom 〈◊〉 lies.  unto the end of their Apocalyps, is nothing but Idolatry, superstition, errors, hypocrisy and lies.  
Wherefore I beseech you, and all other my friends, to pray for me, & I doubt not, but God will give me strength and his holy spirit, that all mine adversaries shall have shame of their doings.  
When his friends saw him so constant, and fully determined to go, they with weeping eyes commended him unto God: and he within a day or two prepared himself to his journey, leaving his cure with a godly old Priest, named Sir Richard Yeoman, who afterward for God's truth was burnt at Norwich. 
Sir Rich. Yeoman D. tailors Curate, and Martyr of Christ, john Alcocke of Hadley troubled for God's truth, and died in prison, D. tailors journey.   
There was also in Hadley one Alcocke, a very godly man, well learned in the holy Scriptures, who (after Sir Richard Yeoman was driven away) used daily to read a chapter, and to say the English Litany in Hadley Church. But him they fet up to London, and cast him in prison in Newgate: where after a year imprisonment, he died.  
But let us return to Doctor tailor again, who being accompanied with a servant of his own, named john Hull, took his journey towards London. By the way this john Hull laboured to counsel and persuade him very earnestly to fly, and not to come to the Bishop, and proffered himself to go with him to serve him, and in all perils to venture his li●e for him, and with him.  

john Hull a faithful servant to D. tailor.  But in no wise would Doctor tailor consent or agree thereunto, but said: Oh john, shall I give place to this thy counsel & worldly persuasion, and leave my flock in this danger? Remember the good shepherd Christ, which not alonely fed his flock, but also died for his flock. Him must I follow, and with God's grace will do.  
Therefore good john pray for me: and if thou seest me weak at any time, 

D. tailor again ad●●ed to fly but he refused so to do. The first meeting between Winchest. and D. Tailor.  
A great abuse in England and 3. mischiefs coming thereof.  
The first mischief. The second mischief.   comfort me, and discourage me not in this my godly enterprise and purpose. Thus they came up to London, and shortly after Doctor tailor presented himself to the Bishop of Winchester Steven Gardiner, than Lord Chancellor of England.  
For this hath been one great abuse in England these many years, that such offices as have been of most importance and weight, have commonly been committed to Bishops and other spiritual men, whereby three devilish mischiefs and inconveniences have happened in this Realm, to the great dishonour of God, and utter neglecting of the flock of Christ: the which three be these.  
First, they have had small leisure to attend to their pastoral cures, which thereby have been utterly neglected and left undone.  
Secondly, it hath also puffed up many Bishops and other spiritual persons into such haughtiness and pride, that they have thought no noble man in the Realm worthy to be their equal and fellow.  
Thirdly, where they by this means knew the very secrets of Princes, 
The third mischief.  they being in such high offices, have caused the same to be known in Rome, afore the kings could accomplish and bring their intents to pass in England. By this means hath the Papacy been so maintained, and things ordered after their wills and pleasures, that much mischief hath happened in this Realm and others, sometime to the destruction of Princes, and sometime to the utter undoing of many common wealths.  
Now when Gardiner saw Doctor tailor, he according to his common custom, all ●o reviled him, calling him knave, Traitor, heretic, with many other villainous reproaches: which all Doctor tailor heard patiently, and at the last said unto him:  

D. tailors patience and magnanimity.  My Lord (quoth he) I am neither Traitor nor heretic, but a true subject, and a faithful Christian man, and am come according to your commandment, to know what is the cause that your Lordship hath sent for me.  
Then said the Bishop, art thou come, thou villain? How darest thou look me in the face for shame? Knowest thou not who I am?  
Yes (quoth Doctor Taylor) I know who ye are. 
Steven Gardiner's Lordly looks.  Ye are Doctor Steven Gardinar Bishop of Winchester, and Lord Chancellor, & yet but a mortal man I trow. But if I should be afraid of your Lordly looks, why fear you not God, the Lord of us all? How dare ye for shame look any Christian man in the face, 
The notable answer of Doctor tailor to the Bishop of Winchester.  seeing ye have forsaken the truth, denied our saviour Christ and his word, & done contrary to your own oath & writing? With what countenance will ye appear before the judgement seat of Christ, and answer to your oath made, first unto that blessed king Henry 8. of famous memory, and afterward unto that blessed king Edward the 6. his son?  
The bishop answered: Tush, tush, 
Herodes oath. Here the bishop confesseth unlawful oaths ought not to be kept.  that was Herodes oath, unlawful, and therefore worthy to be broken. I have done well in breaking it: and (I thank God) I am come home again to our mother to the Catholic Church of Rome, and so I would thou shouldest do.  
Doctor Taylor answered: Should I forsake the Church of Christ, which is founded upon the true foundation of the Apostles and Prophets, to approve those lies: errors, superstitions and Idolatries, that the Popes and their company at this day so blasphemously do approve? Nay God forbidden. 
The true church of Christ whereunto all men ought to turn.   
Let the pope and his return to our saviour Christ, and his word, and thrust out of the Churches such abominable Idolatries as he maintaineth, and then will christian men turn unto him. You wrote truly against him, and were sworn against him.  
I tell thee (quoth the Bishop of Winchester) it was Herodes oath, unlawful, and therefore aught to be broken and not kept, and our holy father the Pope hath discharged me of it.  
Then said D. Taylor: 
Christ will require lawful oaths and promises.  but you shall not so be discharged before Christ, who doubtless will require it at your hands, as a lawful oath made to your liege & sovereign Lord the king, from whose obedience no man can assoil you, neither the Pope nor none of his.  
I see (quoth the Bishop) thou art an arrogant knave, 
Gardiner again railing. Railing words become not a magistrate. Math. 5.  and a very fool.  
My Lord (quoth Doctor Taylor) leave your unseemly railing at me, which is not seemly for such a one in authority as you are. For I am a Christian man, and you know that He that sayeth to his brother Racha, is in danger of a Counsel, and he that saith thou fool, is in danger of hell fire.  
The Bishop answered, ye are all false, and liars all the sort of you. Nay (quoth D. Taylor) we are true men, and know that is written: Os quod mentitur, occidit animam: & again, Perdes omnes qui loquuntur mendacium. i. The mouth that lieth slayeth the soul. And again Lord God thou shalt destroy all that speak lies. And therefore we abide by the truth of god's word which ye contrary to your own conscience deny and forsake.  
Thou art married (quoth the B.) Yea, (quoth Doctor Taylor) that I thank God I am, 

Marriage objected to D. tailor.  
Marriage defended.   and have had nine children, and all in lawful matrimony, and blessed be God that ordained matrimony, and commanded that every man that hath not the gift of continency should marry a wife of his own, and not live in adultery, or whoredom.  
Then said the bishop: thou hast resisted the Queen's proceedings, 
One Idolater holdeth with an other.  and wouldst not suffer the Parson of Aldam a very virtuous and devout Priest, to say Mass in Hadley. Doctor Taylor answered. My Lord I am Parson of Hadley, and it is against all right, conscience and laws, that any man shall come into my charge & presume to infect the flock committed unto me, 
The Mass.  with venom of the Popish Idolatrous Mass.  
With that the Bishop waxed very angry, & said, Thou art a blasphemous heretic in deed, that blasphemest the blessed sacrament (and put of his cap) and speakest against the holy Mass, which is made a sacrifice for the quick and the dead. D. Taylor answered, Nay I blaspheeme not the blessed sacrament which Christ instituted, but I reverence it as a true christian ought to do, 
The communion.  and confess that Christ ordained the holy communion in the remembrance of his death and passion, 
The true sacrifice for the quick and dead, what it is.  which when we keep according to his ordinance, we (through faith) eat the body of christ, and drink his blood giving thanks for our redemption, and this is our sacrifice for the quick & the dead, to give God thanks for his merciful goodness showed to us, in that he gave his son Christ unto the death for us. 
Propitiatory sacrifice offered never more then once.   
Thou sayest well (quoth the Bishop) It is all that thou hast said, and more to, for it is a propitiatory sacrifice for the quick & dead. Then answered D. Taylor: Christ gave himself to die for our redemption upon the Cross, whose body there offered, was the propitiatory Sacrifice, full, perfect, and sufficient unto salvation, for all them that believe in him. And this sacrifice did our Saviour Christ offer in his own person himself once for all, 

Our sacrifice is only memorative.  
Winchester's strong argument carry him to prison.   neither can any Priest any more offer him, nor we need no more propitiatory sacrifice, and therefore I say with chrysostom, and all the Doctors: Our Sacrifice is only memorative, in the remembrance of Christ's death and passion, a sacrifice of thanksgiving, and therefore Fathers called it Eucharistia: And other sacrifice hath the Church of God none.  
It is true (quoth the Bishop) the Sacrament is called Eucharistia, a thanksgiving, because we there give thanks for our redemption, and it is also a sacrifice propitiatory for the quick and the dead, which thou shalt confess ere thou and I have done. Then called the Bishop his men, and said: have this fellow hence, and carry him to the King's bench, and charge the keeper he be straightly kept.  
Then kneeled Doctor tailor down and held up both his hands, and said: Good Lord, I thank thee, and from the tyranny of the Bishop of Rome, 
D. tailors prayer against the pope and his detestable enormities.  and all his detestable errors, Idolatries, and abominations, good Lord deliver us: And God be praised for good King Edward. So they carried him to prison, to the King's Bench, where he lay prisoner almost two years.  
☞ This is the sum of that first talk, as I saw it mentioned in a Letter that Doctor tailor wrote to a friend of his, thanking God for his grace, that he had confessed his truth, and was found worthy for truth to suffer prison and bands, beseeching his friends to pray for him, that he might persevere constant unto the end.  
Being in prison, Doctor tailor spent all his time in prayer, reading the holy Scriptures, and writing, and preaching, 
The godly behaviour and conversation of D. tailor in the prison.  and exhorting the prisoners and such as resorted to him, to repentance and amendment of life.  
Within a few days after, were diverse other learned and godly men in sundry countries of England committed to prison for Religion, so that almost all the prisons in England were become right Christian schools & Churches, 
Prisons turned into churches, & churches into dens of thieves.  so that there was no greater comfort for Christian hearts, then to come to the prisons, to behold their virtuous conversation, and to hear their prayers, preachings, most godly exhortations, and consolations.  
Now were placed in Churches, blind and ignorant massmongers, with their Latin babblings and apish ceremonies: who like cruel Wolves spared not to murder all such, as any thing at all, but once whispered against their Popery. As for the godly preachers which were in King Edward's time, they were either fled the Realm, or else, 
The lamantable distress of gods true worshippers in those days.  as the Prophets did in King Ahab'S days, they were privily kept in corners. As for as many as the Papists could lay hold on, they were sent into prison, there as Lambs waiting when the Butchers would call them to the slaughter.  
When Doctor tailor was come into the prison called the King's Bench, he found therein the virtuous and vigilant preacher of God's word, M. Bradford: which man for his innocent and godly living, 
john Bradford and D. tailor prison fellows in the kings Bench.  his devout, & virtuous preaching, was worthily counted a miracle of our time, as even his adversaries must needs confess. Finding this man in prison, he began to exhort him to faith, strength, & patience, and to persevere constant unto the end. M. Bradford hearing this, thanked God that he had provided him such a comfortable prison fellow: & so they both together lauded God, and continued in prayer, reading, & exhorting one the other: In so much that D. tailor told his friends that came to visit him, that God had most graciously provided for him, to send him to that prison where he found such an angel of God, to be in his company to comfort him.  

¶ Doctor tailor brought forth to be deprived.  
¶ After that Doct. tailor had lain in prison a while, he was cited to appear in the Arches at Bow Church to answer unto such matter, as there should be objected against him. At the day appointed, he was led thither, his keeper waiting upon him. Where, when he came, he stoutly and strongly defended his Marriage, affirming by the Scriptures of God, by the Doctors of the primitive Church, 
D. tailor defendeth marriage of Priests.  by both Laws Civil and Canon, that it is lawful for Priests to marry, and that such as have not the gift of continency, are bound in pain of damnation to marry. This did he so plainly prove, that the judge could give no sentence of divorce against him, but gave sentence he should be deprived of his benefice because he was married. 
D. tailor deprived h●s Benefice because of his marriage.   
You do me wrong then (quoth Doctor tailor) and alleged many laws and constitutions for himself, but all prevailed not. For he was again carried into prison, & his livings taken away, and given to other. As for Hadley benefice, it was given or sold, I wot not whether, 
Seldom cometh a better.  to one Master Newealle, whose great virtues were altogether unlike to Doctor tailor his predecessor, as the poor Parishioners full well have proved.   

* Doctor Tailor brought again before Winchester, and other bishops.  
AFter a year and three quarters, or thereabout, in the which time the Papists got certain old tyrannous laws, which were put down by King Henry the eight, 
The papist rule and reign.  and by king Edward, to be again revived by Parliament: so that now they might Ex officio▪ cite whom they would, upon their own suspicion, and charge him with what Articles they lusted, and except they in all things agreed to their purpose, burn them: when these laws were once established, they sent for Doctor tailor with certain other prisoners, which were again convented before the Chancellor and other Commissioners about the 22. of january. The purpose and effect of which talk between them, because it is sufficiently described by himself in his own letter written to a friend of his, I have annexed the said letter here under as followeth.   

¶ A Letter of Doctor tailor, containing and reporting the talk had between him and the Lord Chancellor and other Commissioners, the 22. of january.  
WHereas you would have me to write the talk between the King and Queen's most honourable Counsel and me on Tuesday, the xxij. of january, so far as I remember: First my Lord Chancellor said: You, among other are at this present time sent for, 
The pardon is proffered.  to enjoy the Kings and Queen's majesty's favour and mercy, if you will now rise again with us from the fall which we generally have received in this Realm, from the which (God be praised) we are now clearly delivered, miraculously. If you will not rise with us now, and receive mercy now offered, you shall have judgement according to your demerits. To this I answered: that so to rise, should be the greatest fall that ever I could receive: for I should so fall from my dear Saviour Christ, to Antichrist. 

Note this answer. The religion set forth in king Edward's days.  
Secretary Bourne, cavilleth again the religion set forth in K. Edward's days.  
A testimony of the book of service set out in K. Edward's days.   For I do believe that the Religion set forth in King Edward's days, was according to the vain of the holy Scripture, which containeth fully all the rules of our Christian Religion, from the which I do not intend to decline so long as I live, by God's grace.  
Then Master Secretary Bourne said: which of the Religions mean ye of in King Edward's days? For ye know there were divers books of Religion set forth in his days. There was a Religion set forth in a catechism by my Lord of Caunterbury. Do you mean that you will stick to that?  
I answered: My Lord of Caunterbury made a catechism, to be translated into English, which book was not of his own making: yet he set it forth in his own name, and truly that book for the time did much good. But there was after that set forth by the most innocent King Edward (for whom, God be praised everlastingly) the whole Churchseruice, with great deliberation, and the advise of the best learned men of the Realm, and authorised by the whole Parliament, and received and published gladly by the whole Realm: which book was never reform but once, and yet by that one reformation it was so fully perfited, according to the rules of our Christian Religion in every behalf, that no Christian conscience could be offended with any thing therein contained: I mean of that book reform.  
Then my Lord Chancellor said: Didst thou never read the book that I set forth of the Sacrament?  
I answered that I had read it.  
Then he said: How likest thou that book? With that, 
His right name might be Sir john Clawback.  one of the Counsel (whose name I know not) said: My Lord, that is a good question: for I am sure, that book stoppeth all their mouths. Then said I: My Lord, I think many things be far wide from the truth of God's word in that book.  
Then my Lord said: Thou art a very varlet. 
Math. 5.  To that I answered: that is as ill as Racha or Fatue. Then my Lord said: thou art an ignorant beetill brow.  
To that I answered: 

D. tailor learned in divinity, and also in the civil law.  
Gardiner's book de vera obedientia.   I have read over and over again the holy Scriptures, and S. Augustine's works through, S. Cyprian, Eusebius, Origine, Gregory Nazianzen, with divers other books through once: therefore I thank God I am not utterly ignorant. Besides these, my Lord, I professed the Civil laws, as your Lordship did, and I have read over the Canon law also.  
Then my Lord said: with a corrupt judgement thou readest all things, Touching my profession it is Divinity, in which I have written divers books. Then I said: my Lord, ye did write one book De vera obedientia: I would you had been constant in that: for in deed you never did declare a good conscience, that I heard of, but in that one book.  
Then my Lord said: tut, tut, tut, I wrote against Bucer in priests Marriages: but such books please not such wretches, as thou art, which hast been married many years.  
To that I answered: I am married in deed, and I have had nine children in holy matrimony, I thank God: and this I am sure of, 
 that your proceedings now at this present in this Realm against priests Marriages is the maintenance of the doctrine of devils, against natural law, Civil law, Canon law, general Counsels, Canons of the Apostles, ancient Doctors, and Gods laws.  
Then spoke my Lord of Duresme, saying: You have professed the Civil law, as you say. Then you know that justinian writeth, that Priests should at their taking of orders swear, that they were never married: and he bringeth in to prove that, Canon's Apostolorum.  
To that I answered: that I did not remember any such law of justinian. But I am sure that justinian Writeth in Titulo de indicta viduitate, 
 in Cod. that if one would bequeath to his wife in his Testament a legacy, under a condition that she should never marry again, and take an oath of her accomplishing of the same, yet she may marry again if he die, notwithstanding the aforesaid condition and oath taken and made against Marriage: and an oath is an other manner of obligation made to God, then is a Papistical vow made to man.  
Moreover in the Pandects it is contained, that if a man doth manumit his handmaid under a condition, that she shall never marry: yet she may marry, and her Patron shall lose ius patronatus, for his adding of the unnatural, and unlawful condition against Matrimony.  
Then my Lord Chancellor said: thou sayest that Priests may be married by God's law. How provest thou that?  

Scripture approveth 〈◊〉 ma●sages, but ●he P●pe 〈◊〉 be heard be●ore the Scripture. Chrysost. falleth it an heresy, to ●ay that a Priest may ●ot be married.  I answered: by the plain words and sentences of S. Paul, both to Timothy, & to Titus, where he speaketh most evidently of the marriage of Priests, Deacons, and bishops. And chrysostom writing upon the Epistle to Timothy saith: It is an heresy to say that a Bishop may not be married.  
Then said my Lord Chancellor: thou liest of chrysostom. But thou dost, as all thy companions do, belie ever without shame, both the Scriptures and the Doctors. Didst thou not also say, that by the Canon law Priests may be married? which is most untrue: and the contrary is most true.  
I answered: We read in the Decrees, that the four general Counsels, Nicene, Constantinopolitan, Ephesine, and Chalcedone, have the same authority that the four Evangelists have. And we read in the same decrees (which is one of the chief books of the Canon law) that the Council of Nicene, by the means of one Paphnutius, 
Canon law ●●proueth Priests marriages.  did allow Priests & bishops marriages. Therefore by the best part of the Canon law, Priests may be married.  
Then my Lord Chancellor said: thou falsifiest the general Council. For there is express mention in the said Decree, that Priests should be divorced from their wives, 
Winchester relieth the council.  which be married.  
Then said I: if those words be there, as you say, then am I content to lose this great head of mine. Let the book be fetched.  

〈◊〉 ●elpeth Winchester 〈…〉.  Then spoke my Lord of Duresme: Though they be not there, yet they may be in Ecclesiastica historia, which Eusebius wrote, out of which book the Decree was taken.  
To that said I: it is not like that the Pope would leave out any such sentence, having such authority, & making so much for his purpose.  
Then my Lord Chancellor said: Gratian was but a patcher, & thou art glad to snatch up such a patch as maketh for thy purpose. 
 I answered my Lord, I can not but marvel that you do call one of the chief Papists that ever was▪ but a patcher.  
Then my Lord Chancellor said: Nay I call thee a snatcher & a patcher To make an end: wilt thou not return again with us to the Catholic Church? and with that he rose.  
And I said. By God's grace I will never depart from Christ's Church. Then I required that I might have some of my friends to come to me in prison: and my Lord Chancellor said: thou shalt have judgement within this week: and so was I delivered again unto my keeper, 
D. Tailor 〈◊〉 again 〈…〉.  My Lord of Duresme would that I should believe as my father and my mother. I alleged S. Augustine: that we ought to prefer God's word before all men.  
And thus mun was contained in the foresaid letter of Doctor tailor for that matter.  
Besides this letter moreover he directed an other writing in like manner to an other friend of his concerning the causes wherefore he was condemned, which we thought likewise here to express as followeth.   

¶ The copy of an other Letter to his friend touching his assertions of the Marriage of Priests, and other causes for the which he was condemned.  
IT is heresy to defend any doctrine against the holy scripture. Therefore the Lord Chancellor and Bishops consenting to his sentence against me, be heretics. For they have given sentence against the marriage of priests, knowing that S. Paul to Timothe and Titus writeth plainly, 
The B. of Wint. and his fellowe● proved to be orpen heretics by Scripture 〈◊〉 by the true ●●●nition of here●●.  that Bishops, Priests, & Deacons may be married: knowing also that by S. Paul's doctrine, it is the doctrine of the devils to inhibit Matrimony. And S. Paul willeth every faithful Minister to teach the people so, lest they be deceived by the marked Merchants. 1. Tim. 4.  
These Bishops are not ignorant, that it is only S. Paul's counsel, and lawful, but God's commandment also to marry, for such as cannot otherwise live chaste, neither avoid fornication. 
1. Tim. 4. Bishop's sin against their own conscience & that for 9 or 10. causes. 1. Cor. 7. Gene. 2.   
They know that such as do marry, do not sin.  
They know that God, before sin was, ordained matrimony, & that in Paradise, between two of his principal creatures, man, and woman.  
They know what spirit they have, which say it is evil to marry (seeing God said: it is not good for man to be alone without a wife) having no special gift contrary to the general commandment and ordinance, divers times repeated in the book of Genesis, 
Gene. 1.  which is to increase and multiply.  
They know that Abraham carried into the land of Canaan his old & yet barren wife the virtuous woman Sara with him, leaving father and mother, 
Gene. 12. Marriage is no impediment for a good man to walk in ●he obediene of God's commandment.  and country otherwise at God's commandment. For though father & mother, and other friends are dear and near, yet none are so dearly and nearly joined together, as man & wife in matrimony, which must needs be holy, for that it is a figure & similitude of Christ and his Church.  
They know that S. Paul giveth a great praise to matrimony, calling it honourable, 
Ephe. 5. Aeb. 13.  and that not only to and among many, but to and among all men without exception, whosoever have need of that God's remedy, for man's and woman's infirmity.  
They know that if there were any sin in Matrimony, 
Gene. 18. Exod. 18. Gene. 25. Gene. 31. 1. Reg. 7.  it were chief to be thought to be in the bedcompany. But S. Paul saith: that the bedcompany is undefiled.  
They know that the having of a wife was not an impediment for Abraham, Moses, Isaac, jacob, David. etc. to talk with God, neither to the levites, bishops, & priest's office in the time of the old Testament or the New.  
They know that Christ would not be conceived, 
Math. 1.  or borne of his blessed mother the virgin Mary, before she was espoused in marriage, his own ordinance.  
They know by S. Cyprian and Saint Augustine that a vow is not an impediment sufficient to let Matrimony or to divorce the same.  
They know that S. chrysostom saith it is heresy to affirm that a bishop may not have a wife. 
chrysostom. It is heresy to deny priests Marriage. Ambros. 3. Q. 1. Integritat.   
They know that Ambrose will have no commandment but counsel only to be given, touching the observing of virginity.  
They know that Christ with his blessed mother & the Apostles were at a marriage, and beautified and honoured the same with his presence, and first miracle.  
To be short: they know that all that I have here written touching the marriage of Priests, is true & they know that the papists themselves do not observe touching that matter, their own laws and Canons, and yet they continue marked in conscience with an hot iron, as detetestable heretics in this behalf. The Lord give them grace to repent, if it be his good will, Amen.  
My second cause why I was condemned an heretic is, 
The 2 cause of D. tailors codemnation. Transubstantiation and Concomitation, two juggling words of the Papists.  that I denied Transubstantiation and Concomitation, two juggling words of the papists, by the which they do believe and will compel all other to believe that Christ's natural body is made of bread, & the Godhead by and by to be joined thereunto: so that immediately after the words (called the words of consecration) there is no more bread and wine in the sacrament, but the substance only of the body and blood of Christ together with his Godhead: so that the same being now Christ, both God and man ought to be worshipped with godly honour, and to be offered to God, both for the quick & the dead, as a sacrifice propitiatory and satisfactory for the same, This matter was not long debated in words: but because I denied the foresaid papistical doctrine, (yea rather plain most wicked Idolatry, blasphemy and heresy) I was judged an heretic. 

The 3. article against Doct. tailor.  
The 4. article against Doct. tailor.    
I did also affirm the pope to be Antichrist, and popery Antichristianitie.  
And I confessed the Doctrine of the Bible to be a sufficient doctrine, touching all and singular matters of Christian Religion, and of salvation.  
I also alleged that the oath against the Supremacy of the Bishop of Rome, was a lawful oath, 
The 5. article against Doct. tailor.  and so was the oath made by us all, touching the kings or Queen's pre-eminence. For Chrisostomus saith: That Apostles, Evangelists, and all men in every realm were ever, and aught to be ever, touching both body and goods, in subjection to the kingly authority, who hath the sword in his hand, as Gods principal officer and Governor in every Realm. I desired the Bishops to repent for bringing the Realm from Christ to Antichrist, 
All men must obey kings.  from light to darkness, from verity to vanity.  
Thus you know the sum of my last examination, & condemnation. Pray for me, and I will pray for you.  
God be praised: since my condemnation, I was never frayed to die: 
D. tailor never afraid of d●●th.  Gods will be done. If I shrink from God's truth▪ I am sure of an other manner of death than had judge Hales. But God be praised, even from the bottom of my hart, I am unmovably settled upon the Rock, nothing doubting, but that my dear God will perform and finish the work that he hath begun in me, and other. To him be all honour both now and ever through Christ our only and whole Saviour. Amen.  
And thus much wrote Doctor tailor concerning this matter, to his friend.  
You heard in the former answers a little before certain allegations touched of Doctor tailor out of S. Cyprian, Augustine, chrysostom, and Ambrose, touching the lawfulness of priests marriage. Now ye shall hear the places of the said Doctors cited and produced out of their own books, as here ensueth,   

¶ The places of the Doctors alleged before in Doctor tailors Letter.  

S. Cyprian in his 11. Epistle. Lib. 1.  


Cyprian. lib. 1. Epist. 11.  
A Deacon, or Virgin or any other that hath dedicated himself to virginity if he cannot live chaste, by S. Cyprians judgement aught to marry.   THis question was asked of S. Cyprian, what should be done with those religious persons, that could not keep their chastity as they had vowed. He answered thus: Thou dost ask what we do judge of Virgins, which after they had decreed to live chastened, are afterward found in one bed with a man. Of the which thou sayest that one of them was a Deacon. We do with great sorrow see the great ruin of many persons which cometh by the reason of such unlawful and perilous companying together. Wherefore, if they have dedicate themselves unto Christ in faith, to live purely and chastened, then let them so remain without any fable and strongly & steadfastly abide the reward of virginity. But & if they will not abide, or else cannot abide: than it is better to marry, then for to fall into the fire of concupiscence: And let them give to the brethren & sisterne none occasion of slander. etc.   

¶ Saint Augustine in his book, De bono coniugali ad julianum.  
Certain men do affirm, those men to be adulterers, that do marry, 
August, de Bono coniugali ad julianum.  after that they have vowed chastity. But I do affirm that those men do grievously sin, the which do separate them. etc.   

¶ Ambrose. 32. Quest. 1. Cap. Integritas.  

The Pope & his Bishops commandeth, and counseleth not to marry, yea & to burn men for marrying.  Chastity of the body ought to be desired of us: the which thing I do give for a counsel, and do not command it imperiously. For Virginity is a thing that alonely ought to be counseled, but not to be commanded: it is rather a thing of voluntary will and not a precept.    

¶ A brief recapitulation out of Doctor tailors causes afore touched for the Reader, more evidently to see how the Papists do against their own knowledge, in forbidding Pristes' Marriage.  
THe Pope's Clergy forbidding Ecclesiastical persons to marry, do against their conscience & knowledge as may well be proved by these causes hereunder following.  
1. First, they know that Matrimony in the old testament, De iure institutionis, is indifferently permitted to all men without any exception.  
2. Secondly, they know, that in the old Testament, De facto, both Priests, Levites, Prophets, patriarchs, and all other had their wives.  
3. Thirdly, they know that Matrimony was permitted & instituted of God for two principal ends: to wit, for procreation, and avoiding of sin.  
4. Fourtly, they know, that in the old testament, God, not only instituted and permitted Matrimony to be free, but also induceth & appointeth men to marry and take wives, in these words: It is not good for a man to be alone. etc.  
5 Fiftly, they know, that in the new testament S. Paul permitteth the state of Matrimony free to all men, having not the gift of continency, and forbiddeth none.  
6. Sixtly, they know that in the new Testament the said S. Paul not only permitteth, but also expressly willeth & chargeth men having not the gift, to marry, saying: For avoiding fornication let every man have his wife. etc.  
7. seventhly, they know that in the new Testament the said S. Paul, not only permitteth and commandeth, but also commendeth and praiseth the state of matrimony, Hebr. 13. Calling it honourable: and the bedcompany to be undefiled. etc.  
8. Eightly, they know, that in the new testament Christ himself, not only was not conceived nor borne of the virgin before she was espoused in matrimony, but also that both he and his blessed mother did beutify and honour the state of matrimony with their presence: yea in the same began his first miracle.  
9 Ninthly, they know, both by the old testament & new, that marriage is no impediment to walk in the obedience of God's commandment, for both Abraham carried into the land of Canaan his old, yea and barren wife, the virtuous woman Sara with him: & also to Isaac, jacob, Moses, David, and other, their marriage was no impedement to them to talk with God: neither to other Levites, bishops, and Priests in the time both of the old testament, & of the new. Again, neither was it a let to Peter, Philip, & other both to have their wives with them, and also to supply the office of Apostleship.  
10. Tenthly, they know both by the old testament & new, that sinful fornication & adultery depriveth man of God's favour & graces of the holy Ghost, which graces especially be requisite in men of the Church.  
11. eleventhly they know in their own secret conscience, & by experience, that neither they which enjoin this vow of chastity, nor they which take it, do observe the vow of chastity. Whereupon rise inconveniences more than can be expressed: but the Lord above knoweth all, besides the secret murders peradventure of many a poor infant. etc.  
12. Twelfthly, they know, by S. Cyprian. Epist. 11. and S. Augustine. Lib. De bono coniugali ad julianum, that a vow is no impediment sufficient to let Matrimony, or to divorce the same.  
13. Thirtenthly, they know that chrysostom affirmeth it to be an heresy to say, that a bishop may not have a wife.  
14. Fourtenthly, they know that S. Ambrose. 32. q. 1. Integritas, will have no commandment, but counsel only to be given, touching the observing of virginity.  
15. Fiftenthlye, they know that before the time of Pope Hildebrand, that is, during that time of 1000 years after Christ, marriage was never restrained by any forcible necessity of vow, from men of the Church.  
16. Sixtenthly, they know, that S. Paul calleth it the doctrine of devils, to forbid meats, and marriage which God hath left free with thanks giving for necessity of man and woman.  
After that Doct. tailor thus with great spirit and courage had answered for himself, and stoutly rebuked his adversaries for breaking their oath made before to king Henry and to king Edward his son, and for betraying the realm into the power of the Roman bishop, they perceiving that in no case he could be stirred to their wills and purpose, that is, to turn with them from Christ to Antichrist, committed him thereupon to prison again, where he endured till the last of january.   

* D. tailor the fourth time with M. Bradford, and M. Saunders, brought before Winchester and other Bishops.  
Upon which day & year aforesaid, 
Gardener Hopton. Boner. Capon. Tonstall.  D. Tailor and M. Bradford, and M. Saunders were again called to appear before the bishop of Winchester, the bishop of Norwich, of London, of Salisbury, and of Duresme, and there were charged again with heresy & schism, and therefore a determinate answer was required: whether they would submit themselves to the Roman bishop & abjure there errors or else they would according to their laws proceed to their condemnation.  
When D. tailor and his fellows, M. Bradford and M. Saunders heard this, they answered stoutly and boldly, 
The con●●cye of th● men.  that they would not departed from the truth which they had preached in king Edward's days, neither would they submit themselves to the romish Antichrist but they thanked God for so great mercy, that he would call them to be worthy to suffer for his word and truth.  
When the Bishops saw them so boldly, constanly, and unmovably fixed in the truth, 
Sentence death 〈◊〉 upon 〈◊〉.  they read the sentence of death upon them, which when they had heard, they most joyfully gave God thanks, and stoutly said unto the Bishops: We doubt not but God the righteous judge, will require our blood at your hands, and the proudest of you all shall repent this receiving again of Antichrist, and your tyranny that ye now show against the flock of Christ.  
So was Doctor tailor now condemned, committed to the Clinke, & the keepers charged straitly to keep him: 
 for ye have now an other manner of charge (quoth the Lord Chancellor) than ye had before: therefore look ye take heed to it.  
When the keeper brought him toward the prison, that people flocked about to gaze upon him: unto whom he said: God be praised (good people) I am come away from them undefiled, 
 & will confirm the truth with my blood. So was he bestowed in the Clink till it was toward night, and then he was removed to the Counter by the Poultry.  
When D. tailor had lain in the said Counter in the poultry a seven-night or there abouts prisoner, the fourth day of February, Anno 1555. Edmund Boner Bishop of London with others, came to the said Counter to disgrade him, bringing with them such ornaments, as do appertain to their massing Mummery. Now being come, he called for the said D. Taylor to be brought unto him (the bishop being then in the chamber, 
 where the keeper of the Counter and his wife lay.) So D. tailor was brought down from the chamber above that, to the said Boner. And at his coming, the Bishop said: Master Doctor, I would you would remember yourself, and turn to your mother holy Church: so may you do well enough, and I will sue for your pardon. Whereunto M. Taylor answered: I would you and your fellows would turn to Christ. As for me I will not turn to Antichrist. Well (quoth the bishop) I am come to disgrade you: wherefore put on these vestures. No (quoth Doct. tailor) I will not. Wilt thou not, said the Bishop? I shall make thee, ere I go. Quoth Doct. Taylor, you shall not by the grace of God. Then he charged him upon his obedience to do it: but he would not do it for him.  
So he willed another to put them on his back: & when he was thoroughly furnished therewith, he set his hands by his side, walking up and down, and said: how say you my Lord, am I not a goodly fool? how say you my masters? If I were in cheap, should I not have boys enough to laugh at these apish toys, & toying trumpery? So the bishop scraped his finger's thumbs, & the crown of his head, and did the rest of such like devilish observances.  
At the last, when he should have given D. tailor a stroke on the breast with his Crosierstaffe, the bishops Chaplain said: my Lord strike him not, for he will sure strike again. Yea by S. Peter will I, quoth Doct. tailor. The cause is Christ's: and I were no good Christian if I would not fight in my masters quarrel. So the bishop laid his curse upon him, but struck him not. Then D. Taylor said: though you do curse me, yet God doth bless me. 
D. tailor 〈…〉 the ●ope and 〈…〉 of D. ●aylour.  I have the witness of my conscience, that ye have done me wrong and violence: And yet I pray God (if it be his will) forgive you. But from the tyranny of the Bishop of Rome, & his detestable enormities, good Lord deliver us. And in going up to his chamber, he still said: God deliver me from you, God deliver me from you. And when he came up, he told Master Bradford (for they both lay in one chamber) that he had made the Bishop of London afeard: for (saith he laughingly) his Chaplain gave him counsel not to strike me with his Crosierstaffe, for that I would strike again: and by my troth (said he rubbing his hands) I made him believe I would do so in deed.  
The night after that he was disgraded, his wife and his son Thomas resorted to him, 
●eepers of 〈◊〉.  and were by the gentleness of the keepers permitted to sup with him. For this difference was ever found between the keepers of the bishops prisons, and the keepers of the kings prisons: that the Bishop's keepers were ever cruel, blasphemous, and tyrannous, like their Masters: but the Keepers of the kings prisons showed for the most part, as much favour, as they possible might.  
So came Doctor tailors wife, his son, and john Hull his servant, to sup with him: and at their coming in afore supper, they kneeled down and prayed, saying the Litany.  

D tailor ●lessed his 〈◊〉. D. tailors 〈…〉 to 〈◊〉 son, ●●rthy of all 〈◊〉 to be 〈◊〉.  After supper walking up and down, he gave GOD thanks for his grace, that had so called him and given him strength to abide by his holy word: and turning to his son Thomas: My dear son (said he) almighty God bless thee, & give thee his holy spirit, to be a true servant of Christ, to learn his word, and constantly to stand by his truth all thy long life. And my son, see that thou fear God always. Flee from all sin & wicked living: be virtuous, serve God with daily prayer, and apply thy book. In any wise see thou be obedient to thy Mother, love her, and serve her: be ruled by her now in thy youth, and follow her good counsel in all things. Beware of lewd company of young men that fear not God, but follow their lewd lusts and vain appitites. Fly from Whoredom, and hate all filthy living, remembering that I thy father do die in the defence of holy marriage. And another day when god shall bless thee, love & cherish the poor people, & count that thy chief riches is to be rich in alms: and when thy mother is waxed old, forsake her not, but provide for her to thy power, and see that she lack nothing: For so will GOD bless thee, and give the long life upon earth and prosperity: which I pray God to grant thee.  
Then turning to his wife: 
D. tailor counseleth hi● wife.  My dear wife (quoth he) continue steadfast in the fear and love of God, keep yourself undefiled from their popish idolatries, and superstitions. I have been unto you a faithful yokefelow, and so have you been unto me, for the which I pray GOD to reward you, and doubt you not dear wife, but God will reward it.  
Now the time is come that I shall be taken from you, & you discharged of the wedlock bond towards me: therefore I will give you my counsel what I think most expedient for you. You are yet a childbearing woman, and therefore it will be most convenient for you to marry. For doubtless you shall never be at a convenient stay for yourself and our poor children, nor out of trouble, till you be married. Therefore as soon as God will provide it, marry with some honest faithful man that feareth God. Doubt you not, God will provide an honest husband for you, & he will be a merciful father to you▪ and to my children: whom I pray you, bring up in the fear of God, & in learning, to the uttermost of your power, and keep them from this romish Idolatry. When he had thus said, they with weeping tears prayed together, and kissed one the other: 
His last token to his wife and his son.  & he gave to his wife a book of the Church service, set out by King Edward, which in the time of his imprisonment he daily used. And unto his son Thomas he gave a Latin book, containing the notable sayings of the old martyrs, gathered out of Ecclesiastica historia: & in the end of that book he wrote his Testament and last Vale, as hereafter followeth.   

¶ The last will and Testament of Doctor Rowland tailor, Parson of Hadley. 
D. tailors will and testament written in the book which he gave to his son. job. 1.2. Apoc. 14. Luke 12.   
I Say to my wife, and to my children: The Lord gave you unto me, and the Lord hath taken me from you, and you from me: blessed be the name of the Lord. I believe that they are blessed which die in the Lord. God careth for sparrows, and for the hears of our heads. I have ever found him more faithful and favourable, than is any father or husband. Trust ye therefore in him by the means of our dear Saviour Christ's merits: believe, love, fear and obey him: pray to him, for he hath promised to help. Count me not dead, for I shall certainly live, and never die. I go before, and you shall follow after, to our long home. I go to the rest of my children, Susan, George, Ellen, Robert and Zachary: I have bequeathed you to the only omnipotent.  
I say to my dear friends of Hadley, and to all other which have heard me preach: 
A pure conscience fully quieted.  that I depart hence with a quiet conscience, as touching my doctrine: for the which I pray you thank God with me. For I have after my little talon declared to other, those lesions that I gathered out of god's book, the blessed Bible. Therefore if I or any Angel from heaven should preach to you any other Gospel, then that ye have received, God's great curse upon that Preacher.  
Beware for God's sake, that ye deny not God, 
A grave warning against Popery.  neither decline from the word of faith, lest God decline from you, & so do ye everlastingly perish. For God's sake beware of Popery: for though it appear to have in it unity, yet the same is in vanity, and Antichristianity, and not in Christ's faith and verity.  
Beware of the sin against the holy ghost, 
The sin against the holy Ghost.  now after such a light opened so plainly and simply, truly, thoroughly and generally to all England.  
The Lord grant all men his good and holy spirit, increase of his wisdom, contemning the wicked world, 
A godly prayer.  hearty desire to be with God & the heavenly company, through jesus Christ our only Mediator, Advocate, righteousness, life, sanctification, and hope, Amen, Amen, Pray, Pray.  
¶ Rowland tailor departing hence in sure hope, without all doubting of eternal salvation, I thank God my heavenly father, through jesus Christ my certain Saviour. Amen. The 5. of February. Anno. 1555.  

Psalm. 27.  
The Lord is my light and my salvation: whom then shall I fear.   

Roma. 8.  
God is he that justifieth: who is he that can condemn?   

Psalm. 30.  
In thee O Lord have I trusted, let me never be confounded.  
On the next morrow, after that Doct. Tailor had supped with his wife in the Counter (as is before expressed) which was the fift day of February, the Sheriff of London, with his Officers came to the Counter by two of the clock in the morning, and so brought forth Doctor tailor, and without any light lead him to the Wolsacke, an Inn without Algate. D. tailors wife suspecting that her husband should that night be carried away, watched all night within S. Butolphes Churchporch beside Algate, having with her two children, 
D. tailor lead from the Counter by night toward Hadley.  the one named Elizabeth of xiv. years of age (whom being left without father or mother, Doctor tailor had brought up of alms from iij. years old) the other named Mary, D. Tailors own daughter.  
Now, when the Sheriff & his company came against S. Butolphes church, 
The last meeting and leave-taking with his wife and children.  Elizabeth cried saying: O my dear father. Mother, mother, here is my father led away. Then cried his wife: Rowland, Rowland, where art thou? for it was a very dark morning, that the one could not see the other. D. tailor answered: dear wife, I am here, and stayed. The sheriffs men would have led him forth, but the Sheriff said: 
This Sheriff was M. Chester.  stay a little masters, I pray you, and let him speak with his wife, and so they stayed.  
Then came she to him, and he took his daughter Mary in his arms, and he, his wife, and Elizabeth kneeled down & said the lords prayer. At which sight the Sheriff wept apace, & so did divers other of the company. After they had prayed, he rose up & kissed his wife, & shook her by the hand, & said: Farewell my dear wife, be of good comfort, for I am quiet in my conscience. God shall stir up a father for my children. And then he kissed his daughter Mary and said: God bless thee, and make thee his servant: & kissing Elizabeth, he said: God bless thee. I pray you all stand strong & steadfast unto Christ & his word, & keep you from idolatry. Then said his wife: God be with thee dear Rowland. I will with God's grace meet thee at Hadley.  
And so was he led forth to the Woolsacke, and his Wife followed him. As soon as they came to the Woolsacke, he was put into a chamber, wherein he was kept with four Yeomen of the Guard, and the sheriffs men. Doctor Tailor, as soon as he was come into the chamber, fell down on his knees & gave himself wholly to prayer. The Sheriff then seeing D. tailors wife there, 
The Shrieffes gentleness showed to the woman.  would in no case grant her to speak any more with her husband, but gently desired her to go to his house and take it as her own, & promised her she should lack nothing, & sent two Officers to conduct her thither. Notwithstanding, she desired to go to her mothers, whither the Officers led her, and charged her mother to keep her there, till they came again.  
Thus remained Doctor tailor in the Woolsacke, kept by the Sheriff and his company, 
D. tailor brought to the sign of the Woolsacke.  till 11. of the clock. At which time the Sheriff of Essex was ready to receive him: and so they set him on horseback within the Inn, the gates being shut.  
At the coming out of the gates, john Hull (before spoken of) stood at the rails with Thomas Doctor tailors son. When Doctor tailor saw them, he called them, saying: Come hither my son Thomas. And john Hull lifted the child up, and set him on the horse before his father. And Doct. tailor put of his hat and said to the people that stood there looking on him: 
D. tailor taketh his leave of his son Thomas and john Hull.  good people, this is mine own son, begotten of my body in lawful matrimony: and God be blessed for lawful matrimony. Then lift he his eyes towards heaven, & prayed for his son, laid his hat upon the child's head, & blessed him, and so delivered the child to john Hull, whom he took by the hand: & said: farewell john Hull, 
A good testimony for all servants to mark.  the faithfullest servant that ever man had. And so they rod forth, the sheriff of Essex with four yeomen of the Guard, and the Sheriffs men leading him.  
When they were come almost at Burntwood, one Arthur Faysie, 
Arthur Faysie.  a man of Hadley, who before time had been Doctor tailors servant, met with them, and he supposing him to have been at liberty, said: Master Doctor I am glad to see you again at liberty, and came to him, & took him by the hand. Soft Sir (quoth the Sheriff) he is a prisoner: what hast thou to do with him? I cry you mercy (said Arthur) I knew not so much, and I thought it none offence to talk to a true man. The sheriff was very angry with this, and threatened to carry Arthur with him to prison: notwithstanding, he bade him get him quickly away & so they road forth to Burntwood: 
A close hood made for Doct. tailor that no man should know him.  where they caused to be made for D. tailor a close hood, with two holes for his eyes to look out at, & a slit for his mouth to breath at. This they did, that no man should know him, nor he speak to any man. Which practice they used also with others. Their own consciences told them, 
 that they lead innocent lambs to the slaughter. Wherefore they feared, least i● the people should have heard them speak, or have seen them, they might have been much more strengthened by their godly exhortations, to stand steadfast in God's word, and to ●ye the superstitions and Idolatries of the Papacy.  
All the way Doct. tailor was joyful and merry, a● one that accounted himself going to a most pleasant banquet or bridal. 
D. 〈…〉 his 〈◊〉  He spoke many notable things to the Sheriff and Yeomen of the Guard that conducted him, and often moved them to weep through his much earnest calling upon them to repent, and to amend their evil and wicked living. Oftentimes also he caused them to wonder and rejoice, to see him so constant and steadfast, void of all fear, joyful in hart, & glad to die. Of these yeomen of the guard, 
Home● 〈…〉 D. Tayl●●●  three used D. Tailor friendly, but the fourth (whose name was Homes) used him very homely, unkindly, and churlishly.  
At Chelmesford met them the Sheriff of Suffolk, there to receive him, and to carry him forth into Suffolk. 
The Sheriff of ●●●sex laboureth D. Tailor return Papis●●  And being at supper, the Sheriff of Essex very earnestly laboured him to return to the Popish Religion, thinking with fair words to persuade him, and said good master Doctor, we are right sorry for you, considering what loss is of such one as ye might be if ye would: God hath given you great learning and wisdom, wherefore ye have been in great favour and reputation in times passed with the Counsel and highest of this realm. Besides this, 
The Sh●●riffes 〈◊〉 to D. Taillour.  ye are a man of goodly parsonage, in your best strength, & by nature like to live many years, and without doubt, ye should in time to come be in as good reputation as ever ye were, or rather better. For ye are well beloved of all men, as well for your virtues as for your learning: and me think it were great pity you should cast away yourself willingly, & so come to such a painful and shameful death. Ye should do much better to revoke your opinions, and return to the Catholic Church of Rome, acknowledge the Pope's holiness to be the supreme head of the universal church, & reconcile yourself to him. You may do well yet, if you will: doubt ye not but ye shall find favour at the Queen's hands, I & all these your friends will be suitors for your pardon: which no doubt, ye shall obtain. This council I give you, good Master Doctor, of a good hart, a good will toward you: and thereupon I drink to you. In like manner said all the yeomen of the Guard: upon that condition Master Doctor we will all drink to you.  
When they had all drunk to him, & the cup was come to him, he stayed a little, 
D· Taylo●● maketh ● jest of death, 〈◊〉 a meet ●●●swere fo● such Do●●tours an● Counce●●lours.  as one studying what answer he might give. At the last, thus he answered and said: Master Sheriff, and my Masters all, I heartily thank you of your good will. I have hearkened to your words and marked well your counsels. And to be plain with you, I do perceive that I have been deceived myself, and am like to deceive a great many of hadley, of their expectation. With that word they all rejoiced. Yea good Master Doctor (quoth the Sheriff) God's blessing on your hart: hold you there still. It is the comfortablest word, that we heard you speak yet. What? should ye cast away yourself in vain? Play a wise man's part, & I dare warrant it, ye shall find favour. Thus they rejoiced very much at the word, and were very merry.  
At the last: good Master Doctor (quoth the Sheriff) what meant ye by this, that ye said ye think ye have been deceived yourself, and think ye sh●● deceive many one in Hadley? Would you know my meaning plainly, quoth he? Yea (quoth the Sheriff) good Master Doctor, tell it us plainly.  
Then said Doctor tailor, I will tell you how I have been deceived, and as I think, I shall deceive a great many. I am as you see, a man that hath a very great carcase, 
A 〈…〉 Doctor's Tailor.  which I thought should have been buried in Hadley churchyard if I had died in my bed, as I well hoped I should have done: but herein I see I was deceived: and there are a great number of worms in Hadley Church-yard, which should have had jolly feeding upon this carrion, which they have looked for many a day. But now I know we be deceived, both I and they: for this carcase must be burnt to ashes and so shall they lose their bait and feeding, that they looked to have had of it.  
When the Sheriff and his company heard him say so, they were amazed, and looked one on another, marveling at the man's constant mind, that thus without all fear, made but a jest at the cruel torment, and death now at hand prepared for him. Thus was their expectation clean disappointed. And in this appeareth what was his meditation in his chiefest wealth & prosperity: namely, 
A good meditat●●●  that he should shortly die & feed worms in his grave: which meditation if all our Bishops, & spiritual men had used, they had not for a little worldly glory forsaken the word of God, & truth, which they in king Edward's days had preached and set forth, nor yet to maintain the Bishop of Rome's authority, have committed so many to the fire as they did.  
But let us return to Doctor tailor, who at Chelmesford was delivered to the Sheriff of Suffolk; and by him conducted to Hadley, where he suffered. When they were come to Lanham, 
 the Sheriff stayed there two days: and thither came to him a great number of Gentlemen and justices upon great horses, which all were appointed to aid the Sheriff. These Gentlemen laboured Doctor Tailor very sore, to reduce him to the Romish religion, promising him his pardon (which said they) we have here for you. They promised him great promotions, yea a Bishopric if he would take it: but all their labour & flattering words were in vain. For he had not built his house upon the sand in peril of falling at every puff of wind, but upon the sure and unmovable rock Christ. Wherefore he abode constant and unmovable unto the end.  
After two days, the Sheriff & his company led Doctor tailor towards Hadley, 
D. tailor 〈…〉.  and coming within a two mile of hadley, he desired to light of his horse to make water: which done, he leapt, and set a frisk or twain, as men commonly do in dancing. Why Master Doctor (quoth the Sheriff) how do you now? 
An other 〈…〉 of D●●tour tailor.  He answered: Well God be praised, good Master Sheriff. Never better: for now I know I am almost at home. I lack not past two styles to go over, and I am even at my father's house. But master Shiriff (said he) shall not we go through Hadley? Yes said the Sheriff, you shall go through Hadley. The said he: 
D tailor 〈…〉.  O good Lord, I thank thee. I shall yet once ere I die see my flock, whom thou Lord knowest I have most heartily loved, and truly taught. Good Lord bless them, & keep them steadfast in thy word and truth.  
When they were now come to Hadley, and came riding over the bridge, 
〈…〉 comforted D. tailor  at the bridgefoote waited a poor man with five small children: who when he saw D. tailor, he and his children fell down upon their knees, and held up their hands, and cried with a loud voice, and said: O dear father, and good shepherd, Doctor tailor: God help & secure thee, as thou hast many a time succoured me, and my poor children. Such witness had the servant of God of his virtuous & charitable alms given in his life time. For God would now the poor should testify of his good deeds, to his singular comfort, to the example of others, and confusion of his persecutors and tyrannous adversaries. For the Sheriff and other that lead him to death, were wonderfully astonished at this: and the Sheriff sore rebuked the poor man for so crying. The streets of Hadley were beset on both sides the way with men and women of the town and country, who waited to see him: whom when they beheld so led to death, with weeping eyes and lamentable voices they cried, saying one to another: ah good Lord, there goeth our good shepherd from us, 
The people lament D. tailor.  that so faithfully hath taught us, so fatherly hath cared for us, & so godly hath governed us. O merciful God: what shall we poor scattered Lambs do? What shall come of this most wicked world? Good Lord strengthen him and comfort him: with such other most lamemtable and piteous voices. Wherefore the people were sore rebuked by the Sheriff and the Catchpoles his men, that led him. And Doct. tailor evermore said to the people: 
 I have preached to you God's word & truth, and am come this day to seal it with my blood.  
Coming against the Alms houses, which he well knew, he cast to the poor people money, which remained of that good people had given him in time of his imprisonment. As for his living, they took it from him at his first going to prison, so that he was sustained all the time of his imprisonment by the charitable alms of good people that visited him. 
D. tailor lived 〈…〉 and ga●e ●lmes.   
Therefore the money that now remained, he put in a glove ready for the same purpose, & (as is said) gave it to the poor Almesmen standing at their doors to see him. And coming to the last of the alms houses, and not seeing the poor that there dwelled ready in their doors, as the other were, he asked: is the blind man and blind woman, that dwelled here, alive? It was answered yea: they are there within. Then threw he glove and all in at the window, & so road forth.  

 Thus this good father and provider for the poor, now took his leave of those, for whom all his life he had a singular care and study. For this was his custom, once in a fortnight at the least, to call upon Sir Henry Doyll, and others the rich Clothmakers, to go with him to the alms-houses, and there to see how the poor lived: what they lacked in meat, drink, clothing, bedding, or any other necessaries. The like did he also to other poor men that had many children, or were sick. Then would he exhort & comfort them, and where he found cause, rebuke the unruly, and what they lacked, that gave he after his power: and what he was not able, he caused the rich and wealthy men to minister unto them. Thus showed he himself in all things an example to his flock, worthy to be followed: & taught by his deed, what a great treasure alms is to all such, as cheerfully for Christ's sake do it.  
At the last, coming to Aldam Common, the place assigned where he should suffer, 
Aldam Common.  and seeing a great multitude of people gathered thither, he asked what place is this, & what meaneth it that so much people are gathered hither? It was answered: It is Aldham Common, 
D. tailor is come home.  the place where you must suffer: and the people are come to look upon you. Then said he: thanked be God, I am even at home, and so light from his horse, and with both his hands, rend the hood from his head.  
Now was his head knotted evilfavoredly, and clipped much like as a man would clip a fools head: which cost the good Bishop Boner had bestowed upon him, 
B. Boners cost and liberality upon D. tailor.  when he disgraded him. But when the people saw his reverend and ancient face, with a long white beard, they burst out with weeping tears, and cried saying: God save thee good D. Taylor. jesus Christ strengthen thee, and help thee. The holy Ghost comfort thee: with such other like Godly wishes. Then would he have spoken to the people: 
The people wisheth God to help him.  but the yeomen of the Guard were so busy about him, that as soon as he opened his mouth, one or other thrust a tip staff into his mouth, and would in no wise permit him to speak.  
Then desired he licence of the Sheriff to speak: 
D. tailor could not be suffered to speak to the people.  but the Sheriff denied it to him, and bade him remember his promise to the Counsel.  
Well (quoth Doctor tailor) promise must be kept. What this promise was, it is unknown: but the common fame was, that after he and others were condemned, the Counsel sent for them, and threatened them, they would cut their tongues out of their heads, except they would promise, that at their deaths they would keep silence, and not speak to the people: Wherefore they desirous to have the use of their tongues, to call upon God as long as they might live, promised silence. For the Papists feared much, lest this mutation of religion, from truth to lies, from Christ's ordinances to the Popish traditions, should no● so quietly have been received, as it was, especially this burning of the Preachers: but they measuring others minds by their own, feared lest the tumult or uproar might have been stirred, the people having so just a cause not to be contented with their doings, or else (that they most feared) the people should more have been confirmed by their godly exhortations to stand steadfast against their vain Popish doctrine, & idolatry. But thanks to God, which gave to his witnesses faith and patience, with stout and manly hearts to despise all torments: 
The Gospelers are not seditious, as the Papists commonly be.  neither was their so much as any one man that once showed any sign of disobedience toward the magistrates. They shed their blood gladly in the defence of the truth, so leaving example unto all men of true & perfect obedience: which is to obey God more than men, and if need require it, to shed their own blood rather than to departed from God's truth.  
Doctor Taylor perceiving that he could not be suffered to speak, sat down, and seeing one named Soyce, 
Soyce pulleth of his boots.  he called him and said: Soice, I pray thee come & pull of my boots & take them for thy labour. Thou hast long looked for them, now take them. Then rose he up, 
D. tailor confesseth the truth.  and put of his clothes unto his shirt, and gave them away. Which done, he said with loud voice: Good people, I have taught you nothing but Gods holy word, and those Lessons that I have taken out of God's blessed book, the holy Bible: 
Homes a cruel Tyrant.  and I come hither this day to seal it with my blood. With that word Homes, yeoman of the Guard, aforesaid, who had used doctor tailor very cruelly all the way, 
D. tailor prayeth.  gave him a great stroke upon the head with a waster, and said: Is that the keeping of thy promise, thou heretic: Then he seeing they would not permit him to speak, kneeled down and prayed, & a poor woman that was among the people, 
A good woman coming to pray with him could not be suffered  stepped in & prayed with him: but her they thrust away, and threatened to tread her down with horses: notwithstanding she would not remove, but abode and prayed with him. When he had prayed, he went to the stake and kissed it, and set himself into a pitch barrel, which they had set for him to stand in, and so stood with his back upright against the stake, with his hands folded together, and his eyes toward heaven, & so he continually prayed.  
Then they bond him with chains: and the Sheriff called one Richard Doningham a Butcher, and commanded him to set up Faggots: but he refused to do it, and said: I am lame Sir, and not able to lift a Faggot. 
Richard Donningham.  The Shyrriffe threatened to send him to prison: notwithstanding he would not do it.  
Then appointed he on Mulleine of Carsey, a man for his virtues fit to be a hang man, and Soice a very drunkard, and Warwick, who in the commotion time in king Edward's days, lost one of his ears for his seditious talk, amongst whom was also one Robert King a deviser of Interludes, 

The tormentors.  
Warwick a cruel tormentor. This king was also one of them which went with his halberd to bring them to death which were burnt at Bery.  
D. Taylor is patient.   who albeit was there present & had doing there with the gunnepouder, what he meant and did therein (he himself saith he did it for the best, and for quick dispatch) the Lord knoweth which shall judge all, more of this I have not to say.  
These four were appointed to set up the Faggots and to make the fire, which they most diligently did: and this Warwick cruelly cast a Faggot at him, which light upon his head, and broke his face, that the blood ran down his visage. Then said Doctor tailor: Oh friend, I have harm enough, what needed that.  
Furthermore Sir john Shelton there standing by as Doct. tailor was speaking and saying the Psalm Miserere in English, struck him on the lips: ye knave, 
Sir Ioh● Shelton  said he, speak Latin, I will make thee. At the last they set to fire: and Doctor tailor holding up both his hands, called upon God, and said: 
D. Taylo●● last wor●  Merciful father of heaven, for jesus Christ my saviours sake, receive my soul into thy hands. 
Soyce 〈…〉 down with an Halberd  So stood he still without either crying or moving, with his hands folded together, till Soice with an Halberd struck him on the head that the brains fell out, and the dead corpses fell down into the fire.  
Thus rendered the man of God his blessed soul into the hands of his merciful father, and to his most dear and certain Saviour jesus Christ, whom he most entyrelye loved, faithfully and earnestly preached obediently followed in living, and constantly glorified in death.  
❧ The martyrdom of Doctor tailor, burned at Hadley for the testimony of the Gospel. February. 9 Anno. 1555.  
The same morning, when he was called up by the sheriff to go to his burning (about three of the clock in the morning) being suddenly awaked out of his sound sleep he sat up in his bed, and putting on his shirt, had these words (speaking somewhat thick after his accustomed manner:) Ah whoreson thieves, ah whoreson thieves, rob God of his honour, rob God of his honour? Afterward being risen and tying his points, he cast his arms about a baulk which was in the chamber between Master Bradfordes bed & his: 
D. Tailor careless of his death.  and there hanging by the hands, said to M. Bradford: O Master Bradford (quoth he) what a notable sway should I give if I were hanged, meaning for that he was a corpulent and big man. These things I thought good here to note: to set forth and declare to those that shall read this history, what a notable and singular gift of spirit and courage God had given to this godly and blessed martyr.  
At what time Doctor tailor was deprived of his benefice of Hadley, there was one called Sir Robert Bracher, a false pretenced Protestant in king Edward's days, and afterward a deadly enemy to the same Religion: who was also one of them that so unmercifully thrust Doctor tailors wife and children out of the doors, as she herself yet can testify: & notwithstanding the same, now since became a Protestant again.  
This Sir Robert Bracher aforesaid, 
Sir Rob●●● Bracher● coming 〈◊〉 Hadley  coming to Hadley to the burial of a certain friend of his and God's great enemy one Walter Clarke, albeit he came somewhat to late to the market (as he said) yet desirous to utter such Popish pelf and packeware as he brought with him, he opened there his baggage of pestilent doctrine, 
A popish Sermon Sir 〈◊〉 Bracher▪  preaching in the same town of Hadley against justification of faith, of the corporal presence, of praying for the dead, and Auricular confession. Whereof Doctor tailor having understanding by Letters, writeth again to them of Hadley directing his Letter to his wife in confutation of the said Popish poisoned Sermon: the Copy of which Letter we thought not unworthy here in the end of this story to be annexed, as under followeth.    

¶ A Letter of Doctor tailor of Hadley, written to his wife.  
Dear wife, 
This cap was a 〈◊〉 cap sent M· Cou●●dale to 〈◊〉 Tailor 〈◊〉 his wife.  I pray God be ever with us through Christ our only Mediator. Amen.  
I thank you for my cap: I am something proud of it: for it is one step from the Clergy in these days. I thank God my hart is clean divided from their proceedings: for I know that no man can serve two masters, specially if they agree no better than Christ and Antichrist do. I am glad that Hadley can skill of such packing ware as was brought thither the first day of May last past. Christ's sheep can discern Christ's voice from the voice of strangers, thieves, or hirelings. The packebringer was sorry that he came to late to the funeral market of his faithful friend· 
 But here I will leave them both to God's judgement, and something touch the matter whereof the packer made mention on his opening day. At the first he called the Scripture (as I hear) full of dark sentences, but in deed it is called of David, a candle to our feet, and a light to our paths. Our Saviour Christ calleth his word, the light which evil doers do flee from and hate, lest their deeds should be reproved thereby, S. Paul would have us to walk as children of light, and in any wise not to continue in ignorance or darkness. But all we in the world pertain to two princes, either to the father of light & truth, or else to the prince of darkness and lies.  
In these days preachers declare evidently of whom they are sent, and with what spirit they speak, & to what prince they belong: 
〈◊〉 stripe 〈◊〉 falsely 〈◊〉 of 〈…〉 to be ●eare and 〈◊〉.  For they cry out against Gods, Lights, Sun, Moon, Stars, torches, lamps, lanterns, cressets, and candles in God's book the Bible, provided of God's great goodness and mercy to avoid all foul darkness; clouds, and mists, or dangerous doubtful ways in this our journey to our heavenvly father, long home, mansion houses, and dearly purchased heritage. Esay gods faithful messenger saith: Woe be unto them that call sweet sour, good evil, and light darkness. Therefore cometh my people into captivity, because they have no understanding. Our Saviour Christ pronounceth errors and heresies to remain among the people, so long as ignorance of the scriptures remaineth. And hereby it appeareth to all good consciences, what they mean, which defame or accuse God's blessed word being full of light, as though it were full of darkness. These Owls would have all day lights scraped out of books, hearts, and Churches. Oh Lord turn their hearts and tongues: bow them from the way of darkness, lest they go to the prince of darkness, and be cast into the pit of utter darkness, where is weeping and gnashing of teeth.  
Now, touching the packs of wool, and the packs of cloth, I fear they were as all other wares be, transubstantiate into flocks, 
The Pope's pack ware: justification by works. Corporal presence, Praying for souls, Auricular confession.  even his very finest packing stuff against only faith justifying, and for the corporal presence of Christ's body in the sacrament, for praying for souls departed, and for auricular confession. Abraham's justification by faith, by grace, by promise and not by works, is plainly set forth both in the epistle to the Rom. cap. 4. and to the Gal. ca 3. and abraham's works of obedience in offering up his son so long after his justification, must needs be taken as a fruit of a good tree justifying before men, and not of justification before God: for than had man to glory in, than did Christ die in vain.  
And where as the 6 chap. of john was alleged, to prove that Christ did give his body corporally in his supper, even as he had promised in the said 6. chap. it is most untrue. 
Against the corporal presence.  For only he gave his body sacramentally, spiritually, and effectually in his supper to the faithful Apostles, and corporally he gave it in a bloody sacrifice for the life of the world upon the cross once for all. There in his own person, 
Chr●sts body given in the Supper spiritually, upon the cro●se corporally.  in his own natural body he bore all our sins. By whose stripes we were healed, as S. Peter proveth 1. Pet. 2. and Esay. 53. In deed receiving Christ's sacrament accordingly as it was instituted, we receive Christ's body & Christ's blood, even as I said before, the Apostles did.  
But the popish Mass is another matter. The Mass as it is now, is but one of Antichrists youngest daughters, in the which the devil is rather present and received, 
Against the Mass. The Mass the Pope's youngest daughter. D●scription of the pope's kingdom.  than our saviour, the second person in Trinity, God and man. O Lord God heavenly father, for Christ's sake we beseech thee to turn again England to the right way it was in in K. Edward's time, from this babylonical stewish spiritual whoredom, conspiracy, tyranny, detestable enormities, false doctrine, heresy, hardness of hart, and contempt of thy word and commandments, from this evident and open idolatry, sacrilege, simony, blasphemy, superstition, hypocrisy, transubstantiate angel of light and day devil, kingdom of lies, foul vain schisms, sects, sedition, apostasy, gay sweet poison, honeyed and sugared viperous venom, wily woluishnesse, satanical subtlety, and abomination in the sight of God, and of all such as put on the true spectacles of holy scripture. I am the more plain now in this matter, because I fear greatly, that many will be to much ready to go from Christ to Antichrist, from the Bible, true God's service and religion, to Latin lying Legends, Portases, Mass books and superstition. They say their Church cannot err in any point, when in deed they be not of god's church and therefore they can do nothing but err, even as they do almost in all cases of true faith.  
But to come again to the packer rather than preacher, he bringeth S chrysostom writing Ad populum Antiochenum, 
 where he making a comparison between Christ's flesh and Elias cloak cast down to Elizeus, when Elias was taken up in the fiery Chariot, at length he sayeth, that Christ ascending up to heaven, took his flesh with him, and also left his flesh behind him in earth.  
The meaning of it is, he did ascend with his flesh, 
The meaning of Chrisost. rightly expounded concerning Elias cloak.  and left a memorial cloak of the same body and flesh, which he calleth his flesh, as he in the sacramental phrase calleth bread his body, because it representeth his body: and as in the like manner of Sacramental speech, a Lamb was called the passover, the Circumcision, God's covenant. He took up his flesh corporally, & lest his flesh in mystery and sacrament spiritually. 

Of this memorial cloak read before in D. Ridleys' disputations.  
The place of Genesis. 49.   Or it may be said, that he left his flesh upon earth: that is, his mystical body, his faithful people, whom S. Paul calleth the members of his body, of his flesh, of his bones, Ephes. 5. In the 49. chap. of Genesis, there is no word of Christ's sacrament, but there is a prophesy of Christ's passion, wherein his fool was bound, that is, his body. And where he speaketh there of grapes and wine, it is as that is spoken of Christ in an other place, where he sayeth: Ego solus torcular calcavi: I alone did tread the wine press meaning thereby, that Christ alone suffered painful passion for the remission of sins, and for the consolation of all his faithful soldiers.  
It is not true that the packer said, that Christ's infinite power may make his body to be in a thousand places at once, as a loaf to be in a thousand bellies: 
Christ's natural body cannot be divided.  for than might Christ divide the parts of his body, as a loaf is divided and so consumed, & then might scripture be false, appointing Christ's body to be but in one place. Act. 3. Phil. 3. Heb. 3. The articles of our faith tell us sufficiently where Christ's body is. It was never in two places at once, neither ever shall be, neither ever can be corporally and naturally, neither ever was, is, can, 
Christ's body was never in two places at once.  or shall be eaten so with any corporal mouths, as the Capernaites and the papists most erroneously and heretically do judge. If our saviour jesus Christ hath no other body natural then is made of the substance of bread and is in a thousand places at once, as I have often said in Hadley: we are not yet redeemed, neither shall our bodies rise again, & be made like unto his glorious body. We are sure that our saviour Christ's body is made of none other substance then of his mother the blessed virgin Mary's substance. We are sure, that he taketh not the nature of Angels, much less of bread. Only he taketh on him the seed of Abraham. Heb. 2. In all things like unto us, sin only except. 
Heb. 2.  And this is a comfortable doctrine to us christians, believing steadfastly as the true catholic faith is, that Christ hath but two natures, perfect God, and perfect man. Upon this rock Christ's church is builded, and the gates of hell shall never prevail against it. Math. 16.  
I speak nothing now of auricular confession and praying for souls departed, 
Auricular confession.  because I do not hear what authors the packer brought in for this purpose. Sure I am that he can bring no authentical and canonical warrant for such his packware. He may say what he will of Hebricians and Grecians, 
Praying for the dead.  and flesh under forms, and not above forms, or above the board. He may conjure and convey, pass & repass, even what he will in such clouds and mists. He reproved the scriptures as full of darkness, & yet is full of darkness himself. He did wittily, to bring proofs out of jewry, Turkey, and other strange places, for his round white cake, for that such his pedlary pelf pack is contrary to the plain simplicity of Christ's supper. He glanced at priest's marriage. 
He meaneth by the place 1. Tim. 4. where S. Paul speaketh of the doctrine of Devils. etc.  He might against that have brought as ancient a Doctor as any be alleged out of Hebrew, for his mass and wafer cake, that is, D. Devil. 1. Tim. 4.  
I marvel that he did not confute and confound S. Paul for the sentences written above the altar, of the which, he made mention in the pulpit. For he and his fellows of Oxford be so profound, so excellent, so glorious, and triumphant clerks, that they can easily prove a man an ass, and writers in the Bible ignorant, simple, full of errors, full of heresies, & beggarly fools. Yet they will be called catholics, faithful true christian people, defenders of the holy mother the Church: but truly they take part with the prince of darkness, with Antichrist, with jezabel, Apoc. 2. They will not be called Papists, Pharises, jews, Turks, heretics, and so forth: but whatsoever they will be called, God's religion had never more evident adversaries, and that in all the chief points of it: no not then, when our saviour Christ whypt such Merchants out of the temple, calling them a company of thieves Math. 21. God give them grace to repent. God be thanked that the Nobility something of late hath spied and stopped their tyranny. O unhappy England: Oh more ungrate people, 
English people likened to the Galathians.  sooner bewitched then the foolish Galathians. We have now none excuse.  
We have undoubtedly seen the true trace of the prophetical Apostolical primative catholic church. We are warned to beware, lest we be led out of that way, society, and rule of Religion. Now we shall show what country men we be, whether spiritual and heavenly, or carnal and worldly. We had as true knowledge as ever was in any country, or in any time, since the beginning of the world, God be praised therefore. If Hadley being so many years persuaded in such truth, will now willingly and wittingly forsake the same, and defile itself with the Cake god, Idolatry, and other antichristianity thereunto belonging, 
The Cake god.  let it surely look after many and wonderful plagues of God shortly. Though another have the Benefice, yet as God knoweth, I cannot but be careful for my dear Hadley. And therefore as I could not but speak, after the first abominable Mass begun there, I being present, no more I can not but write now being absent, 
The careful zeal of Doctor tailor for Hadley.  hearing of the wicked profanation of my late pulpit, by such a wily Wolf. God's love, mercy, goodness and favour hath been unspeakable, in teaching us the right way of salvation and justification: Let us all have some zeal, some care how to serve him according to his good will written. The God of love and peace be ever in Hadley, through Christ our only advocate. Amen.  
Rowland Taylor.  
After that Steven Gardiner Bish. of Winchester, had got the laws, 
The proceed of the Pope's catholics in maintaining their religion.  and the secular arm on his side (as ye have heard) with full power and authority to reign and rule as he listed, and had brought these godly bishops and reverend preachers aforesaid under foot, namely, the Archbishop of Cant. D. Ridley B. of London, M. Latimer, M. Hooper B. of Worcester and Gloucester, M. Rogers, M. Saunders, D. Taylor, and M. Bradford, all which he had now presently condemned, and some also burned, he supposed now all had been cock sure, and that Christ had been conquered for ever, so that the people being terrified with example of these great learned men condemned, never would ne durst once rout against their violent religion: not much unlike in this behalf, to the manner of the Turks, who when they cannot maintain their sect by good learning and truth of God's word, think by violence of sword to force whom they can to their belief, and that done, afterward make laws, no man under pain of heresy to dispute or once to call in question any ●f their proceedings. 
The manner of proceeding like in the Catholics, & in the Turks.  Even so St. Gardiner and his fellows, when they see they cannot prevail by trial of God's word, and discourse of learning, neither are disposed simply to seek for truth where it is to be found, they take exceptions against God's word to be intricate, obscure, and insufficient to be his own judge, and therefore that of necessity must be judged by the Pope's Church, and so having Kings and Queens of their side, they seek not to persuade by the word of God, nor to win by charity, but in stead of the law of God, they use (as the Proverb saith) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Proverb.  compelling men by death, fire, and sword, (as the Turks do) to believe that in very deed they think not. And in deed after flesh and blood this seemeth to be a sure way. Neither peradventure are they ignorant how gaily this way thriveth with the Turks, and therefore think they to practise the same, at least wise so they do, upon what example so ever they do it. And thus condemned they these godly learned preachers and bishops aforesaid, supposing (as I said) that all the rest would soon be quailed by their example. But they were deceived, for which 8. or 9 days after that Ste. Gardiner had given sentence against M. Hooper, M. Rogers, M. Saunders, D. Taylor, 
February. 8.  and M. Bradford, being the 8. of Febru. six other good men were brought likewise before the bishops for the same cause of religion, to be examined, whose names were W. Pigot butcher, 
6. Men convented before B. Boner for heresy.  St. Knight Barber, Th. Tomkins Weaver, Th. hawks gentleman, joh. Laurence priest, Will. Hunter prentice.  
St. Gardiner seeing thus his devise disappointed, and that cruelty in this case would not serve to his expectation gave over the matter as utterly discouraged, 
Ste. Gardiner giveth over his murdering office to B. Boner.  & from that day meddled no more in such kind of condemnations, but referred the whole doing thereof to Boner B. of London: who supplied that part right doughtily, as in the further process of this history hereafter evidently and too much may appear. Thus B. Boner taking the matter in hand, called before him in his Consistory at Paul's, the L. Maior and certain Aldermen sitting with him, the 6. persons aforenamed, 
February. 9 Ex Regist. Boneri Lond.  upon the 8. day of Febr. in the year aforesaid, and in the next day being the 9 of Febr. red the sentence of condemnation upon them, as appeareth in Boners own registers. Such quick speed these men could make in dispatching their business at once. notwithstanding, because the death of these condemned martyrs did not follow incontinently before the next month of March, 
6. Men condemned by B. Boner.  I will defer the prosecuting of their matter, till I come by the grace of the Lord, to the time and day of their suffering.  
In the mean time, what was the cause that their execution was so long deferred after their condemnation, I have not precisely to say, unless peradventure the sermon of Alphonsus the Spanish Friar, and the king's Confessor did some good. For so I find, that when these six persons aforesaid, were cast upon saturday the 9 of Febr. upon sunday following, which was the x. of February, the said Alphonsus a Grey Friar, preached before the king, in which sermon he did earnestly inveigh against the bishops for burning of men, 
February Alphonsus K. 〈◊〉 confessor preaching against 〈…〉  saying plainly that they learned it not in scripture to burn any for his conscience: but the contrary, that they should live & be converted, with many other things more to the same purport. But touching the lingering of these men's death, as I have not certainly to affirm, so I let it pass.  
Upon the 14. of February, M. Rob. Ferrar B. of S. David's, was sent toward S. David's, 
February 14.  there to be condemned and executed. Touching whose martyrdom, for so much as it fell not before the month of March, we will defer the history thereof till we come to the day and time of his suffering.  
Furthermore, this foresaid 14. day of February, 

Tho. Bec●kets Imag● set up at Mercer's chapel. February. 17.  
M. john Barnes troubled for Becke● Image.   the L. Chancellor & other his fellow Bishops, caused the image of Thomas Becket, that old Romish traitor, to be set up over the Mercer's Chapel door in Chepeside in London, in the form and shape of a bishop, with Mitre and Cro●●er. Howbeit within two days after his erection, his two blessing fingers were first broken away, and on the next day (being the 17. of February) his head also was stricken of: whereupon arose great trouble, and many were suspected: among whom one M. joh. Barnes Mercer, dwelling over against the same Chapel, was vehemently by the Lord Chancellor charged withal, as the doer thereof & the rather, for that he was a professor of truth. Wherefore he and three of his servants were committed to prison: and at his delivery (although it could not be proved upon him) he was bound in a great sum of money, as well to build it up again as often as it should be broken down, as also to watch and keep the same. And therefore at this his compelled charges, 
Beckets Image. Beckets Image again broken down  the Image was again set up the second day of March, than next ensuing, but (for lack belike of careful watching) the 14. day of the same month in the night, the head of that dangerous beast (over whom there was such a charge given) was again the second time broken of: which thing was so heinously taken, that the next day (being the 15. day) there was a Proclamation made in London, that who soever would tell who did strike of his head (though he were of counsel, and not the principal doer) he should have not only his pardon, but also one hundredth crowns of gold, with hearty thanks. But it was not known who did it.  
The 18. day of February, Queen Mary at length after long delay, 

February. 18.  
Q. Mary answereth to the K. of Denmark's letters touching M. Coverdale.   made full answer to the king of Denmark's letters, who had written before two letters to the said Queen, in the behalf of M. Coverdale, for his deliverance, who at that time went under sureties, and was in great danger, had he not been rescued by the great suit & letters of the said K. of Denmark.  
The matter and copy of which his suit and letters, as they came to our hands, we have here set forth and expressed where by the singular love of this good king towards the truth of God's word and the professors thereof might the better appear to the world.  
First this virtuous and godly king Christianus, hearing of the captivity of miles Coverdale, 
M. Coverdale.  of whom he had had some knowledge before (being there in Denmark in King Henry the eight his time) and lamenting his dangerous case, and partly through the intercession of M. Machabeus superintendant in Denmark, who was partly of 
* This M. Machabeu● and M. Coverdale married two sisters.  kin to Master Coverdales' wife, made intercession by letters to Queen Mary, desiring and requesting the said miles Coverdale to be sent unto him. The date of which his first letters, was about the Calends of May. An. Dom. 1554. The copy whereof here followeth.  

¶ Christianus Dei gratia, Daniae, Noruegiae, etc. Rex. etc. eadem gratia Serenissimae ac potentissimae principi D. Mariae, Angliae, Galliae, & Hyberniae Reginae, consanguineae nostrae chariss. salutem.  
SErenissima princeps, consanguinea charissima pro necessitudine mutua ac coniunctione, 
The epistle of the K▪ of Denmark to Q. Mary for the deliverance of of M. Coverdale.  non solum regij nominis inter nos, sed etiam sanguinis, maximè vero utrinque inter haec regna nostra à vetustissimis usque temporibus propagata ac seruata, non modo commertiorum, sed omnium officiorum vicissitudine & fide, facere non potuimus quin pietatis & doctrinae excellentis commendatione, verè reverendi viri joannis Machabaei, sacrae Theologiae doctoris & professoris praestantiss subditi ac Ministri nostri imprimis dilecti, supplicibus gravissimisque praecibus commoti, ad serenitatem vestram has literas daremus. Exposuit is nobis, in hac recenti perturbatione ac motu regni Angliae (quem ex animo evenisse dolemus, & nunc indies in melius verti speramus) quendam nomine Milonem Coverdalum, nuper dioecesis Exoniensis, piae laudatissimaeque memoriae proximi Regis Serenitatis vestrae fratris, consanguinei itidem nostri chariss. authoritate constitutum Episcopum, nunc in tristiss. calamitates, carcerem, ac periculum vitae, nulla atrocioris delicti culpa, sed illa fatali temporum ruina incidisse. Quae quidem hic Machabaeusnoster, quod ei affinitate (& quod gravius est) pietatis, eruditio nis ac morum similitudine, tanquam frater devinctus sit, non minus ad se pertinere existimat. Itaque nostram opem implorat, ut quam ipse gratiam & favorem apud nos meretur, hominis innocentis calamitati ac periculo (quod ipse non minus suum putat) accommodemus. Movemur profecto non temere, illius viri (cui suo merito imprimis bene volumus) commiseratione, eiusque maximè testimonio de captivi Antistitis innocentia atque integritate▪ de qua quidem est ut eo melius speremus, quod multis iam morte mulctatis sontibus, de ipso integrum adhuc deus esse voluit. Proinde non dubitavimus serenitatem vestram quanta possimus diligentia atque animi propensione rogare, ut nostra causa captivi illius D. Milonis rationem clementer habere dignetur, eumque ut à sceleris: ita à poenae etiam atrocitate alienum esse voluit, & temporum offensam, qua ipsum quoque affligi verisimile est, nobis nostraeque amicitiae regiae & precibus, praesertim hoc primo auditu, benign condonare, saltem eatenus, ut si fortè hoc rerum statu gravis eius praesentia sit, incolumis ad nos cum suis dimittatur. Id nobis summi benificij loco, & Serenitati vestrae inflorentiss. regni auspicijs (quae augusta, fausta, ac fortunata serenitati vestrae ex animo optamus) ad clementiae laudem honorificum erit: & nos dabimus operam, ut cum amicitiae nostrae habitam rationem intellexerimus, eo maiore studio in mutuam vicem gratitudinis omniumque officiorum erga Serenitatem vestram eiusque universum regnum & subditos incumbamus. Deum optimum maximum precamur, ut Serenitati vestrae ad gloriam sui nominis & publicam salutem foelices omnium rerum successus & incolumitatem diuturnam largiatur.  
Datae ex arce nostra Coldingeum, septimo Calendas Maij. Anno. 1554. Vester consanguineus, frater & amicus Christianus Rex.   
To these letters of the king, Queen Mary answering again, 
Q. mary's slender answer to the kings first letter.  declared that the said Miles Coverdale was in no such captivity for any religion, but for certain debt: so neither plainly granting, nor expressly denying his request, but using a colourable excuse for shifting of the matter, as appeareth by his second letter sent to the Queen, dated the 24. day of Sept. as followeth.  

¶ Christianus Dei gratia Daniae, Norwegiae, Gottorum, & Vandalorum Rex: Sleswici, Holsatiae, Stormariae, ac Dithmersiae Dux: Comes in Oldenburgh & Delmenhorst, Serenis. principi dominae Mariae, Angliae, Franciae, & Hyberniae Reginae, fidei defens. etc. Sorori & consanguineae nostrae chariss. salutem, & omnium rerum optatos & faustos successus.  
REdditae sunt nobis literae Serenitatis vestrae, quibus benign admodum ad deprecationem nostram, qua pro D. Milonis Coverdali ecclesiae Exon. nuper nomin ati Episcopi incolumitate usi sumus, respondetur: ita ut intelligamus, licet alterius causae quam quae nobis innotuerat, periculum sustineat, tamen Sereniss. vestram nostrae intercessionis eam rationem habituram esse, ut illam sibi profuisse ipse Coverdalussentiat. Cui quidem promissioni regiae cum tantum meritum tribuamus, ut ea freti non dubitaverimus eius captivi propinquos (nobis inprimis charos) à moerore ac solicitudine ad spem atque expectationem certae ●alu is vocare, sacere non potuimus, quin & gratias sereni. vestrae pro tam prompta ac benigna voluntate, non modo huius beneficij, sed etiam perpetuae inter nos ac regna nostra conseruandae ac colende amicitiae ageremus, & quantum in nobis esset, quod ad applectanda persequendaque haec auspicata initia pertineret, nihil praetermitteremus. Neque vero nobis de clementia ac moderatione Sere. vestrae unquam dubium fuit, quam deus opt. max. ad gloriam sui nominis & fructum pub. utilitatis ut magis ac magis efflorescere velit, ex animo optamus. Proinde cum ob rationes aerarias, neque aliud gravius delictum D. covered. teneri Sere. vestra scribat, est sanè, ut ipsius causa laetemur, eoque minus ambigamus, liberationem incolumitatemque eius nostris precibus liberaliter donati. Nam & accepimus ipsum episcopatu, cuius nomine aerario obstrictus fuerat, cessisse, ut inde satisfactio peteretur: maxime cum neque diu eo potitus fuisse, neque tantum emolumenti inde percepisse dicatur. Quinetiam si qua rationum perplexitas, aut alia forte causa reperiri posset, tamen sollicitudinem ac dubitationem nobis Serenitatis vestrae tam amice, atque officiose deferentes literae omnem exemerunt: ut existimemus Sere. vestram, quoad eius fieri posset, magis honorem nostrum, quam quid ab eo exigi possit, consideraturam▪ Itaque Sere. vestram repetitis precibus urgere non constituimus: sed potius testatum facere, quam accepta nobis Sere. vest. gratificatio sit, cuius ralem eventum omnino speramus, ut ipse covered. coram vobis suae incolumitatis à Sere. vest. exoratae beneficium propediem repraesentare possit. Illud vero imprimis Seren. vest. vicissim persuasum esse cupimus, nos non solum referendae gratiae, sed etiam stabilendae provehendae que inter nos ac regna utrinque nostra amicitiae ac necessitudinis mutuae occasionem aut facultatem nullam esse praetermissuros. Deus opt. max. Sere. vest. diu foeliciter ac beate incolumem esse velit.  
Datae ex oppido nostro Ottoniensi, 24. Septembr. Anno. 1554. Vester frater & consanguineus Christianus.   

The same in English.  
¶ Christian by the grace of God King of Denmark Norway, Gotland, and of the Vandals: Duke of Sleswike, Holston, Stormar, and Detmarsh: Earl of Oldenburgh, and Delmenhorst, etc. To the most noble princess & Lady Mary Queen of England, France and Ireland, defender of the faith, etc. Our most dearly beloved sister and cousin, wisheth prosperity, with good and lucky success of all things.  
WE have received your majesties letters, whereby answer is rendered, 
The same epistle in English.  & that very graciously unto our petition, which we made for the safeguard of master Coverdall late called bish. of Exon. So that we perceive, though he be in danger for an other cause then was signified unto us afore, yet your majesty will so regard our intercession that Coverdale himself shall understand it to have done him good. To the which regal promise, seeing we (as reason is we should do) attribute so much, that trusting unto the same, we doubt not, where as he being in captivity, his friends (whom we specially tender) are therefore in heaviness and care, your good promise doth call them from such sorrow & solicitude, to the hope & expectation of his assured welfare: we could not do otherwise, but tender thanks unto your majesty for such your ready & gracious good will, not only in respect of this benefit, but also of the conservation & keeping of perpetual amity between us & our realms, & so as much as in us lieth, to omit nothing that to the nourishing & continuance of these fortunate beginnings might appertain. Neither had we ever any doubt concerning the clemency & moderation of your goodness, whom we heartily beseech almighty God, ever more and more prosper, unto the glory of his name, & profit of the common weal. Wherefore seeing your Majesty writeth that master Coverdale is in danger for certain accounts of money, & not for any other more grievous offence, we have cause on his behalf to rejoice: & therefore we doubt so much the less, that at our request he shall graciously have his deliverance given him, and be out of danger. For as touching the bishopric, by reason whereof he came in debt, we understand he yielded it up, that payment might thereof be required, specially seeing he is reputed neither to have enjoyed it long, neither to have had at any time so great commodity of it. More over, though it be possible to find some perplexity in the account, or happily some other cause, yet your majesties letters offering such favour and benignity, have taken from us all carefulness and doubt: In so much that we think your majesty (as much as may be) will have more respect unto our honour, then unto that which might of him be required. And therefore we purpose not to trouble your Majesty by repeating of our petition, but to declare how greatly we esteem it, that your majesty would gratify us herein: whereof we plainly hope for such an end, that Coverdale himself shall shortly in our presence make declaration concerning the benefit of his welfare obtained of your majesty. And of this we desire your majesty to be specially assured again, that we will not only omit no occasion or opportunity to requite this benefit, but also to establish and amplify our mutual love & amity between us and our realms on either side. Almighty God preserve your majesty in prosperous health and felicity. Given at our City of Otton the 24. of Septemb. Ann. D. 1554.  
To these letters it was a great while before the queen would answer. At length through great suit made, the next year, the 18. of February, she answered again in this wise.    

¶ Sereniss. principi D. Christiano Dei gratia Daniae, etc. Regi Sleswici, etc. Duci: Comiti in Oldenburgh, etc. fratri & amico nostro charissimo.  
MAria dei gratia Regina Angliae, Franciae, Neapolis, 

February. 18. The answer of Queen Mary to the King of Denmark's letter.  
M. Coverdale delivered and 〈◊〉 sent to the King of Denmark.   Jerusalem, & Hyberniae, etc. Serenissimo principi Christiano, eadem gratia, Daniae, Noruegiae, Gothorum & Vandalorum Regi: Slesuici, Holsatiae, Stormariae, & Ditmersiae Duci: Comiti in Oldenburgh & Delmenhorst. etc. fratri & amico nostro chariss. salutem, prosperumue rerum incrementum. Cum intellexerimus ex Serenitatis vestrae literis, quas hic nuntius nobis attulit, desyderium vestrum obtinendi â nobis pro M. Coverdalo subdito nostro exeundi è regno nostro, & ad vos proficiscendi facultatem: facile quidem in V Serenitatis gratiam, hanc illi facultatem concessimus. Et quanquam ille natus subditus noster nondum explicatus fuerat à debitione certae cuiusdam pecuniae quam nostro aerario solvere iure tenebatur, tamen maiorem vestri desyderij quam nostri debiti rationem habendam esse duximus. Quin insuper animum & voluntatem gratificandi vestrae Serenitati pro nostra mutua amicia, in qua alia etiam re possumus, cum oportunitas feret, libenter ostendemus. Deus Vest. Serenitatem diutissimè servet incolumen. Ex Regia nostra Westmonasterij, 18. Febr. 1555.  
The same month, the 19 day was a certain intimation set forth and printed in the name of Boner, 
February. 15.  wherein was contained a general monition and straight charge given to every man and woman within his Diocese, 
The effect of B. Boners intimation sent into his diocese to receive the cardinals absolution, and to be reconciled to the Pope, in the Lent next following.  to prepare themselves against Lent, then near approaching, to receive the glad tidings of peace and reconciliation sent from Pope julius 3. by Poole his Cardinal and Legate De Latere, and so receive also the joyful benefit of absolution, being sent first from the Cardinal to Boner, and from him to every of his Archdeacon's to be ministered to every private person within his Diocese, that would come the said holy time of Lent to his Pastor or Curate to be confessed, and to receive of him wholesome counsel, penance and absolution: signifying moreover, that as he was authorised by the foresaid Cardinal, so he for the same purpose had endued with the like authority, all and singular Pastors and Curates within his Diocese, to reconcile and assoil from their former heresy and schism, & from the censures of the Church, such as would resort unto them. And lest any scruple or doubt rising peradventure in their consciences, should be any stay or let in this behalf, he had assigned and deputed therefore through his Diocese certain learned men, to whom they might resort, or else might open their griefs to any of his Archdeacon's, or else come to his own person, and so should be resolved.  
And therefore all manner of doubts and obstacles set aside, he straightly willed and commanded every man and woman to come to confession, and to enjoy this benefit of reconciliation and absolution, against the first Sunday next after Easter ensuing, and not to fail, For the which purpose he had specially commanded the Pastors and Curates of every parish, to certify up in writing the names of every man and woman so reconciled, and so forth. The copy of which intimation here under followeth.   

¶ The declaration of the B. of London, to be published to the lay people of his diocese, concerning their reconciliation.  
EDmund by the permission of God, B. of London, unto all and singular the lay people of his Diocese, doth send greeting in our saviour jesus Christ.  
Whereas this noble realm of England, dividing itself from the unity of the catholic church, and from the agreement in religion with all other christian Realms, hath been, besides many other miseries & plagues, which Gods indignation hath poured upon it, grievously also vexed, and sore infected with many and sundry sorts of sects of heretics, as Arrians, anabaptists, Libertines, zwinglians, Lutherans, and many other, all which sects be most repugnant: and contrary one against another, & all against God's truth, and Christ's Catholic faith: whereupon hath grown such slander to the realm, such malice and disagreement among ourselves, the inhabitants thereof, such treasons, tumults, and insurrections against our prince, such blasphemy and dishonour unto God, as no man's tongue or pen is able to express: It hath pleased the goodness of God to cast his eye of mercy & clemency upon us, and to move the Pope's holiness to send his most godly messenger, the most Reverend father in God, the L. Cardinal Poole Legate de Latere, to bring us the glad tidings of peace, and reconciliation, & to reduce and bring home unto the fold, the lost sheep that were gone astray, whose message as it hath been honourably received of the King and Queen's majesties, even so the Lords spiritual and temporal, and commons at the last parliament hath received it, revoking all laws (the which in the time of schism were promulgate against the authority of the Pope's holiness, and restoring the same and the church of Rome to all that power which they had in this realm before the said schism, the which reconciliation was also most glad and joyfully embraced as well of all the clergy and convocation of the province of Cant. as also of many other persons, and being so great & necessary, to be extended to every person of the Realm, it hath pleased the said L. Legates grace to give, & impart unto me the said B. of London, for my said Diocese, and to all such as I shall appoint in that behalf, power & authority to absolve and reconcile all and every person thereof, as well of the Clergy as of the laity, and as well men as women, the which will renounce their errors, and (being penitent) will humbly require to be restored to the unity of the Catholic church, as by the letters of the said L. Legates grace sent unto me, and from me sent unto every of the Archdeacon's within my diocese, more at large may, and doth appear. And forasmuch as in mine own person, as well for the multitude of people, as distance of places, I cannot minister this benefit unto every private person myself, and for that also the holy time of Lent is now at hand, in which every true christian man ought to come unto his own Pastor and Curate, to be of him confessed, and to receive at his hand wholesome counsel, penance and absolution: these are therefore as well to give knowledge unto every one of you, as also to signify & declare, that for that purpose, I have by the said authority chosen, named and deputed, and so by these presents, do choose, and depute all and singular pastors and curates, having cure of souls within my Diocese, and being themselves reconciled herein, that they and every of them by authority hereof, shall have full power and authority to absolve all such as be lay persons of their parishes, from heresy and schism, and from the censures of the Church, into the which they be fallen by occasion thereof also, & to reconcile to the church all such which shall declare themselves penitent, and desirous to enjoy the benefit of the said reconciliation. And whereas divers pastors and curates in sundry parishes, peradventure be not able to satisfy the minds, and to appease the consciences of some of their parishioners, in cases that shall trouble them, I have therefore given also authority to every Archdeacon of my diocese, within his Archdeaconry, to name and appoint certain of the best learned in every Deanery of their Archdeaconry, to supply that lack, so that every man so troubled, may repair to any one of them within the said Deanery, whom he shall like best, to be instructed and appeased in that behalf, And also I have appointed, that i● this being done, there shall yet remain any scruple in the party's conscience, and himself not satisfied, than the said party to repair unto one of mine Archdeacon's or chaplains, unto whom his mind shall be most inclined unto, or else to repair unto mine own self, to be resolved in his said scruple or doubt, and to receive and take such order therein as to one of the said Archdeacon's, or unto me shall therein appear to be most expedient.  
Further certifying and declaring unto you, that I have given commandment herein to all my Archdeacon's, that they monish and command every pastor, & Curate within their Archdeaconries, that they having knowledge hereof, do in the first holiday next then following, at the mass time, when the multitude of people is present, declare all these things unto their parishioners, and exhort them that they esteem this grace accordingly, and reconcile themselves to the church before the first Sunday after Easter next ensuing, which thing I also do command by the tenor hereof, with intimation that the said time being once past, and they not so reconciled, every one of them shall have process made against him, according to the Canons, as the cause shall require: for which purpose the pastors and Curates of every parish shall be commanded by their Archdeacon, to certify me in writing, of every man and woman's name, that is not so reconciled.  
Further, herewith I do signify and declare unto you, that our holy father the Pope, julius the 3. of that name, like a most tender and natural father, hearing of the return and recovery of his prodigal child this Realm of England, hath himself made much joy and gladness here at, and also all other true christian Realms have done the like. Exhorting you therefore in our Lord, not to be unthankful yourselves, or negligent in this behalf, but diligently to seek for it, joyfully to embrace it, and fruitfully to use it, remembering with all the monition and charge which came from me the last year, concerning your coming to confession in Lent, and receiving the sacrament at Easter, which monition to all effects and purposes, I have now here repeated and renewed, charging you, and also all your Curates therewith. And because all our duties is, earnestly and devoutly to pray for the prosperous estate of our sovereigns, the King and Queen of this Realm, I do finally require and pray you, as heartily as I can, to pray for their majesties accordingly, and specially that it may please almighty God, to send unto her grace a good time, and to make her a glad mother, which cannot be but unto us all great joy, much comfort, and inestimable profit. Given at London the 19▪ day of the month of Febr, in the year of our Lord God, after the computation of the church of England, 1554. and of my translation, the 16.   

* The form of absolution, to be kept by the Pastors and Curates, in private confessions, concerning this reconciliation.  
Our Lord jesus Christ absolve you, and by the Apostolic authority to me granted and committed, 
 I absolve you from the sentences of excommunication, and from all other censures and pains, into the which you be fallen by reason of heresy, or schism, or any other ways: and I restore you unto the unity of our holy mother the Church, and the Communion of all Sacraments, dispensing with you for all manner of irregularity: and by the same authority, I absolve you from all your sins, In the name of the father, and of the son, and of the holy Ghost. Amen.    

¶ The lamentable history of Master james Hales, judge.  
IN the history of M. Hooper mention was touched a little before of judge Hales, 
The history of Iu●ge 〈◊〉.  wherefore something would be said more in this place touching that matter. But because the story of that man and of his end is sufficiently comprehended in our first book of Acts and Monuments, we shall not greatly need to stand upon rehearsal of every particular matter touching the whole, but only taking the chiefest, and leaving the rest, we will report somewhat of the communication between the B. of Winchester & him: declaring withal how false and untrue the excuse is of our adversaries, which so precisely by the law defend themselves and say, that in all their doings they did nothing but by the Law, to bear them out. Which if it be so, how did they them to Anne Askew? What law had they when they had condemned her first for a dead woman, than afterward to rack her? 
The Catholics proved to do against the law in Q mary's tyme.  By what law did they call up M. Hooper & prison him for the Queen's debt, when the Queen in very deed did owe him four score pounds, and kept him a year and a half in prison, and gave him never a penny? pag. 1577. By what law did B. Boner condemn and burn Richard Mekins, a lad of xv. years, when the first jury had quit him, and at the stake revoked all heresies, and praised the said Boner to be a good man: and also having him in prison, would not suffer his father and mother to come to him, to comfort their own child? pag. 1168. What law had they to put Master Rogers in prison, when he did neither preach nor read Lecture after the time of the Queen's inhibition, and when they had kept him in his own house half a year, being not deprived of any living, yet would not let him have a half penny of his own liings to relieve him, his wife, and xi. children? pag. 1574. By what law was Thomas Tomkins hand burnt, and afterward his body consumed to ashes? What good law or honesty was there to burn the 3. poor women at Garnsey, with the infant child falling out of the mother's womb when as they all before their death recanted their words and opinions, and were never abjured before? So here likewise in this case, what order or right of law did Steven Gardiner follow in troubling & imprisoning judge Hales, when he had done nothing neither against God's law, nor man's law, in proceeding by order of law against certain presumptuous persons, which both before the law, and against the law then in force, took upon them to say their Mass? as ye shall hear in these his answers and communication had with Steven Gardiner here under ensuing.  

¶ The communication between the Lord Chancellor and judge Hales, being there among other judges, to take his oath in Westminster hall. An. 1553. October. 6.  Lord Chancellor. I. Hales. 
Master Hales ye shall understand, that like as the Queen's highness hath heretofore conceived good opinion of you, especially for that ye stood both faithfully & lawfully in her cause of just succession, refusing to set your hand to the book among others that were against her grace in that behalf: 
Communication between judge Hales and the B. of Winchester.  so now, through your own late deserts against certain her highness doings, ye stand not well in her grace's favour: and therefore, before ye take any oath, it shall be necessary for you to make your purgation.  Hales. 
I pray you my L. what is the cause?  Chaune. 
Information is given, that he have indicted certain priests in Kent, for saying mass.  Hales. 
My L. it is not so, I indicted none, but in deed certain inditements of like matter were brought before me at the last assizes there holden, & I gave order therein as the law required. For I have protested the law, against which, in cases of justice, I will never (God willing) proceed, nor in any wise dissemble, but with the same show forth my conscience, & if it were to do again, I would do no less than I did.  Chanc. 
Yea, M. Hales, your conscience is known well enough. I know ye lack no conscience.  Hales. 
My L. ye may do well to search your own conscience, for mine is better known to myself, then to you: & to be plain, I did as well use justice in your said mass case by my conscience, as by law, wherein I am fully bend to stand in trial to the uttermost that can be objected. And if I have therein done any injury or wrong, let me be judged by the law, for I will seek no better defence, considering chief that it is my profession.  Chaunc. 
Why M. Hales although you had the rigour of the law on your side, 
justice Hales for justice Lake troubled.  yet ye might have had regard to the Queen's highness present doings in that case. And further, although ye seem to be more than precise in the law, yet I think ye would be very loath to yield to the extremity of such advantage as might be gathered against your proceed in the law, as ye have sometime taken upon you in place of justice, and if it were well tried, I believe ye should not be well able to stand honestly thereto.  Hales. 
My L. I am not so perfect, but I may err for lack of knowledge. But both in conscience and such knowledge of the law as God hath given me, I will do nothing but I will maintain it, & abide in it: and if my goods and all that I have be not able to counterpoise the case, my body shallbe ready to serve the turn, for they be all at the Queen's highness pleasure.  Chanc. 
Ah sir, ye be very quick & stout in your answers, 
Winchester quarelleth with M. Hales religion.  But as it should seem, that which you did was more of a will, favouring the opinion of your religion against the service now used, then for any occasion or zeal of justice, seeing the Queen's highness doth set it forth as yet, wishing all her faithful subjects to embrace it accordingly: & where you offer both body & goods in your trial, there is no such matter required at your hands, and yet ye shall not have your own will neither.  Hales. 
My L. I seek not wilful will, but to show myself as I am bound in love to God, & obedience to the Queen's majesty, in whose cause willingly for justice sake, all other respects set apart, I did of late (as your Lordship knoweth) adventure as much as I had. And as for my religion, I trust it be such as pleaseth God, wherein I am ready to adventure as well my life, as my substance, if I be called thereunto. And so in lack of mine own power and will, the Lords will be fulfilled.  Chanc. 
Seeing ye be at this point M. Hales, I will presently make an end with you. The Queen's highness shall be informed of your opinion and declaration. And as her grace shall thereupon determine, ye shall have knowledge. Until which time ye may departed as ye came, without your oath: for as it appeareth, ye are scarce worthy the place appointed.  Hales. 
I thank your Lordship, and as for my vocation, being doth a burden and a charge more than ever I desired to take upon me: when so ever it shall please the Queen's highness to ease me thereof, I shall most humbly with due contentation obey the same: and so he departed from the bar.  
Not many days after this communication or colloquy in Westminster hall, 
M. Hales committed to the King's Bench.  which was October 6. An. 1553. Master Hales at the commandment of the bishop was committed to the Kings Bench, where he remained constant until Lent: then was removed to the Counter in Breadstreete, and afterward from thence was carried to the Fleet.  
Being in the Fleet, what it was that he had granted unto the Bishops by their fraudulent assaults and persuasions, namely, of D. Day bishop of Chichester, and of judge Portman (as it is thought) overcome at last, I have not to say.  
This is certain, that shortly after calling himself better to remembrance, 
M. Hales about to kill himself in prison.  he was brought to great repentance and terror of conscience. In so much, that for very anguish of hart, he was ready with his penknife to kill himself there in the prison, and had (no doubt) so done, had not the merciful providence of the Lord, rescued him miraculously, as ye shall hear.  
It happened when supper time came that he should be called down, M. Hales having little mind either to eat or drink, gate him strait way to bed, where he lay all the night sobbing & groaning, & took (God knoweth) little rest or sleep. At length when morning came, about six of the clock, he sent his servant for a cup of beer, under pretence as though he were thirsty, and desirous to drink, whether the cause were true or feigned, it is unknown: but this followed, that his man was yet scarce out of the chamber, when he with his penknife had wounded himself in divers places of his body, and was purposed (no doubt) to have destroyed himself, had not the goodness of the Lord given present help in time of opportunity. Whereby it is evident for all men to understand, how gods favour was not absent from the man, although he thought himself utterly forsaken for his denial, as by the sequel may well appear.  
For as soon as he had sent his man out of his chamber (see what God would have done) even afore the chamber door eftsoons the Butler met him: 
God's merciful providence in rescuing M. Hales.  who being desired to fill the drink, & taking the cup, the other returned again unto his M. at the same very time when he was working his own destruction: whereby M. Hales at that time was stopped of his purpose, & preserved not without gods manifest good will & providence. When Winchester had knowledge of it, 
Winchester might rather hau● said how their cruel dealing worketh desperation.  straightway he taketh occasion thereby to blaspheme the doctrine of the Gospel, which he openly in the star chamber called the doctrine of desperation. M. Hales being within a while after recovered of those wounds, & delivered out of prison, getteth himself home unto his house: where he, either for the greatness of his sorrow, or for lack of good counsel, or for that he would avoid the necessity of hearing mass, having all things set in an order a good while before that, pertaining to his testament, casting himself into a shallow river, 
judge Hales drowned himself.  was drowned therein: which was about the beginning of the month of February, or in the month of january before, an. 1555.  
The unhappy chance of this so worthy a judge, was surely the cause of great sorrow and grief unto all good men, & it gave occasion beside unto certain Divines, to stand some thing in doubt with themselves, whether he were reprobate, or saved, or no: about which matter it is not for me to determine either this way or that: 
The cause of judge Hales drowning considered.  for he that is our judge, the same shallbe his judge: and he it is that will lay all things open when the time cometh. This in the mean time is certain & sure, that the deed of the man in my mind ought in no wise to be allowed, which if he did wittingly, then do I discommend the man's reason. But if he did it in frenzy & as being out of his wit, them do I greatly pity his case.  
Yet notwithstanding, seeing gods judgements be secret, and we likewise in doubt upon what intent he did thus punish himself, neither again is any man certain, whether he did repent or no, before the last breath went out of his body, me seemeth their opinion is more indifferent herein, which do rather disallow the example of the dead, than despair of his salvation.  
Otherwise, if we will adjudge all those to hell, that have departed the world after this sort, how many examples have we in the first persecutions of the Church, of those men and women, who being registered in the works of worthy writers, have notwithstanding their praise and commendation.  
For what shall I think of those young men, who being sought for to do sacrifice to heathen Idols, 
Examples in the time of the first persecution.  did cast down themselves headlong, and broke their own necks, to avoid such horrible pollution of themselves? What shall I say of those virgins of Antioch, who to the end they might not defile themselves with uncleanness, and with idolatry through the persuasion of their mother, casting themselves headlong into a river together with their mother, did fordo themselves, 
Euseb. Hist. Eccle. lib. 8.  although not in the same water, yet after the same manner of drowning, as this M. Hales did? What shall I say of other two sisters which for the self same quarrel did violently throw themselves headlong into the sea, as Eusebius doth record? In whom though perchance there was no less confidence to bear out the pains which should be ministered of the wicked unto them, yet that their good desire to keep their faith and religion unspotted, was commended and praised.  
Another like example of death is mentioned by Nicephorus, 
Nicephor. lib. 7. cap. 13. Brassila. Dyrrachina.  & that in an other virgin likewise, whose name is expressed in Jerome to be Brassila Dyrachina, who to keep her virginity, feigned herself to be a witch, and so conventing with the young man which went about to deflower her, pretended that she would give him an Herb which should preserve him from all kind of weapons: & so to prove it in herself, laid the herb upon her own throat, bidding him smite, whereby she was slain, and so with the loss of her life, her virginity was saved.  
Hreunto may be joined the like death of Sophronia a Matron of Rome, who when she was required of Maxentius the tyrant to be defiled, and saw her husband more slack than he ought to have been in saving her honesty, bidding them that were sent for her, to tarry a while till she made her ready, went into her chamber, and with a weapon thrust herself through the breast and died. Now who is he that would reprehend the worthy act of Achetes, which biting of his own tongue, did spit it out into the harlot's face?  
These examples I do not here infer as going about either to excuse, or to maintain the heinous fact of M. Hales, which I would wish rather by silence might be drowned in oblivion: but yet notwithstanding as touching the person of the man, whatsoever his fact was, because we are not sure whether he at the last breath repent: Again, because we do not know, nor are able to comprehend the bottomless depth of the graces and mercies which are in Christ jesus our saviour, we will leave therefore the final judgement of him, to the determination of him who is only appointed judge both of the quick and the dead.   

¶ De jacobo Halisio carmen.  
Si tua quanta fuit gravitas, prudentia, norma,  
junctaque syncera cum pitate fides:  
Tam caro firma tibi fortisque Halise fuisset,  
Sanctorum prima class ferendus eras.  
Instituit sedenim sua quis sic tempora vitae  
Sanctorum, ut nullis sint maculata malis.  
Quum nihil ergo vides propria quin labe laboret,  
Tu tua fac cures, caetera mitte Deo.    

¶ The history of Thomas Tomkins, having first his hand burned, after was burned himself by B. Boner, for the constant testimony of Christ's true profession.  
MEntion was made before of six prisoners, 
March. 16. The history of Thomas Tomkins Martyr.  brought & examined before B. Boner, the 8. of February, whole names were Tomkins, Pigot, Knight, Hankes, Laurence, and Hunter. All which, though they received their condemnation together the next day after, yet because the time of their execution was then driven of from February till the next month of March, I did therefore refer the story of them to this present month of March aforesaid, wherein now remaineth severally to entreat of the martyrdom of these 6. persons, as the order and time of their sufferings severally do require. Of the which 6. aforenamed martyrs, the first was Tho. Tomkins burned in Smithfield, the 16. day of March, an. 1555.  
This Thomas Tomkins a Weaver by his occupation, dwelling in Shoreditch, and of the Diocese of London, 
The godly life & dis●position of Thomas Tomkins.  was of such conversation and disposition so godly, that if any woman had come unto him with her web, as sometime they did three or four in a day, he would always begin with prayer. Or if any other had come to talk of any matter, he would likewise first begin with prayer. And if any had sought unto him to borrow money, he would show him such money as he had in his purse, and bid him take it.  
And when they came to repay it again, so far of was he from seeking any usury at their hand, or from strait exaction of his due, that he would bid them keep it longer, while they were better able. And these were the conditions of Thomas Tomkins, testified yet to this present day by the most part of all his neighbours, and almost of all his Parish which knew him, as M. Skinner, M. leek, and other more. Of whom more then half a dozen at once came to me discrete and substantial men, reporting the same unto me, recording moreover as followeth: That Doct. Boner B. of London kept the said Tomkins with him in prison half a year. During which time the said Bishop was so rigorous unto him, that he beat him bitterly about the face, whereby his face was swelled. Where upon the bishop caused his beard to be shaven, and gave the Barbour xii. d.  
Touching which shaving of Thomas Tomkyns beard, this is more to be added: 
Tomkins maketh 〈◊〉 Bishop's hay.  Bishop Boner having Tomkins with him prisoner at Fulham, in the month of july, did set him with his other work folks, to make hay. And seeing him to labour so well, the Bishop sitting him down, said: Well, I like thee well, for thou labourest well: I trust thou wilt be a good Catholic. My Lord, said he, Saint Paul saith: He that doth not labour, is not worthy to eat. Boner said: Ah, s. Paul is a 
* And so should 〈◊〉 be with you, if 〈◊〉 were a right Bishop.  great man with thee. And so after such other talk, the B. inferring moreover, wished his beard of, saying, that so he would look like a catholic. My L. said Tomkins, before my beard grew. I was, I trust a good christian, & so I trust to be my beard being on. But Boner in fine sent for the Barber, & caused his beard to be shaven of. The very cause was for that Boner had plucked of a piece of his beard before.  
The burning of Thomas Tomkins hand by Bishop Boner, who not long after burnt also his body.  
The rage of this bishop was not so great against him, but the constancy of the party was much greater with patience to bear it: 
The notable constancy in a true Christian Soldier.  who although he had not the learning as other have, yet he was so endued with God's mighty spirit, and so constantly planted in the perfect knowledge of God's truth, that by no means he could be removed from the confession of truth, to impiety and error. Whereupon Boner the Bishop being greatly vexed against the poor man, when he saw that by no persuasions he could prevail with him, devised an other practise not so strange as cruel, further to try his constancy, to the intent, that seeing he could not otherwise convince him by doctrine of Scriptures, yet he might overthrow him by some forefeeling and terror of death. So having with him M. Harpsfielde, M. Pendleton, Doctor Chedsey, master Willerton, and other standing by, he called for Thomas Tomkins, who coming before the Bishop, and standing as he was wont in defence of his faith, the bishop fell from beating to burning. Who having there a taper or wax candle of three or four wikes standing upon the table, thought there to represent unto us, 
●. Boner playeth K. Porsenna in burning the hand of Scaevola.  as it were, the old Image of king Porsenna. For as he burned the hand of Scaevola, so this Catholic bishop took Tomkins by the fingers, and held his hand directly over the flame, supposing that by the smart and pain of the fire being terrified, he would leave off the defence of his doctrine, which he had received.  

Tomkins compared to Scaevola. Boner more cruel than Porsenna the Hetruscan.  Tomkins thinking no otherwise, but there presently to die, began to commend himself unto the Lord, saying: O Lord into thy hands I commend my spirit. etc. In the time that his hand was in burning, the said Tomkins afterward reported to one james Hinse, that his spirit was so rapt up, that he felt no pain. In the which burning he never shrunk, till the veins shrunk, and the sinews burst, and the water did spirte into master Harpsfieldes face: In so much that the said master Harpsfield moved with pity, desired the Bishop to stay, saying, that he had tried him enough. This burning was in the Hall at Fulham.  
And where the bishop thought by that means to drive him from his opinions, it proved much otherwise: for this Christian Scaevola, so valiantly did despise, abide, and endure that burning, that we have less cause hereafter to marvel at the manfulness of that Roman Scaevola: I would to God the other had as well followed the example of that Hetruscan Tyrant. For he, after the left hand of Scaevola was half burned, either satisfied with his punishment, or overcome by his manhood, or driven away by fear, sent him home safe unto his people: whereas Boner hitherto not contented with the burning of his hand, rested not until he had consumed his whole body into ashes, at London in Smithfield.  
But before we come to his suffering, we will first entreat of some part of his examination & articles, with his answers and confession thereunto annexed, as it is credibly in Register recorded.  

The first examination of Thomas Tomkins.  
THis faithful and valiant soldiers of God Thomas Tomkins, 
The first examination of Thomas Tomkins before Boner B. of London.  after he had remained the space (as is said) of half a year in prison, about the 8. day of Februarye, was brought with certain other before Boner sitting in his Consistory, to be examined. To whom first was brought forth a certain bill or schedule subscribed (as it appeared) with his own hand, the fift day of the same month last before, containing these words following.  
Thomas Tomkins of Shordiche, and of the Diocese of London, hath believed and doth believe, 
The confession of Tomkins subscribed with his own hand.  that in the sacrament of the aultare, under the forms of bread and wine, there is not the very body and blood of our saviour jesus Christ in substance, but only a token and remembrance thereof, the very body and blood of Christ only being in heaven and no where else.  
By me Thomas Tomkins.  
Whereupon he was asked whether he did acknowledge the same subscription to be of his own hand. To the which he granted, confessing it so to be. This being done, the Bishop went about to persuade him, (with words, 
Tomkins constant in his faith.  rather than with reasons) to relinquish his opinions, & to return again to the unity of the catholic church, promising if he would so do, to remit all that was passed: but he constantly denied so to do. When the Bishop saw he could not so convince him, he brought forth and read to him an other writing containing Articles and Interrogatories whereunto he should come the next day and answer: in the mean time he should deliberate unto himself what to do, & so the next day, being the 9 day of March, at 8. of the clock in the morning, to be present in the same place again, to give his determinate answer what he would do in the premises, and then either to revoke and reclaim himself, or else in the after noon the same day to come again & have justice (as he called it) ministered unto him: the copy of which articles here followeth.  

Anno. 1555. March.  Articles objected and ministered the 8. day of February against Tho. Tomkins, with his own hand subscribing to the same.  
THou dost believe that in the Sacrament of the aultare under the forms of bread and wine there is not, 
Articles ministered against Tho. Tomkins. Transubstantiation denied.  by the omnipotent power of almighty God and his holy word, really, truly, and in very deed, the very true and natural body of our Saviour jesus Christ, as touching the substance thereof, which was conceived in the womb of the virgin Mary, and hanged upon the cross, suffering Passion and death there for the life of the world.  
I do so believe.  

Substance of bread remaineth in the sacrament.  Thou dost believe that after the consecration of the bread and wine prepared for the use of the Sacrament of the aultare, there doth remain the very substance of material bread and material wine, not changed nor altered in substance by the power of almighty God, but remaining as it did before.  
I do so believe.  

The natural presence of Christ in the sacrament denied.  Thou dost believe that it is an untrue doctrine, and a false belief to think or say that in the Sacrament of the aultare there is after the consecration of the bread and wine, the substance of Christ's natural body and blood, by the omnipotent power of almighty God and his holy word.  
I do so believe.  
Thou dost believe that thy parents, kinsfolks, friends, and acquaintance, 
The error of the forelders' touching the Sacrament.  and also thy Godfathers and Godmother, and all people did err, and were deceived, if they did believe that in the Sacrament of the altar there was, after the consecration, the body and blood of Christ, and that there did not remain the substance of material bread and wine.  
I do so believe.  
By me Thomas Tomkins.   

The second examination of Thomas Tomkins.  
THe next day, being the 9 of February, at 8. of the clock before noon, 
The second examination.  the said Thomas Tomkins, (according to the former commandment) was brought again into the place afore named, before the Bishop and other his assistants, where the foresaid Articles were propounded unto him: whereunto he answered as followeth.  

Answer of Tomkins to the articles.  To the first he said, that he did so believe, as in the same is contained.  
To the second he said that it was only bread, & a participation of Christ's death and passion, and so do the scriptures teach.  
To the third he said and did believe, it was a false doctrine, to believe and think as is contained in this Article.  
To the fourth, he did also believe the same.  
After this answer, he did also subscribe his name to the said Articles. Whereupon the Bishop drawing out of his bosom another confession subscribed with Tomkins own hand, and also that article that was the first day objected against him, caused the same to be openly read, and then willed him to revoke and deny his said opinions: the which he utterly refused to do, and therefore was commanded to appear before the Bishop again in the same place at two of the clock in the after noon.  

The Bishop repeateth again the confession of Thom. Tomkins wrytrens before by the said Bishop of London, and subscribed by the said Tomkins, the 26. day Septemb. An. 1554. which is this.  
I Thomas Tomkins of the Parish of Shoreditch, in the Diocese of London, 

The first confession of Tomkins offered to B. Boner, and now here again repeated.  
The Mass full of superstition and Idolatry.   having confessed and declared openly heretofore to Edmund Bishop of London mine Ordinary, that my belief hath been many years past, and is at this present: that the body of our Saviour jesus Christ is not truly and in very deed in the Sacrament of the aultare, but only in heaven, and so in heaven, that it can not now in deed be really and truly in the Sacrament of the altar.  
And moreover, having likewise confessed and declared to my said Ordinary openly many times, that although the church, called the Catholic Church, hath allowed and doth allow the Mass and sacrifice made and done therein, as a wholesome, profitable, & a godly thing: yet my belief hath been many years past, & is at this present, that the said Mass is full of superstition, plain idolatry, and unprofitable for my soul, & so have I called it many times, and take it at this present.  

Baptism ought to be ministered in the vulgar tongue.  Having also likewise confessed and declared to my said ordinary, that the Sacrament of Baptism ought to be only in the vulgar tongue, and not otherwise ministered, and also without any such ceremonies, as customably are used in the Latin church, and otherwise not to be allowed.  
Finally, being many times and oft called openly before my said ordinary, and talked withal touching all my said confessions and declarations, 
Tomkins constantly standeth to the truth o● the Gospel.  both by the said mine Ordinary & divers other learned men, aswell his Chaplains as other, and counseled by all them to embrace the truth, and to recant mine error in the premises, which they told me was plain heresy and manifest error: do testify and declare hereby, that I do and will continually stand to my said confession, declaration, and belief, in all the premises & every part thereof, and in no wise recant or go from any part of the same. In witness whereof I have subscribed, & passed this writing the 26. day of Septemb. the year aforesaid.  
By me Thomas Tomkyns aforesaid.   
The names of them that sat upon Thomas Tomkins at this Session, were these, edmund Boner, 
The last appearance & condemnation of Thomas Tomkins Martyr.  john Fecknam Deane of Paul's, john Harpsfield Archdeacon of London, john Morwen master of Art, Thomas Morton parson of Fulham, Tristram Swadell, Thom. More, Thomas Beckinsaw, james Cline, clerk.   

The last appearance of Tho. Tomkins before Boner and the Commissioners.  
THe same day and place, at two of the clock in the after noon, he was (the last time) brought forth before the bishops of London, Bath, and Saint David's, with others: where he was earnestly exhorted by the said Bishop of Bath, to revoke & leave off his opinions. Unto whom he answered: My Lord, I was borne & brought up in ignorance until now of late years. And now I know the truth, wherein I will continue unto the death.  
Then Boner caused all his articles and confession to be again openly red, and so in his accustomed manner persuaded with him to recant. To whom he finally said: My Lord, I can not see but that you would have me to forsake the truth, and to fall into error and heresy. The Bishop seeing he would not recant, did proceed in his law, and so gave sentence of condemnation upon him.   

The burning of the blessed Martyr, Thomas Tomkyns.  
 
The martyrdom of Thomas Tomkins in Smithfield▪ An. 1555. March 16.  
Then he delivered him to the sheriff of London, 
Sentence read against Thomas Tomkins. March. 1●  who carried him straight unto Newgate, where he remained most joyous and constant, until the 16. day of March next after: on which day, he was by the said Sheriff conveyed into Smithfield, and there sealed up his faith in the flaming fire, to the glory of God's holy name, and confirmation of the weak.    

A notable history of W. Hunter, a young man of 19 year, pursued to death by justice Browne for the Gospel's sake, worthy of all young men and parents to be red.  
THe 26. day of the said month of March, the year aforesaid, followed the martyrdom of William Hunter, a right godly young man of the age of nineteen. years, and borne of like godly parents: by whom he was not only instructed in true religion and godliness, but also confirmed by them unto death, after a rare and strange example, worthy to be noted and had in admiration of all parents. Wherein may appear a singular spectacle, not only of a marvelous fortitude in the party so young: but also in his parents, to behold nature in them striving with religion, and overcome of the same. 
 Whereby Christian parents may learn what is to be done not only in their children, but also in themselves, if need at any time do require, or godliness should demand the duty of a christian man against natural affection. Example whereof in the sequel of this history we have here present before our eyes. Which history as it was faithfully drawn out by Robert Hunter his own brother (who being present with his brother William, & never left him till his death, sent the true report unto us) we have here with like faithfulness placed and recorded the same, as followeth.  


W. Hunter 〈◊〉 in Col●an ●●●eete with Thomas Ta●lour. W. Hunter threatened for not receiving at a 〈◊〉.  
W. Hunter w●●led of 〈◊〉 Master to departed. W. Hunter c●●meth to his father to Burntwoode.   William Hunter being a prentice in London, in the first year of Queen Marie, was commanded at the Easter next following, to receive the Communion at a Mass, by the Priest of the Parish where he dwelt, called Colman street: which, because he refused to do, he was very much threatened that he should be therefore brought before the Bishop of London. Wherefore William Hunters master, one Thomas Tailor, a silk weaver, required William Hunter, to go and departed from him, lest that he should come in danger, because of him, if he continued in his house. For the which causes, William Hunter took leave of his said master, and thence came to Burntwoode where his father dwelled, with whom he remained afterward, about the space of half a quarter of a year.  
After this it happened, within 5. or 6. weeks, that William going into the chapel of Burntwoode, and finding there a Bible lying on a desk, did read therein. In the mean time there came in one father Atwell a Sumner, which hearing William read in the Bible, said to him, what meddlest thou with the Bible? Knowest thou what thou readest, and canst thou expound the Scriptures?  
To whom William answered and said: father Atwell, 
Father Atwel ● Sumner of promoter.  I take not upon me to expound the Scriptures, except I were dispensed withal, but I finding the Bible here when I came, red in it to my comfort. To whom father Atwell said: it was never merry since the Bible came abroad in English.  

Talk between Atwell & W. Hunter concerning the Bible.  To the which words William answered, saying: Father Atwell, say not so for God's sake, for it is God's book, out of the which every one that hath grace, may learn to know what things both please God, & also what displeaseth him. Then said father Atwel: could we not tell before this time, as well as now, how God was served: William answered: no father Atwel, nothing so well, as we may now, if that we might have his blessed word amongst us still as we have had. It is true said father Atwell, if it be as you say.  
Well said William Hunter, it liketh me very well, and I pray God that we may have the blessed Bible amongst us continually. 
The Catholic●es cannot abide the 〈◊〉.  To the which words father Atwell said, I perceive your mind well enough, you are one of them that misliketh the Queen's laws, and therefore you came from London, I hear say. You learned these ways at London, but for all that, said father Atwel, you must turn an other leaf, or else you and a great sort more heretics will broil for this gear, I warrant you. To the which words William said: God give me grace that I may believe his word, & confess his name, whatsoever come thereof. Confess his name, quoth old Atwell? no, no, ye will go to the devil all of you, and confess his name.  
What, said William? you say not well father Atwell. At the which words he went out of the Chapel in a great fury, 
Atwell not able to reason, but he is able to accuse the innocent.  saying: I am not able to reason with thee, but I will fetch one strait way which shall talk with thee, I warrant thee thou heretic. And he leaving William Hunter reading in the Bible, strait ways brought one Thomas Wood, who was then vicar of Southweld, which was at an alehouse even over against the said Chapel: 
The vicar of Southweld angry with W. Hunter for reading in the Bible.  who hearing ol●e Atwell say, that William Hunter was reading of the Bible in the chapel, came by and by to him, and finding him reading in the Bible, took the matter very heinously, saying: Sirrah, who gave thee leave to read in the Bible and to expound it?  
Then William answered: I expound not the Scriptures Sir, but read them for my comfort. What meddlest thou with them at all, said the vicar? It becometh not thee, nor none such to meddle with the Scriptures, But William answered: I will read the Scriptures God willing, while I live, and you ought (M. vicar) not to discourage any man for that matter, but rather exhort men diligently to read the scriptures for your discharge and their own.  
Unto the which the Vicar answered: It becometh thee well to tell me what I have to do. I see thou art an heretic, by thy words, William said, I am no heretic for speaking the truth. But the vicar said, 
The Catholics in no wise will be controlled.  it is a merry world when such as thou art, shall teach us what is the truth, Thou art meddling, father Atwel tells me with the 6. of john, wherein thou mayst perceive, how Christ saith: Except that ye eat the flesh of Christ and drink his blood, ye have no life in you. William said, I read the 6. of john, in deed: howbeit, I made no exposition on it.  
Then said father Atwel, when you read it I said, that you there might understand how that in the Sacrament of the altar is Christ's very natural body and blood: unto the which you answered, how that you would take the scriptures as they are, & that you would meddle with no great exposition, except that ye were dispensed with all.  
Ah, said the vicar? what say you to the blessed (Sacrament of the altar) believest thou not in it, 
W. Hunter examined of the sacrament.  & that the bread and wine is transubstantiated into the very body & blood of Christ? William answered, I learn no such thing in the 6. of john, as you speak of. Why said the Vicar, dost thou not believe in the Sacrament of the aultare? I believe said William Hunter, all that God's word teacheth. Why said the vicar thou mayest learn this which I say plainly in the 6. of john.  
Then said William, you understand Christ words much like the carnal Capernaites, 
The Catholick● like to the Capernaites.  which thought that Christ would have given them his flesh to feed upon, which opinion our saviour Christ corrected, when he said. The words which I speak to you, are spirit and life.  
Now, quoth the vicar, I have found you out: now I see that thou art an heretic in deed, and that thou dost not believe in the sacrament of the altar.  
Then said William Hunter, 
Heresy mistaken with the Papists.  whereas you doubt my belief, I would it were tried whether that you or I would stand faster in our faith. Yea thou heretic, (said the vicar) wouldst thou have it so tried? William Hunter answered, that which you call heresy, I serve my Lord God withal.  
Then said the vicar: canst thou serve God with heresy? But William answered, I would that you and I were even now fast tied to a stake, to prove whether that you or I would stand strongest to our faith. But the Vicar answered: it shall not so be tried. No quoth William, I think so: for if I might, I think I know who would soon recant, for I durst set my foot against yours even to the death. That we shall see, quoth the vicar, and so they departed, the vicar threatening William much, how that he would complain of him: with other much communication which they had together.  
Immediately after, this Vicar of Wield told master Browne of the communication which William Hunter and he had together. Which when M. Browne understood, 
The vicar complaineth to justice Browne of W. Hunter.  immediately he sent for William's father and the Constable, one Robert Salmon. For immediately after William Hunter and the vicar had reasoned together, he took his leave of his father and fled, because Wood the Vicar threatened him. Now when the Constable and Williams father were come, and were before M. Browne, he asked where William Hunter was. His father answered, saying: 
justice Browne sendeth for Hunter's father.  if it please you Sir, I know not where he is become. No, quoth master Browne? I will make thee tell where he is, and fetch him forth also ere I have done with thee. Sir said William's father, I know not where he is become, nor where to seek for him.  
Then said M. Browne, why didst thou not bring him when thou hadst him? 
The fruit of the Pope's doctrine to set the father against the son. An unreasonable request of justice Browne. The father pretended to seek the son.  I promise thee if thou wilt not fetch him, I will send thee to prison till I shall get him. Wherefore see that thou promise me to fetch him, or else it is not best to look me in the face any more, nor yet to rest in Burntwood. Well, quoth M. Browne to William's father, see that thou seek him forth, and bring him to me.  
William's father answered: Sir, would you have me seek out my son to be burned? If thou bring him to me, quoth M. Browne, I will deal well enough for that matter: thou shalt not need to care for the matter. Fetch him, and thou shalt see what I will do for him.  
Moreover, if thou lackest money, quoth he, thou shalt have some, & bade the Constable M. Salmon to give him a crown, but William's father took none of him. Howbeit M. Browne would never rest, till William's father had promised him to seek out his son. And thus M. Brown sent the Constable home again, and Wi●liams father, commanding him to seek out William Hunter, and then to come again and bring him to him.  
After that old father Hunter had ridden a two or three days journeys to satisfy master Brownes expectation, it happened that William met with his father in the high way as he travailed, and first he seeing his father, came to him, and spoke to him, and told him how that he thought that he sought for him: and then his father confessing it, wept sore and said, that master Browne charged him to seek him, and bring him to him: howbeit, said he, I will return home again, and say I can not find you. But William said: 

The son meeteth with him in the way.  
The working of nature between the father & the son.   father, I will go home with you & save you harmless, what soever cometh of it.  
And thus they came home together: but William as soon as he was come home, was taken by the said Constable, and laid in the stocks till the day. Master Browne hearing that William Hunter was come home, sent for him to the Constable, who brought him immediately to master Browne.  
Now when William was come, master Browne said to him, ah syrha, are ye come? and then by and by he commanded the Bible to be brought, 
William Hunter brought before justice Browne.  and opened it, and then began to reason with William on this manner, saying: I hear say you are a Scripture man, you: and can reason much of the sixth of john, and expound as pleaseth you, and turned the Bible to the sixth of S. john, and then he laid to his charge, what an exposition he made, when the Vicar and he talked together. And William said, he urged me to say so much as I did.  
Well, quoth M. Browne, because you can expound that place so well, how say you to an other place, turning to the xxij. of S. Luke? 

Talk between W. Hunter, and justice Browne about the Sacrament.  
Bread broken but not changed.   and master Browne said, look here (quoth he) for Christ saith, that the bread is his body.  
To the which William answered, the text saith, how Christ took bread, but not that he changed it, into an other substance, but gave that which he took, and broke that which he gave, which was bread, as is evident by the text. For else he should have had two bodies, which to affirm I see no reason, said William.  
At the which answer M. Browne was very angry, & took up the Bible and turned the leaves, and then flung it down again in such a fury, 
M. Brown in a pelting chafe.  that William could not well find the place again whereof they reasoned.  
Then M. Browne said, thou naughty boy, wilt thou not take things as they are, but expound them as thou wilt? doth not Christ call the bread his body plainly, and thou wilt not believe that the bread is his body after the consecration? thou goest about to make Christ a liar.  
But William Hunter answered: I mean not so sir, but rather more earnestly to search what the mind of Christ is in that holy Institution, 
How Christ called bread his body.  wherein he commendeth unto us the remembrance of his death, passion, resurrection and coming again, saying: This d●e in the remembrance of me. And also though Christ call the bread his body, as he doth also say, that he is a vine, a door. etc. yet is not his body turned into bread, no more than he is turned into a door, or vine. Wherefore Christ called the bread his body by a figure.  
At that word M. Browne said, thou art a villain in deed. Wilt thou make Christ a liar yet still? and was in such a fury with William, and so raged, that William could not speak a word, 
M Browne in a rage.  but he crossed him, and scoffed at every word. Wherefore William seeing him in such fury, desired him that he would either hear him quietly, and suffer him to answer for himself, 
M. Browne sendeth up William Hunter to B. Boner.  or else send him away. To the which master Browne answered: in deed I will send thee to morrow to my Lord of London, and he shall have thee under examination, and thus left of the talk, and made a letter immediately, and sent William Hunter with the Constable to Boner Bishop of London, who received William.  
After that he had read the letter, and the Constable returned home again, the Bishop caused William to be brought into a chamber, where he begun to reason with him in this manner: I understand William Hunter (quoth he) by M. Brownes letter, how that you have had certain communication with the vicar of Wield, 
Boners' words to W. Hunter.  about the blessed sacrament of the altar, & how that ye could not agree, whereupon M. Browne sent for thee to bring thee to the Catholic faith, from the which he saith, that thou art gone. Howbeit, if thou wilt be ruled by me, thou shalt have no harm, for any thing that thou hast said or done in this matter.  
William answered, saying: I am not fallen from the Catholic faith of Christ, I am sure, but do believe it, and confess it with all my heart. 
Talk between W. Hunter and the bishop about the Sacrament.   
Why, quoth the Bishop, how sayest thou to the blessed Sacrament of the altar? wilt thou not recant thy saying, which thou confessedst before master Browne, how that Christ's body is not in the Sacrament of the aultare, the same that was borne of the virgin Marie?  
To the which William answered, saying? my Lord I understand, that M. Browne hath certified you of the talk, which he and I had together, and thereby ye know what I said to him, the which I will not recant by God's help. Then said the Bishop, I think thou art ashamed to bear a faggot and recant openly, but if thou wilt recant thy sayings, I will promise thee, 
Boner▪ fair pro●mise to W. Hunter.  that thou shalt not be put to open shame: but speak the word here now between me and thee, and I will promise thee, it shall go no further, and thou shalt go home again without any hurt.  
William answered and said, my Lord: if you will let me alone and leave me to my conscience, I will go to my father and dwell with him, or else with my master again, 
W. Hun●●● not suffer●● to have 〈◊〉 conscience free.  and so if no body will disquiet nor trouble my conscience, I will keep my conscience to myself.  
Then said the Bishop, I am content, so that thou wilt go to the Church and receive and be shriven, and so continue a good Catholic Christian. No, quoth William, I▪ will not do so for all the good in the world.  
Then, quoth the Bishop, if you will not do so, I will make you sure enough, I warrant you. Well, quoth William, you can do no more than God will permit you. 
W. Hunt●● denieth t● recant.  Well quoth the bishop, wilt thou not recant in deed by no means? No, quoth William, never while I live, God willing.  
Then the Bishop (this talk ended) commanded his men to put William in the stocks in his gatehouse, 
Boner co●●maundeth W. Hun●●● to the stocks. W. Hunt●● 2. days 〈◊〉 2. nights the stock●● with a 〈◊〉 of bread, a cup of water. Hunter again refu●seth to 〈◊〉 his faith 〈◊〉 Christ.  where he sat two days and nights, only with a crust of brown bread and a cup of water.  
At the two days end the bishop came to him, and finding the cup of water and the crust of bread still by him upon the stocks, said to his men: take him out of the stocks, and let him break his fast with you. Then they let him forth of the stocks, but would not suffer him to eat with them, but called him heretic. And he said he was as loath to be in their company, as they were, to be in his.  
After breakfast the Bishop sent for William, and demanded whether he would recant or no. But William made him answer, how that he would never recant that which he had confessed before men, as concerning his faith in Christ.  
Then the B. said that he was no Christian, but denied the faith in which he was baptized. But W. answered: I was baptized in the faith of the holy Trinity, the which I will not go from, God assisting me with his grace.  
Then the Bishop sent him to the convict prison, 
W. Hunter ●ayd in the convict pri●son with a● many yro●● as he could bear.  and commanded the keeper to lay irons on him as many as he could bear, and moreover asked him, how old he was: and William said, that he was 19 year old.  
Well said the Bishop, you willbe burned ere you be 20. year old, if you will not yield yourself better than you have done yet. William answered, God strengthen me in his truth: and then he parted, 
Hunter allowed an half penny a day to li●● on.  the Bishop allowing him a halfpenny a day to live on in bread, or drink.  
Thus he continued in prison 3. quarters of a year. In the which time he had been before the bishop 5. times, besides the time when he was condemned in the Consistory in Paul's, the 9 day of February: at the which time I his brother Robert Hunter was present, 
These five were tomkins, Pigot▪ Knight, Hawks, & Laurence.  when and where I heard the bishop condemn him, and five other more.  
And then the Bishop calling William, asked him if he would not recant, and so red to him his examination and confession, as is above rehearsed, and then rehearsed how that William confessed that he did believe that he received Christ's body spiritually, when he did receive the communion. Dost thou mean, quoth the Bishop, that the bread is Christ's body spiritually?  
William answered: I mean not so, but rather when I receive the holy Communion rightly and worthily, I do feed upon Christ spiritually through ●aith in my soul, and made partaker of all the benefits which Christ hath brought unto all faithful believers through his precious death, passion, and resurrection, 
The bread is Christ's body neither spiritually nor bodily, but in receiving the Communion we feed on Christ spiritually in our soul. The question is not what God can do, but what he would have us to believe in his holy Supper. A Sentence pronounced against W. Hunter.  and not that the bread is his body, either spiritually or corporally.  
Then said the bishop to William, dost thou not think (holding up his cap) that for example here of my cap, thou mayest see the squareness and colour of it, and yet not to be the substance, which thou judgest by the accidences.  
William answered: if you can separate the accidences from the substance, and show me the substance without the accidences, I could believe. Then said the Bishop: thou wilt not believe that God can do any thing above man's capacity. Yes, said William, I must needs believe that: for daily experience teacheth all men that thing plainly: but our question is not what God can do, but what he will have us to learn in his holy Supper.  
Then the Bishop said, I always have found thee at this point, & I see no hope in thee to reclaim thee unto the Catholic faith, but thou wilt continued a corrupt member, & then pronounced sentence upon him, how that he should go from that place to newgate for a time, & so from thence to Burntwood, where, said he, thou shalt be burned.  
Then the Bishop called for an other, and so when he had condemned them all, he called for William Hunter, and persuaded with him, 
The large 〈◊〉 of B. Boner to W. Hunter.  saying: if thou wilt yet recant, I will make thee a free man in the City, & give thee 40. pound in good money to set up thine occupation withal: or I will make thee Steward of my house and set thee in office, for I like thee well, 
Anno 1555. February.  thou hast wit enough, and I will prefer thee, if thou recant.  
But William answered, I thank you for your great offers: notwithstanding, my Lord, said he, if you can not persuade my conscience with Scriptures, I can not find in my hart to turn from God for the love of the world: 
W. Hunter 〈…〉 of 〈◊〉 world.  for I count all things worldly, but loss and dung, in respect of the love of Christ.  
Then said the Bishop, if thou diest in this mind, thou art condemned for ever. William answered: God judgeth righteously, and justifieth them whom man condemneth unjustly.  
Thus William and the bishop departed, William and the rest to Newgate, where they remained about a month, 
William Hunter sent ●owne to burntwood 〈…〉.  which afterward were sent down, William to Burntwoode, and the others into divers places of the country. Now, when William was come down to Burntwood which was the saturday before the Annunciation of the virgin Mary that followed on the Monday after, William remained till the Tuesday after, because they would not put him to death, then for the holiness of the day.  
In the mean time William's father and mother came to him, 
His father and mother come to comfort him.  and desired heartily of God that he might continue to the end in that good way which God had begun, and his mother said to him, that she was glad that ever she was so happy to bear such a child, which could find in his heart to ●oo●e his life for Christ's names sake.  
Then William said to his mother: for my little pain which I shall suffer, which is but a short brayed, Christ hath promised me, 
His father & mother exhort him to be constant.  mother said he, a crown of joy: may you not be glad of that mother? With that, his mother kneeled down on her knees, saying: I pray God strengthen thee my son, to the end. Yea, I think thee as well bestowed as any child that ever I bore.  
At the which words master Higbed took her in his arms, saying: I rejoice (and so said the others) to see you in this mind, and you have a good cause to rejoice. And his father and mother both said, that they were never of other mind, but prayed for him, that as he had begun to confess Christ before men, he likewise might so continue to the end. William's father said: I was afraid of nothing, but that my son should have been killed in the prison for hunger and cold, the Bishop was so hard to him. But William confessed, 
Mark here whether Boner did nothing but by the law.  after a month that his father was charged with his board, that he lacked nothing, but had meat & clothing enough, yea even out of the court, both money, meat, clothes, wood and coals, and all things necessary.  
Thus they continued in their Inn, being the Swan in Burntwoode, in a Parlour, whether resorted many people of the country to see those good men which were there: and many of William's acquaintance came to him, and reasoned with him, and he with them, exhorting them to come away from the abomination of Popish superstition and idolatry.  
Thus passing away saturday, Sunday, and Monday, on monday at night it happened that William had a dream about 2. of the clock in the morning, 
A notable thing concerning W. Hunters dream.  which was this: how that he was at the place where the stake was pight, where he should be burned, which (as he thought in his dream) was at the towns end where the butts stood: which was so in deed. And also he dreamt that he met with his father as he went to the stake, and also that there was a priest at the stake, which went about to have him recant.  
To whom he said (as he thought in his dream) how that he bade him away false prophet, and how that he exhorted the people to beware of him, and such as he was: which things came to pass in deed. It happened that William made a noise to himself in his dream, which caused M. Higbed and the others to awake him out of his sleep, to know what he lacked. When he awaked, he told them his dream in order, as is said.  
Now when it was day, the sheriff M. Brocket called on to set forward to the burning of William Hunter. Then came the sheriffs son to William Hunter, 
W. Hunter led to the place of Matirdome. The Sheriffs son giveth comfortable words to W. Hunter.  and embraced him in his right arm, saying: William, be not afraid of these men which are here present with bows, bills, & weapons ready prepared to bring you to the place where you shall be burned. To whom William answered: I thank God I am not afraid, for I have cast my count what it will cost me already. Then the sheriffs son could speak no more to him for weeping.  
Then William Hunter plucked up his gown, & stepped over the Parlour grounsel, and went forward cheerfully, the sheriffs servant taking him by the arm, and I his brother by an other, and thus going in the way, met with his father according to his dream, & he spoke to his son, 
W. Hunters dream verified.  weeping and saying, God be with thee son William, and William said, God be with you father, & be of a good comfort, for I hope we shall meet again when we shallbe merry. His father said, I hope so William and so departed. 
His words to his father.  So W. went to the place where the stake stood, even according to his dream, whereas all things were very unready. Then William took a wet broom faggot, & kneeled down thereon, and red the 51. Psalm, till he came to these words, the sacrifice of God is a contrite spirit, a contrite and a broken heart, O God, thou wilt not despise.  
Then said M. Tirrel of the Beaches, called W. Tirel, thou liest (said he) thou readest false, 
M. William Tyrell of the Beaches carpeth where he hath no cause.  for the words are an humble spirit. But W. said, the translation saith a contrite heart. Yea, quoth M. Tirel, the translation is false, ye translate books as ye list yourselves, like heretics. Well, quoth William, there is no great difference in those words. Then said the sheriff, here is a letter from the Queen. If thou wilt recant thou shalt live, if not thou shalt be burned. No, 
W. Hunter refuseth the queens pardon.  quoth W. I will not recant, God willing. Then W. roase and went to the stake, and stood upright to it. Then came one Richard pond a Bailiff, and made fast the chain about William.  
The burning of William Hunter Martyr.  
Then said M. Browne, here is not wood enough to burn a leg of him. Then said William: good people pray for me: and make speed and dispatch quickly: and pray for me while ye see me alive, good people, and I pray for you likewise.  
Now quoth M. Browne, pray for thee? 
A dogged saying of M. Browne.  I will pray no more for thee, than I will pray for a dog. To whom William answered M. Browne: now you have that which you sought for, & I pray God it be not laid to your charge in the last day: howbeit I forgive you. Then said master Browne, I ask no forgiveness of thee. Well said William, if God forgive you not, I shall require my blood at your hands.  
Then said William: Son of God shine upon me, and immediately the sun in the element shone out of a dark cloud, so full in his face, that he was constrained to look an other way: whereat the people mused, because it was so dark a little time afore. 
An external show of Chri●●s ●auour upon W. Hunter. William● dream● verified.  Then William took up a faggot of broom, and embraced it in his arms.  
Then this Priest which William dreamt of, came to his brother Robert with a popish book to carry to William, that he might recant, which book his brother would not meddle withal.  
Then William seeing the priest, and perceiving how he would have showed him the book, said: away, 
Hunter's words to a Popish Priest.  thou false prophet. Beware of them good people, & come away from their abominations, lest that you be partakers of their plagues. Then, quoth the Priest, look how thou burnest here, so shalt thou burn in hell. William answered, thou liest, thou false prophet: away thou false prophet, away.  
Then was there a Gentleman which said, I pray God have mercy upon his soul. The people said: Amen, Amen, Immediately fire was made.  
Then William cast his Psalter right into his brother's hand, 
Hunter comforted by his brother Robert.  who said: William think on the holy Passion of Christ, and be not afraid of death.  
And William answered: I am not afraid. Then lift he up his hands to heaven, and said, Lord, Lord, Lord, receive my spirit, and casting down his head again into the smothering smoke, he yielded up his life for the truth, sealing it with his blood, to the praise of God.  
Now, by and by after, M. Browne commanded one old Hunt to take his brother Robert Hunter, & lay him in the stocks till he returned from the burning of Higbed at Hornden on the hill, 
Rob. Hunter set ●n ●he stocks. Rob. Hunter had before M. Browne.  the same day. Which thing old Hunt did. Then master Browne (when Robert Hunter came before him) asked if he would do as his brother had done. But Robert Hunter answered: if I do as my brother hath done, I shall have as he hath had. Marry (quoth M. Browne) thou mayest be sure of it.  
Then M. Browne said, I marvel, that thy brother stood so to his tackling: and moreover, asked Robert if William's Master of London were not at his burning. 
Rob. Hunter by God's providence delivered.  But Roberte said that he was not there: but Master Browne bore him in hand that his master was there, and how that he did see him there, but Robert denied it. Then master Browne commanded the Constable and Robert Hunter to go their ways home, and so had no further talk with them.   

Here followeth the history of master Higbed, and master Causton, two worthy Gentlemen of Essex, which for the sincere confession of their faith under Boner B. of London, were Martyred and burned in Essex. An. 1555. March 26.  
ALthough the condemnation of master Higbed, and master Causton followed after the condemning of those other Martyrs, 
Mark. 26. The story of M. Higbed and M. Causton Martyrs.  which were condemned with Tomkyns and Hunter above mentioned, yet because the time of their execution was before the burning of the foresaid four martyrs, for so much as they suffered the same day that William Hunter did, which was the 26. of March, I thought therefore next after the story of the said William Hunter, following the order of time, here to place the same.  
This master Higbed, and master Causton, two worshipful Gentlemen in the County of Essex, the one at Hornden of the hill, the other of the parish of Thunderst, being zealous and religious in the true service of God, as they could not dissemble with the Lord their God, nor flatter with the world, so in time of blind superstition & wretched idolatry, they could not long lie hid and obscure in such a number of malignant adversaries, accusers, and servants of this world, but at length they were perceived and detected to the foresaid Edmund Boner Bishop of London, 
M. Higbed and M. Causton de●ected to Boner.  peradventure not without the same organ which sent up William Hunter, as is above declared. By reason whereof, by commandment they were committed to the officers of Colchester to be safely kept, and with them also a servant of Thomas Causton, who in this praise of Christian godliness, was nothing inferior to his master.  
Boner the foresaid Bishop, perceiving these 2. Gentlemen to be of worshipful estate, & of great estimation in that country, lest any tumult should thereby arise, came thither himself, accompanied with M. Fecknam and certain other, 
B Boner cometh himself to Colchester.  thinking to reclaim them to his faction and fashion: so that great labour & diligence was taken therein, as well by terrors and threatenings, as by large promises and flattering, and all fair means, to reduce them again to the unity (as they termed it) of the mother church.  
In fine, when nothing could prevail to make them assent to their doings, at length they came to this point, that they required certain respite to consult with themselves what were best to do. Which time of deliberation being expired, and they remaining still constant and unmovable in their professed doctrine, and setting out also their confession in writing, the bishop seeing no good to be done in tarrying any longer there, 
M. Higbed and M. Causton carried to London.  departed thence & carried them both with him to London, and with them certain other prisoners also, which about the same time in those quarters were apprehended.  
It was not long after this, but these prisoners being at London committed to straight prison, and there attempted sundry wise by the Bishop and his Chapleines to revoke their opinions: at length, when no persuasions would serve, they were brought forth to open examination at the Consistory in Paul's, 
the first days Session.  the 17. day of February. An. 1555. Where they were demanded aswell by the said bishop, as also by the Bishop of bath & others, whether they would recant their errors & perverse doctrine (as they termed it,) and so come to the unity of the Popish Church. Which when they refused to do, the Bishop assigned them likewise the next day to appear again, being the 18. of February.  
On the which day, among many other things there said and passed, 
The second days Sessi●on.  he read unto them severally certain Articles, and gave them respite until the next day, to answer unto the same, & so committed them again to prison. The copy of which Articles here under followeth.  

Articles objected and ministered by Boner B. of London, severally against Tho. Causton, & Thomas Higbed of Essex.  
FIrst, that thou Thomas Causton (or Thomas Higbed) hast been and art of the Diocese of London, 
Articles lai● by B. Boner to M. Higbed and Causton.  and also of the jurisdiction now of me Edmund Bishop of London.  
Item, that thou was in time past, according to the order of the Church of England, baptised and christened.  
Item, that thou hadst Godfathers and Godmother, according to the said order.  
Item, that the said Godfathers and Godmothers did them promise for thee, and in thy name, the faith and religion, that then was used in the realm of England.  
Item, that that faith and Religion, which they did profess, & make for thee, was accounted and taken to be the faith and Religion of the Church, and of the Christian people: and so was it in very deed.  
Item, thou coming to the age of discretion, that is to say, to the age of xiv. years, didst not mislike nor disallow that faith, that Religion, or promise then used and approved, and promised by the said Godfathers and Godmother, but for a time didst continue in it, as other (taking themselves for Christian people) did likewise.  
Item, that at that time, and also before, it was taken for a doctrine of the Church, Catholic and true, and every where in Christendom then allowed for Catholic and true, and to be the profession of a Christian man, to believe that in the Sacrament of the aultare, under the forms of bread and wine, after the consecration, there was and is, by the omnipotent power and will of almighty God, and his word, without any substance of bread and wine there remaining, 
The real presence.  the true and natural body and blood of our Saviour jesus Christ in substance, which was borne of the virgin Marie, and suffered upon the Cross, really, truly, and in very deed.  
Item, that at that time thy father and mother, all thine ancestors, all thy kindred, acquaintance and friends, and thy said Godfathers and Godmother did then so believe, and think in all the same, as the said Church did therein believe.  
Item, that thyself hast had no just cause or lawful ground, to depart or serve from the said Religion or faith, nor no occasion at all, except thou wilt follow and believe the erroneous opinion or belief, that hath been against the common order of the Church, brought in by certain disordered persons of late, and at the uttermost within these 30. or 40. years last passed.  
Item, that thou dost know, or credibly hast heard and dost believe that D. Robert Barnes, john Frith, Tho. Garrerd, Jerome, 
Also sir Edmund Boner priest before the death of Cromwell, seemed to be of the opinion and was sworn twice against the Pope.  Lassels, Anne Askew, john Hooper, late Bishop of Gloucester, sir Laurence Saunders Priest, john Bradford, sir john Roger's Priest, sir Rowland tailor Priest, sir john Laurence Priest, William Pygot, Steven Knight, William Hunter, Thomas Tomkyns, & Thomas Hawks have been heretofore reputed, taken, and accounted as heretics, and also condemned as heretics, and so pronounced openly and manifestly: specially in holding & believing certain damnable opinions, against the verity of Christ's body and blood in the Sacrament of the altar, & all the same persons, saving john Bradford, sir john Laurence, William Pygot, Steven Knight, William Hunter, Thomas Tomkins, and Thomas Hawks, have suffered pains of death by fire, for the maintenance and defence of their said opinions and misbelief.  
Item, that thou dost know, or credibly hast heard and dost believe that Thomas Cranmer late Archbishop of Canterbury, and Nicholas Ridley, naming himself Bishop of London, Robert Ferrar late Bishop of S. Davies, and Hugh Latimer, sometime Bishop of Worcester, have been, and are at this present reputed, accounted and taken as heretics, and misbelievers in maintaining and holding certain damnable opinions, against the verity of Christ's body and blood in the Sacrament of the altar.  
Item, 
Verity take● for heresy 〈◊〉 misbelieving heretics.  that thou hast commended and praised all the said persons, so erring and believing (or at the least wise some of them) secretly, and also openly, taking and believing them to be faithful and Catholic people, and their said opinions to be good and true, and the same to the best & uttermost of thy power thou hast allowed, maintained, and defended at sundry times.  
Item, that thou, having heard, known, and understanded all the premises, thus to be as is aforesaid, haste not regarded all o● any part thereof, but contrary to the same and every part thereof, hast attempted and done, condemning, transgressing, and breaking that promise, faith, religion, order, and custom aforesaid: and hast becomen, and art an heretic and misbeleever in the premises, denying the verity of Christ's body and blood in the Sacrament of the altar, and obstinately affirming, that the substance of material bread and wine are there remaining, and that the substance of Christ's body and blood taken of the virginé Mary, are not there in the said Sacrament, really and truly being.  
Item, that all the premises be true, notorious, famous, and manifest, and that upon all the same, there have and be amongst the sad and good people of the City of London, and Diocese of the same in great multitude, commonly and publicly, a common and public fame and opinion, and also in all places where thou hast been, within the said Diocese of London.  
☞ These Articles being given to them in writing by the Bishop, the next day following was assigned to them to give up and to exhibit their answers unto the same.   

* The third days Session upon the examination of M. Causton and M. Higbed.  
Upon the which day being the first day of March, the said Thomas Causton, 
The third days Session.  and Thomas Higbed Gentlemen being brought before the Bishop in the Consistory, there exhibited their answers to the Articles aforesaid: the tenor of which answers here followeth.   

¶ The answers of Thomas Causton and Thomas Higbed, severally made to the foresaid Articles objected, as before.  
TO the first, they answer and confess the same to be true.  

The answers of the Martyr's to the Articles.  To the second, they answer and believe the same to be true.  
To the third, they answer and believe the same to be true.  
To the fourth, they answer and think the same to be true.  
To the fift, unto this clause (and so was it in very deed) they answer and believe the same to be true. And unto that clause (and so was it in very deed) they answer negatively, and believe that it was not in very deed.  
To the sixth, seventh, and eight, they answer and believe the same to be true.  
To the ninth they answer and say, that they think they have a just and lawful cause and ground to serve and go from the said faith and Religion, because they have now read more of Scripture, then either themselves, or their Parents and kinsfolk, Godfathers or Godmothers have read or seen heretofore in that behalf.  
To the tenth, they answer, say, and believe, that the said persons articulate, have been named, taken, and counted for heretics, and so condemned for heretics: yet about three years past, they were taken for good Christian persons. And for somuch as these Respondents did never hear them preach concerning the Sacrament of the altar, they say that they preached well, in that they said and preached that Christ is not present really and truly in the said Sacrament, 
Transubstantiation denied.  but that there is remaining the substance of bread and wine.  
To the eleventh, they answer and say, that howsoever other folks do repute and take the said persons articulate, yet these Respondents themselves did never, nor yet do so account and take them. And further they say, that in case the said persons articulate named in this article have preached that in the Sacrament of the altar is very material wine, and not the substance of Christ's body and blood, under the forms of bread and wine, than they preached well and truly, and these respondents themselves do so believe.  
To the twelfth they answer and say, that where other folk have dispraised the said persons articulate, and disallowed their opinions, these Respondents (for aught that they at any time have heard) did like and allow the said persons, and their sayings.  
To the thirteenth they answer and say, that they have not broken or condemned any promise made by their Godfathers, and Godmothers for them at their baptism, and that they are no heretics nor misbelievers, in that they believe that there remaineth only bread and wine in the sacrament of the altar, and that Christ's natural body is not there, but in heaven, for they say that the scriptures so teach them.  
To the fourteenth they answer and believe that the premises before by them confessed be true, notorious and manifest.  
After these answers exhibited and perused, than the B. speaking unto them after this sort, beginneth first (as he did ever before) with Thomas Causton. Because ye shall not be suddenly trapped, 
A copy of Catholic 〈◊〉 showed.  and that men shall not say that I go about to seek snares to put you away, I have hitherto respited you, that you should way & consider with yourself, your state and condition, and that you should, while ye have time and space, acknowledge the truth, and return to the unity of the catholic church. Then the bishop reading their former articles and answers to the same, asked them if they would recant, which when they denied, they were again dismissed and commanded to appear the wednesday next after, at two of the clock at after noon, there to receive their definitive sentence against them: Which thing (as it seemeth) was yet differred.   

¶ An other examination of M. Causton and Master Higbed.  
THe next Friday, being the eight day of March, 
another examination. This Stempe is now Warden of the College in Winchester. M. Causton denieth to recant.  the said Thomas Causton was first called to examination before the bishop, Fecknam and D. Stempe, in his Palace, and there had read unto him his foresaid articles with his answers thereunto, & after certain exhortations to recant his former profession, & to be conformable to the unity of their church, they promised him (so doing) willingly to receive him again thereunto. To whom he answered, you go about to catch us in snares & gins: But mark by what measure ye measure us, look you to be measured with the same again at God's hands. The bishop still persuaded with him to recant: To whom he answered no, I will not abjure. Ye said that the bishops that were lately burned, be Heretics: But I pray God make me such an Heretic as they were.  
The bishop then leaving M. Causton, calleth forth M. Higbed: using with him the like persuasions, that they did with the other: But he answered, I will not abjure. 
M. Higbed called forth denieth to abjure.  For I have been of this mind and opinion that I am now, these 16. years, and do what ye can, ye shall do no more than God will permit you to do, and with what measure ye measure us look for the same again at God's hands.  
Then Fecknam asked him his opinion in the sacrament of the altar. To whom he answered: 
M. Fecknam still busy with matter of the sacrament.  I do not believe that Christ is in the sacrament as ye will have him, which is of man's making.  
Both their answers thus severally made, they were again commanded to departed for that time, & to appear the next day in the consistory at Paul's, between the hours of one and three of the clock at after noon.   

The last appearance of M. Causton, and M. Higbed before Boner.  
AT which day and hour, being the ninth day of march, they were both brought thither: 
M. Causton and M. Higbed appear again before the bishop.  Where the Bishop caused M. Thomas Caustons' articles and answers first to be read openly, and after persuaded with him to recant and abjure his heretical opinions, and to come home now at the last to their mother the catholic Church, and save himself.  
But M. Thomas Causton answered again and said: No, I will not abjure. For I came not hither for that purpose: 
M. Causton and M. Higbed do exhibit a confession of their faith.  and therewithal did exhibit in writing unto the Bishop (as well in his own name, as also in Thom. Higbeds name) a confession of their faith, to the which they would stand: and required leave to read the same, which (after great suit) was obtained, and so he read it openly in the hearing of the people, as followeth.  

☞ The confession and faith of Thomas Causton and Thomas Hygbed, which they delivered to the Bishop of London, before the Mayor and Sheriffs, and in the presence of all the people their assembled. Anno. 1555. the 9 of March, & were condemned for the same in the said Consistory in Paul's Church, the year and day abovesaid.  
1 FIrst, we believe and profess in Baptism, to forsake the Devil and his works and pomps, 
The confession of M. Causton.  and the vanities of the wicked world, with all the sinful lusts of the flesh.  
2. We believe all the articles of our Christian faith.  
3. We believe that we are bound to keep Gods holy will and commandments, 

Abrenouncing of the world. The Articles of the Creed. The commandments. The lords prayer.  
The Catholic. Church.   and to walk in the same all the days of our life.  
4. We believe that there is contained in the Lord's prayer all things necessary both for body and soul, and that we are taught thereby to pray to our heavenly father, and to none other saint or angel.  
5. We believe that there is a catholic Church, even the Communion of saints, Built upon the foundation of the Prophets and Apostles (as S. Paul saith) Christ being the head corner stone For the which Church Christ gave himself, to make it to himself a glorious congregation, without fault in his sight.  
6. We believe, that this church, of herself, and by her own merits is sinful, 
The Church of itself is sinful by imputation righteous.  and must needs say: Father, forgive us our sins: but through Christ and his merits, she is freely forgiven: For he in his own person (saith saint Paul) hath purged her sins, and made her faultless in his sight. 
Anno 1555. February-  Besides whom, there is no savour (sayeth the Prophet) neither is there salvation (saith Saint Peter) in any other name.  
7 We believe, as he is our only Saviour, so is he our only Mediator. 
Christ only our mediator.  For the holy Apostle S. Paul sayeth: There is one God, one Mediator between God and man, even the man jesus Christ. Wherefore seeing none hath this name, God and man, but jesus Christ, therefore there is no mediator, but jesus Christ.  
8 We believe that this Church of Christ is and hath been persecuted by the words of Christ, saying: As they have persecuted me, 
The condition of the Church to be persecuted.  so shall they persecute you: For the disciple is not above his master. For it is not only given unto you to believe in Christ (sayeth Saint Paul) but also to suffer for his sake. For all that will live godly in Christ jesus, must suffer persecution.  
9 We believe that the Church of Christ teacheth the word of God truly and sincerely, putting nothing to, nor taking any thing fro: 
The Church only is directed by God's word neither adding nor taking fro.  and also doth minister the Sacraments according to the Primitive Church.  
10 We believe that this Church of Christ suffereth all men to read the Scriptures, according to Christ's commandment, saying: Search the Scriptures: for they testify of me. We read also out of the Acts, that when Saint Paul preached, the audience daily searched the Scriptures, 
The true church forbiddeth none to read the scriptures.  whether he preached truly or no. Also the Prophet David teacheth all men to pray with understanding: For how shall the unlearned (saith S. Paul) say, Amen, at the giving of thanks, when they understand not what is said? And what is more allowed, then true faith, which S. Paul saith, cometh by hearing of the word of God▪  
11 We believe, that the Church of Christ teacheth that God ought to be worshipped according to his word, 
God only to be worshipped after his word.  and not after the doctrine of men: For in vain (saith Christ) ye worship me, teaching nothing but the doctrine of men.  
Also we are commanded of God by his Prophet, saying: 
God's precepts to be followed and not the constitutions of men.  Walk not in the traditions and precepts of your Elders: but walk (saith he) in my precepts: do that I command you: put nothing thereunto, neither take any thing from it. Likewise (saith Christ) you shall forsake father and mother, and follow me Whereby we learn, that if our Elders teach otherwise then God commanded, in that point we must forsake them.  

The lords supper is not to be changed from the institution of Christ.  12 We believe that the Supper of the Lord ought not to be altered and changed, for as much as Christ himself being the wisdom of the father, did institute it. For it is written: Cursed is he that changeth my ordinances, and departeth from my Commandments, or taketh any thing from them.  
Now, we find by the scriptures, that this holy supper is sore abused. 

The lords supper how many ways it is abused.  
The second abuse.    
First, in that it is given in one kind, where Christ gave it in both.  
Secondly, in that it is made a private Mass, where Christ made it a Communion: for he gave it not to one alone, but to all the Apostles, in the name of the whole Church.  

The third abuse.  Thirdly, in that it is made a sacrifice for the quick and the dead, whereas Christ ordained it for a remembrance of the everlasting sacrifice, which was his own body offered upon the altar of the Cross once for all, as the holy Apostle saith: Even the full and perfect price of our redemption: and where there is remission of sin (saith he) there is no more sacrifice for sin.  

The 4. abuse.  Fourthly, in that it is worshipped contrary to the commandment, saying: Thou shalt worship nothing that is made with hands.  

The 5. abuse.  Fiftly, in that it is given in an unknown tongue, whereby the people are ignorant of the right use thereof, how Christ died for our sins, and rose again for our justification, by whom we be set at peace with God, and received to his favour and mercy by his promise, whereof this sacrament is a sure seal and witness.  

The 6. abuse.  Besides this, it is hanged up and shut in a box: yea many times so long, that worms breedeth in it, and so it putrifyeth: whereby the rude people have an occasion to speak unreverently thereof, which otherwise would speak reverently.  
Thereof they that thus abuse it, bring up the slander and not we, which pray daily to God to restore it to the right use, according to Christ's institution.  
Now, concerning Christ's words: This is my body, we deny them not, but we say, that the mind of Christ in them must be searched out by other open scriptures, whereby we may come to the spiritual understanding of them, 
Christ's words hoc est corpus meum, not denied, but expounded. The phrase of scripture expounded by other phrases.  which shall be most to the glory of God. For as the holy Apostle saith: There is no scripture that hath any private interpretation. Besides this, the Scriptures are full of the like figurative speeches: as for example, Christ sayeth: This cup is the new Testament in my blood. The rock is Christ (sayeth Saint Paul.) Who soever receiveth a child in my name (saith our savour jesus Christ) receiveth me.  
Which sentences must not be understand after the letter, lest we do err, as the Capernaites did, which thought that Christ's body should have been eaten with their teeth, when he spoke of the eating thereof. Unto whom Christ said: Such a fleshly eating of my body profiteth nothing: it is the spirit (sayeth our savour jesus Christ) that quickeneth: the flesh profiteth nothing: for my words are spirit and life.  
Thus we see that Christ's words must be understanded spiritually, and not literally. 

The word● of the sacra●ment ought to be taken spiritually, and not literally.  
Christ is to be eaten spiritually.   Therefore he that cometh to this worthy supper of the Lord, must not prepare his law, but his hart: neither tooth nor belly: but Believe (saith S. Augustine) and thou hast eaten it: so that we must bring with us a spiritual hunger. And as the Apostle saith: Try and examine ourselves, whether our conscience do testify unto us, that we do truly believe in Christ, according to the Scriptures: whereof if we be truly certified, being new borne from our old conversation in hart, mind, will, and deed, then may we boldly with this marriage garment of faith come to the feast.  
In consideration whereof, we have invincible Scriptures, as of Christ himself: This do in the remembrance of me. And S. Paul: As often (saith he) as ye eat of this bread, and drink of this cup, ye shall remember the Lords death until he come. Hear is no change, but bread still. 
The substance of bread not changed.  And Saint Luke affirmeth the same. Also Christ hath made a just promise saying: Me you shall not have always with you. I leave the world, and go to my father: for if I should not departed, the comforter which I will send, can not come unto you. So according to his promise he is ascended: as the Evangelists testify. Also Saint Peter saith: That heaven shall keep him until the last day also.  
Now, as touching his omnipotent power, we confess and say with S. Augustine, that Christ is both God and man. In that he is God, he is every where: 
Christ's body but in one place 〈◊〉 once.  but in that he is man, he is in heaven, and can occupy but one place: whereunto the Scriptures doth agree. For his body was not in all places at once, when he was here: for it was not in the grave when the women sought it, as the Angel saith: neither was it at Bethania where Lazarus died, by Christ's own words, saying: I am glad I was not there. And thus we conclude with the Scriptures, that Christ is in his holy Supper sacramentally and spiritually in all them that worthily receive it, and corporally in heaven, both God and man.  
And further, we make here our protestation before God (whom we call to record in this matter) that this which we have said, is neither of stubbornness, nor wilful mind) as some judge of us: but even of very conscience, 
Their protestation.  truly (we trust) grounded in God's holy word. For before we took this matter in hand, we besought God from the bottom of our hearts, that we might do nothing contrary to his holy and blessed word. And in that he hath thus showed his power in our weakness, we can not worthily praise him: unto whom we give hearty thanks, through jesus Christ our Lord, Amen.   
When he had thus delivered and read their confession, the Bishop still persisting sometime in fair promises, sometime threatening to pronounce judgement, asked them whether they would stand to this their confession and other answers? To whom Causton said, Yea, 
M. Causton and M. Higbed constant to death in their confession.  we will stand to our answers written with our hands, and to our belief therein contained. After which answer, the Bishop began to pronounce sentence against him.  
Then he said, that it was much rashness, and without all love and mercy, to give judgement without answering to their confession by the truth of God's word, whereunto they submitted themselves most willingly. And therefore I, 

M. Causton appealeth to the Cardinal.  
D. Smith ready to answer their confession, but could not be suffered.   quoth Causton (because I can not have justice at your hand, but that ye will thus rashly condemn me) do appeal from you to my Lord Cardinal.  
Then D. Smith said, that he would answer their confession. But the Bishop (not suffering him to speak) willed Harpsfield to say his mind, for the stay of the people: Who taking their confession in his hand, neither touched nor answered one sentence thereof.  
Which done, the Bishop pronounced sentence, first against the said Thomas Causton, and then calling Thomas Higbed, caused his articles and answers likewise to be read. In the reading whereof Higbed said: Ye speak blasphemy against Christ's passion, 
Ann. 1555. March.  and ye go about to trap us with your subtleties and snares. And though my father and mother, and other my kinsfolk, did believe as you say, 
Sentence proounced against M. Causton & M. Higbed.  yet they were deceived in so believing.  
And further, where you say, that my Lord, named Cranmer (late Archbishop of Canterbury) and other specified in the said articles be heretics: I do wish that I were such an heretic as they were and be. Then the Bishop asked him again, whether he would turn from his error, and come to the unity of their Church? To whom he said, No, I would ye should recant, for I am in the truth, and you in error.  
Well, quoth the Bishop, if ye will return, I will gladly receive you.  
No, said Higbed, I will not return as you will have me, to believe in the sacrament of the altar your God.  

M. Causton & M. Higbed condemned and sent to Newgate.  Whereupon the Bishop proceeded, and gave judgement upon him, as he had done before upon Tho. Causton. When all this was thus ended, they were both delivered to the Sheriffs, and so by them sent to Newgate, where they remained by the space of xiv. days, praised be God, not so much in afflictions, as in consolations.  
For the increase whereof, they earnestly desired all their good brethren and sistern in Christ to pray, that God for his sons sake would go forth with that great mercy, which already he had begun in them, so that they might persevere unto the end, to the praise of the eternal God, and comfort of all their brethren.  
These xiv. days (after their condemnation) once expired, 
M. Causton and Master Higbed brought from Newgate into Essex.  they were the twenty-three. day of this month of March, fetched from Newgate at four of the clock in the morning, and so led through the City unto Algate, where they were delivered unto the Sheriff of Essex, and there being fast bound in a cart, were shortly after brought to their several appointed places of burning: that is to say, Thomas Higbed to Horneden on the hill, 
March 26.  and Thomas Causton to Rayly (both in the Country of Essex) where they did most constantly, 
The constant martyrdom of M. Thomas Causton, and Master Higbed Martyrs.  the xxuj. day of the same month, seal this their faith with shedding of their blood by most cruel fire, to the glory of God, and great rejoicing of the godly.  
At the burning of which, Master Higbed, justice Browne was also present, as is above specified, and divers Gentlemen in the shire were commanded to be present, for fear belike, lest they should be taken from them. And thus much touching the apprehension, examination, confession, condemnation, and burning of these two godly and constant Martyrs of God.    

William Pigot, Steven Knight, and john Laurance, with their exanation and constant martyrdom.  
IN the Story before of Thomas Tomkins and his fellows, 
March. 28.  mention was made of six, which were examined, and condemned together, by bishop Boner, the ninth day of February. 
W. Pigot, Ste. Knight, john Laurence, Mart●●s.  Of the which six condemned persons, two, which were Tomkins, and William Hunter, (as ye heard) were executed, the one upon the 26. of February, and the other upon the 26. day of March. Other three, to wit, William Pigot and Steven Knight suffered upon the eight and twenty day, and john Laurence the nine and twenty of the said month of march.  
Touching the which three Martyrs, now something to say of their examinations, it was first demanded of them, what their opinion was of the sacrament of the Altar. Whereunto they severally answered, and also subscribed, that in the sacrament of the altar, under forms of bread and wine there is not the very substance of the body and blood of our saviour jesus Christ, but a special partaking of the body and blood of Christ: the very body and blood of Christ being only in heaven, and no where else. This answer thus made, the bishop caused certain articles to be read unto them, tending to the same effect as did the articles before of Tomkins and of M. Causton. The tenor whereof here followeth.  

* Articles or interrogatories objected by the bishop of London, to Willlam Pigot, Steven Kite, and john Laurence, the 8. of February. 1555.  
WHether do you think and steadfastly believe that it is a catholic, 
Articles objected to W. Pigot & 〈…〉.  faithful, christian, and true doctrine, to teach, preach and say, that in the sacraments of the altar, under the forms of bread & wine, there is without any substance of bread & wine there remaining, by the omnipotent power of almighty God, & his holy word, really, truly, and in very deed the true and natural body and blood of our Saviour jesus Christ, the self same in substance (though not in outward form and appearance) which was borne of the virgin Mary, and suffered upon the cross, yea, or nay?  
Whether do you think, 
Belief of their forelders.  and steadfastly believe that your Parents, kinsfolk, friends, and acquaintance, here in this realm of England, before your birth a great while and also after your Birth, professing and believing the said doctrine and faith, concerning the said sacrament of the altar, had a true christian faith, and were faithful and true christian people, or no?  
Whether do you think and steadfastly believe that your Godfathers and Godmother, 
Belief of their godfathers and godmothers.  professing and believing the said Doctrine and faith, concerning the said Sacrament of the altar, had a true christian faith, and were faithful and true christian people or no?  
Whether do you think and steadfastly believe that your own self in times past, being of the age of 14. years, 
Belief of their young age.  and above, did think and believe concerning the said sacrament of the altar in all points, as your said parents: kinsfolk, friends, acquaintance, godfathers, and godmother did then think and believe them, or no?  
Whether do you think, and steadfastly believe that our Sovereigns the king, and the Queen of this Realm of England, and all the Nobility, Clergy, and laity of this Realm, professing and believing the said doctrine and faith, as other christian Realms do, concerning the said sacrament of the altar, have a true christian faith, and believe as the Catholic and true Church of Christ hath always believed, preached, and taught or no?  
Whether do ye think and steadfastly believe that our saviour Christ and his holy spirit hath been, is, 
Belief of the king, and Queen, & the Nobility.  and shallbe with his Catholic church, even to the worlds end, governing and ruling the same in all things, especially in the necessary points of Christian Religion, not suffering the same to err or to be deceived therein?  
Whether it is true that you, being suspected, or infamed to be culpable, 
Belief of the pretenced Catholic church.  and faulty in speaking against the sacrament of the Aultare, and against the very true presence of Christ's natural body, and the substance thereof in the said sacrament, and thereupon called before me upon complaint made to me against you, have not been a good space in my house, having freely meat and drink, and also divers times instructed and informed, 
The real presence and transubstantiation.  as well by one being our Ordinary, as also by my chaplains and divers other learned men, some whereof were bishops, some Deans, and some Archdeacon's, and every one of them learned in divinity, and minding well unto you, and desiring the safeguard of your soul, and that you should follow and believe the doctrine of the Catholic church as afore, concerning the said sacrament of the altar, and whether you did not at all times since your said coming to me, utterly refuse to follow and believe the said doctrine, concerning the said sacrament?  
Whether can you now find in your hart and conscience to conform yourself in all points to the said faith and catholic church concerning the said Sacrament of the altar, faithfully, truly, and plainly, without any dissimulation, believing therein as our said sovereigns, with the Nobility, Clergy, and laity, of this Realm, and other Christian realms: and other persons aforesaid, and also the said Catholic Church have, and do believe in that behalf?  
In case you so cannot, what ground have you to maintain your opinion, and who is of the same opinion with you, and what conference have you had therein with any, what comfort and what relief have you had therein by any of them, and what are their names and surnames, and their dwelling place?  
Their answers to these articles were not much discrepant from Tomkins, and other like Martyrs above mentioned, as here followeth to be seen.   

¶ The answer of Steven Knight, and William Pigot, to the aforesaid Articles.  
TO the first article, they believe that the contents of this article, is not agreeable to scripture. 
Answers to the Articles aforesaid.   
To the second, they answer and believe, that their parents and other expressed in the said article, so believing, as is contained in the same, were deceived.  
To the third, they answer, that they so believed: but they were deceived therein, as they now believe.  
To the fourth, they say, that they have heretofore believed as is contained in the said article, but now they do not so believe.  
To the fift, they say, that if they so believe, they are deceived.  
To the sixth, they believe the same to be true.  
To the seventh, they answer and believe the contents of the same to be true.  
To the eight, they answer, that they can no whit conform themselves to the faith and doctrine contained and specified in this article, until it be proved by Scripture.  
To the ninth, they say, that they have no ground to maintain their said opinions, but the truth, which (as they say) hath been persuaded by learned men, as D. tailor of Hadley, and such other.  
These answers being made and exhibited, they were commanded to appear again the next day, at eight of the clock in the morning, and in the mean while to bethink themselves what they would do.   

another appearance of the said prisoners before Boner.  

another appearance.  THe next day in the morning, being the 9 day of February, before their open appearance, the Bishop sent for William Pigot, and Stephen Knight, into his great chamber in his Palace, where he persuaded with them to recant: and deny their former profession.  
Who answered, that they were not persuaded in their consciences to return and abjure their opinions, whereunto they had subscribed. Within a while after, they were all three) with Thomas Tomkins, and William Hunter afore named) brought openly into the consistory, the ix. day of February aforesaid, and there had the same articles propounded unto them, which were before propounded unto the foresaid Thomas Tomkins (as appeareth in the discourse of his history) and thereto also subscribed these words: I do so believe.  

Talk between Boner and john Laurence Priest. john Laurence sometimes a Friar.  The Bishop also used certain talk unto john Laurence only. Whereunto he answered in this manner: That he was a Priest, and was consecrated and made a Priest about eighteen years past, and that he was sometime a Black Friar professed: that also he was assured unto a maid, whom he intended to have married.  
And being again demanded his opinion upon the Sacrament, he said, that it was a remembrance of Christ'S body, and that many have been deceived in the believing the true body of Christ to be in the Sacrament of the Altar, and that all such as do not believe as he doth, do err. After this talk and other fair words and threatenings, they were all of them commanded to appear again at after noon.   

The third and last appearance.  
AT the which hour they came thither again, & there 〈◊〉 the accustomed manner, 
 were exhorted to recant and revoke their doctrine, and receive the faith. To the which they constantly answered, they would not, but would stick to that faith that they had declared and subscribed unto, for that they did believe that it was no error which they believed: but that the contrary thereof was very heresy.  
When the Bishop saw that neither his fair flatterings, 
Steven Knight, William Pigot, & john Laurence condemned. john Laurence disgraded. Steven Knight burned at Mauldon, W. Pigot at Braintree. March. 28.  nor yet his cruel threatenings would prevail, he gave them severally their judgements. And because joh. Laurence had been one of their anointed priests, he was by the bishop there (according to their order) solemnly disgraded, the manner whereof you may see in the history of Master Hooper afore passed, pag. 1435.  
Their sentence of condemnation, & this degradation once ended, they were committed unto the custody of the Sheriffs of London, who sent them unto Newgate, where they remained with joy together, until they were carried down into Essex, and there the 28. day of March, the said William Pigot was burned at Brayntree: and Stephen Knight at Mauldon, who at the stake kneeling upon the ground, said this prayer which here followeth.   

The Prayer that Stephen Knight said at his death upon his knees, being at the stake, at Mauldon.  
O Lord jesus Christ, for whose love I leave willingly this life, and desire rather the bitter death of his Cross with the loss of all earthly things, 
A godly prayer of Ste. Knight at his Mar●tyrdome.  then to abide the blasphemy of thy most holy name, or to obey men in breaking thy holy Commandment: thou seest O Lord, that where I might live in worldly wealth to worship a false God, and honour thine enemy, I chose rather the torment of the body, and the loss of this my life, and have counted all things but vile, dust, and dung, that I might win thee: which death is dearer unto me, than thousands of gold and silver. Such love, O Lord, hast thou laid up in my breast, that I hunger for thee, 
Psal. 42.  as the Dear that is wounded desireth the soil. Send thy holy comforter O Lord, to aid, comfort, and strengthen this weak piece of earth, which is empty of all strength of itself: Thou remember'st O Lord, that I am but dust, and able to do nothing that is good. Therefore, O Lord, as of thine accustomed goodness and love, thou hast bidden me to this banquet, and accounted me worthy to drink of thine own cup amongst thine elect: even so give me strength O Lord against this thine element: which as to my sight is most irksome and terrible: so to my mind it may at thy commandment (as on obedient servant) be sweet and pleasant, that through the strength of thy holy spirit, I may pass through the rage of this fire into thy bosom, according to thy promise: and for this mortal, receive an immortal, and for this corruptible, put on incorruption: Accept this burnt sacrifice and offering, O Lord, not for the sacrifice, but for thy dear sons sake, my saviour, for whose testimony I offer this free will offering with all my hart, 
Mark the spirit of the payer, and compare i● with the prayer of the papists at the sacri●fice of the Mass.  and with all my soul. O heavenly father forgive me my sins, as I forgive all the world. O sweet son of God my saviour, spread thy wings over me. O blessed and holy Ghost, through whose merciful inspiration I am come hither, conduct me into everlasting life. Lord into thy hands I commend my spirit. Amen.    

The death and martyrdom of john Laurence Priest.  
THe next day being the 29. day of this month, the said john Laurence was brought to Colchester, 

john Laurence Martyr.  
March. 29. john Laurence lamed with irons in prison.   and there being not able to go, (for that as well his legs were sore worn with heavy irons in the prison, as also his body weakened with evil keeping) was borne to the fire in a chair, and so sitting, was in his constant faith consumed with fire.  
The cruel burning of john Laurence Martyr.  
At the burning of this Laurence, he sitting in the fire the young children came about the fire, and cried, 
Ex 〈…〉.  (as well as young children could speak) saying: Lord strengthen thy servant, and keep thy promise, Lord strengthen thy servant, and keep thy promise:: which thing, as it is rare so it is no small manifestation of the glory of God, which wrought this in the hearts of these little ones: nor yet a little commendation to their parents, which from their youth brought them up in the knowledge of God and his truth.   

The history of Doctor Robert Farrar, Bishop of S. David's in Wales, who most constantly gave his life for the testimony of the truth. March. 30. an. 1555.  
THe next day after, which was the thirty. day of the said month of march, 
The 〈◊〉 of D. ●obert ●●rrar Byssop of S. 〈◊〉, & martyr.  followed the worthy & constant martyrdom of the bishop of S. David's in Wales, called Robert Farrar, who was the next bishop in this Catalogue of Christian Martyrs, that suffered after master Hooper. This foresaid Farrar, by the favour and good will of the Lord protector, was first called and promoted to that dignity. This man I may well call twice a martyr, not only for the cruel death of the fire, which he suffered most constantly in the days of Queen Mary, unto the shedding of his blood: 
〈◊〉 articles against B. 〈◊〉 in K. Edward's ●yme, de●y●d 〈◊〉 Tho. Young, Cō●●antine and ●ther his adversaries Tho. Young ●onne in ●awe to Constantine  but also for divers other injuries & molestations in king Edward's time, which he no less firmly, then unworthily sustained at the hands of his enemies after the fall of the Duke of Somerset. Of these his vexations and troubles, with the wrangling articles and informations laid against him, to the number of fifty and six, & of the malice conceived against him by certain covetous Canons of the Church of Carmarthen, & what were the proceedings of both parts, as well of the innocent, as of the crafty adversaries, & what were their names in their articles against him, in order here followeth.  

The principal articles against Bishop Farrar.  
GEorge Constantine, David Walter his servant, Thomas Young chanter of the Cathedral Church, who was afterward Archbishop of York, Rowland Merick, doct. of law, who was afterward Bish. of Bangor, Thomas Lee, and Hugh Rawlins. etc.  
THrough the procurement and instance of these his adversaries, joining and confederating together, one Hugh Rawlins priest, and Thomas Lee brother in law to the said George Constantine, did exhibit to the kings most honourable counsel certain articles and informations, conceived and devised by the persons before named, to the intent to blemish the bishop's credit, and utterly (as they thought and made their boast) to pull him from his bishopric, and to bring him in a praemunire. The copy of which articles, we thought here good to express, and so after them to set his answers to the same.   

Articles and informations to the kings honourable counsel, put up and exhibited by Hugh Raulins, and Tho. Lee, against the blessed man of God, Master Farrar, bishop of saint David's.  

¶ Abuse of the authority to him committed.  
IN primis when the said bishop first came to his diocese, he appointed his chancellor by his letters of commission, omitting the king's majesties style and authority, and grounded his said commission upon foreign usurped laws and authority: by force of which authority his said Chancellor did visit certain deanryes of his said diocese, and monished the Chauntor and chapter of the cathedral Church of S. David's aforesaid, against a certain day and place, for like intent and purpose, contrary to the kings highness laws and statutes, and in derogation of his highness supremacy.  
Item, that the said Chauntour and chapter, perceiving the faults of the said commission, took the same from the Registre into their custody, refusing to appear by virtue thereof, and by secret and charitable ways and means did admonish the said Bishop of the unlawfulness and faults of the said commission and of the danger that he had incurred for granting and executing the same: opening also unto him the effect of the statute made in the xxviii. year of our late Sovereign Lord Henry the eight: Which monitions notwithstanding, the said Bishop neglecting the same, and continuing in his malicious doing or inexcusable ignorance, about the xx. day of august in the fourth year of the reign of our Sovereign Lord that now is did confer unto one john Euans the Uicarage of Pembrin, instituting him by authority of the old foreign usurped law, making no mention of the kings highness authority, in contempt and derogation of the same.  
Item, whereas the Chancellor and vicar general to the said Bishop, did upon a lawful title, and by the kings highness supreme authority admit and institute one john Gough into the rectory of Haskard with thappurtenances, and gave out in the kings name under his highness seal ecclesiastical appointed for that office with the (teste) of the said bishop and subscription of the said chancellor, a mandate to induct accordingly: by virtue whereof the said john Gough was inducted by the official there into real possession of the same rectory, with the rights and appurtenances to the same belonging: whereupon the register of the said diocese, at the request of the foresaid chancellor did signify the premises, with all the circumstances, before divers persons to the forenamed Bishop, Who notwithstanding, did institute and cause to be inducted one Harry Goddart unto the same parsonage. making no mention of the kings majesties authority nor supremacy: in contempt and derogation of the same his highness crown and dignity, and in extolling the foreign usurped authority, contrary to the form of the statute etc.  
Item, the said Bishop immediately after the unlawful institution and induction of Goddart aforesaid, molested the said I. Gough lawfully instituted inducted as before, citing him from place to place, objecting no matter unto him of long season, till at the length he articled. Among which Articles was contained. Item Interrogatur quo titulo tenet rectoriam de Haskard. So taking upon him the cognition of the title of the hole fruits and patronage, in contempt of the kings highness regal crown and dignity, and in derogation of the laws and statutes of this Realm.  
Item, he hath commonly made his collations, and institutions, as he did his first commission in his own name and authority, without expressing the kings supremacy.  
Item, he hath made under his seal one collation, two institutions, and three mandates, induct in one vocation of one benefice, to three several persons, without order of law, or revocation of any of them, giving to every one like authority, title and right. Whereby, except good foresight aswell of justices of the peace, as of the friends had not been, there had ensued much inconvenience amongs the partakers of the entitled incumbentes in that behalf.  
Item, the said Bishop decreeing caveats to be made in benefices, thereby knowing the titles litigious, instituted, and causeth to be inducted without trial of any title or due order of law.  
Item, he directeth his mandates of induction unto private men, and not to Tharchdeacons nor their officials: contrary to the law and custom used in that behalf. Notwithstanding he hath been counseled to the contrary, of men that be learned.  
Item, having no manner of knowledge nor practice in the law, he sitteth every day, in harvest and other times, upon causes without assistance of learned in the law, having with him only an unlearned boy, which is no Notary, to his scribe, neither observing the law, nor yet reasonable order. And therefore doth no good, but tryfeleth the time, as may appear by his acts, if he have them to be showed.  
Item, he and his officers, by his knowledge, useth to dispense with marriages, to be solemnised without banes, contrary to the laws and ordinances in that behalf.  
Item, where as one Thomas Pricharde a Chaplain of his, solemnized matrimony in a private house without banes, & that betwixt a priest, and a sister of hers, that was appointed to be married with the said priest that day: he also being a parson, and leaving his cure unserved that day being sunday: notwithstanding, that one of the kings counsel in the marches of Wales: informed the said bishop of the same misdemeanours, requiring due reformation thereof, he hath done nothing therein, but put the same Chaplain in office, and made him his Commissary general since that time, bearing a special favour to the rest of the offenders.  
Item, whereas one Meredith ap Thomas, his household servant, was accused of one Sage Hugh, for to have been father of her child, the said Bishop without purgation of his servant, caused him to sue the parents of the said Sage of infamy, first in his principal consistory, and from thence before a commissary of his, being his household Chaplain, and at the last took the matter before himself, so railing against all his officers, because they proceeded not after his partial affection, and against the law, that honest men of Carmarththen, where he than sat upon the cause, judged him to be, or at the least to have been distract of his wit: and by his partial handling, the cause remaineth unfinished, and the child without father.  
Item, whereas one jenkin Ph. accused William Chambers a servant of the Bishops, that found this William in adulterous manner with his wife, by reason whereof the Bishop expelled the wife out of his house, and the said infamy not purged, the parties have been both again in the Bishop's house, and service, since that time, to the evil example of other.  
Item, by his unlawful sequestration of the fruits of the benefices of Langattocke, and Lamyhangell, by the undiscreet handling of the same, there were raised the number of four hundred people or more, which bickered sundry times together, to the great danger of thinhabitants thereabout, had it not been pacified by the discreet means of sir Roger Uaughan Knight.  
Item, by his like unlawful collation of the Prebend of Lambister, to one Stephen Grene a chaplain of his by covenant and promise to maintain the suit, by whose crafty and undiscreet handling of the same, there was raised in the county of Radner the 19 day of August last yast, about three or four hundredth men to like danger, but that the matter was stayed by john Bradshaw, Rice ap Glin, and Stephen ap Rice, justices of the same county. Who with great danger to themselves and theirs, pacified the matter, committing an hundred of the offenders to ward.  
Item, such as he oweth displeasure unto, he citeth from place to place, and day to day, only for their vexation, laying no matter against them: and being divers times required the copy of his proceedings against them, to th'intent they might answer accordingly, and be at their lawful defence: he denieth to all such persons, the copies of his proceedings.  
Item, he and his officers wink at the manifest and open crimes of his fautors and adherentes, to the evil example of the whole Diocese, and abuseth the censures of excommunication and suspension, making it an instrument of revenging against such, as they do not favour.  
Item, having received payment of the kings majesties subsidy, due in October, the fourth year of his grace's reign, of the foresaid chanter of the Cathedral Church of Saint David's, and Rowland Meyrike, two of the Residentaries there, before Christmas last, he unjustly of a prepensed mind and purpose, afterward certified them for recusantes, to their undoing, if they had not been admonished of his cruel purpose, and provided lawful defence for the same.  
Item, the said Bishop celebrating matrimony in his own person, dispensed contrary to the book of ordinance, with the parties married, for not receiving the holy communion: the parties both bring young, and lusty persons, having no reasonable cause wherefore they should abstain. At which celebration, the bishop communicated not himself. And further, the communion was celebrated by a chaplain of his, with superstitious blowynges, kneelynges, and knockings, both of the chaplain that ministered, & of all the company, only one other Priest communicating for the manner.    

* maintenance of superstition contrary to the kings ordinance and Injunctions.  
ITem, where the Official of Tharchedeacon of Carmarthen, in his visitation within Carmarthen, found contrary unto the said ordinance, an Altar set up in the body of the Church, for celebration of the communion, and caused the said Altar to be taken away, and a table to be set in the middle of the Church: the Bishop after the same, commanded the vicar of Carmarthen, to set the table without the chancel again for the ministration of the communion.  
Item, he being often in Carmarthen, and other places in the chancel at the time of holy communion, not only carried there himself, neither communicating nor ministering bareheaded and uncoyffid, reverently kneeling, but also permitteth the people there to continue the chancel and choir full, kneeling and knocking their breasts. Which manner is yet used in all the diocese without any reformation or gainsay of him or any of his officers.  
Item, whereas superstitious praying upon beads is not only ungodly, but reproved in the Kings Majesties injunctions: the said Byshopppe meeting many with beads in their hands, never rebuked any of them.  
Item, the said Byshopye being in the pulpit, and seeing corpses there within the Church, with a great number of lights upon them, never spoke against any of them.  
Item, where as thordinanceordinance will, that no children be baptized but upon the sunday, or holy day (only cause of necessity excepted) he having two children himself borne without danger, caused one of them to be baptized upon the work day. And by his example, without any contradiction or motion of reformation, it is used as it hath been accustomed, in all the diocese commonly, contrary unto the book of ordinance in that behalf.  

¶ Covetousness.  
Item, from his first coming into the diocese, he hath had and yet hath his only study, labour, and practise, to survey lands, and to look for mines etc. neglecting his own bounden duty to apply his book and preaching.  
Item, he keepeth no manner hospitality, but hath his servants table in one parlour with him, lest any stranger should approach, his servants being at their meat.  
Item, he is commonly talking, not of any godliness but of worldly matters, as baking brewing, enclosing, ploughing, mining of millstones, discharging of tenants, and such like, not only at his table, but also most commonly at other places.  
Item, he hath warned divers tenants out of their lands, which they and their elders have enjoyed for their rents, these hundred years, and more: and occupied with tillage, which he saith he will enclose, and being sued to, of poor men, because of quietness, he answered: the crows shall eat the corn, rather than ye shall have any profit thereof.  
Item, when the vicars Choral of S. David's for relief of their hospitality, had an Island of his, called the bishop's Isle, for xl. s. rend: he hath set it to a chaplain of his for u.li. by year. And where at the suit of the said Vicars, it was granted by the bishop in the whole chapter, that the Uicares should have it for years at xl. s. rent, and pay xx.li. entry: he now covetously and against his promise openly made, denieth the same, except the Vicars would give l.li.  
Item, he caused the Curate of S. David's, to warn their tenants out of their said lands in the pulpit, to the great offence of the people, which were wont to have God's word preached there: and so they said to the Curate at that tyme.  
Item, to the ploughing of a pasture not above x. days work, in Lent. An. 1549. he had 32. ploughs in one day, and those ploughs the priest bad in the Church, contrary to the statute of Gomortha in that behalf provided, and to the evil example of gentlemen in that country.  
Item, where the kings majesties of godly remembrance, Henry th'eight, appointed at Brekenock a schoolmaster, usher, Reader of divinity, a Minister, & certain scholars, and for the maintenance thereof, appointed lx. and xij.li. of the pensions and revenues of Brekenocke: the Bishop finding it so furnished, hath neither Reader nor Minister there, covetously converting their stipends to his own use.  
Item, the bishop was twice in one day presented in the great court holden in the town of Carmarthen, for enclosing and covetous encroaching of the kings high way.  
Item, he covetously occupieth purchasing of lands, buying of cattle, merchandise, and other things being indebted a notable sum to the kings Majesty, as may by his accounts in the court of tenths, and first fruits appear.  
Item, whereas one Lewis john Thomas boole, putting from him his lawful wedded wife, upon Christmas even last passed, without banes had marriage solemnizate with a concubine of his in a Church within 3. miles of the bishops abode at that time: The Bishop since knowing the premises hath not only of a covetous mind entered familiarity with the said Lewis, and bought a piece of land of him, but also ever since hath (for to have his lands good cheap) left both the parties and priest unpunished, using him to familiarly, that whereas a Summoner cited the parties to appear among other criminals for the same fact: the bishop commanded the said Summoner to let him alone, and so they all remain unpunished.  
Item, where as the whole Chapter of Saint David's (as it was thought) was in assured amity with the bishop, they all being his Officers or Chaplains, he procured them to be unpleaded with Wryt of Quo warranto in the king's Bench, keeping the Wryt with him secretly, at the least three months, not delivering it, but only ten days before the day of their appearance, the parties being seven days journey distant from London.  
Item, he is a wilful wrong doer, and troubler of men in their rights, entering upon their lawful possessions, stirring thereby much contention, and so notably known, to the offence of the country.   

Wilful negligence.  
ITem, whereas the Bishop aforesaid, was appointed in August. An. 1547. and consecrated in September following, he never came into the Diocese himself, nor sent or appointed any Officer there before the month of April. An. 1548. to the great disorder of the king's majesties subjects, lack of reformation, and ministration of justice.  
Item, during his visitation, the said Bishop did not endeavour himself to see reformation, but road surveying of lands, appointing vain enclosures, and such other things. Which are no part of the office to him committed, nor yet convenient, namely, at that time.  
Item, the visitation finished, he neither appointed his Officers to examine the clergy of the places of Scripture to them appointed to be studied in the same visitation, nor hath hitherto effectually gone about any godly reformation, according to the ordinances of this realm.  
Item, the bishop since his coming to the diocese, never ministered the Communion, saving only at two times, that he ordered certain Deacons: but in every thing (but that he other whiles preacheth excepted) ordereth himself like no minister, nor man of his vocation.  
Item, he hath so alienated himself from study, that he preacheth undiscreetly, discrediting the office, not only untruly reporting the Scriptures, but also preaching the ten commandments in one place in declaration of the eight of them, for lack of stuff, the pith of his matter, was matrimony of priests.  
Item, the thirteen day of September last, he ordained certain Deacons, and making his exhortation, he taught that a man was not bounden to forgive, but him that asketh forgiveness, and being admonished friendly by a letter to better declare the same, because that divers were offended with that doctrine: he hath hitherto deferred so to do, to the maintenance of malicious hearts in these parties.  
Item, since the first day of August. Anno 1549. unto the feast of Candlemas last, he hath preached but two or three Sermons, of which one was preached at Aberguilly upon S. Stephen's day last, to a great audience that understood no English, being but a mile from Carmarthen, an English town, and the chief of his Diocese.  
Item, since his ordinary visitation, which was finished in julie. An. 1548. he hath neither preached nor caused to be preached in the towns of Tinby, Pembroche, nor Hanerforde being English towns, nor much distant from the place of his most continuance.  
Item, the Churches appropriate to the Bishop have no Paraphrases in English, and few of them Bibles.  
Item, the Churches of the diocese for the most part, and the clergy almost every one lack Paraphrases, notwithstanding there hath been these two years, and yet be a great number of them to be sold in the Diocese.   

Follie.  
ITem, to declare his folly in riding, he useth bridle with white studs & snaffle, white Scottish stirrups, white spurs, a Scottish pad with a little staff of three quarters long, which he hath not only used superstitiously these four or five years in communication, ofttimes boasting what Countries he hath compassed and measured with the same staff.  
Item, he hath made a vow, that he will never wear a cap: for he sayeth, it is comely wearing of a hat, and so cometh in his long gown and hat, both into the Cathedral church, and to the best Town of his diocese, sitting in that sort in the king's great Sessions, and in his consistory, making himself a mock to the people.  
Item, he said that he would go to the Parliament on foot. And to his friends that dissuaded him, alleging that it is not meet for a man in his place: he answered, I care not for that, it is no sin.  
Item, having a son, he went before the midwife to the Church, presenting the child to the Priest, and giving his name Samuel, with a solemn interpretation of the name, appointing also two Godfathers and two Godmothers, contrary to the ordinance, making his son a monster, and himself a laughing stock throughout all the country.  
Item, he daily useth whistling of his child, and sayththat he understood his whistle, when he was but three days old. And being advertised of his friends, that men laughed at his folly: he answered: they whistle their horses and dogs, and I am contented, they might also be contented that I whistle my child, and so whistleth him daily, all friendly admonition neglected.  
Item, in his Ordinary visitation among other his surveys, he surveyed Milforde haven, where he espied a Seal fish tumbling. And he crept down to the water side, and continued there, whistling by the space of an hour, persuading the company that laughed fast at him, that by his whistling he made the fish to tarry there.  
Item, speaking of scarcity of herrings, he layeth the fault to the covetousness of fishers, who in time of plenty, took so many, that they destroyed the breeders.  
Item, speaking of the alteration of the coin, he wished that what metal so ever it were of, the penny should be in weight worth a penny of the same metal.  
For a conclusion, the said bishop in all his doings since he came to his Diocese, hath behaved himself most unmeet for a man of his vocation, being for a minister of justice, an abuser of the authority to him committed, for a teacher of the truth, and reformer of superstition, a maintainer of superstition without any doctrine of reformation, for a liberal, and hospital, an unsatiable covetous man: for a diligent overseer, wilful and negligent: for an example of godly wisdom, given wholly to folly: for a merciful, a cruel revenger. And further, for a peace maker, a sour of discord. And so in all his behaviour a discreditor and slanderer of his vocation, and a deceiver of all men▪ that had hope that he should do any reformation. For he yet hath neither brought into his diocese, nor hath belonging unto him any learned preacher. But such learned preachers as he found in the diocese at his entry, he so vexeth and disquieteth, that they cannot attend to apply their preaching, for the defence of their livings, against his quarrelous inventions and unjust certificates.  
After these wrangling Articles and informations were given up, then was the Bishop called for to answer, 
D. Wotton and Sir john Mason Commissioners for the hearing of the Bishop's matter.  the hearing whereof was committed unto D. Wotton, and Sir john Mason knight, who likewise received the Bishops answers to the foresaid articles, the copy and effect of which answers hereafter follow.    

The answer of Robert, Bishop of S. David's, to the Articles ministered unto him.  
TO the first Article he sayeth, that after lawful monition in the king's majesties name & authority, from the said B. (being then at London) given to the Chanter & chapter of S. David's, for visitation at a certain day there to be entered: the said Bishop himself, for such purpose coming into the Diocese, knowing also that the chanter, and one of the Canons of that Church, & late before commissaries in that Diocese, had not only by their own evil example and winking at the faults of other, or neglecting to correct the same, left there among priests and others, much detestable whoredom: but had also spoiled the Cathedral church of Crosses, Chalices and Censers, with other plate, jewels, and ornaments of the Church to the value of 5. C. marks or more, for their own private lucre, (the Church remaining even yet very vile & in great decay:) and had also made further under their Chapter seal many blanks to the number of twelve or more, Seed vacant, without the king's licence or knowledge: Therefore he brought with him one edmund Farlee, Bachelor of law, by D. tongue and D. Nevinson, to him commended as a man sufficient in faithful truth, and learning, to be his Chancellor. To whom he granted and Sealed a Commission for that purpose, giving credit to him in his faculty, concerning the draft and form thereof. But the kings majesties style of Supremacy was ●ullye set forth in the same commission. Whether there were any default of formal words in setting forth of the king's authority therein, he is not certain. For he committed the doing thereof to his chancellor, who was commended to him for a learned man. And the Bishop sayeth, that he did never ground the Commission upon any foreign usurped laws or authority. Neither did his said Chancellor by force of such authority, visit any deanery of the said Diocese, nor gave any monition to the Chauntour and Chapter there, by force of that Commission, for any like intent or purpose, but only offered in the kings majesties name, and authority (to the said Bysh. committed) for to enter visitation of the chanter and Chapter of the Cathedral Church, at an other day to be executed by the bishop himself, for reformation of the Chapter Church, and Ministers there, according to the kings gracious ordinances and Injunctions in that behalf. But the aforesaid Chanter and Canon of the church, before the sight of any Commission, stubbornly answered the said Chancellor, that they would not receive him, nor any other to visit them, except he were one of their Chapter. And further desiring to see his Commission, de●●uered the same into their hands, and would not deliver it him again. And so it may appear that he did nothing by force of that Commission.  
To the second Article he sayeth, that they opened not unto him the danger of any statute to his knowledge and remembrance. Nevertheless, he not knowing any default in the said Commission, and certainly mineding with all diligence the faithful execution of his Office of preaching, and visiting the whole Diocese in his own person, by the king's majesties authority, for the conservation of God's peace, and the kings, in that dangerous time of rebellion, then beginning to arise in other places, did neglect and lay apart the stubborn behaviour and ungodly doings of the said chanter and Canon, and agreed with them, omitting all contempts and reproaches towards him and his said Chancellor, and all manner of contention by them done, fearing else that through their unquietness, some tumult might have risen amongs the people there, and did also make the said Chanter his Chancellor, and Canon his Commissary, according to their ambitious desires, to appease their malice in that dangerous time. And further, he sayeth that he made a Collation to sir joh. Euans of the Uicarage of Pembrin, what day or time he remembreth not, not by any old foreign usurped authority, but by the kings authority only, making full mention of the kings style and authority in the same Collation.  
To the third and fourth he sayeth, that whereas he had granted to George Constantine the office of a Register, who brought unto him a Commission for the Chancellourshippe to be sealed, and delivered to the foresaid chanter of Saint David's, desiring the said bishop to Seal it, he utterly refused so to do, because the said George had put therein a clause of admitting clerk into benefices: the which authority the said Bishop would not in any wise grant, reserving the examination and admission of clerk, only to himself, for the avoiding of wicked bribery and partiality. Whereupon the said George and the chanter promised the said bishop by their faith and truth, afore three or four honest witnesses, not to execute that clause of Institution into benefices, but only to those clerk whom the Bishop did first examine and admit, and send unto them for to be instituted and inducted, upon which promise the Bishop sealed the said Commission. And after that time, the parsonage of Haskarde being void, and by the reason of laps devolved to the bishops gift for that time, he conferred it to one Sir Henry Godherd with a Collation or Institution by the king's authority, not extolling any foreign usurped authority. In the which collation or institution is fully mentioned the renuntiation of the Bishop of Rome, and all foreign powers and authority, with the full style of his majesties supremacy. And this collation of the Church of Haskarde he gave, before he understood or knew that his Chancellor had given out the like, and he surely thinketh, his Collation was the first. That notwithstanding the said George Constantine, and the said chanter having a vowson determined by reason of laps, admitted and instituted one john Gough, to the said personage of Haskarde by virtue of their expired vowson and sealed his institution with a wrong Seal, because they had not the right seal of office to that purpose) contrary to their former earnest promise, and the bishops right, and without any manner of warning or foreknowledge thereof to him given, which thing by them untruly done, the said George Constantine nevertheless came to the bishops house, and there did write with his own hand the letters of Induction for the said Sir henry Godherd Priest, comprising in the same the whole sum of the Institution or Collation, which the said bishop had made, and the same George did seal the said letters of induction with his own hand, finding no manner of fault therein, nor making any word or mention of his and the Chauntours' former wrong doings, but so departed for that time. And afterward he came again, and showed the bishop, what they had done before, concerning the Parsonage aforesaid. And further, the said Defendant sayeth, that he did not molest the said john Gough, but lawfully did call him in the king's majesties name, not for any title of Patronage, but to know, whether he were Parson of Haskarde, and how he was thereto admitted and instituted, and inducted, and by what authority he presumed to preach there, without the king's majesties licence, with other like lawful demands, whereunto he sturdily refused to give answer: and sayeth that the Article contained in his accusation, saying thus. Item interrogetur quo titulo tenet rectoriam de Haskarde, was not ministered unto the party in that sort, so far as he knoweth, but in these words or like. Quomodo intravit in Rectoriam. etc.  
To the fifth he saith, that all be it George Constantine Register, did wilfully withdraw his bounden service, due to the King's highness, and to the said defendant in the King's name, refusing to attend either by himself, or his sufficient Deputy for writing of Records and other Instruments, yet the said Defendant made his Collations and Institutions in his own name, not by his own authority, nor by any others, save only the King's authority, according as he hath declared in his answer to the first Article, expressing in them the king's supremacy, with the Bishops own name and seal of office, as he ought to do, according to the provision of the kings Statute in such a case.  
To the sixth he sayeth, that the Uicarie of Pembrin being void, he as right patron thereof to his knowledge, conferred it to john Euans Clerk, with letters of institution and induction: and after when the king's presentation came to him for one David jeinkin clerk, he desired fourteen days respite at that time, either to show ancient record for his right, and then the matter to stand to the determination of the law, or else if he showed not, both he and his clerk, to give place to the king's Clerk. Which condition was by Sir Thomas joanes Knight, Doctor M. and the said David jeinkin received, and an Institution, with an Induction was made conditionally to be put into the hands of Sir Thomas joanes Knight, for safe custody for the king's clerk behoof, after the fourteen days to be executed at the hands of the said Defendant, if he failed to show. Within which time the said Defendant did show an old ancient record, declaring the full right of Patronage, on the said Defendauntes' behalf, and so that Institution and Induction was never by the said Defendant put in execution. Nevertheless, the said David jeinkin (contrary to his promise and oath, giving thereupon his right hand to the said Sir Thomas joanes Knight) took advantage by the said writing, without knowledge of the said Defendant. After which time the Lord Chancellor by his letters written to the said Defendant, advertised him, to admit one john Appowell clerk, presented by virtue of a vowson which the L. Chancellor judged to be good, and so to be admitted, notwithstanding his former presentation, whereby he would not abarre the other man's right. And so this Defendant made one Collation, two Institutions and three Mandates, doing no wrong thereby to his knowledge. And further he sayeth, that there was no business nor unquietness about the possession of the said Uicarage, but this Defendant giving place, was content to lose his right for that time.  
To the seventh he saith, that as he now remembreth, he never decreed any caveats to be made in benefices, neither did institute nor cause to be inducted, any into benefices, being known to him litigious.  
To the eight he sayeth, that because the Archdeacon's be absent from their Offices, and have not had faithful diligent Officials, he hath directed his Mandates to them or their Officials, or to other lawful persons in that behalf, so far as he knoweth.  
To the ninth and tenth Articles, he denieth as very untrue.  
To the xi. he saith, that whereas Sir Thomas Joan'S Knight advertised him, that Thomas Pricharde had celebrated Matrimony in a private house, betwixt a certain Priest, and a woman whose sister had refused the same, the said Pricharde leaving his own cure unserved on that Sunday, this defendant did put the same Thomas Prychard to penance for so doing, marrying them without banes. And whereas he made the said Thomas Aprichard, who is a Bachelor of law, his Commissary: it was for the respect of learning in the law, thereby faithfully to execute his office according to justice. And the said Defendant did never favour nor bear with any man wittingly in his wrong doings. He confesseth that the matrimony was solemnised in a private church, and that the cure was that day unserved.  
To the 12. he saith, that it is slanderous and utterly untrue. And that one sir john Hugh's Priest, made Sage Hugh's (daughter to his Steppemother) an harlot at 11. years of age, and after married openly to an other man, being Minister thereof himself. After which doing, he took her away from her Husband again, and kept her, alleging a former contract. And when the said john Hugh's was lawfully convicted before the said Bishop, in open Court at Carmarthen of that his abominable adultery, claiming the kings pardon thereof, yet the said Sage confessed, that he had to do with her the night before that day of appearance. Which latter crime he denied. Nevertheless, she proved with child, affirming both before the birth and after, the child to be his, the Midwife and other being witnesses thereof. Yet notwithstanding George Constantine as a wicked Bolsterer of the said Priest in his naughty doings, with the help of the aforesaid chanter, first uttered that Meredith Thomas was Father of the said child, which matter was ordered in the Ecclesiastical Court, according to justice without any partial affection of the said Bishop, or of any other to his knowledge.  
To the 13. he saith, it is utterly false so far as he knoweth.  
To the 14. he saith, that by lawful sequestration in the kings majesties name, he committed the custody of the fruits of Langatnok, and Lanuihangell to two hovost men, for the behoove of the Kings first fruits and tenths, and of the next incumbent, and further he did not meddle nor minister any cause of unquietness in that behalf.  
To the 15. he saith, that he made a collation, lawful as he supposeth, of the prebend of Lanbister, to Stephen green his Chaplain without any covenant or colour, and further he did not meddle in that behalf.  
To the 16. he saith, all is untrue as far as he knoweth.  
To the 17. he saith, it is all untrue for his own part, & for his officers, as far as he knoweth.  
To the 18. he saith, it is untrue as far as he knoweth, and that he did certify the recusants justly, as he thinketh, because they refused wilfully to pay the Kings whole subsidy, of their whole dividenesse, as it standeth in the kings book, pertaining to the Canons resident.  
To the 19 he saith, that after travail of fourteen Miles, being not able fasting to Celebrate Communion, in a Chapel within the house of Sir Thomas joanes Knight, one of the kings majesties honourable Counsel of the Marches of Wales: this Defendant celebrated Matrimony without the receiving the Communion for the causes abovesaid, betwixt Master Griffith Ryce, and the Daughter of the said Sir Thomas joanes, according to the kings ordinances. And Thomas Upricharde Priest administered the holy Communion there, without any superstition, to this defendauntes' knowledge, and the married persons not disposed to receive the holy Communion, he could not compel them against their consciences, and sayeth that he did not dispense with them as it is contained in the article.  

¶ To the slanderous and untrue title of maintenance of superstition. etc. he sayeth, that he did not maintain any superstition, contrary to the kings ordinances and injunctions, but abhorring in his hart all superstition, hath traveled and doth travel to abolish the same by true doctrine and doing, as much as he can, with the kings peace amongst his people there.  
TO the 20. he saith, that George Constantine in the third year of the kings majesties reign, not regarding the dangerous time of rebellion in other places, rashly caused to be pulled down without any authority known to this defendant, the communion altar in Carmarthen Church, by his own presumptuous mind appointing the use thereof in another place of the church, not without grudge of the people. Wherefore the Bishop fearing tumult, commanded the vicar to set up the communion table (for the time) near to the place where it was before.  
To the 21. he saith that he hath been divers times in the quere of Carmarthen, and hath tarried there in the communion time not communicating himself, and that in every Church where he cometh on the holy day to preach, or to pray, he kneeleth in the quere bareheaded, as well at Matines before the Communion, as at Evensong after without any superstition: he thinketh it not necessary for the Communions sake to leave kneeling to Christ. But he hath diligently taught the people not to kneel nor knock to the visible show, or external show of the Sacrament. And the queres of Carmarthen and other places there, are not close at the sides, so that the people may come in and forth at their pleasure. Moreover the kings ordinances doth not authorize him to rebuke the people for knocking on their breasts in token of repentance of their sins nor for kneeling in token of submission to God for mercy in Christ.  
To the 22. he saith, that in time of rebellion in Devon. and Cornwall, threatening to come into Wales, he teaching the people the true form of prayer, according to God's holy word, and declaring the prayer upon beads to be vain and superstitious, yet durst not for fear of tumult, forcibly take from any man his beads without authority. And touching the not reproving of such as he should meet, wearing beads, he remembreth not that he hath so done, unless it were in the rebellion time, at which time he durst not rebuke such Offenders.  
To the 23. he saith, that he being in the pulpit, his face towards the people, did not see the lights, if any were set up about the corpses behind his back, till after that he came down from the pulpit. But he with George Constantine and the aforesaid Chauntour, sitting in the Church in Carmarthen, to hear causes, and seeing the Vicar with other Priests, with song and lights bringing a corpses up to the Church, called forthwith the Vicar and Priests, and rebuked them in open court as cormorantes and Ravens flying about the dead carcase for lucre sake.  
To the 24. he sayeth, that he caused the one child being borne with great peril of death to the Mother, and itself lying for dead a certain space after, to be christened on the working day: the other child was Christened on the working day, because both Father and Mother, and all other people there, were in peril of death, by reason of the sudden sweat, which all men feared at that time. And touching the rest of the accusation which is, that by that example, it is used after the old accustomed fashion, he knoweth no such thing.   

¶ To the title of Covetousness he saith: that his doings prove the contrary as his neighbours knoweth.  
And to the 25. Article he utterly denieth.  
To the 26. he saith, that his Hall at Aberguilly being ruinous, he useth for his Hall a great Chamber adjoining, for his self and his servants, and all manner of strangers, and besides twenty persons in house daily. What other hospitality he keepeth, honest neighbours can testify.  
To the 27. he saith, that his talk is according to his hearers, that is to say reverently and truly of faith, love, and honest life, according to the Scriptures to like Auditors, and to other unreverent and rash Turmoylers of Scriptures and holy doctrine he doth talk of honest worldly things with Godly intent: and that he doth not most commonly talk of such things as are expressed in this Article, but when he hath honest occasion so to do.  
The 28. he saith is untrue, and that he hath warned no man out of their lands: but where he is destitute of necessary provision, and would have part of his own demayne from certain free holds, having it only from year to year, of pleasure, he cannot obtain it without brawling. Wherefore he suffereth them to keep it even yet still, against right reason. And touching the rest, that he had rather the Crows should eat it. etc. he never spoke any such word.  
To the 29. he saith that whereas his Predecessor Bishop Barloe did let to farm the Isle of Ramsay, to one William Browne, after whose hands this Defendant received it into his own possession, the Vicars of Saint David's being dispossessed of it long before, he letted it over to Stephen green for 40. shillings the ground, as it was before, and three pounds more for seals, connies and fowls there: & he knoweth of no right the vicars Chorall had therein, who did refuse when this defendant did diligently upon reasonable conditions offer the same unto them: and this defendant made no promise unto them, as is contained in the Article.  
To the 30. he saith he knoweth not, but that he advertised his Bailiff to warn the freeholdes and other having his demayne to rend during pleasure, to leave it at a lawful day, to this defendants necessary use, and did not cause the Curate to do as is contained in the Article to his remembrance.  
To the 31. he saith, that he knoweth not what the priest bad in the Church, nor how many ploughs there came, undesired of this Defendant. But he knoweth certainly, that he desired no man's labour but for his money.  
To the 32. he saith, that he knoweth not any such appointment of Schools and revenues there but he found there (after the departing of Bishop Barloe) a Schoolmaster, an Ussher being a Priest, and 20. Scholars, which he hath hitherto maintained better than he found it, to his knowledge: he did never convert any penny thereof to his own use, albeit he might lawfully have done the same.  
The 33. he sayeth is all untrue, so far as he knoweth.  
To the 34. Article he saith, he never purchased more than three parcels, whereof one was 2. shillings 8. pence by year, the second, three shillings four pence, and the third 26. shillings 8. pence or there about by year: the rest he denieth.  
To the 35. he sayeth, that he never bought of jews john Thomas his land good cheap, but after forty years purchase, not knowing at that time any such thing as is contained in the article, against the said jews john. Neither bad he the Summoner to let him alone, but as soon as he heard any thing of it, commanded the Summoner to city him, and so he was cited in this defendants house, occasioning him to break his bargain, to the which jews this Defendant said these words. If you would give me your land with an house full of gold, I cannot, nor will not suffer you to keep a Leman. Then the said jews affirming the latter woman to be his wife, and the first unknown to this Defendant, he caused the said jews to be called to the consistory for trial, where it hangeth yet: And also by lawful process excommunicated the first Woman, for that she would not by any means appear in the Court to claim or to confess marriage with the said jews and so she standeth this day, at the point of significavit.  
To the 56. he saith, that whereas the Chauntour and R. M. with other Canons there, would not obey the Kings Godly Injunctions, concerning the finding a School for poor men's Children, a Lectur of divinity, Sermons on the Sundays, repairing of their Church and Mansion houses, decent order and ministration there, but stubbornly counted themselves (with the Chauntour) to be a body politic, without regard of the bishop and his lawful monitions, being himself named in their Shire Statutes, Decanus, & quasi Decanus, having also their Deans stall in the quere, with a Prebend thereunto annexed, and the chief place in the Chapter house with a key of their Chapter Seal, being also by the Kings majesties Commission appointed their Ordinary: yet would they not in any wise deliver unto him a Book of their Statutes, for the better knowledge of his and their duties, nor show unto him their Records and Monuments, for declaration of the kings right and his. For which cause, this Defendant by writ of quo warranto, lawfully called them to answer, which yet lieth a sleep, to the loss of the kings Majesties right. The time of delivery of the said writ, he remembreth not.  
The 37. he sayeth is all false, as far as he knoweth.   

¶ To the title of wilful negligence: he sayeth that he hath used, to his power willing diligence.  
TO the 38. he saith, that he being attendant (according to his bounden duty) to serve the kings highness during the time of the parliament, from the first, unto the last day, and then immediately after repaired into his Diocese, and he might not trust R. M. the Chauntour, and George Constantine to execute faithfully the jurisdiction, because they had before (through their slanderous life and not punishing misdoers) left the country in great enormity of filthy whoredom. And saith farther, that one cause why he appointed not an Officer. etc. was for that he lacked his letters of authority of jurisdiction.  
The 39 and 40. he saith are untrue.  
To the 41. he saith, that how often he did minister the Communion he doth not remember, but in all other things so far as he knoweth, he hath studied to order himself according to his vocation, as far as he believeth, he goeth like a Minister.  
To the 42. he sayeth, that he hath not alienated himself from study, neither preached undiscreetly, nor reported the Scriptures untruly to his knowledge: (but he hath been very much hindered both from study & preaching, by the malicious, crafty, and covetous behaviour of the forenamed persons.) And that he did set forth the doctrine of honest marriage, as well of all other men, as of Priests, even as the Scripture then rehearsed did minister occasion.  
To the 43. he saith, that reciting the words of Luke, if thy brother have offended against thee, blame him, and if he repent, forgive him, and if he have offended against thee seven times in one day, and seven times in the day be converted unto thee, saying: I am sorry, forgive him: He said farther these words in effect: it appeareth by this place of scripture, that we are not bound (except he repent) to forgive him, but we are bound to pray to God to forgive him, and to give him grace to repent, that we may forgive him.  
To the 44. he saith, that he hath preached right often at Carmarthen, as well as at other places, and he sayeth that a great number at Aberguilly do understand english very well.  
To the 45. he saith, that after he had preached first at Brecknock, Carmarthen, Swanzy Laugharne, Tinby, Pembroche, Hereforde, Saint David's, Cardigan, with other notable Towns, he hath since that time preached to a great many other poor Churches, but not in Tinby nor Pembroche: but for Hereforde he standeth in doubt. And whereas he brought with him at the first, a learned Preacher, of Godly life, the ungodly stubborn behaviour of the persons before named, wearied him away. And whereas he had waged an other learned man, to come into his Diocese to preach, George Constantine by his discouragement advertised him from this Defendant.  
To the 46. he saith, that in all his Churches appropriated, there is both Bible and Paraphrases so far as he knoweth: and if the Priests there would not show him the lack thereof, yet should the officials declare it unto him, that it might be amended (by his will) without delay.  
To the 47. he saith, that George Constantine covetously engrossed into his hands a great number of Paraphrases, & where as this Defendant hath admonished the Clergy to buy, every one, for his discharge: and if the said George being Official of two Archdeaconries, and other Officials in their Office would declare unto him, what Churches do lack Bibles or Paraphrases, he would cause it to be amended as much as in him lieth.   

¶ To the title of Folly, he saith that his desire is in true simple manner of his words, deeds, and other honest behaviour through God's grace to show Godly wisdom.  
TO the 48. he saith, that he thinketh no folly in the decent colour or fashion with honest use of Saddle, Bridle, Stirrups, Staff, and other like necessary or convenient things, and saith that he useth a Saddle made after the Scottish fashion, with stirrups of iron unuarnished & like spurs: and black bridle without studs, the bit and snaffle white as other men's be.  
To the 49. he saith, that when he goeth abroad in winter, he weareth a hat to bear of rain and snow, & in summer, to shadow him from the Sun, without any vow of superstition or offence of the people.  
To the 50. he saith, that all is one to him, to ride or go, as cause requireth, and whether he said as is contained in the article or not, he remembreth not. Howbeit he doth use to go a foot.  
To the 51. he saith, that after lawful prayer, it pleased God to give him a son begotten and borne in honest marriage: whom he therefore caused to be named Samuel, presenting him to the minister to be received into Christ's Church as a poor member of Christ: by the holy Sacrament of baptism was this done openly in the Cathedral Church, with earnest gravity, and without offending any man: and also 2. wives being before at variance, desired both to be Godmothers, which were both received to make unity between them, not knowing any law to the contrary, nor none offence thereby conceived of the people.  
To the 52. he saith, that he doth use with gravity, all honest loving entertainment of his Child, to encourage him hereafter, willingly at his Father's mouth, to receive wholesome doctrine of the true fear & love of God, and sayeth that he hath whistled to his Child, but said not, that the Child understood it, and that he answered to one that found fault with it, as is contained in the article.  
To the 53. he sayeth, that he was never Surveyor, but went to see Milforde Haven for honest purpose, and not to survey it: and for that he at the sight of a Seal whistled in his fist, such as meaned folly, might turn it to their purpose. And it is not true that he stood whistling an hour to the Seal, nor that any fault was found with it, nor any such answer made by him to his knowledge.  
To the 54. he saith, that if he did say, the destroying of the Fry, letteth plenty of Fish, he thinketh the same not against reason: but he remembreth not to have said, as is contained in the article.  
To the 55. he saith, that he remembreth not that ever he said as they allege.  
To the slanderous, untrue, and ungodly conclusion, he saith that George Constantine with other his adversaries before named, and their adherents, not regarding the fear of God, and their bounden duty, of loving obedience towards God and the king, and his true Ministers, have to much slanderously with false tongues, contumelious words, and spiteful deeds, laboured by all means to discredit and deface the kings gracious authority, to him committed. Who ever sith he came to the Diocese, hath endeavoured himself to show his faithful ministry, by his true honest doings, and to use his authority according to his vocation, to God's glory, and the kings honour. And that he hath been diligent in teaching of truth, reforming of superstition, free of hospitality, diligent in overseeing with Godly wisdom, peace and mercifulness, as he trusteth in God, may be truly approved. And he is able justly to charge his adversaries with all the faults herein by them most unjustly and slanderously against him objected. And he doth marvel greatly, that George Constantine with other his adherentes are not ashamed, maliciously to object for the intent to slander him, with molesting of preachers founden there. For truth it is that he hath molested none, but hath justly brought under significavit one Morice a Preacher, living lewdly for his stubborn behaviour and malicious contempts, even yet continuing in his wilful contempt and irregularity. And he hath (to his knowledge) justly certified Hugh Raulyns Parson of Tynby, for his wilful recusancy of two other Personages, shamefully deceiving the Kings majesty by colour of Commission, as appeareth by the same. And as for the railing, contemptuous preaching of R. M. and the unlearned arrogant preaching of the Chauntoure he referreth to discreet Hearers, which were offended thereat, as they showed this Defendant. And this Deponent brought into his Diocese, both learned Preachers, and learned men in the law, to his very great charges, which men George Constantine with his adherentes hath wearied away.  
¶ After these answers thus exhibited by the virtuous and Godly Bishop against the quarreling and frivolous articles of his foresaid adversaries, to wit Hugh Raulins, and Thomas Lee, than came in for witness upon the said articles and informations, George Constantine, and the Chauntour of S. David's, against whom the Bishop laid first exceptions, than also exhibited matter justificatory, the tenor and process whereof here followeth in order to be seen, first concerning the exceptions, and after the matter justificatory.    

* Exceptions general, laid and purposed on the behalf of Robert, Bishop of S. David's, against all and singular the pretenced Witnesses producted on the behalf of Hugh Raulins Clerk, and Thomas Lee upon their untrue surmised Articles, by them exhibited unto and before the kings most honourable Counsel, by the devise and procurement of the chanter, and George Constantine, with R. M. Clerk, against the said Bishop.  
FIrst the said Bishop saith and allegeth that by law, there ought no faith or credence to be given unto the depositions and sayings of the said witnesses, nor any part thereof, because they are infamous, false, perjured, and in some part of their depositions discording, partial, conducted, subornate, instructed, and for favour of the informers, & their bolsterers, have deposed of malice, more than the articles whereupon they were producted doth contain, and beside, and without the compass of the same articles, and in divers other parts of their depositions, they depose unum & eundem praemeditatum sermonem, as by their said depositions doth appear, unto the which the said Bishop referreth himself as much as it shallbe expedient for him, and none otherwise. And further, for other causes particularly and specially, as is declared in the book of exceptions.   

¶ Exceptions against the unlawful proceedings of Hugh Raulins Clerk, and Thomas Lee, Promoters of the foresaid untrue Articles, in executing of their commission, for proof of the same.  
ITem, the said Thomas Lee for himself and the other promoter did, contrary to justice at the execution of their Commission, examine certain of the witnesses himself, in the house of his Brother in law George Constantine and the said Lee: and David Walter the bishops mortal enemy, and servant to the said George Constantine, did write these Depositions upon the Articles at their own pleasures, and also after the devise of the said George Constantine and the Chauntour and R. M. the bishops mortal enemies, and the very Devisers and Procurers of the informations and bolsterers and bearers of the promoters in the suit thereof. These are the names of the witnesses so examined, which are already known. David ap Sir Richard of Gertus a perjured and an adoulterous person●, standing in the number for two witnesses, written in two places of the book. Item, ap Ruddz of Kemarthe, Griffeth ap howel, Guyne of Kennarthe, jews David Clerk, David ap Haruye Clerk, Sir Goghe alias Morgon. etc.  
Item, one john Draper of Carmarthen and adherent of the foresaid adversaries, and enemies to the said Bishop, did also contrary to the tenor of their Commission, examine certain witnesses, and had to his Clerk one William David's, servant in Livery unto the foresaid Griffith Donne, the bishops utter enemy, by which shameful parciallity, they have written more matter, more words, other terms and sentences, than some of the Deponentes hath deposed or could depose. Humphrey toy the fift Deponent, Rice Goughe the 14. Deponent, William ap jenkin's the 5. Deponent, john Beng●y the lxviij. Deponent, Richard Parson. 39 which are already known, what manner of men the Promoters are.  
Item, the said Hugh Raulins was not present at the Bishop's sermon, whereof his information maketh mention, neither yet at there cutting of the Commission for proof thereof: for the foresaid adversaries did devise the same & gave it unto the said Raulins to promote, choosing him for the same purpose, knowing him to be a man willing (& setting his whole delight) to work mischief, both with word and deed, who abuseth his tongue most shamefully, with most unsetting words, ever railing upon the said Bishop, to every man that will hear him without either respect, or reverence of the kings majesties authority to the said Bishop committed. And the said Raulins hath 4. or 5. Benefices above the vallure of 200. Marks a year, and is resident upon none of them, but spendeth his living to the hindrance of other men, going about here and there, wandering to and fro, without either man or boy waiting on him, more like a light person, than a man of such livelihood and of his vocation, being a preacher. And in deed he is taken for a lewd fellow of all that know his behaviour, in so much that when a certain man objected unto the adversaries that it was ill done to put so lewd a fellow as Raulins to promote their cause, they answered and reported his honesty with these words: we know Raulins to be a very knave, and so meet for no purpose as he is to set forward such a matter: of which report there is sufficient witness. And it is thought that he hath done much ill with his spiteful tongue: for he speaketh as boldly in this surmised matter to all the Counsel, as though it were true, and much for the kings profit.  
Item, the other Promoter Thomas Lee is a Merchant, who hath sold his ware and spent his money, and now for want of other business, is become a Promoter of the foresaid articles, having his costs and charges borne by the said principal adversaries, as it is alleged in the Bishop's exceptions, which shallbe proved if commission might be awarded for the purpose.  
¶ And thus much concerning the exceptions against his pretenced accusers: next followeth the matter justificatory exhibited by the said Bishop, in defence of his own cause, as by the effect here appeareth.   

* Certain Articles ministered by Robert Bishop of S David's, against a surmised information exhibited by Thomas Lee, to the kings Majesty his most honourable Counsel, against the said Bishop.  
IN primis. viz: That there ought none advantage to be taken against the said bishop, of the contents of the said pretenced information, for the causes particularly following. And first, where as it is objected against the said bishop, in the first, second, and fift articles of the same information, and that he contrary to the Kings Highness Laws and Statutes, and in the derogation of his highness Supremacy, passed a certain Commission, Institutions, and Collations to benefices, in his own name, making no mention of the Kings Highness authority, where as of truth the said Bishop if he had passed out the Commission, Institutions, and Collations in his own name, and without the Kings Majesty his Style, as is surmised (as he did not) yet had he not offended neither Laws nor Statutes of this Realm therein, 
Proved by the statute.  as doth and may appear evidently by the same statutes and Laws to the which he referreth himself.  
Item, whereas it is deduced in the third Article of the said pretenced information, that the Chancellor of the said Bishop did admit and institute john Gough into the Rectorye of Haskarde, and gave a Mandate for the induction of the said john▪ under the Kings Majesties Seal Ecclesiastical, for the Diocese of saint David's with the Teste of the said bishop, and Subscription of the said Chancellor, which thing so deduced, if it be true, yet the said bishop cannot be worthily blamed thereof. But the Chauntour, than his Chancellor unworthy, showed himself therein very ignorant of the Kings Statutes of Parliament, 
Proved by the statute.  wherein it is expressly provided, that in such cases the Ordinary aught to pass all such Institutions and Inductions in his own name, and under his own Seal, and not in the Kings majesties name, nor under his Seal. And further of very truth the said Chancellor in admitting and instituting the said Clerk to the said benefice, without the knowledge and consent of the said Bishop, did exceed his Commission, forasmuch as the said Bishop at the granting of his Commission of his Chauncellourshyppe unto the said Chauntour, had restrained him expressly from the admitting and instituting of any Clerk to any Benefice within the said Diocese, except the same Clerk were first examined, found worthy, and admitted by the said Bishop himself to the same benefice.  
Iten, whereas in the 4. Article of the said information it is contained, that the said Bishop, after the admitting and instituting of the said john Gough, as is aforesaid, objected articles against him, amongst the which it was contained in effect.  

Act. ad duci possunt.  Item, interrogetur quo titulo tenet rectoriam de Haskarde: True it is that the said Bishop, without molestation of the said Gough, otherwise then Law did permit, and without taking upon him the cognition of title of the said fruits and patronage of the said benefice, in contempt of the kings majesties regal Crown and dignity, and without any derogation of the kings majesties laws and statutes of this realm, did interrogate the said john Gough, how he held the said Benefice, being admitted and instituted to the same, without his knowledge or consent, as he might lawfully do, and as it is meet every Ordinary should know how Pastors are admitted to any cure within their Diocese.  
Item, touching the contents of the sixth article of the said information, the said Bishop aleadgeth that the vicarage of Pembrin, in the Diocese of Saint David's being void, he as Patron thereof to his knowledge conferred it to john Euans Clarke, with Letters of institution and induction, and after when the Kings presentation came to him for one David jenken Clerk, he desired xiv. days respite at that day, either to show ancient record for his right, and then the matter to stand to the determination of the Law, or else if he showed not, both he and his Clerk to give place to the Kings clerk: which condition was by Sir Thomas joanes Knight, Doctor Merike, and the said David jenkin received, and an institution with an induction was made conditionally, to be put into the hands of Sir Thomas joanes Knight, for safe custody for the kings Clerk his behove, after the xiv. days to be executed at the hands of the said bishop if he failed to show, within which time the said bishop did show an old ancient record, declaring the full right of Patronage on the said bishops behalf, and so that institution and induction was never put in execution by the said Bishop. Nevertheless the said David jenkin (contrary to his promise and oath, giving thereupon his right hand to Sir Thomas joanes Knight) took advantage by the said writing without knowledge of the said bishop, after which time the Lord Chancellor by his Letters written to the said bishop, advertised him to admit one john ap howel Clerk, pretenced by virtue of a vowson which the Lord chancellor judged to be good, and so to be admitted, notwithstanding his former presentation whereby he would not abarre the other man's right: And so the said bishop made one collation, two institutions and three Mandates, doing no wrong thereby to his knowledge. And further there was no business nor unquietness about the possession of the said Uicarage. But the said bishop giving place, was content to lose his right for that time.  
Item, whereas Sir Thomas joanes advertised the said Bishop that Thomas Pricharde Clarke, had celebrated Matrimony in a private house, betwixt a certain Priest and a Woman whose Sister had refused the same (as it is deduced in the xi. Article of the surmised Articles laid in against the said Bishop) the said Prichard leaving his own cure unserved, that Sunday, he did put the said Thomas Prichard to penance for such his misdoings, and the said Pricharde did such penance as was enjoined him to do. And whereas the said Bishop made the same Thomas Prichard (who is Bachelor of law) his commissary, it was for the respect of his learning in the law, thereby faithfully to execute his office according to justice, and none otherwise.  
Item, in the xiv. Article of the said surmised Information it is untruly declared that through the unlawful sequestration of the fruits of the Benefices of Langatok and Lanuihangell Cundy, and the undiscreet handling of the said bishop, there were raised a great number of people, to the great danger of the Inhabitants thereabouts. Truth it is that the said bishop upon good and Lawful considerations, and specially for that the Kings Majesty should be truly answered of his first fruits, and tenths of the said Benefices, he did lawfully (and as he was bound to do) sequester the said fruits in the kings majesties name, and by his authority, and committed the custody thereof for a time unto two honest men, to the effect aforesaid, and none otherwise without any occasion of tumult or gathering of the people through his default or folly.  
Item, whereas it is alleged in the nineteen. article of the information, that the Bishop did celebrate matrimony in his own person, without receiving or ministering the Communion to the persons married, it is true, for that the said Bishop had travailed xiv. long wealche miles, and not able to celebrate the holy Communion fasting, and for other reasonable and lawful causes him moving, did in a Chapel within the house of Sir Thomas joanes Knight (one of the kings honourable Counsel of the Marches of Wales) solemnise Matrimony betwixt Master Griffith Ryce, and the Daughter of the said Sir Thomas joanes, without either receiving the holy Communion himself or Ministering the same to the persons married, being as than not disposed so to do it, lawfully and godly without any such superstitious knockings or blessings or other uncomely gestures as is deduced in that article.  
Item, touching the contents of the residue of all the said articles, contained in the said information, the said Bishop, partly for the avoiding of tediousness, and partly for that some of them be untrue and mere false, some other general, obscure, frivolous, vain, and of none effect, but of malice and evil will, contrary to truth conceived, leaveth them particularly unaunswered unto.  
Item, the said Bishop allegeth that he hath not by all the time that he hath been Bishop used any superstitions or Papistry as it is untruely surmised against him, but hath and doth to the uttermost of his power, wit, and cunning, set forth, maintain, preach, and teach the true doctrine of the Gospel, and such laudable doctrine as he ought to do by the kings Laws, Injunctions and proceedings, and for such a teacher he hath been and is commonly known, named, reputed, taken, and accepted notoriously.  
And where the said Chauntour and George perceived their depositions to be insufficient, they required, and had Commission into the Country to examine further Witnesses, which they executed very partially, and unlawfully, as is alleged in the bishops exceptions, above mentioned. And whereas to the said Raulins & Lee were awarded two several Commissions, they by favour of the officers, and for sparing of costs, conjoined both in one, had iij. months to make return, as appeareth by the copy of their commission, which hereafter followeth.   

¶ A copy of the Commission awarded down into the Country, for the examination of Witnesses.  
EDwardus sextus dei gratia, Angliae, Franciae, & Hyberniae rex, fidei defensor, & in terra Ecclesiae Anglicanae & Hyberniae supremum caput, dilectis & fidelibus suis Georgio Harbert militi, Thomae Iones militi, & johanni Wogan militi, ac dilectis sibi David Vaughan, & Owino ap Owen armigeris salutem. Sciatis quod nos de fidelitatibus, & providis circumspectionibus vestris plurimum fidentes, assignavimus vos, quatuor, tres, ac duos vestrum, ac tenore praesentium damus vobis quatuor, tribus, vel duobus vestrum plenam potestatem, & autoritatem capiendi & recipiendi depositiones & examinationes quorumcunque testium ex part Hugonis Rawlins Clerici, & Thomae Leghe, de & super quibusdam articulis per ipsos Hugonem, & Thomam Leghe consilio nostro exhibitis & praesentibus inclusis. Necnon depositiones & examinationes in scriptis redigendas. Et nos de huiusmodi examinationibus, & depositionibus cum sic per vos, quatuor, tres vel duos vestrûm captae fuerint, in Cancellariam nostram in crastino Ascensionis domini proxime futurae, ubicunque tunc fuerit sub sigillis vestris, quatuor, trium vel duorum vestrum clausis certificandum remittentes nobis tunc articulos praedictos una cum hoc brevi. Et ideo vobis mandamus, quod circa p●aemissa diligenter intendatis cum effectu.  
Teste me ipso apud Westmon. 9 die Martij. Anno regni nostri sexto. Marten.  
During all this time of the examination of the witnesses, the said Bishop was stayed at London, upon the allegation of the said adversaries, which was: that if the said B. should departed into his diocese, he would let them of their proves.  
And at the return of their commission, it was signified unto the Counsel what a great number of witnesses they had examined, viz. six score and seven. which sounded very hamons in the counsels ears.  
And about three weeks after, Publication of their witnesses was granted, and after that, it was a fortnight or the B. could get a copy written of their depositions, because the book thereof is so huge and monstrous.  
Then the Bishop desired time: First, to inquire of what condition the persons were that had witnessed against him, and to make exceptions, and matters to justify direct contrary, and to have a commission for the proof thereof, which was then granted. And now it is objected that the Bishop was appointed so to travel with the expedition of his matter, that he should have sued out his Commission, and have made return thereof at Alhallowtide last passed, but there was no such decree put in writing. And it was not possible for the Bishop to do it in so short a time, these causes considered which he would not avoid, as followeth.  
First, it was the latter end of july, ere he came home to S. David's, where he began his visitation, which before was appointed.  
Secondly, he was by force of law constrained to answer at the bar daily, during all the time the great Sessions at Carmarthen, in defence of his just cause against the pretenced matter of praemunire, which his adversaries of mere malice hath procured against him.  
Thirdly, the said adversaries to molest him further, did privily pack a quest of ignorant persons of no reputation, and indicted him upon the words of Raulins information, as appeareth by a copy of the indictment, intending thereby to make the matter sound more heinous, notwithstanding that the same cause dependeth before the king's high counsel undetermined.  
Fourthly, he was appointed by the Commissioners before his departure from London, to pay two hundredth pound (which was arrearages) into the court of first fruits and tenths, at Bartholomew day then next following, which payment he made accordingly, notwithstanding, that his adversaries wrought means to have made him break his day: namely, one Edward Harbard Gentleman, who hath a parsonage of his to Farm, kept back his rent to the very last day, because that money should not help to serve his turn: and so by crafty cavillation detaineth it still in his hand with a years rend and a half more: for the said Edward Harbert is an adherent of the said Bishop's adversaries.  
Fiftly, the book of their depositions is so great, that it asketh a long time to peruse. And also the greatest part of their witnesses were utterly unknown of the bishop and all his. And also dwelling in so many sundry places of the Diocese among the mountains and else where, scarcely within the circuit of two hundred miles.  
Item, another great Sessions holden at Carmarthen in the month of October last, during which time he was attendant there as is aforesaid. All which causes considered, being also in the time of his ordinary visitation, which he did execute himself, he could not make ready his exceptions in shorter tyme.  
The said Bishop dispatched his man towards London, the 23. day of October, who ever sithence hath been and is attendant in the same suit, for the obtaining of the Commission, for proof of his matter against his adversaries.   

¶ A copy of a certain letter written by the bishop of S. David's.  
MOst humbly showeth unto your honour, your poor Orator Robert Bishop of Saint Davies, that where as one Thomas Lee (by the procurement of T. Y. and R. M. being both Canons of Saint Davies, & George Constantine Register to the said Bishop) hath exhibited unto your honour against him certain articles, in the which are mentioned many trifling things, unworthy to be declared in your honourable audience, and also their pretenced weighty articles (as they have alleged there) are utterly untrue: for proof whereof the ●ayd Thomas Lee hath had Commissions into the country: Therefore it may please your honour of your favourable goodness, to grant unto your said Orator a like Commission for the examination of witness, in defence of his truth and honesty against the said Thomas Lee, George Constantine and the aforenamed Rowland Merike, and all other persons with their injust articles, attestations, and sayings, which hath deposed against him. And in tender consideration that your said Orator standeth bound, and sureties with him, in the sum of a thousand marks, to appear before the King's justice, in the Sessions at Carmarthen, in july next coming, to answer to a forged matter of praemunire, by the procurement and counsel of his forenamed adversaries, maliciously surmised against him to his utter undoing. And furthermore, your Orator being in debt to the King's Majesty, by reason of the malicious vexation of his foresaid adversaries, cannot (if he remain here) satisfy the same: for where as there be rearages to a great sum (as well of the King's money as of his own rents) he can receive none thereof, his adversaries hath made such ill report to his discredit, bearing the people in hand, that he shall come no more thither. By reason of which brute, neither his own tenants will pay their rents and rearages, nor the priests their rearages due to the kings Majesty, as well for anno secundo, and tertio, as for quarto and quinto. In consideration of all which things, it may ylease your honourable goodness to licence your said Orator to departed into the Diocese, for these affairs and other. And he is ready at all times at your honourable commandment, and pleasure, to repair again, and ever to pray to the Lord jesus for the perpetual conservation of your honour, to his glory.   

¶ Another letter written by the Bishop of S. Davies.  
RIght honourable, and my very especial good Lord, with humble service and hearty thanks to God: and to you for your godly favour towards me at all times, as right plainly appeareth by your fatherly letters, most lovingly admonishing me to incline unto that which is very necessary, as charitable concord and unity: This is furtherly to besiche your Lordship for the lords sake not to be grieved, but benignly to hear, and gravely to ponder that weighty matter, which appearing (to other) but a light grief to me, is in very deed a right grievous offence to God, with no little hindrance of his holy word, and disturbance of the King's godly proceedings, & may be a great occasion of much inobedience, and disorder of good life. Wherefore I am straightly bounden for the true zeal that I (aught to) bear unto God's word of life, Christian religion, the King's majesties honour, and the godly quiet state of his people, not faintly to let fall the burden of diligent redress to be sought at his majesties hands by the godly wisdom of his most honourable and upright Counsel, but with hearty affection to bear it up against those high minded, arrogant, stubborn, ambitious, covetous canons, trusting in their biting tongues, with crafty prevention, and utterly untrue surmises, to stop the light that their ungodly misdoings in darkness shall either not be seen, or at the lest may seem to appear in colourable appearance of right. In so much that I do not a little marvel at these qualities in M. chanter, the Canon, and the Dean of Worcester, whose ungentle and untrue behaviour I have not only known, but expertly proved, and sensibly feeled in two of the first to my great losses whereof I make no complaint. But I wonder in my mind and lament in my heart the strange alteration and wilful going backward of mine old faithful brother George Constantine, the which (knowing them all three to have been in times past either obstinate enemies to the true bearers of the Cross of Christ, or at the least privy lurkers under pretence of favour towards the Gospel, to sting the poor followers thereof, seeking but their own lucre and pleasure in all their doings) would so earnestly cleave unto them in their wrong deeds, as to betray me with his tongue, become untrue of his promise, and a bearer of filthy sin for lucre's sake, even yet stiffly persisting in the same (namely) in things manifestly known unto many, although he would deny it, and that I might not be credited. And as for their praemunire, both George and they at my first coming, ungently detaining from M. Ferlee his commission for the Chauncellorship, would have faced me down with praemunire, because it was written in my own name according to the statute: yet was I fain for the zeal of unity, not to see their uncourteous deeds, departing with M. Farlee for the avoiding of their malice and envy, and gave that office for the auntie of George, unto M. chanter his son in law, and to D. Merike the office of Cardigan. But seeing afterward their covetous respect to their own glory and lucre, not regarding the reformation of sin and specially of shameless whoredom, I was compelled to remove them, sore against their wills: and where as I desired many and sundry times charitable redress of their wrong doings in the vacation time, I obtained many fair words, and nothing in deed. Also desiring to have sight of the book of Statutes of the church, for the knowledge of my duty and theirs, I could not obtain. Desiring to have a key of the Chapter seal, as my L. of bath had, they would not deliver it but upon conditions: yet was I content to be bridled, receiving it, as pleased them to give it. And further requiring the sight of necessary evidences, for the declaration of divers things in travers of my right, they would in no wise grant it. And thereupon considering their ungentleness, I moved the quo warranto, knowing right well that if they should show any substantial grant under the king's seal for their corporation, it must therein appear the bishop to be the head, and ever hath been under the king: for other they never have, nor had, except they would return to Rome again, as I trust they will not. And yet perceiving afterward that they had no special grant to show, or else such as they would not show. I myself for the respect of unity, wrote my letters to the king's Attorney, by reason whereof the quo warranto was stayed, and so yet remaineth. But touching the certificate, the kings subsidy being due at Michaelmas last, and forborn till after Christmas, and lawfully demanded afore, they did utterly refuse to pay, both to my Vice collector and to myself, except I would take it of them in portions, not knowing where to ask the rest, and it is committed unto me in the King's roll, a whole sum in gross to be received of the Canon's Residentiaries for their divident, who because they cannot agree in dividing, would have the king's majesty to tarry for his money till they can agree to make division. And I cannot demand it of any particular person nor at any particular place. Wherefore I most humbly beseech your fatherly goodness for the lords sake, to persist and continue my good Lord and friend, unto such time as ye find me either desiring to be defended in my wrong, or not willing to put the judgement of my right cause into your hands. And because that the residue of matters touching them and their ungentle, untrue, and ungodly doings is too long, and I have molested you too much with this my tedious letter, I shall now surcease: humbly beseeching your good Lordship to accept in good part this my boldness, proceeding of necessity, and to pardon it for the love of our Lord jesus, who save and keep you in health, comfort, and honour, long to endure for th'advancement of his glory.  
Written at Aburguily this ix. of March. Your Lordships to command during life. R. F.  
And thus you have heard the first trouble of this blessed Martyr of the Lord, in King Edward's days, with the whole discourse thereof. Which we thought the rather here to express, to give other good bishop's warning to be more circumspect, whom they should trust and have about them. Briefly, in few words to conclude this process, B. Farrer, partly upon the importunate suit of his adversaries, partly upon the sinister and infortunate fall of the good Duke of Somerset, by whom he had been before promooted and maintained, having but small favour showed, was detained in prison, till the death of king Edward, and the coming in of Queen Mary and popish religion, whereby a new trouble rose upon him being now accused and examined for his faith and doctrine. The process of which his trouble here likewise followeth.  
After that the foresaid M. Farrer Bishop of S. David's had been long detained in custody under sureties, in the reign of king Edward, not for any just cause of his part deserved, but by reason that he had been promoted by the D. of Somerset, and now after his fall he found fewer friends to support him against such as hunted after his Bishopric, at length after the decease of king Edward, by the coming in of Queen Mary, the state of religion began to be changed and altered. 
The seco●● trouble o● B. Farr●● the time 〈◊〉 Q. Marry  Whereby a new trouble rose upon him, being now accused and examined, not for any matter of Praemunire, but for his faith and doctrine. Whereupon he was called before the bishop of Winchester, with M. Hooper, M. Rogers, M. Bradford, M. Saunders and others aforesaid, the 4. of February. On the which day he should also with them have been condemned: but because laisure or list did not so well then serve the bishop his condemnation was deferred, and he sent to prison again, where he continued till the 14. day of the said month of February. What his examinations & answers were before the said B. of Winchester, so much as remained and came to our hands, I have here annexed in manner as followeth.   

¶ The answer of Rob. Farrer B. of S. David's, before Winchester and others.  
AT his first coming and kneeling before my Lord Chancellor, the Bishop of Duresme, 
The tall 〈◊〉 ●R. Far●●●●efore th●●. of 〈…〉.  and the bishop of Worcester, who sat at the table, and Master Rochester Master Southwell, Master Bourne and other standing at the table's end, the Lord Chancellor said unto him on this sort.  Winchester. 
Now sir, you have heard how the world goeth here.  Farrer. 
If it like your honour I know not.  Winch. 
What say you? Do not you know things abroad, notwithstanding you are a prisoner?  Farrer. 
No my L. I know not.  Winchest. 
Lo, what a froward fellow is this?  Farrer. 
If it please your Lordship, how should I know any thing abroad, being a prisoner?  Winch. 
Have ye not heard of the coming in of the Lord Cardinal?  Farrer. 
I know not my L. Cardinal, but I heard that a Cardinal was come in, but I did not believe it, and I believe it not yet.  Worcest. 
I pray your Lordship (said the B. of Worcester) tell him yourself, that he may know what is done.  Winch. 
The Queen's Majesty and the Parliament, 
B. Farrar 〈…〉 the 〈…〉.  hath restored religion into the same state it was in at the beginning of the reign of K. Henry the 8. Ye are in the Queens debt, and her majesty will be good unto you, if you will return to the catholic church.  Farrer. 
In what state I am concerning my debts to the Queen's Majesty in the Court of Excheker, my Lord Treasurer knoweth: and the last time that I was before your honour, & the first time also, I showed you, that I had made an oath never to consent nor agree, 
B. 〈…〉 Pope.  that the bishop of Rome should have any power or jurisdiction within this Realm: and further, I need not to rehearse to your Lordship, you know it well enough. 
  Bourne. 
You were once abjured for heresy (said M. Bourn) in Oxford.  Farrer. 
That was I not.  Bourne. 
You were.  Farrer. 
I was never, it is not true.  Bourne. 
You went from S. David's to Scotland.  Farrer. 
That did I not.  Bourne. 
You did.  Farrer. 
That did I never, but I went from York into Scotland.  Bourne. 
Ah so said I: you went with Barlow.  Farrer. 
That is true, but never from S. David's.  Bourne. 
You carried books out of Oxford, to the Archb. of York, L. Lee▪  Farrer. 
That did I not.  Bourne. 
You did.  Farrer. 
I did not, but I carried old books from s. Oswalds to the B. of York. 
  Bourne. 
You supplanted your master.  Farrer. 
That did I never in my life.  Bourne. 
By my faith you did.  Farrer. 
Forsooth I did not, never in my life, but I did shield and save my Master from danger, and that I obtained of King Henry the eight, for my true service, I thank God therefore.  Bourne. 
My L. (said M. Bourne to my L. Chancellor) he hath an ill name in Wales, as ever had any.  Farrer. 
That is not so. Whosoever saith so, they shall never be able to prove it.  Bourne. 
He hath deceived the Queen in divers sums or money.  Farrer. 
That is utterly untrue. I never deceived king nor Queen, of one penny in my life, and you shall never be able to prove that you say.  Winchest. 
Thou art a false knave.  Farrer. 
Then Farrer stood up unbidden (for all that while he kneeled) and said: No my Lord, I am a true man, I thank God for it. I was borne under King Henry the seventh, 
 I served King Henry the eight, and K. Edward the sixth truly, and have served the Queen's Majesty that now is, truly with my poor heart and word: more I could not do, and I was never false, nor shall be by the grace of God.  Winch. 
How sayest thou, wilt thou be reformable?  Farrer. 

 My L. if it like your honour, I have made an oath to God and to K. Henry the 8. and also to K. Edward, and in that to the Queen's Majesty, the which I can never break while I live, to die for it.  Duresme. 
You have made another oath before.  Farrer. 
No my Lord, I never made another oath before.  Duresme. 
You made a vow.  Farrer. 
That did I not.  Winch 
You made a profession to live without a wife.  Farrer. 

 No, my Lord, if it like your honour, that did I never, I made a profession to live chaste, not without a wife.  Worcest. 
You were sworn to him that was M. of your house.  Farrer. 
That was I never.  Winchest. 
Well, you are a froward knave: we will have no more to do with you, seeing that you will not come, we will be short with you, & that you shall know within this seven-night.  Farrer. 

 I am as it pleaseth your honour to call me, but I cannot break my oath which your Lordship yourself made before me, and gave in example: the which confirmed my conscience. Than I can never break that oath whilst I live to die for it.  Duresme. 
Well, sayeth he, he standeth upon his oath: call an other.  
My L. Chancellor than did ring a little bell, and M. Farrer said: I pray God save the King & Queen's majesties, long to continued in honour to gods glory, & their comforts, and the comfort of the whole Realm, and I pray God save all your honours, and so he departed.  
After these examinations thus ended, B. Farrer so remained in prison uncondemned, till the xiv. day (as is aforesaid) of February, & then was sent down into Wales, there to receive sentence of condemnation. Who then upon the 26. of February, in the Church of Carmarthen, being brought by Griffith Leyson Esquire, sheriff of the County of Carmarthen, was there personally presented before Henry Bish. of S. David's, 
 and Constantine the public Notary: which Henry, there and then discharged the said Sheriff, and received him into his own custody, further committing him to the keeping of Owen jones, and thereupon declared unto the said M. Farrer, the great mercy and clemency that the King and Queen's highness pleasure was to be offered unto him, which he there did offer unto the said M. Farrer: that is to say, that if he would submit himself to the laws of this Realm, and conform himself to the unity of the universal catholic church, he should be received and pardoned: and after that seeing the said M. Farrer to give no answer to the premises, the said B. ministered unto him these Articles following.   

¶ Articles devised against B. Farrer.  
1 FIrst, whether he believeth the marriage of priests to be lawful by the laws of God & holy church, or no?  
2 Item, whether he believeth, 
Articles ob●ected against B. Farrar.  that in the blessed Sacrament of the altar, after the words of consecration duly pronounced by the priest, the very body & blood of Christ is really and substantially contained, without the substance of bread and wine.  
Unto the which articles the said B. required the said M. Farrer to answer upon his allegiance. 
The answer of B. Farrar.   
To which he said, he would answer when he saw a lawful commission, and would make no further answer at that tyme. Whereupon the said B. taking no advantage upon the same answer, committed him to the said keeper, to be kept in prison until a new monition, and in the mean time to deliberate with himself for his further answer to the premises.   

¶ Another examination of the Bish of S. David's, before Henry Morgan the pretenced Bishop of S. David's, George Constantine his Register, and others, the last of February. Ann. 1555.  
THis day and place, Morgan the pretenced Bishop of S. David's, sitting as judge, 
another examination of B. Farrar.  ministered unto Bishop Farrer there personally present before him certain Articles and Interrogatories in writing, which being openly read and ministered unto him, the said B. Farrer refused to answer, until he might see his lawful Commission and authority. Whereupon the foresaid pretenced Bishop of S. David's, did pronounce him as Contumax, and for the punishment of this his contumacy, to be counted Pro confesso, and so did pronounce him in writing: which being done, he committed the said bishop to the custody of Owen Ihones, until Monday next, being the 4. day of March, then to be brought again into the same place, between one and two.   

Another appearance of the said B. Farrer, before Morgan the pretenced Bishop of S. David's.  
ITem, the day and place appointed, 
another appearance of B. Farrar.  the said bishop appearing again before the pretenced B. humbly submitting himself as ready to answer to the articles and positions above mentioned, gently required the copy of the articles, and a competent term to be assigned unto him to answer for himself: which being granted unto him, & Thursday next being assigned unto him between one and three, to answer precisely and fully, so he was committed again to custody, as above.   

Another appearance of the said Bishop.  
ON Thursday as was appointed, 
another appearance of the said Bishop.  which was the 7. of March, the said B. personally again appeared, where he exhibited a certain bill in writing, containing in it his answer unto certain articles objected and ministered unto him before. Then after Henry the pretenced B. of S. David's offered him again the said articles as before: the tenor whereof tended to this effect.  
First, that he willed him being a priest, 
Articles again ministered against B. Farrar.  to abrenounce matrimony.  
Secondly, to grant the natural presence of Christ in the sacrament, under the forms of bread and wine.  
Thirdly, that the Mass is a propitiatory sacrifice for the quick and the dead.  
Fourthly, that general Counsels lawfully congregated, never did, nor can err.  
Fiftly, that men are not justified before God by faith only, but that hope and charity is also necessarily required to justification.  
Sixtly, that the catholic church which only hath authority to expound scriptures, and to define controversies of religion, and to ordain things appertaining to public discipline, is visible, and like unto a city set upon a mountain for all men to understand.  
To these articles thus objected to him, 
B. Farrar denieth to subscribe to the Articles.  he refused to subscribe, affirming that they were invented and excogitated by man, and pertain nothing to the Catholic faith. After this the Bish. abovenamed, delivered unto him the copy of the articles, assigning him Monday next following, to answer and subscribe to the same, either affirmatively, or negatively.   

Another appearance of Bish. Farrer.  
Upon the which Monday, being the xj. day of March, 
another appearance or examination of B. Farrar.  he appearing again before the bishop and the foresaid Notary George Constantine, exhibited in a written paper, his mind & answer to the foresaid Articles, which the Bishop had twice now objected against him before. To the which Articles and answers, he did so subscribe, adding these words, as tenens se de aequitate & justitia esse Episcopum Menevensem, that the Bishop assigned the next Wednesday in the fore noon, to hear his final and definitive sentence.   

¶ The last appearance of Bishop Farrar.  
THe which day and place the said B. and true servant of God M. Farrer, 
The last appearance and examination of the blessed bishop M. Farrar.  personally there appearing, was demanded of Henry the pretenced B. of S. David's, whether he would renounce and recant his heresies, schisms, and errors (as he called them) which hitherto he had maintained, and if he would subscribe to the catholic articles, otherwise than he had done before.  
After this the said godly M. Farrer did exhibit a certain schedule written in English, and remaining in the Acts, appealing withal by express word of mouth from the Bishop, 
B. Farrar appealeth from the B. of S. David's to the Cardinal. Sentence pronounced against B. Farrar.  as from an incompetent judge, to Cardinal Poole, etc.  
All which notwithstanding, the said B. proceeding in his rage, pronounced the definitive sentence against him, contained in writing, and there left in the Acts: by the which sentence he pronounced him as an heretic excommunicate, & to be given up forthwith to the secular power, namely to the Sheriff of the town of Carmarthen, M. Leyson. The tenor of which sentence, as well of his condemnation, as of his degradation here followeth.   

¶ The sentence of condemnation against Bishop Farrar.  
IN Dei nomine. Amen. Nos Henricus permissione divina Meneuen. episcopus iudicialiter, & pro tribunali sedentes, in quodam inquisitionis & haereticae pravitatis, negotio, contra te Robertum Ferrar praesbyterum, coram nobis in judicio personaliter comparentem, & nobis super haeretica pravitate traditum, ac fama, & notorietate facti delatum, ac in ea part legitime procedendo auditis, visis, & intellectis, rimatis, ac matura deliberatione discussis, & ponderatis dicti negotij meritis & circumstantijs, seruatisque in omnibus & per omnia in eodem negotio de iure seruandis, ac quomodolibet requisitis, Christi nomine invocato, ac ipsum solum deum prae oculis nostris habentes: Quia per acta inactitata, deducta, confessata & ex part tua coram nobis in eodem negotio, saepius recognita, asserta, & confirmata, comperimus te, tum per confessiones tuas varias, tum per recognitiones tuas iudiciales, coram nobis iudicialiter factas, eriores, haereses, & falsas opiniones subscriptas, iure divino, ac Catholicae universalis & Apostolicae ecclesiae determinationi obuiantes, contrarias, & repugnantes tenuisse, credidisse, affirmasse, praedicasse, & dogmatizasse infra dioecesem nostram Meneuen. Viz. Quod licet cuicumque religioso etiam express professo & praesbytero post susceptam professionem, & post susceptum praesbyteratus ordinem, ducere uxorem, ac cum eadem tanquam cum uxore legitima conversari. Item sacras religiones ab ecclesia catholica institutas cum scandalo damnasse, & reprobasse. Item, quod in Eucharistia, sive altaris sacramento una cum corpore & sanguine Christi remanet substantia panis & vini. Item, quod Missa non est sacrificium novi testamenti, propitiatorium pro vinis atque defunctis. Et Sacramentum altaris non esse in altari ministrandum elevandum, vel aliquo modo adorandum. Item, quod homo sola fide iustificatur. Quos quidem errores, haereses, & falsas opiniones iure divino ac Catholicae universalis & Apostolicae ecclesiae determinationi obuiantes, etc.   

¶ Here followeth the copy of his degradation.  
IN nomine patris, ✚ & filii, ✚ spiritus sancti, ✚ Amen. Quia nos Henricus permissione divina Meneven. 
The sentence of degradation against B. Farrar.  episc. per viam inquisitionis in negotio hereticae pravitatis cognoscentes te Robertum Ferrar clericum propter tuam manifestam contumaciam & obstinatiam per nos nunciatum fuisse & esse in illud detestabile crimen haeresis multipliciter incidisse & commisisse quod cum non solum grand, sed etiam damnabile & damnosum sit, & adeo enorm, quod exinde non tantum divina maiestas offensa, sed & universa dioecesis Mēeuensis commota est, & ab hoc indignus officio sacerdotali & ecclesiastico sis redditus. Idcirco nos autoritate dei patris omnipotentis, & filii, & spirirus sancti, & nostra te ab omni huiusmodi officio sententialiter perpetuo privamus in hijs scriptis, teque ab illis verbo deponimus realiter, & actualiter secundum traditionem Canonum deponendum, & degradandum, prout in ordinario & ponti ficali contineturdegradamus, prout sequitur. In primus amovemus a te. etc.  
¶ The cruel burning of Master Farrar, Martyr.  
Touching the which constancy of this blessed Martyr, this is moreover to be added and noted: 
A memoriable exam●ple of co●●stancie in this bless●● B. & Martyr.  that one named Richard jones, a Knight's son, coming to master Farrar a little before his death, seemed to lament the painfulness of the death he had to suffer. Unto whom the Bishop answered again to this effect, saying: that if he saw him once to stir in the pains of his burning, he should then give no credit to his doctrine. And as he said, so he right well performed the same, for so patiently he stood, that he never moved, but even as he stood holding up his stumps, so still he continued, till one Rich. Gravel with a staff dashed him upon the head, and so struck him down.   

¶ Letters.  
As touching the letters of M. Farrer, we do not find many that he did write. And peradventure in Queen Mary's time his imprisonment was so straight, that at no time it was permitted to him to write. Albeit in his other troubles in king Edward's time, certain letters he wrote to the Archbishop of Canterbury Thomas Cranmer, and to the Earl of Warwick, which letters although they might be well referred to the first edition of this story, yet because in the said letters is contained briefly and in few lines, the whole discourse of his unjust vexation at that time wrought by his adversaries, I thought good not to pass them over, but to communicate them unto the Reader, for the better understanding both of the innocency of the blessed B. and of the crafty iniquity of his conspired enemies: as in the said letters here following to the indifferent reader may easily appear.  

¶ The copy of a certain letter of the Bishop of S. David's, written belike to the L. Chancellor Doct. Goodrike Bishop of Ely.  
MOst humbly showeth unto your honour, your poor orator Rob. Bish. of S. David's, that where as one Tho. Lee (by the procurement of Tho. Young, Rowland Mericke being both Canons of S. David's, and George Constantine Register to the said bishop) hath exhibited unto your honour against him certain articles, in the which are mentioned many trifling things unworthy to be declared in your honourable audience, and also their pretenced weighty articles, (as they have alleged there) are utterly untrue, for proof whereof, the said Thomas Lee hath had Commissions into the country: therefore it may please your honour of your favourable goodness, to grant unto your said Orator a like Commission for the examination of witnesses in defence of his truth and honesty, against the aforenamed Thomas Lee, George Constantine, Tho. Young, Rowland Mericke, and all other persons with their unjust articles, attestations, and sayings deposed against him. And in tender consideration that your said Orator standeth bounden and sureties with him, in the sum of a thousand marks, 
●. Farrar 〈◊〉 with 〈…〉 to appear in a ●atter of praemunire.  to appear before the kings justice in the Sessions at Carmarthen, in july next coming, to answer to a forged matter of Praemunire, by the procurement and counsel of his forenamed adversaries maliciously surmised against him, to his utter undoing: and furthermore, that your Orator being in debt to the king's majesty, by reason of the malicious vexation of his foresaid adversaries, cannot (if he remain here) satisfy the same (for where as there be rearages to a great sum as well of the kings money, as of his own rents, he can receive none thereof, his adversaries have made such ill report, to his discredit, bearing the people in hand that he shall come no more thither, by reason of which bruit, neither his own tenants will pay their rents and rearages, nor the priests their rearages due to the King's Majesty, as well for anno secundo and tertio, as for quarto and quinto.) In consideration of all these things, it may please your honourable goodness to licence your said Orator to departed into the Diocese for these affairs and other: & he shall be ready at all times at your honourable commandment and pleasure to repair again, and ever to pray to the Lord jesus for the perpetual conservation of your honour to his glory.  
Besides this letter he wrote another likewise to the said Lord (who was, as seemeth, D. Goodricke L. Chancellor afore mentioned) wherein he declareth the whole cause of his trouble, how it rose against him by his adversaries, as here followeth.   

¶ Another letter written by the B. of S. David's, to the L. Chancellor aforesaid.  
RIght honourable, and my very especial good Lord, with humble service and hearty thanks to God, 
another letter of B. Farrar to the Lord Chancellor.  and to you for your godly favour towards me at all times, as right plainly appeareth by your fatherly letters, most lovingly admonishing me to incline unto that which is very necessary, as charitable concord and unity. This is further to beseech your Lordship for the lords sake, not to be grieved, but benignly to hear and gravely to ponder that weighty matter, which appearing to other but a light grief, to me is in very deed a right grievous offence to Godward, with no little hindrance of his holy word, and disturbance of the King's godly proceedings, and may be great occasion of much inobedience, and disorder of good life.  
Wherefore I am straightly bounden for the true zeal that I ought to bear unto the word of life, Christian religion the king's majesties honour, and the godly quiet state of his people, not faintly to let fall the burden of diligent redress to be sought at his majesties hands by the godly wisdom of his most honourable and upright Counsel, but with hearty affection to bear it up against those high minded, arrogant, stubborn, ambitious, covetous Canons, trusting in their biting tongues, with crafty prevention and utterly untrue surmises, to stop the light, that their ungodly misdoyngs in darkness shall either not be seen, or at the least may have a colourable appearance of right. In so much that I do not a little marvel at these qualities in Master chanter, the Canon and the Dean of Worcester, whose ungentle and untrue behaviour I have not only known, but expertly proved, and sensibly felt in two of the first, to my great losses, whereof I make no complaint.  

The unkind dealing of George Constan●●ne, against ●. Farrar.  But I wonder in my mind and lament in my heart, the strange alteration & wilful going backward of mine old faithful brother George Constantine, the which knowing them all three to have been in times past, either obstinate enemies to the true bearers of the cross of Christ, or (at the least) privy lurkers under pretence of favour towards the Gospel, to sting the poor followers thereof, seeking but their own lucre and pleasure in all their doings) would so earnestly cleave unto them in their wrong deeds as to betray me with his tongue, become untrue of his promise, and a bearer of filthy sin for lucre's sake, even yet stiffly persisting in the same, namely, in things manifestly known unto many, although he would deny it, and that I might not be credited.  
And as for their Praemunire, both George & they, at my first coming, 
〈◊〉 Ferlee 〈…〉 to ●. Farrar.  ungently detaining from M. Ferlee his commission of the Chauncellorship, would have faced me down with the Praemunire, because it was written in mine own name according to the statute: yet was I feign for the zeal of unity, not to see their uncourteous deeds, departing with M. Ferlee, for the avoiding of their malice and envy, and gave that office for the amity of George, unto M. chanter his son in law, 
This chanter was D. Yong.  and to D. Mericke the office of Cardigan. But seeing afterward their covetous respect to their own glory and lucre, not regarding the reformation of sin, and especially of shameless whoredom, I was compelled to remove them, 
D. Young and D. Mericke removed by B. Farrar from their offices.  sore against their wills: and whereas I desired many and sundry times charitable redress of their wrong doings in the vacation time, I obtained many fair words, and nothing in deed.  
And desiring to have sight of the book of Statutes of the Church, for the knowledge of my duty and theirs, 
The wrongs which B. Farrar rece●ued by Thomas Young and D. Mericke.  I could not obtain. Desiring to have a key of the Chapter house seal, as my L. of Bath had, they would not deliver it, but upon conditions: yet was I contented to be bridled, receiving it as it pleased them to give it. And further, requiring the sight of necessary evidences for the declaration of divers things, in travers of my right, they would in no wise grant it. And thereupon considering their ungentleness, I moved the Quo warranto, knowing right well that if they should show any substantial grant under the king's seal for their corporation, it must therein appear, the B. to be the head, and ever hath been under the king: for other they neither have, nor had, except they would return to Rome again, as I trust they will not. And yet perceiving afterward, that they had no special grant to show, or else such as they would not show, I myself for the respect of unity, wrote my letters to the kings Attorney, by reason whereof the Quo warranto was stayed, and so yet remaineth.  
But as touching the certificate, the king's subsidy being due at Michaelmas last, and forborn till after Christmas, and lawfully demanded afore, they did utterly refuse to pay, both to my Vice collector and to myself, except I would take it of them in portions, not knowing where to ask the rest, and it is committed unto me in the kings roll a whole sum in gross, to be received of the Canon's residentaries for their Divident: who because they cannot agree in dividing, would have the king's majesty to tarry for his money, till they can agree to make division: and I cannot demand it of any particular person, nor at any particular place.  
Wherefore I most humbly beseech your fatherly goodness for the lords sake, to persist and continue my good Lord and friend, unto such time as ye find me either desiring to be defended in my wrong, or not willing to put the judgement of my right cause into your hands. And because that the residue of matters touching them and their ungentle, untrue, and ungodly doings is too long, and I have molested you too much with this my tedious letter, I shall now surcease: humbly beseeching your good Lordship to accept in good part this my boldness proceeding of necessity, and to pardon it for the love of our Lord jesus: who save and keep you in health, comfort, and honour, long to endure, for the advancement of his glory.  
Written at Agurguily this ix. of March. Your Lordships to command during life. R. F.     

¶ The history of one Rawlins White, burned at Cardiff in Wales, about the month of March, for the testimony of Christ's Gospel, reported by john Dane being yet alive, who was almost continually with him during his trouble, unto his death.  
FOr so much as we have here passed the history of Master Farrer, 
Rawlins White Martyr, burned at Cardiff in Wales.  burned at the town of Carmarden in Wales I thought to adjoin and accompany with the same, the history also of one Rawlins White, a Fisherman, which both in the like cause, and in the same country of Wales, & also about the same month of March, and year aforesaid, gave his life like a valiant soldier of jesus Christ, to martyrdom, and was burned at Cardiff: the process of whose story here followeth expressed more at large.  
This Rawlins was by his calling or occupation a Fisherman, living & continuing in the said trade by the space of xx. years at the least, in the town of Cardiff, being (as a man of his vocation might be) one of a very good name, & well accounted amongst his neighbours. As touching his religion at the first, it can not otherwise be known, but that he was a great partaker of the superstition and Idolatry that then was used, I mean in the reign of K. Henry the 8. But after that God of his mercy had raised up the light of his Gospel, through the blessed government of K. Edward the vj. here in this Realm of England, this Rawlins began partly to mislike that which before he had embraced, and to have some good opinion of that which before by the iniquity of the time had been concealed from him: and the rather to bring this good purpose and intent of his to pass, he began to be a diligent hearer, and a great searcher out of the truth.  

The desirous mind of Rawlins to search for truth.  But because the good man was altogether unlearned, and withal very simple, he knew no ready way how he might satisfy his great desire: At length it came in his mind to take a special remedy to supply his necessity, which was this: He had a little boy which was his own son, 
The godly intent of Rawlins in setting his son to school.  which child he set to school to learn to read English. Now after the little boy could read indifferently well, his father every night after supper, summer and winter, would have the boy to read a piece of the holy scripture, & now and then of some other good book. In which kind of virtuous exercise, the old man had such a delight & pleasure, that as it seemed, he rather practised himself in the study of Scripture, then in the trade or science which before time he had used: so that Rawlins within few years in the said time of K. Edward, 
The means whereby Rawlins first came to knowledge.  through the help of his little son, as a special minister appointed by god (no doubt) for that purpose, & through much conscience beside, profited & went forward in such sort, that he was able not only to resolve himself touching his own former blindness & ignorance, but was also able to admonish and instruct other: and therefore when occasion served, he would go from one place to an other, 
Rawlins by the means of his young son came to the knowledge of the Scripture.  visiting such as he had best hope in. By which his doing, he became in that country both a notable and open professor of the truth, being at all times and in all such places, not without the company of his little boy, whom (as I have said) he used as an assistance to this his good purpose. And to this his great industry and endeavour in holy scripture, God did also add in him a singular gift of memory, so that by the benefit thereof he would & could do that in vouching and rehearsing of the text, 
The gift of memory in Rawlins.  which men of riper and more profound knowledge, by their notes and other helps of memory, could very hardly accomplish. In so much that he upon the alleging of scripture, very often would cite the book, the leaf, yea and the very sentence: such was the wonderful working of God in this simple and unlearned father.  
Now when he had thus continued in his profession the space of five years, K. Edward died, upon whose decease Queen Mary succeeded, and with her all kind of superstition and Papistry crept in. Which thing being one perceived, Rawlins did not altogether use open instruction and admonition (as before he was wont) and therefore oftentimes in some private place or other, he would call his trusty friends together, & with earnest prayer and great lamentation pass away the time, so that by his virtuous instructions, being without any blemish of error, he converted a great number, which number (no doubt) had greatly increased, had not the cruel storm of persecution been.  
The extremity and force whereof, at the last so pursued this good father Rawlins, that he looked every hour to go to prison: whereupon many of those which had received comfort by his instructions, did resort unto him, and by all means possible began to persuade him to shift for himself, and to dispose his goods by some reasonable order to the use of his wife and children, 
Rawlins exhorted to shift for himself.  & by that means he should escape that danger which was imminent over his head.  
But Rawlins nothing abashed for his own part, through the iniquity of the time, & at all nothing moved with these their fleshly persuasions, thanked them most heartily for their good will, and told them plainly, that he had learned one good lesson touching the confessing & denial of Christ, 
Rawlins promiseth to be constant to the death.  advertising them, that if he upon their persuasions should presume to deny his master Christ, Christ in the last day would deny and utterly condemn him: and therefore (quoth he) I will by his favourable grace confess and bear witness of him before men, that I may find him in everlasting life.  
notwithstanding which answer, his friends were very importunate with him. Howbeit, father Rawlins continued still in his good purpose, so long till at the last he was taken by the Officers of the town, as a man suspected of heresy: upon which apprehension he was convented before the B. of Landaffe that then was, 
Rawlins apprehended and convented before the B. of Landaffe named Anthony Kechin.  the said B. lying then at his house besides Chepstow: by whom, after divers combats and conflicts with him and his chaplains, this good father Rawlins was committed to prison in Chepstow. But this his keeping, whether it were by the Bishop's means, because he would rid his hands of him, or through the favour of his keeper, 
Rawlins might es●cape and would 〈◊〉 Rawlins whole year in prison. A godly woman stirred 〈◊〉 to relieu● Rawlins.  was not so severe and extreme, but that (if he had so listed) he might have escaped oftentimes.  
But that notwithstanding, he continued still, in so much, that at the last he by the aforenamed Bishop was removed from Chepstow to the castle of Cardiff, where he continued by the space of one whole year. During which time, this reporter resorted to him very often, with money and other relief from this reporters mother (who was a great favourer of those that were in affliction in those days) and other of his friends: which he received not without great thanks and praises given to the name of God. And albeit that he was thus troubled and imprisoned, as ye have heard, to his own undoing in this world, and to the utter decay of his poor wife & children: yet was his heart so set to the instruction and furtherance of other in the way of salvation, that he was never in quiet, but when he was persuading or exhorting such of his familiar friends as commonly came unto him. 
Exhortat●●● of Rawl●●● to his friends.  In so much that on the Sundays and other times of laisure, when his friends came to visit him, he would pass away the time in prayer and exhortations, admonishing them always to beware of false Prophets which come in sheep's clothing.  
Now when he had continued in Cardiff Castle by the space of one whole year (as I have said) the time of his further trial was at hand. Whereupon, 
Rawlins 〈◊〉 no meane● could be r●●duced to return to Popery.  the aforenamed Bishop of Landaffe caused him to be brought again from the castle of Cardiff unto his own house besides Chepstow, & whilst he continued there, the Bishop assayed many ways how to reduce him to some conformity. But when all means either by their threatening words or flattering promises were to no purpose: the bishop willed him to advise and be at a full point with himself, either to recant his opinions, or else to abide the rigour of the law, and thereupon gave him a day of determination.  
Which day being come, the Bishop with his chaplains went into his chapel, 
Rawlins brought before th● B. of Lan●daffe in o● iudgeme●●▪  not without a great number of other by dwellers, that came to behold the manner of their doings. When the Bishop with his retinue were placed in order, poor Rawlins was brought before them. The Bishop after great deliberation in addressing himself (as it seemed) and silence forewarned to the rest that were there present, used a long kind of talk to him, declaring the cause of his sending for, which was, for that he was a man well known to hold heretical opinions, and that through his instruction many were led into blind error. In the end he exhorted him to consider his own estate wherein he stood: for (said the B.) Rawlins, you have been oftentimes since your first trouble, both here in my house, 
The wor● of the B. Rawlins.  and else where been travailed withal touching your opinions, and that notwithstanding ye seem altogether obstinate and wilful.  
Now hereupon we thought good to send for you, to see if there were any conformity in you: so that the matter is come to this point, that if you shall show yourself repentant for that which you have done both against God and the prince's law, we are ready to use favour towards you: but if by no means we can persuade with you touching your reformation, we are minded at this time to minister the law unto you, and therefore advise yourself what you will do.  
When the B. had made an end of his long tale, this good father Rawlins spoke very boldly to him, and said: 
Rawlins answer to the By●shop.  My Lord. I thank God I am a christian man, and I hold no opinions contrary to the word of God, & if I do, I desire to be reform out of the word of God, as a christian man ought to be: many more words in like sort were between the B. & Raulins, which this reporter doth not well remember. But in the end when Rawlins would in no wise recant his opinions, the B. told him plainly, that he must proceed against him by the law, & condemn him as an heretic.  
Proceed in your law a God's name said Rawlins, but for an heretic you shall never condemn me while the world standeth. 
The B. Landaff● proceede● with pra● in condemnation o● Rawlins which commonly 〈◊〉 popish p●●●secutors not wo●● do.  But (said the B. to his company) before we proceed any further with him, let us pray unto God that he would send some spark of grace upon him, (meaning Rawlins) & it may so chance that God through our prayer will here turn and convert his heart. When Rawlins heard the B. say so, Ah my Lord, quoth he, now you deal well and like a godly Bish. and I thank you most heartily for your great charity and gentleness. Christ saith: where as two or three be gathered in my name, I will be in the midst of them, and there be more than two or three of you. Now if it be so that your request be godly and lawful, and that that you pray as ye should pray, without doubt God will hear you. And therefore my Lord go to, do you pray to your God, 
Anno 1555. April.  and I will pray to my God, I know that my God will both hear my prayer, and perform my desire.  
By and by the B. with his company fell to prayer. And Rawlins turning himself to a pew that stood somewhat near him, 
The Bishop ●ayeth to 〈◊〉 God, & Rawlins to 〈◊〉.  fell down upon his knees covering his face with his hands: and when they had prayed a while, the B. with his company arose from prayer. And then also arose Rawlins, and came before the Bishop.  
Then said the B. Now Rawlins▪ how is it with thee? wilt thou revoke thy opinions, or no? Surely (said Rawlins) my Lord, Rawlins you left me, and Rawlins you find me, and by God's grace Rawlins I will continue. 

Rawlins continued in his doctrine. Po●ish Bishops pray to a false god & therefore 〈◊〉 not heard.  
A Mass said for conversion of Rawlins.   Certainly if your petitions had been just and lawful, God would have heard them: but you honour a false God and pray not as ye should pray, and therefore hath not God granted your desire: But I am one poor simple man as you see, and God hath heard my complaint, and I trust he will strengthen me in his own cause.  
The Bishop when he perceived that this hypocrisy of theirs took none effect, then with hot words he reproved him, and forthwith was ready to read that sentence. Howbeit upon some advise given to him by his chaplains that were there present, he thought best first to have a mass, thinking that in deed by so doing, some wonderful work should be wrought in Rawlins, and thereupon a priest began Mass.  
In the mean time poor Rawlins betook himself to prayer in a secret place thereby, until such time as the priest came to the Sacring (as they term it) which is a principal point of their Idolatry. When Rawlins heard the Sacring bell ring (as the use was) he rose out of his place and came to the Qu●ere door, and there standing a while, turned himself to the people, speaking these words: good people, 
The wo●des of Rawlins to the people at t●e sacring time.  if there be any Brethren amongst you, or at the least if there be but one Brother amongst you, the same one bear witness at the day of judgement, that I bow not to this Idol, meaning the Host that the Priest held over his head.  
The Mass being ended, Rawlins eftsoons was called for again. 
Rawlins still constant in the profession of God's truth. Sentence read against Rawlins. Rawlins se●t to prison to Cardiff ca●tle.  To whom the Bishop used many persuasions: but the blessed man continued steadfast in his former profession, that the Bishop's talk was altogether in vain, and to no purpose. Whereupon the Bishop caused the definitive sentence to be read. Which being ended, Rawlins was dismissed, and from thence he was by the bishop's commandment carried again to Cardiff, there to be put into the prison of the town, called Cockmarell, a very dark loathsome, and most vile prison.  
Rawlins in the mean while passed away the time in prayer, and chief in singing of Psalms: which kind of godly exercises he always used, both at Cardiff Castle & in all other places.  

 Now, after he had thus continued as Prisoner in Cockmarell Prison at Cardiff (as is aforesaid) a good space, about three weeks before the day wherein he suffered, the head Officers of the Town that had the charge of his execution, were determined to burn him, because they would be sooner rid of him: having not in deed a writ of execution awarded, as by the law they should have.  
Whereupon one henry jews the Recorder of the Town that then was, seeing that they went about to burn him without any warrant by writ, came to them, and told them, that if they did burn him before they had the writ De haereticis comburendis, the Wife of the said Rawlins would upon just cause by law, call their doings into question.  
Immediately upon this advertisement, they sent to London for the writ above named: upon the receipt whereof they made some speed to the execution of the said Raulins. 
The writ awarded for burning of Rawlins.  Now when the day was come, wherein the good father should perform and accomplish the last Act of this his worthy conflict, he was the night before willed to prepare himself.  
Now, when he perceived his time no less near than it was reported unto him, he sent forthwith to his Wife, and willed her by the messenger that in any wise she should make ready, 
Rawlins wedding 〈◊〉.  and send unto him his wedding Garment, meaning a Shirt, which afterward he was burned in. Which request or rather commandment of his, his wife with great sorrow and grief of hart did perform, and early in the morning did send it him, which he received most gladly and joyfully.  
Now when the hour of his execution was come, this good and constant father Raulins was brought out of prison, having on his body the long Shirt, Which (as you heard before) he called his wedding garment, and an old Russet coat which he was wont to wear. Besides this, he had upon his legs an old pair of leather Buskins which he had used long afore. And thus being brought out of the prison (as I have said) he was accompanied or rather guarded with a great company of Bills and glaives: 
Rawlins goin● to the place of execution.  which sight when he beheld: Alas (quoth he) what meaneth all this? All this needed not. By God's grace I will not start away: but I with all my hart & mind give unto God most hearty thanks that he hath made me worthy to abide all this for his holy names sake.  
So he came to a place in his way where as his poor wife and children stood weeping and making great lamentation: the sudden sight of whom so pierced his hart, that the very tears trickeled down his face. 
Rawlins somewhat moved at the sight of his wife and children.  But he soon after, as though he had misliked this infirmity of his flesh, began to be as it were altogether angry with himself: In so much that in striking his breast with his hand▪ he used these words: Ah flesh, stayest thou me so? wouldst thou fain prevail? Well, I tell thee do what thou canst, thou shalt not, by God's grace, have the victory. 
Rawlins wrestleth against his flesh.  By this time this poor innocent came to the very altar of his sacrifice (I mean the place appointed for his death) and there found a stake ready set up, with some wood toward the making of the fire. Which when he beheld, he set for7ard himself very boldly: but in going toward the stake he fell down upon his knees and kissed the ground, & in rising again, the earth a little sticking on his nose, he said these words: Earth unto earth, and dust unto dust, thou art my mother, and unto thee I shall return. Then went he cheerfully & very joyfully, and set his back close unto the stake, & when he had stood there a while, he cast his eye upon this Reporter, 
The agony and fight of this Christian warrior.  & called him unto him, and said: I feel a great fight between the flesh and the spirit, & the flesh would very fain have his swinge, and therefore I pray you when you see me any thing tempted, hold your finger up to me, and I trust I shall remember myself.  
As he was thus standing with his back close unto the stake, a Smith came with a great chain of iron: whom when he saw, he cast up his hand with a loud voice, and gave God great thanks. Then the Smith cast the chain about him, and as he was making it fast on the other side, 
Rawlins fastened to the stake.  Rawlins said unto him, I pray you good friend knock in the chain fast, for it may be that the flesh would strive mightily: but God of thy great mercy give me strength & patience to abide the extremity.  
Now when the Smyth had made him sure to the stake, the officers began to lay on more wood, with a little straw and Reed: wherein the good old man was no less occupied than the best: 
The cheerfulness of father Rawlins at his death  for as far as he could reach his hands, he would pluck the straw and Reed, and lay it about him in places most convenient for his speedy dispatch. Which thing he did with such a cheerful countenance and familiar gesture, that all men there present were in a manner astonied.  
Thus when all things were ready, so that there lacked nothing but the putting to of the fire, directly over against the stake in the face of Rawlins, there was a standing erected, 
A Popish sermon preached at Rawlins martyrdom.  whereon stepped up a Priest addressing himself to speak to the people, which were many in number, because it was market day. When Rawlins perceived him, and considered the cause of his coming, he reached a little straw unto him, and made two little stays, & set them under his elbows. Then went the priest forward in his sermon, wherein he spoke of many things touching the authority of the church of Rome. In the mean time Rawlins gave such good care and intention, that he seemed nothing at all moved or disquieted. At the last the priest came to the sacrament of the altar, and there he began to inveigh against Rawlins opinions: in which his invection he cited the common place of Scripture, and thereupon made a Clerklye interpretation.  
Now when Rawlins perceived that he went about not only to preach and teach the people false doctrine, but also to confirm it by Scripture, he suddenly start up, and beckoned his hands to the people, saying twice: Come hither good people, & hear not a false prophet preaching: and then said unto the preacher: Ah thou naughty hypocrite, dost thou presume to prove thy false doctrine by Scripture? Look in the text what followeth: did not Christ say: Do this in the remembrance of me▪ 
Rawlins word● to the false Prophet.  After which words the Priest being rather amazed then interrupted, forthwith held his peace.  

Anno 1555. March.  ¶ The burning of Raulins, Martyr.  
It is recorded furthermore of the said good father Raulins by this Reporter, that as he was going to his death, and standing at the stake, 
A sudden alteration of nature marvelous in Rawlins before his death.  he seemed in a manner to be altered in nature. For whereas before he was wont to go stooping, or rather crooked, through the infirmity of age, having a sad countenance and a very feeble complexion, and withal very soft in speech and gesture.  
Now he went and stretched up himself, not only bolt upright, but also bare withal a most pleasant and comfortable countenance, not without great courage and audacity both in speech and behaviour. He had (of which thing I should have spoken before) about his head a kerchief. The hears of his head (somewhat appearing beneath his kerchief) and also of his beard were more inclined to white then to grey: which gave such a show and countenance to his whole person, that he seemed to be altogether angelical.  

The reporter of this story one M. Dane.  It is also said by this Reporter, that a little before the fire flashed up to his body (as ye have heard) many of his friends came to him, and took him by the hand, amongst whom, the Reporter of this story held him so long by the hand, till the flame of the fire rose, and forced them to sunder. In the mean time the priest of whom I spoke afore, cried out, and said, that it was not lawful for any man to take him by the hand, because he was an heretic, and condemned by the Church. The chief cause of his trouble, was his opinion touching the sacrament of the altar. He was at the time of his death, of the age of threescore years or thereabouts.   

* The sum of the words spoken by Queen Mary to certain of her Counsellors. March. 28. an. 1555. touching the restitution of Abbey lands.  
BEfore I pass over this month of March, I can not but leave a little memorandum of the words or consultation of Queen Mary, used to certain of the Counsel, the eight and twenty day of the said month of March, touching the restoring again of the Abbey lands. Who after she had called unto her presence four of her privy Counsel, the day and month aforesaid: the names of which Counsellors were these: 

1 William Lord Marquis of Winchester high treasurer of England. 
The na●● of the C●●●●sellers 〈◊〉 before Q. Ma●●   
2 Sir Robert Rochester knight, the queen's Controller.  
3 Sir William Peter knight, Secretary.  
4 Sir Frances Inglefielde knight, Master of Wards.    
The said Queen Mary inferred these words: the principal effect and sum whereof here followeth. 
The effect of Q. mary's 〈◊〉 touching Abbay lands 〈◊〉 restored.  You are here of our Counsel, and we have willed you to be called unto us, to the intent ye might hear of me my conscience, and the resolution of my mind, concerning the lands & possessions as well of Monasteries, as other Churches whatsoever being now presently in my possession.  
first, I do consider, that the said lands were taken away from the Churches aforesaid, in time of schism, and that by unlawful means, such as are contrary both to the law of God and of the Church. 
The Q. ●●●keth a conscience i● keeping Abbay lands.  For the which cause my conscience doth not suffer me to detain them: and therefore I here expressly refuse either to claim or to retain the said lands for mine, but with all my hart, freely, and willingly without all paction or condition, here and before God I do surrender and relinquish the said lands and possessions or inheritances what so ever, 
The Q. 〈◊〉 rendereth from her●self the p●●session of Abbay lands.  and do renounce the same with this mind and purpose, that order and disposition thereof may be taken, as shall seem best liking to our most holy Lord the Pope, or else his Legate the Lord Cardinal, to the honour of God and wealth of this our Realm.  
And albeit you may object to me again, that considering the state of my kingdom, the dignity thereof, and my Crown Imperial can not be honourably maintained and furnished without the possessions aforesaid: yet notwithstanding I set more by the salvation of my soul, then by x. kingdoms, and therefore the said possessions I utterly refuse here to hold after that sort and title, and give most hearty thanks to almighty God, which hath given me an husband likewise minded, with no less good affection in this behalf, than I am myself,  
Wherefore I charge and command, that my Chancellor (with whom I have conferred my mind in this matter before) and you four, 
Promise restitution of Abbay ●andes.  to morrow together do resort to the most reverend Lord Legate, and do signify to him the premises in my name, and give your attendance upon him for the more full declaration of the state of my kingdom, and of the foresaid possessions accordingly, as you yourselves do understand the matter, and can inform him in the same.  
This Intimation being given by the Queen, first unto the counsellors, and then coming to the Cardinal's hand, he drawing out a copy thereof in Latin, sent the same to the Pope: which copy drawn into Latin, & coming afterward to my hand, I have thus translated into English, as ye have heard.  
Furthermore here by the way is to be understand, that in the month before, which was February, and in the nineteen. day of the said month, the Bishop of Ely, 
Ambassadors sent from England to Rome. February 1●.  with the Lord Montacute, and seven score horse, were sent as ambassadors from the king and Queen unto Rome. For what cause, in story it is not expressed, but by conjecture it may be well supposed to be for the same cause of Abbey lands, as by the sequel thereof may probably appear.  
For it was not long after, but the Pope did set forth in Print a Bull of Excommunication for all manner such persons, without exception, as kept any of the Church or Abbey lands: by virtue of which Bull, 
The Pope's Bull for 〈◊〉 Abbay lands.  the Pope excommunicated as well all such as had any of the Church or Abbey lands, as also all such Princes, Bishops, & noble men. justices of peace, and other in office, who had not, or did not forthwith put the same Bull in execution. Albeit this execution (God be thanked) yet to this day was never put in practice.  
Wherein again is to be observed an other Catholic fetch, not unworthy perchance of marking. For where this kind of Catholics by rigour and force may overmaster, they spare for no cost, but lay on load enough. This well appeared, 
Note the nature of the Papists where they can ouerc●me, they are Lions: where the● are overmatched, they play the Foxes.  & still doth appear in burning the poor patient christians, whom because they see to be destitute of power and strength to resist them, and content with patience to receive what so ever is put unto them, there they play the Lions, and make no end of burning and persecuting. But where they spy themselves to be overmatched, or fear to receive a foil in presuming too far, there they keep in, and can stay the execution of their laws and Bulls, be they never so Apostolical, till they spy their time convenient for their purpose, as in this case is evident for all the world to see. 
Anno 1555. April.   
For notwithstanding that the Pope's Bull coming down with full authority for restitution of Abbey lands, did so thunder out most terrible excommunication, not only against them which detained any such lands, 
Here lacked good will in the Bishops but 〈◊〉 as yet did not 〈◊〉 them▪  but also against all other that did not see the Pope's commandment to be executed, yet neither Winchester nor any of all the Pope's clergy would greatly stir in that matter, perceiving the Nobility to be too strong for them to match withal, and therefore were contented to let the case fall, or at least to stay for a time, while time might better serve them.  
Yea, and moreover under a crafty pretence, that the nobility and men of lands at the first coming out of the Bull, 
 should not be exasperate too much against them, they subtly abused the pulpits, and dissembled with the people, affirming that the said Pope's late Bull set forth in Print for restitution of Abbey lands, was not meant for England, but for other foreign countries where in very deed the meaning of that Bull was only for England, & no country else, as both by this intimation of Queen Mary here mentioned, and by many other conjectures, and also by Master Fecknams' Ballet of Caveat emptor, may appear. 
M. Fecknams' ballet of Caveat Emptor.  Whereby it is easy for all men to understand what the purpose of those men was to do, if time, which they observed, might have served their devotion. But to let this matter pass of the Pope's Bull, the time now serveth to entreat of Pope julius death, for so much as he made his end about the latter end of this foresaid month of March. 
* Read more of this in a book called a warning to England. The death of Pope julius. 3.  Concerning the deeds and acts of which Pope, to make a full declaration, it were not so much tedious to the reader, as horrible to all good ears. 
* 
Vide scriptum Pauli Vergerij contra hunc Archiepiscopum.  
Note here what an holy Catholic Church 〈…〉.   Under this julius flourished the Archb. of Beneventanus, a Florentine, named johannes a Casa, Deane of the Pope's Chamber, & chief Legate to the venetians: who well declaring the fruit of that filthy See, so far forgot both honesty and nature, that he shamed not only to play the filthy Sodomite himself, & to boast openly of the same: but also took upon him most impudently in Italian metre, to all men's ears, to set forth the praise & commendation of that beastly iniquity, saying that he himself never used other: & this book was printed at Venice, by one Troianus Naws: & yet the Pope could suffer this so great iniquity and shameless beastliness, even under his nose in his own chamber, which could not abide the true doctrine of Christ in Christian books.  
amongs other pranks and deeds of this foresaid Pope, in his jubilee, and in the Synod of Trent, and in confirming of the Idol of Lauretane, this is also reported of him in his life, that he delighted greatly in Porkefleshe and Peacocks. Upon a time when he was admonished of his Physician to abstain from all swines flesh, for that it was noisome for his Gout, and yet would not follow his counsel: the Physician afterward gave warning to his steward or orderer of his diet, that he should set no more Porkeflesh before him.  
Whereupon when the Pope perceived the said Pork flesh to be lacking in his accustomed service: where (said he) is my Pork? 
A Porkish Pope.  And when his Steward had answered that his Physician had forbidden any Pork to be served: them the Pope bursting out in great rage, said in these words: Bring me, said he, my Porkefleshe All dispetto di Dio● That is to to say in English, 
Monstrous blasphemy 〈…〉 Pope.  In the despite of Cod.  
At an other time, he sitting at dinner, pointing to a Peacock upon his table, which he had not touched, keep said he, this cold Peacock for me against supper, and let me sup in the garden, for I shall have guests. So when supper came, and amongst other hot Peacocks, he saw not his cold Peacock brought to his table: the Pope after his wont manner, most horribly blaspheming God, fell into an extreme rage. 
Pope julius blasphemeth God 〈…〉.  etc. Whereupon one of his Cardinals sitting by, desired him saying: Let not your holiness, I pray you, be so moved with a matter of so small weight. Then this julius the Pope answering again: What, said he, if God was so angry for one apple, that he cast our first parents out of Paradise for the same, 
O Voc●m 〈◊〉 christo 〈◊〉.  why may not I being his vicar, be angry them for a Peacock, sithence a Peacock is a greater matter than an apple? Behold here good reader, by this Pope, the holiness of that blasphemous See: and yet thou shalt see here, what affection was borne unto this Pope here in England, by the Diriges, Hearses, and Funerals commanded to be had and celebrated in all churches by the Queen and her Counsel, as may appear by the copy of their letters here following.   

¶ A Letter from the Bishop of Winchester (being Lord Chancellor) unto Boner Bishop of London, touching the celebrating of the Pope's Funerals.  
AFter my hearty commendations to your good Lordship: 
April. 20. Winchester's letter to Bon● for the Pope's funeral.  The king and Queen's majesties having certain knowledge of the death of the Pope's holiness, thought good there should be as well solemn Obsequies said for him throughout the Realm, as also these prayers (which I send you herein enclosed) used at Mass times in all places at this time of vacation, and therefore willed me to signify their pleasures unto you in this behalf: that thereupon ye might proceed to the full accomplishment thereof by putting the same in due execution within your own Diocese, and sending word to the rest of the Byshoys to do the like in theirs.  
Thus doubting not but that your Lordship will use such diligence in this matter at this time, as shall be necessary, I bid your Lordship heartily well to far.  
From my house at Assher, the tenth of April. 1555. Your assured friend and brother, Stephanus Winton. Chancel.   

¶ Prayers commanded to be used in the funeral Masses for the Pope, Apostolica sede vacant.  
SVpplici te domine humilitate deposcimus, 
A Collect for the Pope.  ut tua immensa pietas sacrosanctae Romanae ecclesiae concedat pontificem illum, qui & pro in nos studio semper tibi gratus, & tuo populo pro salubri regimine sit assiduè ad gloriam tui nominis venerandus, per dominum nostrum.  

Secreta.  
TVae nobis domine pietatis abundantia indulgeat, ut gratum maiestati tuae pontificem sanctae marris Ecclesiae regimini praeesse gaudeamus per dominum nostrum.   

Post Communionem.  
PReciosi corporis & sanguinis tui domine sacramento refectos, mirifica tuae maiestatis gratia de illius summi pontificis assumptione laetificet, qui & plebem tuam virtutibus instruat, 
Another prayer for choosing of the Pope.  & fidelium mentes, spiritualium aromatum odore perfundat, per dominum nostrum.  
Upon this commandment, on wednesday in Easter week there were Hearses set up, & Diriges song for the said julius in divers places. At which time it chanced a woman to come into S. Magnus' church at the bridge-foot in London, & there seeing an Hearse & other preparation, 
A woman of S. Magnes Parish imprisoned for not praying for the Pope.  asked what it meant: and other that stood by, said, that it was for the Pope, and that she must pray for him. Nay (quoth she) that will I not, for he needeth not my prayer: and seeing he could forgive us all our sins, I am sure he is clean himself: therefore I need not to pray for him. She was heard speak these words of certain that stood by: which by & by carried her unto the Cage at London bridge. and bade her cool herself there.    

¶ A spectacle for all Christians to behold and to take heed of the Pope's blasphemous Doctrine.  
BY many and sundry ways almighty God hath admonished men of all nations in these our latter years to embrace, 
A Popish Parson preaching to his Parishioners.  and not violently to repugn against the light of his Gospel, as first by preaching of his word, secondly, by the blood of the Martyrs, and thirdly, by terrible examples showed from time to time upon his Adversaries. In the number of whom cometh here to be remembered the notable working of God's hand upon a certain Priest in Kent named Nightingale, Parson of Crondall besides Caunterbury: who upon Shrovesonday, which was about the third day of the said month of March, and year of our Lord aforesaid, rejoicing belike not a little at this alteration of Religion, began to make a Sermon to his Parishioners, taking his Theme out of the words of S. john: He that saith, he hath no sin, is a liar, 
A terrible example of God's severe punishment upon Nightingale Parson of Crondall in Kent.  and the truth is not in him. etc. And so upon the same very impertinently declared to them all such Articles as were set forth by the Pope's authority, and by the commandment of the bishops of this Realm: saying moreover unto the people in this wise: Now Masters and neighbours rejoice and be merry, for the prodigal son is come home. For I know that the most part of you be as I am: for I know your hearts well enough. And I shall tell you what hath happened in this week past. I was before my Lord Cardinal Pools grace, & he hath made me as clean from sin, as I was at the fontstone: & on Thursday last being before him, he hath appointed me to notify (I thank him for it) the same unto you. 
Blasphemy to Christ's Gospel punished.  And I will tell you what it is. And so reading the Pope's Bull of pardon that was sent into England, he said, he thanked God that ever he had lived to see that day: adding moreover that he believed, that by the virtue of that Bull he was as clean from sin, as that night that he was borne: and immediately 
* The Description of a Popish Priest, who when he had taken away the glory and office of Christ, fell down suddenly, and died.  
The sudden death of one Nightingale Parson of Crondall in Kent, who was made by the cardinals authority chief Penitentiary of that Deanery.  upon the same fell suddenly down out of the Pulpit, and never stirred hand nor foot, and so lay he. Testified by Rob. Austen of Cartham, which both heard and saw the same, & is witnessed also by the whole country round about.   

¶ john Awcocke.  

April. 2. john Awcocke, Martyr.  IN the month of April, and the second day of the same month, died in prison john Awcocke, who after was buried in the fields, as the manner of the Papists was to deny their christian burial to such as died out of their popish Antichristian Church.  
Now forasmuch as having passed the month of March, we are entered into the mouth of April, so set down in order out of public Records, what happened in the said month, here followeth to be noted: That the 1. day of April Ann. 1555. A Letter was sent to the Sheriff of kent to apprehend Thomas Wodgat and William Maynard, for preaching secretly, and to send them up to the Counsel.  
The 7. day of the said month an other Letter to the said Sheriff for the apprehension of one Harwiche who went about with a boy with him preaching from place to place.  
The 15. of April, a letter was directed to Sir Nicholas Hare, and Sir Thomas Cornewallis, willing them to examine M. Flower alias Branch what he meant to wear about his neck written, Deum time, Idolum fuge, and whom else he knew to wear the like praying also to speak to Boner Bishop of London speedily to proceed against him for his Religion according to the laws: and that the justices of Peace of Middlesex should likewise proceed against him for shedding of blood in the Church according to the statute, so as if he continue his opinion he might be executed at the farthest by the latter end of this week, and that his right hand be the day before his execution, or the same day stricken off.  
The 22. of April there was a like letter sent to the justices of peace of Middlesex, with a writ for the execution of the said Flower, commanding them to see his hand stricken of before his burning.  
The 29. of April M. Robert Hornebey servant then to the Lady Elizabeth was convented before the Counsel for his religion: and standing constantly to the truth, notwithstanding their threats and other persuasions, was therefore committed to the Marshalsea.   

¶ A declaration of the life, examination, and burning of George Marsh, who suffered most constant martyrdom for the profession of the Gospel of Christ, at Winchester, the 24. day of April. Ann. 1555.  
THe said George Marsh was borne in the Parish of Deane, 
April. 24. George Marsh Martyr.  in the county of Lancaster, and was well brought up in learning and honest trade of living by his Parents, who afterwards about the xxv. year of his age, took to wife an honest maiden of the country, with whom he continued, earning their living upon a Farm, having children between them lawfully begotten: 
G. Marsh first a farmer.  and then God taking his wife out of this World, he being most desirous of godly studies, (leaving his household and children in good order) went unto the university of Cambridge, where he studied, and much increased in learning and godly virtues, & was a minister of God's holy word and Sacraments, 
George Marsh made Min●●ster.  and for a while was Curate to Laurence Saunders, as he himself reporteth. In which condition of life, he continued for a space, earnestly setting forth God's true Religion, to the defacing of Antechristes' false doctrine, by his Godly readings and Sermons, as well there and in the Parish of Deane, or else where in Lanckeshyre.  
Whereupon at length, by detection of certain adversaries he was apprehended, & kept in close prison by George Cotes then bishop of Chester, 
D. Cotes Bishop of Chester, a persecutor▪ George Marsh detected ..  in straight Prison in Chester, within the precinct of the bishops house, about the space of four Months, being not permitted to have relief and comfort of his friends: but charge being given unto the Porter, to mark who they were that asked for him, and to signify their names unto the Bishop, as by the particular description of his story, testified and recorded with his own pen, more evidently may appear in the process hereunder following.  

¶ The handling, entreating, and examination of George Marsh, being sent first by the Earl of Derby to Doctor Cotes Bishop of Chester.  
ON the monday before Palm Sunday, which was the xii. day of March, 
The exam●●nation of George Marsh, written with his own han● M. Ba●ton Gentleman and perse●cutour. George Marsh ad●uertised b● his frend●● to fly.  it was told me at my mother's house that Rog. Wrinstone, with other of M. Bartons servants did make diligent search for me in Bolton, and when they perceived that I was not there, they gave straight charge to Roger Ward and Rob. Marsh, to find & bring me to M. Barton the day next following, with others, to be brought before the honourable Earl of Derby, to be examined in matters of Religion. etc.  
I knowing by this relation of divers of my friends, was diversly affected, my mother, and other my friends advertising me to flee and to avoid the peril, which thing I had intended afore after a week than next ensuing, if this in the mean while had not chanced, seeing, that if I were taken, and would not recant in matters of religion (as they thought I would not, and as God strengthening and assisting me with his holy spirit I never will) it would not only have put them to great sorrow, heaviness, & losses, with costs and charges, to their shame & rebuke in this world, but also mine own self after troubles and painful prisonment, unto shameful death.  
This considered, 
G. Mars● in a pe●plexitye whether fly or to tarry.  they advised me & counseled me to departed & fly the country, as I had intended to have done, if this had not happened. To whose counsel my weak flesh would gladly have consented, but my spirit did not fully agree: thinking and saying thus to myself, that if I fled so away, it would be thought, reported, and said, that I did not only fly the country and my nearest and dearest friends: but much rather from Christ's holy word, according as these years passed I had with my hart, or at least with mine outward living professed, and with my mouth & word taught, according to the small talon given me of the Lord. I being thus with their advise & counsel, and the cogitations & counsels of mine own mind drawn, as it were divers ways, went trom my mother's house, saying, I would come again at evening.  
In the mean time I ceased not by earnest prayer to ask and seek counsel of God (who is the giver of all good gifts) and of other my friends, whose godly judgements and knowledge I much trusted unto. After this, I met with one of my said friends on Deane Moor, about sun going down: and after we had consulted together of my business, not without hearty prayer kneeling on our knees, we departed, I not fully determining what to do, but taking my leave with my friend said I doubted not but God (according as our prayer and trust was) would give me such wisdom and counsel, as should be most to his honour and glory, the profit of my neighbours and brethren in the world, and obtaining of mine eternal salvation by Christ in heaven.  
This done, I returned to my mother's house again, where had been divers of M. barton's servants seeking after me: who when they could not find me, 
G. Marsh consulted with 〈◊〉  straightly charged my brother and William Marsh to seek me that night, and to bring me to Smethehilles the next day: who being so charged were gone to seek me in Adderton, or elsewhere I know not. Thus intending afore to have been all night with my mother, but than considering that my tarrying there would disquiet her with her household, I departed from thence, 
〈◊〉 brothers charged to 〈◊〉 him. ●he marue●●●● providence of 〈…〉.  and went beyond Deane Church, and there tarried all night with an old friend of mine, taking ill rest, and consulting much with myself of my trouble.  
So at my first awaking, one came to me from a faithful friend of mine with letters, which I never read, nor yet looked on, who said this: My friends advise was that I should in no wise fly, but abide & boldly confess the faith of jesus Christ. At whose words I was so confirmed & established in my conscience, that from thenceforth I consulted no more, whether was better to fly or to tarry, but was at a point with myself, that I would not fly, but go to master Barton, who did seek for me, and there present myself, and patiently bear such cross, as it should please God to lay upon my shoulders. Whereupon my mind and conscience afore being much unquieted and troubled, was now merry and in quiet estate.  
So betimes in the morning I arose, and after I had said the English Litany (as my custom was) with other prayers kneeling on my knees by my friends beddeside, I prepared myself to go toward Smethehilles: and as I was going thitherward, I went into the houses of Harry Widows, 
G. Marsh 〈◊〉 his leave of his 〈◊〉.  of my mother in law, of Ralph Yeton, and of the wife of Thomas Richardsonne, desiring them to pray for me, and have me commended to all my friends, and to comfort my mother, and be good to my little children, for (as I supposed) they should not see my face any more, before the last day: & so took my leave of them not without tears shed on both parties, 
G. Marsh of his own voluntary mind offereth himself to his enemies.  and came to Smethehilles about 9 of the clock, & presented myself afore M. Barton: who showed me a letter from the Earl of Derby, wherein he was commanded to send me with others to Lathum.  
Whereupon he charged my brother and William Marsh, to bring and deliver me the next day, by x. of the clock before the said Earl or his Counsel. I made earnest suit with other special friends, which I had there at the same time, to M. Barton, that he would take some one of them or them all bound by recognisance or otherwise for mine appearing before the said Earl or his said Counsel, that my brother & William Marsh might be at home, because it was the chiefest time of seding, & their ploughs could not go if they were not at home: but nothing could be obtained.  

G. Marsh taketh his leave of his mother  So we went to my mothers, and there I dined & shifted part of my clothes, and so praying, took my leave of my mother, the wife of Richard Marsh, and both their households, they and I both weeping, & so departed from them, and went toward Lathum, and were all night a mile and a half on this side Lathum. So the next day which was Wednesday, we arose, prayed, & came to Lathum betimes, and tarried there till four of the clock at afternoon.  
Then was I called by Roger Mckinson, to come to my Lord and his counsel, & so I was brought into the chamber of presence, where was present Sir William Nores, Sir Pierce Alee, 
G. Marsh brought before the Earl of Derby.  Master Shereburne the Parson of Grapenhall, master More, with others. Where when I had tarried a little while, my Lord turned him toward me, and asked what was my name. I answered Marsh.  
Then he asked whether I was one of those that sowed evil seed and dissension amongst the people. Which thing I denied, desiring to know mine accusers, and what could be laid against me: 
G. Marsh examined before the Earl of Derby.  but that I could not know.  
Then said he, he would with his counsel examine me themselves, & asked me whether I was a priest. I said no. Then he asked me, what had been my living? I answered, I was a Minister, served a Cure, and taught a school. Then said my Lord to his Counsel, this is a wonderful thing. Afore he said he was no Priest, and now he confesseth himself to be one. I answered, by the laws now used in this Realm (as far as I do know) I am none.  
Then they asked me who gave me orders, or whether I had taken any at all? I answered, I received orders of the Bishops of London and Lincoln.  
Then said they one to an other, those be of these new heretics, and asked me what acquaintance I had with them? I answered, I never saw them, but at the time when I received orders.  
They asked me how long I had been Curate, & whether I had ministered with a good conscience? I answered I had been Curate but one year, and had ministered with a good conscience, I thanked God, and if the Laws of the Realm, would have suffered me, I would have ministered still: 
This blasphemous mouth of the pa●son of Grapnal.  & if the laws at any time hereafter would suffer me to minister after that sort, I would minister again.  
Whereat they murmured: and the person of Grapnall said: this last Communion was the most devilish thing that ever was devised. Then they asked me what my belief was.  
I answered, I believed in God the Father, the Son & the holy Ghost, according as the Scriptures of the old and new testament do teach and according as the 4. Symbols, or Creeds, that is to wit, the Creed commonly called Apostolorum, the Creed of Nice Council, of Athanasius and of Austen, and Ambrose do teach.  
And after a few words, the parson of Grapnall said: but what is thy belief in the Sacrament of the altar?  
I answered, I believed that whosoever, according to Christ's institution, 
G. Marshes belief in the Sacrament.  did receive the holy Sacrament of Christ's body and blood, did eat and drink Christ's body and blood with all the benefits of his death and resurrection to their eternal salvation? for Christ (said I) is ever present with his sacrament.  
Then asked they me, whether the bread and wine, by the virtue of the words pronounced of the Priest, were changed into the flesh and blood of Christ, and that the sacrament, whether it were received or reserved, was the very body of Christ?  
Whereunto I made answer, 
G. Marsh loath to answer to the question of transubstantiation.  I knew no further than I had showed already. For my knowledge is unperfect (said I:) desiring them not to ask me, such hard & unprofitable questions, whereby to bring my body into danger of death, & to suck my blood. Whereat they were not a little offended, saying they were no blood succours, and intended nothing to me but to make me a good Christian man.  
So after many other questions, which I avoided as well as I could, remembering the saying of Paul: Foolish and unlearned questions avoid, knowing they do but engender strife: my Lord commanded me to come to the board, and gave me pen and ink in my hand and commanded me to write mine answers to the questions of the Sacrament above named: & I wrote as I had answered before. 
G. Marsh commanded by the Earl of Derby to write his answers.  Whereat he being much offended, commanded me to write a more direct answer, saying, I should not choose but do it.  
Then I took the pen and wrote, that further I knew not. Whereat he being sore grieved, after many threatenings, said I should be put to shameful death like a traitor, with such other like words, and sometimes giving me ●ayre words, if I would turn and be conformable as other were, how glad he would be.  
In conclusion, after much ado, he commanded me to Ward in a cold windy stone house, 
The Earl of Derby commandeth G. Marsh into prison.  where was little room where I lay two nights without any bed, saving a few great canvas tentclothes, and that done, I had a pair of sheets, but no woollen clothes, & so continued till Palm-sonday, occupying myself aswell as I could in meditation, prayer, & study, for no man could be suffered to come to me but my keeper twice a day when he brought me meat and drink.   

¶ An other examination of G. Marsh before the Earl of Derby.  
ON Palm sunday at after dinner I was sent for to my Lord and his counsel (saving Sir William Nores, & Sir Pierce Alee were not then present in place) amongst whom was Sir john Beram, & the vicar of Prescot. So they examined me yet once again of the sacrament. 
Marsh again examined about the Sacrament.  And after I had communed apart with the Vicar of Prescot a good space concerning that matter, he returned to my Lord and his Counsel with me, saying: that answer which I had made before, and then did make (as it is above written) was sufficient for a beginner, and as one which did not profess a perfect knowledge in that matter, until such time as I had learned further. 
Marsh yet keepeth himself close in the Sacrament.  Wherewith the Earl was very well pleased, saying he doubted not, but by the means & help of the vicar of Prescot I would be conformable in other things. So after many fair words he commanded I should have a bed, with fire, and liberty to go amongst his servants, so that I would do no harm with my communication amongst them.  
And so after much other communication, I departed, much more troubled in my spirit then afore, because I had not with more boldness confessed Christ, but in such sort, 
Marsh troubled in his conscience for being no more bold touching the Sacrament.  as mine adversaries thereby thought they should prevail against me: whereat I was much grieved: For hitherto I went about as much as in me lay, to rid myself out of their hands, if by any means, without open denying of Christ and his word that could be done.  
This considered, I cried more earnestly unto God by prayer, desiring him to strengthen me with his holy spirit, 
Marsh prayetheth for more boldness.  with boldness to confess him: and to deliver me from their enticing words, and that I were not spoiled through their Philosophy & deceitful vanity after the traditions of men and ordinances of the world, and not after Christ.  
And so after a day or two I was sent for to the vicar of Prescot, and the Parson of Grapnall: where our most communication was concerning the mass: and he asked what offended me in the Mass. I answered the whole Mass did offend me, 

Marsh again examined before the Bishop's Chaplains.  
Talk about the Mass.  
Allegations against the Mass.   first because it was in a strange language, whereby the people were not edified, contrary to S. Paul's doctrine, 1. Cor. 14. and because of the manifold and intolerable abuses & errors contained therein, contrary to Christ's Priesthood and sacrifice.  
Then they asked me in what place thereof, and I named certain places: which places they went about with gentle and far sought interpretations to mitigate, saying those places were understood far otherwise then the words did purport, or then I did take them.  
I answered, I did understand then as they did purport, & as their own books do comment and gloze upon them.  

Sacrificium Missae quid sit.  They said, Sacrificium or Oblatio did not in the Mass signify any thing else, then either a Sacrifice of praise and thanksgiving, or else a memorial of a sacrifice or oblation. So they caused a● Mass book to be sent for, and showed me where in some places of the Mass was written, 
Sacrifice of the Mass, expounded by the Papists to be nothing else but the Sacrifice only of thanksgiving.  Sacrificium laudis. Whereto I answered, that it followed not therefore that in all places it signified a sacrifice or oblation of praise or thanksgiving: and although it did, yet was not a sacrifice of praise or thanksgiving to be offered for the sins of the people, for that did Christ by his own Passion once offer on the Cross: where the words of the Mass were that the Priest did offer an oblation and sacrifice for the sins and offences both of himself and of the people: for them that were dead, and for the salvation of the living: and that the commixion of the body and blood of Christ was health both of body and soul.  
The Vicar answered, that was to be understanded of the commixtion of Christ's body and blood with his Church or people. So after much exhortation unto me that I should be conformable to the true Catholic Church (which as they meant, was the Romish Church) I departed, not consenting unto them.  
So within a day or twain came to me Master More bringing with him certain Articles, whereunto Doctor Crome had consented and subscribed in the presence of certain witnesses in the days of king henry the eight and willed me to read them over, 
The Articles of D. Crumbs recantation brought to G. Marsh.  & asked me whether I would consent and subscribe unto those Articles: and after communication had of one or two of the said Articles, I confessed plainly I would in no wise consent and subscribe to those Articles. for than I did against mine own conscience: and so he departed.  
So within a short space after, which was on sherethursday, the said Parson and vicar sent for me again, saying, my lord would be at a short point with me: for if I would not consent and subscribe unto 4. Articles drawn out of the articles aforesaid, I must go to prison straight ways.  

4. Popish Articles for Marsh to subscribe unto. 

1. Mass.  
2. Transubstantiation.    The first was, whether the Mass now used in the church of England, was according to Christ's institution, & with faith, reverence and devotion to be heard and seen?  
The second whether the almighty by the words pronounced by the Priest, did change the bread and wine after the words of consecration, into the body and blood of Christ, whether it were received or reserved?  

3. Receiving in one kind.  Thirdly, whether the lay people ought to receive but under the form of bread only, and that the one kind was sufficient for them?  

4. Confession.  Fourthly, whether confession to the Priest now used in England were godly and necessary?  
These four questions or articles they delivered me in writing, and bade me go to my chamber and subscribe my answers with mine own hand, and come again. So within one half hour, I came to them again, and delivered them the questions with mine answers. 
G. Marsh denieth the Articles.  The first I denied. The second I answered, as I did to my Lord afore, & as is above written. To the third I answered that the lay people by Christ's institution ought to receive under both kinds, & that it sufficeth not them to receive under the one kind only. Fourthly▪ that though confession auricular were a commodious mean to instruct the rude people, yet was it not necessary nor commanded of God.  
They much exhorted me then to leave mine opinions, saying I was much deceived, understanding the Scriptures amiss, and much counseled me to follow the Catholic Church of Christ, 
G. Marsh exhorteth to the Catholic Church.  and to do as other did. I answered, my faith in Christ conceived by his holy word I neither could nor would deny, altar or change, for any living creature whatsoever he were, desiring them to speak to my Lord that during my life and imprisonment, my poor friends might be suffered to relieve me with necessary things according to their powers, and so after much exhortation of them to do & believe as the Catholic Church did, we departed: I from thenceforth continuing in the Porters ward not coming forth of my chamber saving at noon and night while I dined and supped.  
Upon one of the Easter holidays master Shereburn and M. More sent for me persuading me much to leave mine opinions: 
M. She●●burne an● M. Mor● examine● of Geor●● Marsh.  saying all the bringers up and favourers of that Religion had evil luck, and were either put to death or in prison, and in danger of life. Again, the favourers of the Religion now used had wondrous good luck, & prosperity in all things: with many other worldly reasons of man's wisdom, for as for the scriptures, Master Shereburne confessed himself ignorant.  
I answered that I believed and leaned only to the Scriptures, 
God's 〈◊〉 is not to 〈◊〉 esteeme● by prosp●●rity or ad●uersity.  not judging things by prosperity or adversity: but they earnestly advised me to refuse mine opinions, and not to let for any worldly shame.  
I answered that that which I did, I did not for the avoiding of any worldly shame, saying: my soul and life were dearer to me then the avoiding of any worldly shame: neither yet did I it for any vain praise of the world, but in the reverent fear of God.  
Then Master More questioned with me of receiving the Sacrament under the one kind. I said Christ's institution was plain that all men should drink of the cup. Then he told me of the 24. of Luke, and the 20. of the Acts, where was but mention of breaking of bread only: 
Christe● breaking bread, 〈◊〉 24 〈◊〉 not the r●●ceiuing ●●●der one kind.  whereof he gathered, that they received the Sacrament but under one kind.  
That I denied, saying: those places either did not speak of the celebration of the lords Supper, or else under the name of breaking bread, was signified and meant the receiving of the Sacrament, both of the body & blood of Christ, according to his institution. So after much communication of that matter, M. Shereburne said it was great pity that I being a well-favoured young man, and one that might have good living and do good, would so foolishly cast myself away, sticking so hard to such foolish opinions.  
I answered as afore I had done to my Lord and to his counsel, that my life, mother, children, brethren, sisters, and friends, with other delights of life, 
G. Marsh forsakes kindred all together to stick 〈◊〉 Christ.  were as dear & sweet unto me as unto any other man, and that I would be as loath to lose them, as an other would, if I might hold them with good conscience, and without the ignominy of Christ: and seeing I could not do that, my trust was that God would strengthen me with his holy spirit to lose them all for his sake: for I take myself (said I) for a sheep appaynted to be slain, patiently to suffer what cross so ever it shall please my merciful father to lay on me. And so after I had desired them that if I were committed to prison my friends might be suffered to relieve me, they departed.  
Master More afore this brought unto me a book of one Alphonsus a Spanish Friar, 
Alphonsu● book brought 〈◊〉 G. Marsh  of all heresies wherewith the church of Rome, which he called Christ's true church, had been troubled since Christ's time, willing me to read and take Counsel of that book: & appointed me a place, where this author did write against them that say, the lay people ought to receive under both kinds.  
This Author I perceived did vehemently write against Luther, Melancthon, Pelican & other germans of this our time, in all points defending the blasphemous abuses and enormities of the Romish Church, condemning as detestable heresies, whatsoever was written, taught, or believed contrary to the same, using for his strongest and surest arguments, the consent, agreement, and determination of the Romish Church. So within a few days Master More came to me again, ask me how I liked the book. I said the author of the book did in all points being a Papist, allow the rites and abuses of the Romish church, 
Marshes judgement of Alpho●sus book.  and showed him further, that this author without authority, and contrary both to the Scriptures & old Doctors, did condemn for heresy, the lay people receiving of this sacrament under both kinds, where as this Author witnesseth his own self, that Christ's church 900. years after Christ used the contrary.  
So in conclusion he rebuketh me, saying I was unlearned, & erred from the Catholic faith, stubborn, and stood altogether in mine own conceit. I answered, for my learning, I knowledge myself to know nothing but jesus Christ, even him that was crucified, and that my faith was grounded upon God's holy word only, & such as I doubted not, pleased God, and as I would stand in until the last day, God assisting me: and that I did not say or do any thing, either of stubbornness, self wilfulness, vain glory, or any other worldly purpose, but with good conscience, and in the fear of God: and desired him to speak to my Lord and his Counsel, that I might find some gentleness and mercy at their hands. He made me but short answer. Then I said, I commit my cause unto God, who hath numbered the hairs of my head, and appointed the days of my life saying: I am sure God which is a righteous judge, would make inquisition for my blood, according as he hath promised. Then he took his book from me, and departed.  
I continued still in Ward until Low sunday, and after dinner my keeper Richard Scot came to me into my chamber, 
G. Marsh 〈◊〉 to Lancaster castle.  and told me that two young men were come to carry me to Lancaster, and so delivered me unto them, a great company both of my lords servants and others accompanying and bringing me on the way, unto Rich. Addertons and somewhat further, counseling and persuading like as is aforesaid.  
To whom I made plain answer, that in matters of faith, I would give place to no earthly creature. So they comforted me, and said that they were sorry for me, saying: if I knew mine opinion to be good, I did well, and so they departed, willing my bringers to entreat me honestly.  
My bringers by the way showed me they were willed & advised to bind me, and that they desired first to see me: and after they had looked on me, sitting at dinner, they answered they would take charge of me being lose, for they said I seemed to be an honest man.  
The first night we were all night at Broughton, and the second day we came to Lancaster betimes at after noon and so they kept me all night with them of their gentleness, and on the morrow delivered me to the jailor, who brought me into the highest prison, where I do remain.  

G. Marsh caused to ●old up his hands at Lancaster amongst other malefactors.  After that, the said George came to Lancaster Castle, & there being brought with other prisoners unto the Sessions, was made to hold up his hands with other malefactors. The Earl of Derby had this communication with him, as here followeth.   

Communication between George Marsh and the Earl of Derby.  

Talk between G. Marsh and the Earl of Derby.  I Said unto my Lord, I had not dwelled in the country these three or four years past, and came home but lately to visit my mother, children, and other my friends, and to have departed out of the country before Easter then next, & to have gone out of the realm, Wherefore I trusted, seeing nothing could be laid against me, wherein I had offended against the laws of this realm, his Lordship would not with captious questions examine me to bring my body into danger of death, to the great discomfort of my mother but suffer me to avoid peaceably, seeing I might have fled out of the country, and yet of mine own will came to his Lordship.  
He said to his Counsel, he had heard tell of me above at London: and intended to make search for me, and take me either in lancashire or above at London, and asked me into what land I would have gone.  

The Earl of Derby changes the calm of 〈◊〉 of heresy.  I answered, I would have gone either into Almain or else into Denmark. He said to his Counsel: in Denmark they used such heresy as they have done in England: but as for Almaigne he said the Emperor had destroyed them.  
So after such like words I said unto him, my trust was that his Lordship being of the honourable Counsel of the late king Edward, consenting and agreeing to acts concerning faith toward God and religion under great pain, would not so soon after consent to put poor men to shameful death, as he had threatened me, for embracing the same with so good a conscience.  
He answered that he, with the Lord Windsor, & Lord Dacars, 
The Earl of Derby, L. 〈◊〉, and Lord Dacars in ●. Edward's 〈◊〉 agreed 〈…〉.  with one more, whose name I have forgotten, did not consent to those Acts, and that the nay of them four would be to be seen as long, as the Parliament house stood. Then my Lord did rehearse the evil luck of the Dukes of Northumberland and Suffolk with others, because they favoured not the true religion, and again the good hap and prosperity of the Queen's highness, because she favoured the true religion, thereby gathering the one to be good and of God, and the other to be wicked and of the devil, & said that the Duke of Northumberland confessed so plainly.   

¶ George Marsh to the Reader.  

 FOr as much as not only when I was at Latham, but also since I departed thence, I hear that there be divers and sundry reports, and opinions of the cause of mine imprisonment, as well at Latham as at Lancaster (as by credible persons I am informed) some saying it was only because I would not do open penance, and some because I could not agree with my Lord and his council concerning the sacrament of Christ's body and blood, and the manner of Christ's presence there: some because I would not grant it sufficient and according to Christ's institution the lay people to receive the said sacrament under the one kind only I thought it good, dearly beloved in Christ, and my bounden duty, to certify you by mine own hand writing, of mine examination and handling at Latham, and to tell you the truth as near as I could, to quiet your mind in this behalf, and therefore I have here written with mine own hand the certainty of those things as near as I could, here above expressed, not omitting any thing at all concerning Religion, whereof they did examine me: howbeit I perceive in some things, I keep not the same order in writing that thing which was asked by them, and answered by me afore or after, as it was in very deed in all points saving this, telling the truth as near as I can, desiring you to accept in good worth this my good will, and to pray for me and all them that be in bonds, that God would assist us with his holy spirit, that we may with boldness confess his holy name: and that Christ may be magnified in our bodies, that we may stand full and perfect in all the will of God: to whom be all honour and glory world without end. Amen.  
And thus you have heard all the whole trouble which George Marsh sustained both at Lathum, & also at Lancaster, testified and written with his own hand whereto he addeth moreover and saith.  
While I was (saith he) in Ward at Lathum, divers at sundry times came unto me. Some said unto me that all my fellows had recanted and were gone home, where as in deed that was not so, for I saw divers of them divers times after. Other said that it was reported amongst my lords household, that I had consented and agreed in all things with my Lord and his counsel.  
Furthermore, while I was at Lancaster, at this Session time many came to me to talk with me, some of good will towards me, but without knowledge gave me such like counsel as Peter gave Christ as he went up to jerusalem when he took him aside and began to rebuke him: 
Peter's counsel to Christ, to save himself.  saying master favour thyself: this thing shall not be unto thee. But I answered with Christ's sharp answer unto Peter again: who turned about, and said unto Peter, come after me Satan, and perceiving that they were an hindrance unto me, and that they favoured not the things which are of God, but the things that are of men, I made them plain answer, that I neither could ne would follow their counsel, but that by God's grace I would both live and die with a pure conscience and according as hitherto I had believed and professed. For we ought in no wise to flatter and bear with them, 
G. Marsh followeth Christe● answer to Peter.  though they love us never so well, which go about to pluck us away from the obedience that we own unto God and to his word, but after Christ's example sharply to rebuke them for their counsel.  
Some others, yea even strangers also, came to me far unlike to these, who after sober communication had, consented with me in all things, lamenting much my troublous estate, giving me comfortable words, & some money to, and resorted to me often times, for the space of two three or four, days. There came also many Priests to me by 2.3.4.5. or 6. at once, 
Priests not always the greatest Clerks.  whose mouths it was a thing easy enough to stop, for the Priests (which is much to be lamented) be not always greatest clerks & best learned in the law of God. At their departing they either consented with me, or else had nothing to say against me, saying they could find no fault with my words. My communication with them was about the Sacrament. There came also into the prison to me master Westby, Master Ashton of Hill, M. Ashton of Chaterton, & many more both gentlemen and others to my great comfort. Unto whom I had good occasion to utter a great part of my conscience: for God so strengthen me with his spirit of boldness, according to my humble request and prayer before (everlasting thanks be given him therefore) that I was nothing afraid to speak to any that came to me, no not even to judges, 
G. Marsh strengthened in prison with the boldness of God's spirit.  themselves, before whom I was thrice arraigned at the bar amongst the thieves with irons on my feet, and put up my hand as other did, but yet with boldness I spoke unto them so long as they would suffer me.  
They also sent for me the fourth time into their chamber, where amongst other things they laid it straightly to my charge, that I had reported that I knew an whole mess of good gentlemen in lancashire of mine opinion, and straightly charged me upon pain of allegiance to the Queen's grace, to show who they were. But I denied that I had spoken any such thing (as it was in deed a false forged lie of some wicked wretches.) After that, they threatened and rebuked me, for my preaching to the people out of the prison, as they called it, and for my praying and reading so loud, that the people in the streets might hear. 
Warbarton fellow prisoner with Marsh.  The truth is, I and my prison fellow Warbarton, every day kneeling on our knees did read morning and evening prayer, with the english Litany every day twice, both before noon and after, with other prayers more, & also read every day certain chapters of the Bible, commonly towards night: and we read all these things with so high & loud a voice, 
G. Marsh reproved for his loud praying & reading in prison.  that the people without in the streets, might hear us, and would often times, namely in the evenings, come and sit down in our sights under the windows & hear us read, wherewith others being offended, complained.  
All this while George Marsh was not yet brought before the bishop, whose name was Doctor Cotes, placed the same time in the Bishopric of Chester. Of whose coming then unto Lancaster, the said George Marsh reporteth himself as followeth.   

* How the Bishop came to Lancaster and of his doings there.  

D. Cotes bishop of Chester.  THe bishop being at Lancaster, there set up and confirmed all blasphemous Idolatry, as holy water casting procession gadding, Matins mumbling, children confirming, 
The Bishops coming to Lancaster, and setting up Idolatry.  Mass hearing, Idols up setting, with such hethe●ishe rites forbidden by God: but no Gospel preaching, which Christ God's son so earnestly commanded. He was informed of me, and willed to send for me & examine me. Which thing he refused to do, saying he would have nothing to do with heretics so hastily: So hasty in judgement and calling men heretics are our bishops in their Lordly dignities, 
The B. judgeth Marsh to be an heretic, before he heareth him.  afore the hear or see, what is to be amended or condemned, contrary to the express commandment of god's word, which saith: Condemn no man before thou hast tried out the truth of the matter, and when thou hast made inquisition then reform righteously. 

Hasty judgement of Bishops reproved by God's word.  
The unmerciful straitenes of the Bishop toward G. Marsh in prison.   give no sentence before thou hast heard the cause, but first let men tell out their tale, and he that giveth sentence in a matter before he hear it, is a fool & worthy to be confounded.  
And in stead of his liberality towards me poor prisoner, he sent for the jailor and rebuked him because he suffered me to far so well, willing to have me more straightly kept and dieted: but if his Lordship were tabled but one week with me, I do think he would judge our fare but slender enough.  


The schoolmaster of Lancaster rebuked for coming to George Marsh in prison.  
Popish Bishops declare themselves by their fruits to be very enemies to God's word.   Also, he and his Chapleines and Chancellor did find fault with the Schoolmaster and others, for speaking to one as to a most heinous heretic, and also with the jailor for suffering them. Such is the mercy that these religious father's show to the friendless and comfortless in their adversities. If we may know the tree by the fruits (as Christ saith, no man can judge such for any other but for very enemies to Christ and his true religion. God lay it never to their charges, but forgive them and turn their hard hearts, if it be his will.  
But it is no new thing for the bishops to persecute the truth and the Prophets of the Lord, for their constancy in preaching of the true faith, 
No new thing for Bishops to be persecutors. Examples of persecuting Bishops in the old tyme.  for so did their Pharisaical forefathers, if ye mark well the histories of the holy Bible. Phasher was the head Bishop of the Temple, the ringleader of false Prophets, the chief heretic taker, that is as much to say, the outthruster of true godliness. After that the dignity of Priesthood was given unto him he abused it. For he taught not neither reproved by the word, but feared the godly with cruelty. He not only struck, but also imprisoned the holy Prophet jeremy, though he withstood him not, but presently looked for the help of God, 
Bishop jasan.  steadfastly preaching the truth of God.  
What mischief the ungracious bishop jason wrought among the jews, 
B. Annas and Cayphas.  destroying all godliness and setting up abominable Idolatrous laws, ye may read in the iiij. chapter of the 2. of Maccabees. How the execrable & blind Bishops Annas and Caiphas, which never spoke the truth of God themselves, unless it were against their wills, unwittingly to their utter destruction, how (I say) they pressed the truth in Christ and his Apostles, is so well known that I need not to rehearse it.  
And thus much hitherto concerning the prisonment of George Marsh & his examinations before the Earl of Derby & his deputies above named. Now proceeding further in the troublesome persecution of this blessed man, let us likewise consider the latter part of his troubles and examinations which followed under the bishop of that same Diocese, which was Doctor Cotes: the effect whereof being drawn out of his own writing, here briefly is to be seen as followeth.   

¶ The troubles and examination of G. Marsh under Doct. Cotes Bishop of Chester.  

G. Marsh appeareth before the Bishop.  YE heard before how G. Marsh being first imprisoned at Lathum, and afterward translated unto Lancaster, was troubled by the Earl. Again, within few days after, the said Marsh was removed from Lancaster, & coming to Chester, was sent for Doct. Cotes then B. to appear before him in his Hall, no body being present but they twain: and then he asked him certain questions concerning the sacrament: who made such answers as the bishop seemed therewith to be content, saving that he utterly denied transubstantiation, and allowed not the abuse of the Mass nor that the lay people should receive under one kind only contrary to Christ's institution: in which point the bysh. went about to persuade him: howbeit (God be thanked) all in vain. Much other talk he had with him, to move him to submit himself to the universal church of Rome: and when he saw he could not prevail, he sent him to prison again: and after being there, came to him divers times one Massy, a fatherly old man, one Wrench the Schoolmaster, one Hensham the bishops chaplain, 
Great labour to make G. Marsh to recant.  and the Archdeacon, with many more: who with all probability of words, and Philosophy or worldly wisdom, and deceitful vanity after the tradition of men and the beggarly ordinances and laws of the world, but not after Christ (as it were all singing one song) went about to persuade him to submit himself to the church of Rome, and to acknowledge the pope to be head thereof, and to interpret the scriptures none otherwise then that church did: with many such like arguments & persuasions of fleshly wisdom.  
To whom the said George Marsh answered, that he did acknowledge and believe (though much evil be withal annexed) one holy catholic and apostolic Church, 
The church Apostolic.  without which there is no salvation, and that this church is but one, because it ever hath, doth, and shall confess and believe, one only god, and him only worship, and one only Messiah, and in him only trust for salvation: which church also is ruled and led by one spirit, one word, 
The church how it is one.  and one faith and that this church is universal and catholic, because it ever hath been since the world's beginning, is, and shall endure to the worlds end, 
The nature, condition, and notes of the true Church.  and comprehending with in it all nations, kindreds, and languages, degrees, states, & conditions of men: and that this church is builded only upon the foundation of the Prophets and Apostles, jesus Christ himself being the head corner stone, & not upon the romish laws and decrees, the Bishop of Rome being the supreme head.  
And where they said, the Church did stand in ordinary succession of bishops, 
The nature, condition, and notes of the false Church.  being ruled by general Counsels holy fathers, and the laws of holy Church, and so had continued by the space of fifteen hundredth years & more: he made answer that the holy church, which is the body of Christ, and therefore most worthy to be called holy, was before any succession of Bishops, general Counsels, or Romish decrees, neither yet was bound to any time, or place, ordinary succession, general counsels, or traditions of Fathers, 
Confutation of the false church falsely defined.  either had any supremacy over empires and kingdoms: but that it was a little poor silly flock, dispersed and scattered abroad, as sheep without a shepherd in the midst of wolves, or as a flock of Orphans or fatherless children: and that this Church was led and ruled by the only laws, counsels, and word of christ, he being the supreme head of this church, and assisting, succouring, and defending her from all assaults, errors, troubles, and persecutions wherewith she is ever compassed about,  
He showed and proved unto them also, by the flood of Noah, the destruction of Sodom, the Israelites departing out of Egypt, by the parables of the sour, 
Examples declaring the true Church.  of the kings sons marriage, of the great supper, and by other plain sentences of scripture, that this Church was of none estimation, & little in comparison of the church of hypocrites and wicked worldlings.  
He was thrust at withal violence of craft and subtlety but yet the Lord upheld him and delivered him. 
The false Church e●er greater 〈◊〉 number.  Everlasting thanks be to that merciful and faithful Lord, which suffereth us not to be tempted above our might, but in the midst of our troubles strengtheneth us with his holy spirit of comfort and patience, giveth us a mouth & wisdom how and what to speak: where against all his adversaries were not able to resist.   

* An other appearance of George Marsh before the Bishop.  
NOw, 
G. Marsh again ●●ought ●●fore the ●●shop and 〈◊〉 Colleagues.  after that the said bishop had taken his pleasure in punishing this his prisoner and often reviling him, giving taunts, & odious names of heretic. etc. he caused him to be brought forth into a Chapel in the Cathedral church of Chester, called our Lady Chapel before him the said B. at two of the clock in the after noon, who was there placed in a Chair for that purpose, and Fulke Dutton Mayor of the said City, Doctor wall, and other priests assisting him, placed not far from the said Bishop, but somewhat lower, George Wenslow chancellor, and one john Chetham Register, sat directly over against the said Bishop.  

●he Bishop 〈◊〉 his colleagues 〈◊〉 upon G. Marsh. ●. Marsh 〈…〉.  Then they caused the said George Marsh to take an oath upon a book, to answer truly unto such articles as should be objected against him. Upon which oath taken, the Chancellor laid unto his charge, that he had preached and openly published most heretically and blasphemously within the Parish of Deane, Eccles, Bolton, Berry, and many other parishes within the bishops Diocese, in the months of january, February, or some other time of the year last proceeding directly against the pope's authority and Catholic Church of Rome, the blessed Mass, the sacrament of the altar, and many other Articles. Unto all which in sum he answered, that he neither heretically nor blasphemously preached or spoke against any of the said articles, 
 but simply and truly, as occasion served, and (as it were thereunto forced in conscience) maintained the truth touching the same articles, as (said he) all you now present did acknowledge the same in the time of the late king Edward the vi.  

 Than they examined him severally of every Article, & bade him answer directly yea or nay, without circumstance: for they were come to examine, and not to dispute at that present.  
Than he answered them unto every article very modestly, according to the doctrine by public authority received, and taught in this Realm at the death of the said king Edward: whose answers were every one noted and written by the Register, to the uttermost that could make against him, which cannot at this present be gotten. After this, the company for that time broke up, and he was returned to his prison again.   

¶ The last and final appearance of George Marsh before the Bishop.  

The last appearance of G. Marsh before the Bishop. The Chancellors' oration.  WIthin three weeks after this, or thereabouts, in the said Chapel and in like sort as before, the said Bishop and others before named there being assembled, the said George Marsh was brought by the keeper and others with bills and divers weapons, before them, where first the said Chancellor by way of an Oration declared unto the people present, the said bishops charge and burning charity, who even like as a good shepherd doth see to his flock, that none of his sheep hath the scab or ●ther disease for infecting other clean sheep, but will save & cure the said scabbed sheep: so his Lordship had sent for the said George Marsh there present, as a scabbed sheep, and had weeded him out for corrupting others, and had done what he could in showing his charitable disposition towards the said Marsh, to reduce him from his naughty heresies: but all that he could do, would not help: so that he was now determined, if the said Marsh would not relent & abjure, to pronounce and give sentence definitive against him. Wherefore he bade the said George Marsh to be now well advised, what he would do: for it stood upon his life: and if he would not at that present forsake his heretical opinions, it would be after the Sentence given, to late, though he would never so gladly desire it.  
Then the said Chancellor first asked him whether he were not one of the bishops Diocese? 
〈…〉 George Marsh.  To the which he answered, that he knew not how large his Diocese was, for his continuance was at Cambridge. But then they replied and asked, whether he had not lately been at Deane Parish in lancashire, and there abode? And he answered yea.  
Then the Chancellor read all his former answers that he made in that place at his former examination▪ 
 & at every one he asked him whether he would stick to the same or no? To the which he answered again, yea, yea▪  
How say you then to this, quoth the Chancellor? In your last examination, amongst many other damnable & schismatical heresies, you said, that the Church and doctrine taugh and set forth in king Edward's time, was the true Church, & the doctrine, the doctrine of the true Church & that the Church of Rome is not the true & catholic church.  
I so said in deed, quoth Marsh, and I believe it to be true. Here also others took occasion to ask him (for that he denied the Bishop of Rome's authority in England) whether Linus, Anacletus, and Clement, that were Bishops of Rome, were not good men, and he answered yes, and divers others: but (said he) they claimed no more authority in England, than the Bishop of Caunterbury doth at Rome: and I strive not, (quoth he) with the place neither speak I against the person of the Bishop, but against his doctrine, which in most points is repugnant to the doctrine of Christ.  
Thou art an arrogant fellow in deed then, said the Bishop. In what article is the doctrine of the Church of Rome repugnant to the doctrine of Christ?  
To whom George Marsh answered & said: Oh my Lord: I pray you judge not so of me: 
Wherein the doctrine of the Church of Rome ●●●eth.  I stand now upon the point of my life and death: & a man in my case hath no cause to be arrogant, neither am I, God is my record. And as concerning the disagreement of the doctrine, among many other things the Church of Rome erreth in the Sacrament. For where Christ in the institution thereof, did as well deliver the cup, as the bread: saying Drink ye all of this, & Mark reporteth that they did drink of it: in like manner S. Paul delivered it unto the Corinthians. And in the same sort also was it used in the primitive church by the space of many hundredth years. Now the Church of Rome both taketh away one parr of the Sacrament from the Laity. Wherefore, if I could be persuaded in my conscience by God's word, that it were well done, I could gladly yield in this point.  
Then said the Bishop. Non disputandum est cum haeretico That is, There is no disputing with an heretic. 
So saith the Turk in his Koran that no man must dispute of his law.  And therefore when all his answers were read, he asked him whether he would stand to the same, being as they were (said he) full of heresy, or else forsake them and come unto the catholic Church?  
To whom he made this full answer, and said: that he held no heretical opinion, but utterly abhorred at kind of heresy, 
G. Marsh cleareth himself of heresy.  although they most untruly so did slander him. And he desired all the people present to bear him wi●nesse (if hereafter any would slander him and say that he held any grievous heresy) that in all Articles of Religion, he he held none other opinion, than was by law most godly established and publicly taught in England at the death of king Edward the vi. and in the same pure Religion and doctrine he would (by God's grace) stand, live, 
Leach bid to stand from Marsh.  & die. And here the Chancellor spoke to one leech, which stood near unto Marsh, and bade him stand farther from him, for his presence did him no good.  
This being done, the Bishop took out a writing of his bosom, & begun to read the sentence of condemnation: 
Sentence of condemnation read against Marsh.  but when the bishop had read almost half thereof, the Chancellor called to him and said: good my Lord, stay, stay, for if ye proceed any further, it will be to late to call it again and so the B. stayed. Then his popish Priests and many other of the ignorant people called upon Marsh, 
The Bishop stayeth in his sentence.  with many earnest words to recant, and amongst other one Pulleyn a Shoemaker said to him: for shame man remember thyself and recant. They bade him kneel down and pray and they would pray for him: So they kneeled down, and he desired them to pray for him, and he would pray for them.  
The Bishop than asked him again, whether he would not have the Queen's mercy in time: 
God's mercy preferred before the Queen's mercy.  and he answered he did gladly desire the same, & did love her grace as faithfully as any of them: but yet he durst not deny his Saviour Christ, for losing his mercy everlasting, and so win everlasting death.  
Then the Bishop put his spectacles again upon his nose, & read forward his sentence, about v. or vi. lives, and there again the Chancellor with a glavering and smiling countenance, called to the B. and said: 
The B. proce●●deth in his sentence.  Yet good my Lord once again stay, for if that word be spoken, all is passed no relenting will then serve: and the Bishop (pulling of his spectacles) said: I would stay and if it would be.  
How sayest thou (quoth he) will thou recant? Many of the Priests and ignorant people bade him so do, 
another stay in reading the sentence.  and call to God for grace: and pulled him by the sleeve and bade him recant and save his life. To whom he answered: I would as fain to live as you, if in so doing, I should not deny my master Christ, and again he should deny me before his father in heaven.  
So the bishop read out his sentence unto the end and strait after said unto him. 

G. Marsh. exhorted to recant but could not be turned.  
The B. readeth out the sentence▪ A dogged saying of the Bishop.  
G. Marsh delivered to the sheriffs.  
The straight keeping of Marsh in prison.   Now will I no more pray for thee, than I will for a dog. And Marsh answered, that notwithstanding, he would pray for his Lordship: & after this the bishop delivered him unto the Sheriffs of the city. Then his late keeper bade him far well good George, with weeping tears, which caused the officers to carry him to a prison at the Northgate, where he was very straightly kept until the time he went to his death, during which time he had small comfort or relief of any worldly creature.  
For being in the dungeon or dark prison, none that would him good, could speak with him, or at least durst enterprise so to do for fear of accusation: and some of the Citizens which loved him in God for the gospel sake (whereof there were but a few) although they were never acquainted with him, would sometime in the evening at a hole upon the wall of the City (that went into the said dark prison) call to him, and ask him how he did. He would answer them most cheerfully, that he did well, and thanked God most highly that he would vouchsafe of his mercy to appoint him to be a witness of his truth, and to suffer for the same, wherein he did most rejoice, beseeching him that he would give him grace not to faint under the Cross, but patiently bear the same to his glory and comfort of his Church: 
The brotherly zeal of good men in comforting G. Marsh.  with many other like godly sayings at sundry times, as one that most desired to be with Christ. Once or twice he had money cast him in at the same hole, about ten pence at one time, & 2. shillings at an other time: for which he gave God thanks, and used the same to his necessity.  

Am●y, & Couper sheriffs of Ches●er.  When the time and day appointed came that he should suffer: the Sheriffs of the City (whose names were Amry & Couper) with their Officers and a great number of poor simple Barbers, with rousty Bills & Pole-axes, went to the Northgate, & there took out the said George Marsh, who came with them most humbly & meekly, 
Marsh led to his martyrdom.  with a lock upon his feet. And as he came upon the way towards the place of execution, some folks proffered him money, & looked that he should have gone with a little purse in his hand (as the manner of felons was, 
The old use in lancashire to give money to buy Trentals.  accustomed in that City in times past, at their going to execution) to the end to gather money to give unto a priest to say Trentals of Masses for them after their death, whereby they might (as they thought) be saved: 
G. Marsh refuseth to receive money going to his death.  but Marsh said he would not as then be troubled with meddling with money, but willed some good man to take the money, if the people were disposed to give any, & to give it unto the prisoners or poor people. So he went all the way unto his death, with his book in his hand, looking upon the same, & many of the people said: this man goeth not unto his death as a thief, or as one that deserveth to die.  
Now when he came to the place of execution without the City, 
G. Marsh refuseth the queens pardon.  near unto Spittle boughton, one Uawdrey, being then deputy chamberlain of Chester, showed Marsh a writing under a great seal, saying, that it was a pardon for him if he would recant. Whereat Marsh answered, that he would gladly accept the same (and said farther, that he loved the Queen) but for as much as it tended to pluck him from God, he would not receive it upon that condition.  
After that, he began to speak to the people showing the cause of his death, 
G. Marsh not suffered to speak to the people.  and would have exhorted them to stick unto Christ. Whereupon one of the Sheriffs said: George Marsh, we must have no sermoning now. To whom he said, Master, I cry you mercy: and so kneeling down made his prayers, and then put of his clothes unto his shirt, and then was he chained unto the post, having o number of faggots under him, and a thing made like a firkin, with pitch and tar in the same over his head: & by reason the fire was unskilfully made, and that the wind did drive the flame to and fro, he suffered great extremity in his death, which notwithstanding he abode very patiently.  
¶ The cruel burning of George Marsh, Martyr.  
Wherein this in him is to be noted, that when as he had been a long time tormented in the fire without moving having his flesh so broiled and puffed up that they which stood before him uneath could see the chain wherewith he was fastened, and therefore supposed no less but he had been dead, notwithstanding suddenly he spread abroad his arms, saying: father of heaven have mercy upon me, & so yielded his spirit into the hands of the Lord.  
Upon this, many of the people said that he was a martyr, and died marvelous patiently and godly. 
The 〈◊〉 of G. Mar●● the blesse● Martyr.  Which thing caused the Bishop shortly after to make a Sermon in the Cathedral Church, and therein affirmed, that the said Marsh was an heretic, burnt like an heretic, & was a firebrand in hell.  
In recompense of this his good and charitable sermon within short time after, the just judgement of God appeared upon the said Bishop: 
God's just revenging hand upon persecuti●● Bishop.  recompensing him in such wise, that not long after he turned up his heels and died. Upon what cause his death was gendered. I have not here precisely to pronounce, because the rumour and voice of the people is not always to be followed. Notwithstanding such a report went in all men's mouths, that he was burned of an harlot. Whereupon whether he died or no, I am not certain, neither dare lean to much upon public speech. Albeit this is certain, that when he was afterward searched being dead, by some of his secret friends & certain Aldermen for stopping the rumour of the people, this maidenly Priest and Bishop was found not to be free from certain appearance, which declared but small virginity in him, & that the rumour was not raised up altogether upon nought, amongst the people. But of this I will stay, and proceed no further, not because more can not be said, but because I will not be so uncharitable in defacing these men, as they are cruel in condemning Gods servants to death.   

Letters of George Marsh.  
This good man wrote divers and sundry letters out of prison besides his examinations, as before ye have heard. Touching the which his examinations, this letter first he sendeth to his friends, the copy whereof here followeth.  

¶ A letter of George Marsh to the reader, touching the matter of his examination.  
HEre have ye dearly beloved friends in Christ, the chief & principal Articles of Christian doctrine briefly touched, 
A letter of G. Marsh● to the reader.  which heretofore I have both believed, professed, and taught, and as yet do believe, profess, and teach, and am surely purposed by God's grace, to continue in the same until the last day. I do want both time and opportunity to write out at large the probations, causes, parts, effects, and contraries or errors of these Articles, which who so desireth to know, let them read over the common places of the godly learned men: Philippe Melancthon, and Erasmus Sarcerius, whose judgement in these matters of Religion I do chief follow and lean unto. The Lord give us understanding in all things, and deliver us from this present evil world, according to his will and pleasure, and bring us again out of this hell of affliction, into which it hath pleased the merciful Lord to throw us down: and deliver us out of the mouth of the Lion and from all evil doing, and keep us unto his heavenly and everlasting kingdom. Amen.  
Though Satan be suffered, as wheat to sift us for a time, yet faileth not our faith through Christ's aid, but that we are at all times able and ready to confirm the faith of our weak brethren, 
1. Pet. 3.  and always ready to give an answer to every man that asketh us a reason of the hope that is in us, and that with meekness and reverence, having a good conscience, that when as they backbite us as evil doers, they may be ashamed, for as much as they have falsely accused our good conversation in christ. I thought myself now of late years, for the cares of this life well settled with my loving and faithful wife and children, and also well quieted in the peaceable possession of that pleasant Euphrates, I do confess it: but the Lord who worketh all things for the best to them that love him, would not there leave me, but did take my dear and beloved wife from me: whose death was a painful cross to my flesh.  
Also I thought myself now of late well placed under my most loving and most gentle master Laurence Saunders in the cure of Langhton. 
G. Marsh Curate to Laurence Saunders.  But the Lord of his great mercy would not suffer me there long to continue (although for the small time I was in his vineyard, I was not all an idle workman) But he hath provided me (I perceive it) to taste of a far other cup, 
The glory of the Church standeth not in outward shows.  for by violence hath he yet once again driven me out of that glorious Babylon, that I should not taste to much of her wanton pleasures but with his most dearly beloved Disciples to have my inward rejoicing in the Cross of his son jesus Christ: the glory of whose Church I see it well, standeth not in the harmonious sound of Bells and Organs, nor yet in the glistering of Mitors & Copes neither in the shining of guilt Images and lights (as the blind Papists do judge it) but in continual labours and daily afflictions for his name's sake.  
God at this present here in England hath his fan in his hand, and after his great harvest, whereinto these years passed he hath sent his labourers, is now sifting the corn from the chaff and purging his floor, and ready to gather the wheat into his garnar and to burn the chaff with unquenchable fire.  
Take heed and beware of the leaven of the scribes and of the Saducees, I mean the erroneous doctrine of the papists, which with their gloss deprave the Scriptures. For as the Apostle S. Peter doth teach us: There shallbe false teachers amongst us, which privily shall bring in damnable sects: And saith that many shall follow their damnable ways, by whom the way of truth shall be evil spoken of: and that through covetousness they shall with feigned words make merchandise of us. And Christ earnestly warneth us, to beware of false Prophets, which come to us in sheeps clothing, but inwardly are ravening Wolves: by their fruits ye shall know them. The fruits of the Prophets is their doctrine, In this place are we Christians taught that we should try the preachers, & other that come under colour to set forth true Religion unto us, according to the saying of S. Paul: Try all things and chose that which is good. Also the Evangelist S. john saith: Believe not every spirit, but prove the spirits whether they be of God or not, for many false Prophets (saith he) are gone out into the world. Therefore if thou wilt know the true Prophets from the false, try their doctrine at the true touchstone, which is the word of God: and as the godly Thessalonians did, search ye the scriptures, whether those things which be preached unto you be even so or not: for else by the outward conversation of them ye may easily be deceived. Desunt fortassis aliqua.   

¶ A letter exhortatory of George Marsh to the faithful professors of Langhton.  
GRace be unto you, and peace be multiplied in the knowledge of jesus Christ our lord 
A letter of G. Marsh ●o men of Langhton.  Amen.  
I thought it my duty to write unto you, my beloved in the Lord at Langhton, to stir up your minds, & to call to your remembrance the words which have been told you before, and to exhort you (as that good man & full of the holy Ghost Barnabas did the Antiochians) that with purpose of hart ye continually cleave unto the Lord, & that ye stand fast, 
Acts▪ 11.  and be not moved away from the hope of the Gospel, whereof (God be thanked) ye have had plenteous preaching unto you by your late pastor M. Saunders, & other faithful ministers of jesus Christ, which now, when persecution ariseth because of the word, 
Luke. 3. Rom. 1.  do not fall away like shrinking children, and forsake the truth, being ashamed of the Gospel whereof they have been preachers, but are willing and ready for your sakes (which are Christ's mystical body) to forsake not only the chief and principal delights of this life (I do mean their native countries, friends, livings. etc. but also to fulfil their ministry unto the utmost that is to wit, with their painful imprisonmentes and bloudsheddinges (if need shall require) to confirm & seal Christ's Gospel, 
Acted. 12.  whereof they have been Ministers: and (as S. Paul saith) they are ready not only to be cast into prison, but also to be killed for the name of the Lord jesu.  
Whether these, being that good salt of the earth, that is true ministers of God's word, 
Math. 5.  by whose doctrine (being received through faith) men are made savoury unto God, & which themselves lose not their saltness, 
True salt 〈…〉 the ●●●rupt and unsavoury ●●lt.  now when they be proved with the boisterous storms of adversity and persecution: or others being that unsavoury salt which hath lost his saltness, that is to wit, those ungodly ministers, which do fall from the word of God into the dreams and traditions of Antichrist: whether of these, I say, be more to be credited and believed, let all men judge.  
Wherefore my dearly beloved, receive the word of God with meekness, that is graffed in you, which is able to save your souls: 
james. 2.  And see that ye be not forgetful hearers, deceiving yourselves with sophistry, but doers of the word whom Christ doth liken to a wise man, 
Math. 7.  which buildeth his house on a rock, that when the great rain descendeth, and the bloods come and beat upon the house, it fell not, because it was grounded upon a rock: this is to wit, that when Satan, with all his legion of devils with all their subtle suggestions, and the world with all the mighty princes thereof, 
〈◊〉. 2.  with their crafty counsels do furiously rage's against us, we faint not, but abide constant in the truth, being grounded upon a most sure rock which is Christ, and the doctrine of the Gospel, against which the gates of hell (that is, 
〈◊〉. 16.  the power of Satan) cannot prevail.  
And be ye followers of Christ and the Apostles, and receive the word in much affliction (as the godly Thessalonians did): 
Thes 1. 〈◊〉 recea●●● of the 〈◊〉, who 〈◊〉 be.  for the true followers of Christ and the Apostles, be they which receive the word of God. They only receive the word of god, which both believe it, & also frame their lives after it, & be ready to suffer all manner of adversity for the name of the Lord, as Christ & all the Apostles did and as all that will live godly in Christ jesus must do: for there is none other way into the kingdom of heaven, 
2. Tim. ●. Acts. 14. Math. 5. Math. 7. Ma●k. 8.  but through much tribulation. And if we suffer any thing for the kingdom of heavens sake, and for righteousness sake, we have the Prophets, Christ, the Apostles and Martyrs for an ensample to comfort us: for they did all enter into the kingdom of heaven at the straight gate and narrow way that leadeth unto life, which few do find. 
Mortification & bearing of the Cross, necessary for all them 〈◊〉 will reign with Christ.  And unless we will be content to deny our own selves, and take up the cross of Christ and his saints, it is an evident argument, that we shall never reign with him.  
And again, if we can find in our hearts patiently to suffer persecutions and tribulations, it is a sure token of the righteous judgement of God, that we are counted worthy of the kingdom of God, for which we also suffer. It is verily (saith the Apostle) a righteous thing with God, 
2. Thes. 1.  to recompense tribulation to them that trouble us, and rest to us that be troubled. For after this lfe, the godly being delivered from their tribulations and pains shall have a most quiet and joyful rest, where as the wicked and ungodly, contrariwise shall be tormented for evermore with intolerable and unspeakable pains, 
Luke. 16.  as Christ by the parable of the rich glutton & wretched Lazarus, doth plainly declare and teach These aught we to have before our eyes always, that in time of adversity and persecution (whereof all that will be the children of God, shallbe partakers, 
Heb. 12.  and wherewith it hath pleased God to put some of us in ure all ready) we may stand steadfast in the Lord, and endure even unto the end, that we may be saved. For unless we like good warriors of jesus Christ, 
1. Tim. 2.  will endeavour ourselves to please him who hath chosen us to be soldiers, and fight the good fight of faith even unto the end, we shall not obtain that crown of righteousness, which the Lord that is a righteous judge, shall give to all them that love his coming.  
Let us therefore receive with meekness the word that is graffed in us, which is able to save our souls, 
john. 2.  and ground ourselves on the sure rock Christ. For (as the Apostle saith) other foundation can no man lay, 
1. Cor 3.  besides that which is laid already, which is jesus Christ. If any man build on this foundation, gold, silver, precious stones, timber, hay, stubble, every man's work shall appear, for the day shall declare it, and it shallbe showed in the fire. And the fire shall try every man's work what it is. If any man's work that he hath builded upon abide, he shall receive a reward: if any man's work burn, he shall suffer loss, but he shallbe safe himself: nevertheless yet as it were through fire.  
By fi●e here doth the Apostle understand persecution & trouble, 
Fire in script●●●, what it signifieth.  for they which do truly preach & profess the word of God, which is called the word of the cross, shallbe railed upon, and abhorred, hated, thrust out of the company, persecuted and tried in the furnace of adversity, as gold and silver are tried in the fire.  
By gold, silver, and precious stones, he understandeth them that in the mids of persecution abide steadfast in word. 
1. Cor. 3. Math. 5. Luke. 6. Math. 3. Psalm. 1.  By timber, hay, and stubble, are meant such, as in time of persecution do fall away from the truth. And when Christ doth purge his floor with the wind of adversity, these scatter away from the face of the earth like light chaff which shall be burned with unquenchable fire. If they then which do believe, 
The place of S. Paul. 1. Cor. 3. expounded.  do in time of persecution stand steadfastly in the truth the builder (I do mean the preacher of the word) shall receive a reward, and the work shallbe preserved and saved: but if so be that they go back and serve, when persecution ariseth, the builder shall suffer loss, that is to say shall lose his labour and cost: but yet he shallbe saved, if he being tried in the fire of persecution, do abide fast in the faith.  
Wherefore (my beloved) give diligent heed, 
1. Pet. 2. 1. Cor. 3.  that ye as living stones be builded upon this sure rock, & be made a spiritual house and a holy Priesthood for to offer up spiritual sacrifices, acceptable unto God by jesus Christ. For we are the true temple of God, 
1. Pet ●.  and the spirit of God dwelleth in us, if so be that we continue in the doctrine of the Gospel. We are also an holy and royal priesthood, for to offer up spiritual sacrifices & oblations, for the sacrifices of the new Testament are spiritual & of three manners.  
The first is, the sacrifice of praise and thanksgiving, which S. Paul doth call the fruits of those lips which confess the name of God. 
Three sorts of Sacrifices of the new testament. Heb. 13. Osee. 6.   
The second is, mercy towards our neighbours, as the Prophet Osee saith: I will have mercy and not sacrifice. Read the xxv. chapter of Matthew.  
The third is, when we make our body a quick sacrifice, holy and acceptable unto God, that is, 
Rom. 12.  when we mortify & kill our fleshly concupiscences & carnal lusts, & so bring our flesh through the help of the spirit, under the obedence of God's holy law. This is a sacrifice to God most acceptable, which the Apostle calleth Our reasonable serving of God And let us be sure, that unless we do now at this present take better heed to ourselves, and use thankfully the grace of God offered to us by the Gospel preaching these years past, whereby we are induced & brought to the knowledge of the truth: 
Ephes. 3.  unless, I say, we keep Christ and his holy word, dwelling by faith in the house & temple of our hearts, the same thing that christ threateneth unto the jews, shall happen unto us: 
Math. 14.  that is to wit, the unclean spirit of ignorance, superstition, idolatry, and infidelity or unbelief, the mother & head of all vices, which by the grace of God was cast out of us, bringing with him 7. other spirits worse than himself, 
Exhortation to persist in the word of God, & not to abuse it. 2. Pet. 2.  shall to our utter destruction, return again into us: and so shall we be in worse case than ever we were before. For if we, after we have escaped from the filthiness of the world through the knowledge of the Lord and Saviour jesus Christ, be yet tangled therein again and overcome, then is the latter end worse than the beginning: and it had been better for us not to have known the way of righteousness, then after we have known it, to turn from the holy commandment given unto us.  

Pro. 26.  For it is then happened unto us according to the true proverb: the dog is turned to his vomit again, and the sow that was washed, to wallowing in the mire. And thus to continue & persever in infidelity, & to kick against the manifest and known truth, and so to die without repentance and with a despair of the mercy of God in jesus Christ, 
Math. 13.  is to sin against the holy Ghost, which shall not be forgiven, neither in this world, neither the world to come. 
Heb. 6.  For it is not possible (saith s. Paul) that they which were once lighted, and have tasted of the heavenvly gift: and hast tasted of the good word of God, and of the power of the world to come: if they fall away, should be renewed again by repentance, for as much as they have (as concerning themselves) crucified the some of God again, making a mocking of him. 
The place of the Heb 6. expounded.  S▪ Paul's meaning in this place is: that they that believe truly and unfeignedly gods word, do continued and abide steadfast in the known truth.  
If any therefore fall away from Christ and his word, it is a plain token, that they were but dissembling hypocrites for all their fair faces outwardly, 
Math. 26. Falling from Christ.  & never believed truly: as judas, Simon Magus, Demas, Hymeneus, Philetus, and others were, which all fell away from the known verity, and made a mock of Christ: which S. Paul doth call here, to crucify Christ a new, because that they turning to their old vomit again, 
To crucify Christ a new what it is.  did most blasphemously tread the benefits of Christ's death & passion under their feet. They that are such, can in no wise be renewed by repentance: for their repentance is fleshly, as the repentance of Cain, Saul, & judas was, which being without godly comfort, breadeth desperation unto death. These are not of the number of the elect: & as S. john doth say: They went out from us, but they were not of us, for if they had been of us they would have remained with us unto the end. 
john. 2.  Also the Apostle saith in an other place If we sin willingly after we have received the knowledge of the truth, 
Heb. 10.  there remaineth no more sacrifice for sin, but a fearful looking for judgement and violent fire, which shall devour the adversaries.  
They sin willingly, which of a set malice & purpose do withhold the truth in unrighteousness & lying, 
Rom. 1.  kicking against the manifest & open known truth, which although they do perfectly know that in all the world there is none other sacrifice for sin, 
Wilful kicking against the open known truth.  but only that omnisufficient sacrifice of Christ's death: yet notwithstanding, they will not commit themselves wholly unto it: but rather despise it, allowing other sacrifices for sin, invented by the imagination of man (as we see by daily experience) unto whom if they abide still in their wickedness, 
Sin unto death.  & sin, remaineth a most horrible & dreadful judgement. This is the sin unto death for which s. john would not that a man should pray. 
1. john 5.   
Wherefore my dearly beloved in Christ, let us, (on whom the ends of the world are come) taking diligent heed unto ourselves, 
1. Cor. 10.  that now in these last and perilous times, in the which the devil is come down, and hath great wrath because he knoweth his time is but short, 
Apoca. ●2. Math. 24.  & whereof the Prophets, Christ & the Apostles have so much spoken & given us so earnest forewarning: we withhold not the truth in unrighteousness, 
Rom. 1.  believing, doing, or speaking any thing against our knowledge & conscience, or without faith. For if we do so, 
john. 8. Phil. 2.  for what soever cause it be, it is a wilful & obstinate infidelity, & a sin unto death: And as our Saviour Christ saith: if ye believe not: ye shall die in your own sins. For unless we hold fast the word of life, 
Math. 3.  both believing it & also bringing forth fruit worthy of repentance, we shall with the unprofitable fig tree, 
The fruitless figtree. Luke. 13. Math. 1●.  which did but cumber the ground, be cut down, and our talon taken from us and given unto an other that shall put it to a better use: & we through our own unthankfulness put from the mercy of God, shall ever be able to pay our debts: that is to say, we shall altogether de lost & undone. 
Heb. 6.  For the earth that drinketh in rain that cometh o●t upon it, & bringeth forth herbs meet for them that dress it, receiveth blessing of god. But that ground that beareth thorns & brears, is reproved and is nigh unto cursing, whose end is to be burned.  
Nevertheless dear friends, 
The goo● ground.  we trust to see better of you and things which accompany salvation, and that ye being that good ground, watered with the moistness of God's word plenteously preached amongst you, will with a good hart hear the word of God & keep it, 
Luke. 8.  bringing forth fruit with patience. And be none of those forgetful and hipocritish hearers, 
james. 1.  which although they hear the word yet the Devil cometh, 
Math. 13.  and catcheth away that which was sown in the hart: either having no root in themselves, endure but a season, and as soon as tribulation or persecution ariseth because of the word, by and by they are offended: either with the cares of this world & deceitfulness of riches choke the word, and so are unfruitful. 
The mo●● part of th● hearers o● God's word are but hypocrites.  Read the parable of the sour, & among other things note and mark, that the most part of the hearers of God's word are but hypocrites and hear the word without any fruit or profit, yea only to their greater condemnation: for only the fourth part of the seed doth bring forth fruit. Therefore let not us that be Ministers, or professors, & followers of God's word, be discouraged, though that very few do give credit, & follow the doctrine of the Gospel, and be saved.  
Who soever therefore hath ears to hear, let him hear: 
To him 〈◊〉 hath, 〈◊〉 given, 〈◊〉 how●.  for whosoever hath, to him shall be given, and he shall have abundance: but who soever hath not from him shallbe taken away even that he hath: that is to say, they that have a desire of righteousness and of the truth, shall be more & more illuminated of God, on the contrary part, they that do not covet after righteousness and truth, are more hardend and blinded, though they seem unto themselves most wise. For God doth here follow an example of a loving father, 
Example Gods de●●ling with stubborn children  which when he seethe that fatherly love and correction doth not help towards his children, useth an other way. He ceaseth to be beneficial unto them, & to minister unto them fatherly correction: he giveth them over unto themselves, suffering them to live as they lust themselves.  
But we trust to see better of you (my dearly beloved) and that ye like very Gadarenites, 
Heb. 6. Math. 8.  for fear to lose your worldly substance or other delights of this life, will not banish away Christ & his gospel from amongst you: 
Acts. 1●. 2. Tim. ●. 2. Tim. ●.  but that ye with all diligence of mind will receive the word of god, taught you by such ministers, as now when persecution ariseth because of the word, are not ashamed of the testimony of our Lord jesus, but are content to suffer adversity with the Gospel, & therein to suffer trouble as evil doers, even unto bonds. And if ye refuse thus to do, 
Acts. 1●. The mo●● preachi●● with 〈◊〉 following draweth greater 〈…〉 Gods 〈◊〉  your own blood will be upon your own heads. And as ye have had plenteous preaching of the Gospel, more than other have had: so shall ye be sure if ye repent not, and bring forth fruits worthy of repentance, to be sorer plagued, & to receive greater vengeance at God's hand, than others, and the kingdom of God shallbe taken from you, and be given to an other nation, which will bring forth the fruits thereof.  
Wherefore my dearly beloved in Christ, take good heed to yourselves, & ponder well in your minds, how fearful and horrible a thing it is to fall into the hands of the living God. And see that ye receive not the word of God in vain, but continually labour in faith, and declare your faith by your good works, which are infallible witnesses of the true justifying faith, which is never idle, but worketh by charity. And see that ye continually give yourselves unto all manner of good works: amongst the which, the chiefest are to be obedient to the Magistrates, sith they are the ordinance of God, whether they be good or evil, 
Iames ●●▪ Gala. 5. Tit. 2. Rom. 13 Acts. 5●  unless they command Idolatry and ungodliness, that is to say, things contrary unto true Religion. For than ought we to say with Peter: We ought more to obey God then man. But in any wise we must beware of tumult, insurrection, rebellion, or resistance.  
The weapon of a Christian in this matter, 
Ephe. 6.  aught to be the sword of the spirit, which is God's word and prayer, coupled with humility and due submission, 
john. 1●. job. 35. Rom. 1●  and with readiness of hart, rather to die then to do any ungodliness. Christ also doth teach us, that all power is of God, yea even the power of the wicked, which God causeth often times to reign for our sins, & disobedience towards him and his word. Whosoever then doth resist any power, doth resist the ordinance of God, and so purchase to himself utter destruction and undoing.  
We must also by all means, be promoters of unity, peace and concord. We must honour and reverence Princes, 
1. Pet ●● Ephe. ●● 1. Tim. ●  and all that be in authority, and pray for them, and be diligent to set forth their profit and commodity.  
Secondly, we must obey our parents, or them that be in their rooms, & be careful for our households, that they be provided for & fed, not only with bodily food, but much rather with spiritual food, which is the word of God.  
Thirdly, we must serve our neighbours by all means we can, remembering well the saying of Christ: Whatsoever ye would that men should do unto you, 
 do ye likewise unto them, for this is the law and the Prophets.  
Fourthly, we must diligently exercise the necessary work of prayer for all estates: 

〈◊〉 for Sspan● Math. 5. forbearing 〈◊〉 adversaries.  
patience in 〈…〉 & 〈…〉 Pet. 1. Acts. 20.   knowing that God therefore hath so much commanded it, and hath made so great promises unto it, and doth so well accept it. After these works we must learn to know the Cross, & what affection and mind we must bear towards our adversaries and enemies, what so ever they be, to suffer all adversities and evils patiently, to pray for them that hurt, persecute, and trouble us: and by thus using ourselves, we shall obtain an hope & certainty of our vocation, that we be the elect children of God.  
And thus, I commend you brethren unto God, and to the word of his grace, 
This letter 〈◊〉 written 〈◊〉 year 〈◊〉 the month 〈…〉.  which is able to build further, & give you an inheritance among all them, which are sanctified: beseeching you to help M. Saunders & me your late Pastors, and all them that be in bonds for the Gospel's sake, with your prayers to God for us, that we may be delivered from all them that believe not, and from unreasonable and froward men, and that this our imprisonment & affliction may be to the glory and profit of our Christian brethren in the world, & that Christ may be magnified in our bodies, whether it be by death or by life. Amen.  
Salute from me all the faithful brethren: & because I writ not several Letters to them, let them either 〈◊〉 or hear these my letters. The grace of our Lord be with you all. Amen. The xxviij. of june, by the unprofitable servant of jesus Christ, and now also his prisoner. George Marsh.  
Save yourselves from this untoward generation. 
Acts. 2.  Pray, pray, pray. Never more need.   

another Letter of the said George Marsh, to certain of his dearly beloved friends at Manchester in Lancashire.  
GRace be with you, and peace from God ou● Father, and from our Lord jesus Christ. Amen.  

another godly letter of G. Marsh to them of Manchester.  After salutations in Christ to you, with thanks for your friendly remembrances of me, desiring and wishing unto you, not only in my letters, but also in my daily prayers, such consolation in spirit, and taste of heavenly treasures, that ye may thereby continually work in faith, labour in love, perseveer in hope, and be patient in all your tribulations and persecutions, even unto the end and glorious coming of Christ: these shallbe earnestly to exhort and beseech you in Christ, as ye have received the Lord jesus, 
Coloss. 2. Phil. 2. 1. Pet. 3. Math. 10. Luke. 11. Adversaries not to be feared. Gods help always ready with his S●rs●antes.  even so to walk, rooted in him, and not to be afraid of any terror of your adversaries, be they never so many and mighty, and you on the other side never so few and weak: for the battle is the Lords. And as in times past, God was with Abraham, Moses, Isaac, David the Maccabees and other, & fought for them, and delivered all their enemies into their hands, even so hath he promised to be with us also, unto the world's end, and so to assist, strengthen, and help us, that no man shallbe able to withstand us. For as I was with Moses, so will I be with thee (saith God) and will never leave thee nor forsake thee. Be strong and bold: neither fear nor dread: for the Lord thy God is with thee, whether soever thou goest. Now if God be on our side, who can be against us? 
josua. 2. Rom. 8.   
In this our spiritual warfare, is no man overcome, unless he traitorously leave and forsake his captain, 
Spiritual cowardliness.  either cowardly cast away his weapons, or willingly yield himself to his enemies, either fearfully turn his back and fly. Be strong therefore in the Lord (dear brethren) and in the power of his might, and put on all the armour of God, 
Ephe. 6. 2. Cor. 11.12. Acts. 21.  that ye may be able to stand steadfast against the crafty assaults of the devil.  
Now, what weapons ye must fight withal, learn of S. Paul, a champion both much exercised, and also most valiant and invincible. 
A Christian man's life is a perpetual warfare.  For we must think none other, but that the life of man is a perpetual warfare upon earth, as the examples of all godly men, throughout all ages to declare. The valiant warrior S. Paul, being delivered from the hands of the ungodly, and that so many times, and also from so many extreme perils and dangers of death (as he his own self doth witness) is feign to commit himself in the end to the rough waters of the sea: 
The manif●●●e deliverances of S. Paul, be examples ●or our comfort.  where he was in great peril and jeopardy of his own life: yet was God always (to the great comfort of all that hear of it) most ready to comfort and secure him, and gloriously delivered him out of all his troubles: so that no man that invaded him, could do him any harm, and in the end he was compelled to say: I have finished my course: 
Acts. 18. ●. Tim. 4. Phil. 1.  the time of my departing is at hand: I long to be loosed, and to be with Christ, which is best of all, most heartily desiring death.  
These things be written for our learning and comfort, and be to us a sure obligation, 
Rom. 15.  that if we submit ourselves to God & his holy word, no man shallbe able to hurt us, and that he will deliver us from all troubles, yea from death also, until such time as we covet and desire to die. Let us therefore run with patience unto the battle that is set before us, 
Heb. 12. Persecution followeth Christian godliness. 2. Tim. 3.  and look unto jesus the Captain and finisher of our faith, and after his example, for the rewards sake that is set out unto us, patiently bear the cross and despise the shame. For all that will live godly in Christ jesus, shall suffer persecution.  
Christ was no sooner baptized and declared to the world to be the son of God, 
Math. 3.4. Where Christ is Satan there is always ready. Ephe. 6.  but Satan was by and by ready to tempt him: which thing we must look for also: yea, the more we shall increase in faith and virtuous living, the more strongly will Satan assault us: whom we must learn after the example of Christ, to fight against, and overcome with the holy and sacred Scriptures and word of God (which are our heavenly armour) and sword of the spirit. And let the fasting of Christ, while he was tempted in the wilderness, be unto us an example of sober living, not for the space of 40. days (as the Papists do fond fancy of their own brains) but as long as we are in the wilderness of this wretched life, assaulted of Satan, 
Math. 4. The fast of Christ is to us Example of sober living. 1. Pet. 5.  who like a roaring Lion walketh about, and ceaseth not, seeking our utter destruction.  
Neither can the servants of God at any time come & stand before God, that is, lead a godly life, and walk innocently before God. But Satan cometh also among them, that is, he daily accuseth, findeth fault, vexeth, 
job. 1.2. When the servants of God stand before him Satan cometh also. Math. 8.  persecuteth and troubleth the godly: for it is the nature and property of the devil always to hurt, and do mischief, unless he be forbidden of God: for unless God do permit him, he can do nothing at all, not so much as enter into a filthy hog: but we are more of price then many hogs before God, if we cleave unto his son by faith.  
Let us therefore knowing Satan's deceits and rancour, walk the more warily, and take unto us the shield of faith, 

Ephe. 6. The shield of faith.  
The helmet of salvation.  
The sword of the spirit.   wherewith we may be able to quench and overcome all the fiery and deadly darts of the wicked. Let us take to us the helmet of salvation, & sword of the spirit, which is the word of God, and learn to use the same according to the example of our grand Captain Christ. Let us fast and pray continually. For this frantic kind of devils goeth not out otherwise (as Christ doth teach us) but by faithful prayer and fasting, which is true abstinence and soberness of living, 
Math. 4. Math. 17.  if we use the same according to the doctrine of the gospel and word of God. Fasting is acceptable to God, if it be done without hypocrisy, that is to say: ●f we use it to this intent, that thereby this mortal body and disobedient carcase may be ●amed and brought under the subjection of the spirit: 

Prayer and fasting.  
True fast what it is.  
How to fast without hypocrisy.  
Abuse of fasting among Christians. Esay. 58.   and again, if we fast to this intent, that we may spare wherewith to help and secure our poor needy brethren.  
This fast do the true Christians use all the days of their life, although among the common sort of people remaineth yet still that superstitious kind of fasting, which God so earnestly reproveth by his Prophet Esay. For as for true chastening of the body, and abstaining from vice, with showing mercy towards our needy neighbours, we will neither understand nor hear of, but still think with the jews, that we do God a great pleasure when we fast, and that we then fast, 

The jewish manner of fasting reproved.  
The Christians in superstitious fasting exceed the jews. Mercy to the poor.   when we abstain from one thing, and fill our bellies with an other. And verily in this point doth our superstition much exceed the superstition of the jews: for we never read that they ever took it for a fast, to abstain from flesh, and to eat either fish or white meat, as they call it.  
To fasting and prayer must be joined alms, and mercy towards the poor and needy: and that our alms may be acceptable unto God, three things are chief required.  
First, that we give with a cheerful and joyful heart: For the Lord loveth a cheerful giver.  
Secondly, that we give liberally, putting aside all nigardship, knowing that he that soweth little, shall reap little, and he that soweth plenteously, shall reap plenteously. 
2. Cor. 9 In alms three things required.  Let every man therefore do according as he is able. The poorest caitiff in the world may give as great and acceptable an alms in the sight of God, as the richest man in the world can do. The poor widow that did offer but two mites, 
Mark. 18.  which make a farthing, did highly please Christ: In so much that he affirmed with an oath, That she of her penury, had added more to the offerings of God, than all the rich men, which of their superfluity had cast in very much. For if there be first a willing mind (as S. Paul saith) it is accepted, according to that a man hath, 
2. Cor. 8.  and not according that a man hath not.  
Thirdly, we must give without hypocrisy and ostentation, not seeking the praise of men, or our own glory of profit. 
Alms without ostentation.  And although the Scriptures in some places make mention of a reward to our alms and other good works, yet ought we not to think that we do merit or deserve any thing: 
Works of mercy do not merit with God touching our salvation, any thing. 1. Cor. 4.  but rather we ought to acknowledge, that God of his mere mercy rewardeth in us his own gifts. For what hath he that giveth alms, that he hath not received, he then that giveth unto a poor man any manner of thing, giveth not of his own, but of those goods which he hath received of God. What hast thou (saith the apostle) that thou hast not received? If thou hast received it, why rejoicest thou, as though thou hadst not received it?  
This sentence ought to be had in remembrance of all men. For if we have nothing, but that which we have received, what can we deserve? or what need we to dispute and reason of our own merits? It cometh of the free gift of God, that we live, that we love God, that we walk in his fear. Where is our deserving then? 
Math. 26. 〈…〉 1. Mach. 4.  We must also in this our spiritual warfare arm ourselves with continual prayer, a very necessary, strong, and invincible weapon, and after the example of Christ and all other godly men, cry hearty unto God in faith, in all our distresses and anguishes. Let us go boldly to the seat of grace, where we shall be sure to receive mercy, 
Continual prayer.  and find grace to help in time of need. For now is pride and persecution increased: now is the time of destruction and wrathful displeasure.  
Wherefore my dear brethren, be ye fervent in the law of God, and jeopard ye your lives if need shall so require, 
To be faithful 〈◊〉 temptation.  for the testament of the fathers, and so shall ye receive great honour, and an everlasting name. Remember Abraham: Was not he found faithful in temptation, 
Gene. 22. Gene. 41. Num 25.  and it was reckoned unto him for righteousness? joseph in time of his trouble kept the commandment, and was made a Lord of Egypt. Phinees was so fervent for the honour of God, 
josua· 1. Num. 14.  that he obtained the covenant of an everlasting priesthood. josua for the fulfilling the word of God, was made the captain of Israel. Caleb bare record before the Congregation, and received an heritage. 
1. Reg. 24. 4. Reg 2.  David also in his merciful kindness obtained the throne of an everlasting kingdom. Elias being zealous and fervent in the law, was taken up into heaven. Ananias, Azarias, 
Dan. 3. Dan. 6.  and Misael remained steadfast in the faith, and were delivered out of the fire. In like manner Daniel being unguilty, was saved from the mouth of the Lions.  
And thus ye may consider throughout all ages since the world began, 
Psal. 38. He exhorteth to zeal and courage.  that who soever put their trust in God, were not overcome. Fear not ye then the words of ungodly men: for their glory is but dung and worms: to day are they set up, and to morrow are they gone: For they are turned into earth, and their memorial cometh to nought. Wherefore let us take good hearts unto us, and quite ourselves like men in the law: for if we do the things that are commanded us in the law of the Lord our God, we shall obtain great honour therein.  
Beloved in Christ, let us not faint because of affliction, wherewith God trieth all them that are sealed unto life everlasting: 
Acts 14.  for the only way into the kingdom of God, is through much tribulation. For the kingdom of heaven (as God teacheth by his Prophet Esdras) is like a City builded and set upon a broad field, 
4. Esdras. 7.  and full of all good things, but the entrance is narrow and sudden, 
strait is the way which the elect must walk in.  [full of sorrow and travail, perils and labours] Like as if there were a fire at the right hand, and a deep water at the les●● and as it were one strait path between them both, so small, that there could but one man go there. If this City now were given to an heir, and he never went through the pearillous way, how would he receive his inheritance? Wherefore seeing we are in this narrow and strait way, which leadeth unto the most joyful and pleasant City of everlasting life: let us not stagger, either turn back, being afraid of the dangerous and pearillous way, but follow our Captain jesus Christ in the narrow and strait way, and be afraid of nothing, no not even of death itself: 
Death is a door to life.  for it is he that must lead us to our journeys end, and open us the door unto everlasting life.  
Consider also the course of this world, how many there be which for their masters sake, 
If worldly men jeopard so much for earthly things, how much more ought we to jeopard for everlasting things?  or for a little promotions sake, would adventure their lives in worldly affairs, as commonly in wars, & yet is their reward but light & transitory, & ours is unspeakable, great and everlasting. They suffer pains to be made Lords on earth for a short season: how much more ought we to endure like pains (yea peradventure much less) to be made kings in heaven for evermore? Consider also the wicked of this world, which for a little pleasures sake, or to be avenged on their enemies, will fight with sword and weapons, and put themselves in danger of imprisonment and hanging. So much as virtue is better than vice, & God mightier than the devil, so much ought we to excel them in this our spiritual battle.  
And seeing brethren, it hath pleased God to set me, and that most worthy minister of Christ, john Bradforde, your countrymen in the forefront of this battle, where (for the time) is most danger, I beseech you all in the bowels of Christ to help us and all other our fellow soldiers standing in like perilous place, with your prayers to God for us, that we may quite ourselves like men in the Lord, and give some example of boldness & constancy, mingled with patience in the fear of God, that ye and others our brethren, through our example, may be so encouraged and strengthened to follow us, that ye also may leave example to your weak brethren in the world, to follow you. Amen.  
Consider what I say: the Lord give us understanding in all things. 
2. Tim. 2. 1. Cor. 7. 1 john ● Coloss. 3.  Brethren the time is short: it remaineth that ye use this world as though ye used it not: for the fashion of this world vanisheth away. See that ye love not the world, neither the things that are in the world: but set your affection on heavenly things, where Christ sitteth on the right hand of God. Be seek, & long suffering, serve and edify one other, 
Doctrine 〈◊〉 good works.  with the gift that God hath given you. Beware of strange doctrine: lay aside the old conversation of greedy lusts, and walk in a new life. Beware of all uncleanness, covetousness, foolish talking, false doctrine & drunkenness: Rejoice & be thankful towards God, & submit yourselves one to an other▪ Cease from sin, spend no more time in vice, be sober and apt to pray, be patient in trouble, love each other, and let the glory of God and profit of your neighbour, be the only mark ye shoot at in all your doings. Repent ye of the life that is past, and take better heed to your doings hereafter. And above all things cleave ye fast to him, who was delivered to death for our sins, & rose again for our justification. To whom with the father & the holy ghost be all honour & rule for evermore. Amen.  
Salute from me in Christ all others, which love us in the faith, and at your discretion make them partakers of these letters: and pray ye all for me and other in bonds for the Gospel, that the same God (which by his grace hath called us from wicked papistry, unto true Christianity, and now of love proveth out patience by persecution, will of his mercy and favour in the end gloriously deliver us, either by death, or by life, to his glory, Amen  
At Lancaster the 30. of August. 1554. By me an unprofitable servant of Christ, George Marsh.   

To his well-beloved in Christ jenkin Crampton, james Leiver, Elice Fog▪ Ralph Bradshaw, the wife of Richard Bradshaw, Elice Crampton, and to every one of them be these delivered from Lancaster. G. Marsh.  
THe grace of our Lord jesus Christ, & the love of God, & the fellowship of the holy Ghost be with you al. Amen. 
  
After salutations in Christ, and hearty thanks for your friendly tokens, and your other remembrances towards me, beseeching God that ye may increase in faith, fear, love, and 〈◊〉 good gifts, & grow up into a perfect man in Christ: these be earnestly to exhort you, yea & to beseech you in the ●ender mercy of Christ, that with purpose of heart ye continually cleave unto the Lord, and that ye worship & serve him in spirit, in the gospel of his son. For God will not be worshipped after the commandments & traditions of men, neither yet by any other means appointed, prescribed, and taught us, but by his holy word. And though all men for the most part defile themselves with the wicked traditions of men & ordinances after the world, and not after Christ: yet do ye after the ensample of Toby, 
〈◊〉 1. Da●●ell. 1. ●. Math. 1.  Daniel & his 3. companions, Matharhias and his 5. sons, be at a point with yourselves that ye will not be defiled with the unclean meats of the heathen, I do mean the filthiness of Idolatry, and the very Heathenish ceremonies of the Papists: but as true worshippers, serve ye God in spirit and verity, according to his sacred Scriptures: 
john. 4. john 5 1. Tym●. 5.  which I would wish and will you above all things continually and reverently (as both S. Paul and Christ command you) to search and read, with the wholesome monitions of the same: to teach, exhort, comfort & edify one an other, 
Math. 24.  and your brethren & neighbours, now in time of this our miserable captivity, and great famishment of souls, for want of the food of God's word. And doubt not, 
Math. 28.  but that the merciful Lord, who hath promised to be with us even unto the worlds end, and that whensoever 2. or 3. be gathered together in his name, he will be in the midst of them, will assist you, and teach you the right meanings of the sacred Scriptures, will keep you from all errors, and lead you into all truth, as he hath faithfully promised.  
And though ye think yourselves unable to teach, yet at the commandment of Christ now in time of famine, the hungry people being in wilderness far from any towns, 
john. 1ST  which if they be sent away fasting, are sure to faint & pearish by the way, employ and bestow those five loaves and two fishes that ye have, upon that hungry multitude, although ye think it nothing among so many. And that he increased the v. loaves and the ij. fishes to feed v. M. men, 
Math. ●.  besides women and children, shall also augment his gifts in you, not only to the edifying and winning of others in christ, but also to an exceeding great increase of your knowledge in God & his holy word. And fear not your adversaries: for either according to his accustomed manner God shall blind their eyes that they shall not espy you, 
Phil. 1.  either get you favour in their sight, either else graciously deliver you out of their hands by one means or other.  
Obey with reverence all your superiors, unless they command idolatry or ungodliness. 
 Make provision for your households, chief that they be instructed and taught in the law of God. love your wives even as your own selves, & as Christ loved the congregation. Love your children, but rate them not, lest they be of a desperate mind: and bring them up in the nurture & information of the Lord, and teach them even as the godly parents of Toby the younger, and Susanna did teach their children, even from their infancy to reverence God according to his law, & to abstain from sin, 
 providing that in no wise they be brought up in idleness & wantonness, seeing that ye reckon yourselves to be the children of God, and look for the life which God shall give to them that never turn their belief from him. 
 See that ye ever fear God, and keep his commandments: and though the plague of God chance unto you, yet remain ye steadfast in the faith and fear of God, and thank him and serve him in such holiness and righteousness as are acceptable before him all the days of your life. Comfort yourselves in all your adversities, & stay yourselves in him, who hath promised not to leave you as fatherless and motherless children without any comfort, but that he will come to you like a most gentle & merciful Lord. He will continually stand by you in all your troubles, assisting, helping and succouring you at all times. I will be with you (saith he) unto the end of the world. And clea●e you fast unto him, which was incarnate▪ lived, wrought, taught, & died for your sins: yea rose again from death, ascended into heaven for your justification. Repent ye of the life that is past, and cease from sin, and from hence forward live as much time as remaineth in the flesh, not after the lusts of men, but after the will of God. To do good & distribute, forget not. Fast and pray busily, & as every man hath received the gift, minister the same one to an other as good ministers of the manifold graces of God, that God in all things may be glorified through jesus Christ, to whom be praise and dominion for ever, and while the world standeth, Amen.  
Yours George Marsh.   

another Letter.  

another ●etter of G. Marsh to ●ertayne 〈…〉 in the congregation.  THe same grace and peace (dearly beloved in Christ) do I entirely desire and wish unto you, which the Apostle S. Paul wisheth to all them, unto whom he did write and send his Epistles, than which 2. things no better can be wished and desired of God. Grace is throughout all the Epistles of Paul, taken for the free mercy and favour of God, whereby he saveth us freely, without any deservings or works of the law. In like manner peace is taken for the quietness and tranquility of the conscience, being thoroughly persuaded that through the only merits of Christ's death and bloodshedding, there is an atonement and peace made between God and us, so that God will no more impute our sins unto us, 
Grace. Peace, what it is.  nor yet condemn us.  
dearly beloved, I will not be negligent to put you always in remembrance of things, though that ye know them yourselves, and be also established in the present truth: notwithstanding, I think it meet (as long as I am in this tabernacle) to stir you up, by putting you in remembrance. Wherefore I beseech you brethren, and exhort you in the Lord jesus, that ye increase more and more, even as ye have received how ye ought to walk and to please God. And as Barnabas that good man, & full of the holy ghost, 
〈◊〉 exhor●eth to 〈◊〉 fastness 〈◊〉 the Gospel.  exhorted the Antiochians, with purpose of hart, cleave ye continually unto the Lord. And stand fast, & be not moved from the hope of the Gospel, whereof (God be thanked) ye have had plenteous preaching unto you these years past, by the faithful Ministers of jesus Christ, Leiver, Pilkenton, Bradford, Saunders, and others like, 
Leyver. Pilkenton. ●radford. ●aunders.  which now when persecution ariseth because of the word, do not fall away like shrinking children and forsake the truth, but are priest and ready for your sakes, which are his mystical body, to forsake the chief & principal delights of this life, and some of them in giving place to the outrageous tyranny of the world, to forsake their livings, friends, native land, and other chief pleasures of this life, and to commit themselves to painful exile, 
〈…〉 for the gospel's in ●. ●●ryes 〈◊〉.  that if it please God, Christ may come again out of Egypt. And other some are ready to fulfil their ministery unto the utmost: that is to wit, with their painful imprisonmentes and bloodshedding (if need shall so require) to confirm and seal Christ's Gospel, whereof they have been ministers: and as S Paul saith: not only to be cast into prison, but also to die for the name of the Lord jesus.  
Be ye not therefore ashamed of the testimony of our Lord jesus, neither be ye ashamed of us which are his prisoners, but suffer ye adversity with the gospel, for which word we suffer as evil doers, even unto bonds: but the word of God is not bound with us. Therefore we suffer all things for the elect sake, that they also may obtain the salvation which is in Christ jesus, with eternal glory: wherefore stand ye fast in the faith, and be not moved from the hope of the Gospel, 
 and so shall ye make us even with joy to suffer for your sakes, and as the Apostle sayeth. To fulfil that which is behind of the passions of Christ in our flesh, for his body's sake, which is the congregation. Saint Paul doth not here mean, that there wanteth any thing in the passion of Christ, which may be supplied by man, for the passion of Christ (as touching his own person) is that most perfect and omnisufficient sacrifice, whereby we are all made perfect, as many as are sanctified in his blood: but these his words ought to be understand of the elect and chosen, in whom Christ is and shall be persecuted unto the worlds end. The passion of Christ then, as touching his mystical body which is the Church, shall not be perfect till they have all suffered, whom God hath appointed to suffer for his sons sake. Wherefore establish yourselves and be of good, comfort, & be not moved in these afflictions, knowing that we are appointed thereunto. For on your parts nothing can be greater consolation & inward joy unto us in our adversity, then to hear of your faith and love, and that ye have a good remembrance of us always, praying for us as we do for you, as the Apostle writeth of the Thessalonians, saying: 
The condition of a true Pastor.  Now are we alive if ye stand steadfast in the Lord: for good shepherds do always count the welfare and prosperous estate of Christ's flock to be their own: for while it goeth well with the congregation, it goeth well with them also in whatsoever affliction or adversity they be: but when they see the church in any peril or weakness, then be they weary of their own lives, then can they have no rest nor joy. Who is weak, sayeth S. Paul, and I am not weak? Who is offended and I do not burn? But this affection is not in them that seek their own lucre and glory.  
And for as much as the life of man is a perpetual warfare upon earth, let us run with joy unto the battle that is set before us, 
A christian man's life is a warfare upon earth.  & like good warriors of jesus Christ, please him, who hath chosen us to be soldiers, & not like shrinking children faint and fall away from the truth now in time of adversity and tribulation, wherewith all that will lively godly in Christ jesus, must be tried, even as gold & silver is proved in the fire, 
The Church is ' ever forewarned before afflictions.  and whereof all the scriptures have given us so much forewarning For God is want for the most part, to warn his elect and chosen what affliction and trouble shall happen unto them for his sake, not to the intent to fray them thereby, but rather to prepare their minds against the boisterous storms of persecution. As we have a notable example in the Apostle S Paul, unto whom God sent Agabus, who prophesied unto him of the imprisonment and bands, that he should suffer at jerusalem: In whom we have also a good example of constancy & steadfastness, which regarding nothing the tears of his familiar friends, nor yet the peril of his own life, did through fire & water go on still to set forth the glory of God; and he being delivered from the hands of his ungodly & bloodthirsty enemies, & that so many times, is in conclusion fain to commit himself to the rough waters of the sea, where he was a long season in great peril & jeopardy of his own life. But God was always (to the great comfort of all that shall hear of it) most ready to help & succour him. First he did send him a most friendly and sweet company, I mean Aristarchus and Lucas, so ruling the heart of the under captain julius, that he courteously entreated him, 
Acts. 17.  & gave him liberty to go to his friends, and to refresh himself, and he was beneficial unto him at all times. In like manner was God with joseph, and delivered him from all his adversities, and gave him favour and wisdom in the sight of Pharaoh king of Egypt, in so much that he made him Governor over all Egypt, and over all his household. In like manner was he with jeremy, and Daniel in their great troubles, and appointed men for them in their most troubles, to relieve, succour, and help them to their singular comfort.  
Also when Peter was in Herodes prison, 
Peter delivered out of prison.  sleeping between 2. soldiers, bound with 2 chains, and the keepers before the door keeping the prison, the same night that Herode had intended to have brought him out unto the people the day following, and to have put him unto death to please the jews withal, as a little before he had killed james the brother of john with the sword: god sent his angel, and the chains fell off from Peter's hands, and the iron gate opened unto him by his own accord, and so was Peter wonderfully delivered by God. For it is the true living God that looseth all bands, and delivereth out of prison, and not that feigned God S. Leonard. On that true God did S. Peter call: unto him did he ascribe the glory of his deliverance, saying: Now I know of a truth that God hath sent his Angel. etc.  
These things are written for our learning, that we through patience and comfort of the scriptures might have hope. The God of patience and comfort, grant that we be like minded one towards an other, after the ensample of Christ jesus, that we all agreeing together, may with one mouth glorify God the father of our Lord jesus Christ.  
A poor prisoner for Christ, George Marsh.   

another letter of George Marsh to Robert Langley.  
THe grace of our Lord jesus Christ, & the love of God, and the fellowship of the holy Ghost be with you good brother in Christ, Robert Langley, 
another letter of G. Marsh to Robert Langely, and others.  & with all them that love the Lord jesus unfeignedly. Amen.  
After hearty commendations to you, with thanks for that ye did visit me a prisoner in Christ, & unacquainted with you, to your costs, this shall be to let you know, that ye shall receive from me mine examination and handling at Lathum, and the cause of mine imprisonment, according as I did promise you: and this ye shall receive by my brother or some one of the Bradshawes of Bolton within this seven night, willing you to show the same to such faithful men about Manchester or else where, as you do take to be favourers of true religion, and Christ's holy word, and then to deliver it again. And whereas you did put me in comfort, that if I did want any thing necessary unto this life, you with some others, would be bearers with me in this my costly and painful affliction. I give you most hearty thanks, and rejoice greatly in the Lord, who stirreth up the hearts of others to be careful for me in this my great necessity. I thank God, as yet I do want nothing, and intend to be as little chargeable unto others (saving my mother) as I can. If I do want, I will be bold with you and others, to send for your relief and help in my necessity: desiring you in the mean while to pray for me, and all others in the bonds of Christ: that God would perform the thing which he hath begun in us, that we may with boldness confess jesus Christ, and fight the good fight of faith.  
Yours George Marsh.   

A letter of George Marsh to a certain godly friend.  
GRace be with you, and peace be multiplied in the knowledge of God and jesus the Lord.  
After hearty commendations and thanks to you, not only for your large token, 
another letter of G Marsh to to his friend.  but much more for your loving letters, full of consolation to me as touching my person to you unknown: these shall be to certify you that I rejoice greatly in the Lord, when I do perceive how my sweet saviour Christ doth stir up the minds, not only of my familiar friends in times past, but also of sundry and divers heretofore unto me unknown and unacquainted, to bear part with me in this my painful & costly imprisonment, sending me things not only necessary for this present life, but also comfortable letters, encouraging & exhorting me to continue grounded and established in the faith, and not to be moved away from the hope of the Gospel, whereof, according to my small talon I have been a minister: and daily I call and cry unto the Lord, in whom is all my trust, and without whom I can do nothing, that he which hath begun a good work in me, would vouchsafe to go forth with it until the day of jesus Christ, being surely certified in my conscience of this, that he will so do, for as much as he hath given me, that not only I should believe on him, but also suffer for his sake. The Lord strengthen me with his holy spirit, that I may be one of the number of those blessed, which enduring to the end, shallbe saved.  
And whereas you say that my suffering of persecution with Christ, is a thing to you most comfortable, I make answer that in all mine adversity and necessity, nothing on your behalf is greater consolation unto me, then to hear of the faith and love of others, and how they have good remembrance of us always, even as the Apostle reporteth by the Thessalonians, saying: Now are ye alive if ye stand steadfast in the Lord. For my trust in the Lord is, that this my business shall happen to the furtherance of the gospel, and that you will be none of those forgetful and hypocritish hearers, 
Wayside here●● of the word.  whereof some being but wayside hearers, the devil cometh and taketh away the word out of their hearts, lest they should believe and be saved (but let prayer be made without ceasing by the congregation unto God for them) and (no doubt) God will to your consolation, gloriously deliver by one means or other his oppressed. Only tarry ye the Lord's leisure: be strong, let your heart be of good comfort, and wait ye still for the Lord. He tarrieth not, that will come, look for him therefore and faint not, and he will never fail you.  
Yours George Marsh.   

A letter of a godly brother one james Bradshaw, sent to George Marsh in prison.  
GRace and peace from God the father, and the Lord jesus Christ be with you always. 
A letter of james Bradshaw to George Marsh.  Amen.  
We had a letter from you, which is a great comfort unto us, to see you take the cross so thankfully. Trouble & affliction doth prove, try, instruct, confirm & strengthen the faith, provoke and stir up prayer, drive and force us to amendment of life, 
What good affliction worketh in the godly.  to the fear of God, to meekness, to patience, to constancy, to gentleness, to soberness, temperancy, and to all manner of virtues, and are the occasion of exceeding much good, as well transitory as eternal, in this world as in the world to come. There is neither good nor bad, godly nor ungodly, but he hath one cross or other. And although some there be that can shift for a while, and make provision for themselves for a time, by craft or subtlety and dissimulation, or by some fashion in fellowship (as they call it) yet they bring themselves at length into the highest danger, confusion and shame, both in this world, & in the world to come. And seeing that all the troubles and adversity in this world, are a thousand times more light & easy, yea nothing in comparison of the eternal fire, which is prepared and already kindled for the unfaithful and wicked enemies of God: all faithful and godly persons ought to bear and suffer their transitory affliction and adversity the more patiently, willingly, and thankfully: considering and remembering all the dearly beloved friends of God, which were wonderfully vexed & plagued of their enemies Abraham of the Caldeis, Lot, of the Sodomites, Isaac, of Ishmael, jacob of Esau, Moses of his people, David of Saul and of his own sons. As for job, 
Example of holy suffering ●●●fliction.  he had not a drop of blood in his body. john Baptist the holiest that ever was borne of a woman, was without any law, right or reason, beheaded in prison, as though God had known nothing at all of him.  
We have many thousand fellow martyrs and companions of our misery and adversity, in respect of whose imprisonment, racking, chains, fire, wild beasts, and other means, wherewith they were tormented, all that we suffer is but a blast of wind. Therefore now who soever is ashamed of the cross of Christ, and aggrieved therewith, the same is ashamed to have Christ for his fellow & companion, and therefore shall the Lord jesus Christ be ashamed of him again at the latter day.  
Thus I leave for this time, beseeching you to let me have your advise, because I do not outwardly speak that with my tongue, that I do think with my heart. Pray for me, as I for you. I beseech the holy Ghost have you in his keeping always. Amen.  
By your friend james Bradshaw.    

A prayer of George Marsh, which he used daily to say.  
OH Lord jesus Christ, which art the only physician of wounded consciences, we miserable sinners trusting in thy gracious goodness, do briefly open to thee the evil tree of our heart, with all the roots, boughs, leaves and fruits, & withal the crooks, 
A prayer o● G. Marsh Martyr.  knots and knoures, all which thou knowest: for thou thoroughly perceivest as well the inward lusts, doubtings, and denying thy providence, as these gross outward sins which we commit inwardly and deadly. Wherefore we beseech thee, according to the little measure of our infirmity, although we be far unable and unapt to pray, that thou wouldst mercifully circumcise our stony hearts, and for these old hearts, create new within us, and replenish us with a new spirit, and water us and moisten us with the juice of heavenly grace, and wells of spiritual waters, where by the inward venom and noisome juice of the flesh may be dried up, and custom of the old man changed, and our heart always bringing forth thorns and briars to be burned with fire, from hence forth may bear spiritual fruits in righteousness & holiness, unto life everlasting. Amen.  
Beloved, among other exercises, I do daily on my knees use this confession of sins, willing and exhorting you to do the same, & daily to acknowledge unfeignedly to God your unbelief, unthankfulness, & disobedience against him. This shall ye do if ye will diligently consider and look yourselves first in the pure glass of God's commandments, and there see our outward filthiness and uncleanness, and so learn to vanquish the same, that is to wit, to fall in hearty displeasure against sin, & thereby be provoked to long after Christ. For we truly are sinners: but he is just, and the justifier of all them that believe on him. We are poor, 
1. Cor. 1● Math. 2●  but he is rich in mercy toward all them that call upon him. If we hunger and thirst for righteousness, let us resort unto his table, for he is a most liberal feast maker. He will set before us his own holy body, which was given for us to be our meat, and his precious blood which was shed for us, and for many for the remission of sins, to be our drink. He biddeth, willeth, & calleth for geasts, which hunger and thirst. Come (sayeth he) all ye that labour and are laden, and I will refresh you, cool and ease you, 
Math. 1ST  and you shall find rest unto your souls.    

The life and history of W. Flower, who for striking of a priest, was apprehended, first having his hand cut off, and after martyred for his constant standing to the truth.  
WIlliam Flower, otherwise named Branch, first concerning his trade of life & bringing up, he was born at Snowhil in the County of Cambridge, 
W. Flower Martyr.  where he went to school certain years, and then came to the Abbey of Ely: where after he had remained a while, he was a professed Monk, according to the order and rule of the same house, wherein he remained, using and bearing the habit of a Monk, and observing the rules and orders of the same house, until he came to 21. years of age, or thereabout: and before he came to that age, and being a professed Monk, 
 he was made a priest also in the same house, and there did celebrate and sing Mass a good space together. After that, by reason of a visitation, and certain Injunctions given in the same time by the authority of king Henry the eight, he forsook the same house, and casting from him the said Monks habit and religion aforesaid, took upon him and used the habit of a secular priest, and returned to Snowhill, where he was borne, and there he did celebrate and sing Mass, and taught children their Primer and Accidence, about half a year together.  
Then he went from thence to Ludgate in Suffolk, & there served as a seculare priest about a quarter of a year: and from thence he then went to Stonyland, where he tarried and served as a secular priest also, until the coming out of the six Articles: and then he departed from thence, and went into Gloucester shire, where after he had made his abode in the country a while, at length in Tewksbury according to God's holy ordinance, he married a wife, with whom he ever after faithfully and honestly continued: and after his marriage, he tarried in Tewksbury about 2. years together: 
W. Flower ●aryeth a ●yfe.  and then from thence he went unto Bros●ey, where he tarried three quarters of a year, and practised Physic and Surgery, and from thence he removed to Northampton shire, where under a Gentleman he taught children their primers, and to write and read, a good space. And so departing from those parties, he came to London, and there remained for a certain space. After that being desirous to see his country, he returned to Snowhil where he was borne: 
W. Flower cometh ●o Lambeth.  from thence to Branckstrey in Essex, then to Coxal, where he taught children a space: and so came to Lambeth beside London, where he hired a house, and placed his wife, where he and his wife did ever since dwell together till this time: howbeit for the most part he was always abroad, and very seldom at home, except once or twice in a month, to visit and see his wife: where he being at home upon Easter day about 10. and a 11. a clock in the fore noon of the same day, came over the water from Lambeth into saint Margaretes Church at Westminster, 
W. Flower ●●riketh a Popish Priest at the altar, in Westminster.  where he finding & seeing a Priest called john Cheltam, ministering and giving the sacrament of the aultare to the people, and therewith being greatly offended in his conscience with the Priest for the same his doing (for that he judged him not to be a Catholic Minister) neither his act to be catholic and laudable, according to God's word, did strike and wound him upon the head, and also upon the arm and hand with his woodknife, the Priest having the same time in his hand a Chalice, with certain consetrated hosts therein, which were sprinkled with the blood of the said priest.  

W. Flower repenteth his act in striking. W. Flower constant in his faith.  In the which so doing, as in deed he did not well, or evangelically, so afterward being examined before bishop Boner, did no less confess his not well doing in the same, submitting therefore himself wellingly to punishment, when it should come. Howbeit touching his belief in the sacrament, and the popish ministration, he neither would nor did submit himself.  

W. Flower laid in the Gate house 〈◊〉 Westminster.  Whereupon the foresaid Wil Flower, being first apprehended & laid in the Gate house at Westminster (where he had given two groats the same day a little before to the prisoners, saying, he would shortly after come to them) with as many irons as he could bear: afterward was convented before Boner his ordinary. April 19 anno 1555. where the B. after he had sworn him upon a book (according to his ordinary manner) ministered articles & interrogatories to him. 
W. Flower brought before B. ●oner.  But before I speak of the articles, first we have here to set forth what communication passed betwixt him & Rob. Smith being then also there prisoner with him in newgate, concerning his fact done at Westminster, the tenor & effect of which communication here followeth.  

A communication or debating between Robert Smith prisoner in Newgate, and W. Flower, concerning his striking of the priest at Westminster.  Robert Smith. 

The talk between Robert smyth and W. Flower.  Friend, for as much as I do understand that you do profess the Gospel, and also have so done a long season, I am bold to come unto you, and in the way of communication to demand and learn a truth at your own mouth, of certain things by you committed, to the astonishing not only of me, but of divers other that also profess the verity.  Flower. 
I praise God for his great goodness, in showing me the light of his holy word: and I give you hearty thanks for your visitation: intending by God's grace to declare all the truth that ye shall demand lawfully of me, in all things.  Smith. 
Then I desire you to show me the truth of your deed, committed on john Cheltam priest, in the Church, as near as you can, that I may hear of your own mouth how it was.  Flo. 
I came from my house at Lambeth, over the water▪ and entering into saint Margaretes Church (so called) and there seeing the people falling down before a most shameful and detestable Idol, 
The zeal of W. Flower in seeing the Lords honour defaced.  being moved with extreme zeal for my God, whom I saw before my face dishonoured, I drew forth my Hanger, and strake the priest which ministered the same unto them: whereupon I was immediately apprehended: and this is most true, as the act is manifest.  Smith. 
Did ye not know the person that ye strake, or were ye not zealous upon him for any evil will, or hatred between you at any time.  Flo. 
No verily, I never to my knowledge saw the person before that present, neither ought him or any man alive evil will, or malice: for if he had not had it, an other should, if I had any time come where the like occasion had been ministered, if God had permitted me to do it.  Smith. 
Do ye think that thing to be well done, and after the rule of the Gospel.  Flo 
I do confess all flesh to be subject to the power of almighty God, 
Extraordinary zeals are no general rules to be followed.  whom he maketh his ministers to do his will and pleasure: as in example, Moses, Aaron, Phinees, josua, Zimrie, Ihehie, judith, Mathathiah, with many other, not only changing degrees, but also planting zeals to his honour, against all order and respect of flesh and blood. For, as sayeth S. Paul, His works are past finding out: by whose spirit I have also given my flesh at this present unto such order, as it shall please the good will of God to appoint, in death, which before the act committed, I looked for.  Smith. 
Think you it convenient for me, or any other, to do the like by your example?  Flo. 
No verily: neither do I know if it were to do again, 
W. Flower intending at Paul's to have done the like.  whether I could do it again, or no: for I was up very early at Paul's church (so called) upon Christ's day in the morning, to have done it in my jealousy: but when I came in place, I was no more able to do it, than now to undo that is done: and yet now being compelled by the spirit, not only to come over the water, and to enter the church, but being in mind fully content to die for the Lord, gave over my flesh willingly without all fear, I praise God: Wherefore I can not learn you to do the like. first, because I know not what is in you. Secondly, because the rules of the Gospel commandeth us to suffer with patience all wrongs & injuries: yet nevertheless, if he make you worthy, that hath made me zealous, ye shall not be letted, judged, nor condemned: for he doth in his people his unspeakable works in all ages, which no man can comprehend: I humbly beseech you to judge the best of the spirit, and condemn not Gods doings: for I can not express with my mouth the great mercy's that God hath showed on me in this thing, which I repent not.  Smith. 
Are ye not assured to have death ministered unto you for the same act committed, and even with extremity?  Flo. 
I did before the deed committed, adjudge my body to die for the same: 
W. Flower prepared himself to death before the fact committed.  whereupon I carried about me in writing, mine opinion of God and the holy Scriptures: that if it had pleased God to have given them leave to have killed my body in the church, they might in the said writing have seen my hope, which (I praise God) is laid up safe within my breast, notwithstanding any death that may be ministered unto my body in this world: being ascertained of everlasting life through jesus Christ our Lord, and being most hearty sorry for all mine offences committed in this flesh, and trusting shortly through his mercy, to cease from the same.  Smith. 
It is no need to examine or commune with you of the hope that ye have any further: for I perceive (God be praised) ye are in good estate, & therefore I beseech God for his mercies, spread his wings over you, that as for his love you have been zealous, even to the loss of this life, so he may give you his holy spirit to conduct you out of this death, into a better life, which I think will be shortly.  Flo. 
I hunger for the same (dear friend) being fully ascertained that they can kill but the body, which I am assured shall receive life again everlasting, and see no more death: entirely desiring you, and all that fear the Lord, to pray with me to almighty God, to perform the same in me shortly. And thus Robert Smith departed, leaving him in the dungeon, and went again to his ward. And this (gentle Reader) is the truth, as near as the said Smyth could report it.  
And thus much concerning the talk between him and Robert Smith in Newgate, concerning his fact in striking the Priest. Now to return again to the matter of his examination, where we left, we showed before how this William Flower, after his striking the Priest, first was laid in the Gatehouse: then being examined before Boner, had articles ministered against him: the copy whereof here followeth.   

Articles objected and ministered by Boner, against William Branch, alias Flower, late of Lambeth, in the County of Surrie.  

Articles objected against W. Flower by B. Boner.  FIrst, that thou being of lawful age and discretion, at the least of 17. year old, wast professed a Monk in the late Abbey of Ely, wherein after thy profession thou remainedst until the age of 21. years, using all the mean time, the habit and religion of the same house, and waste reputed and taken notoriously for such a person. 
In the latter days certain shall departed from the ●ayth, forbidding marriage and eating of meats. 1. Tim. 4.   
Item, that after the premises, thou wast ordered and made priest, according to the laudable custom of the Catholic Church, and afterward thou didst execute and minister as a priest, and was commonly reputed, named, and taken for a priest.  
Item, that after the premises, thou forgetting God, thy conscience, honesty, and the laudable order of the Catholic church, didst contrary to thy profession and vow, take as unto thy wife, one woman, commonly called Alice Pulton, in the parish church of Tewksbury, in the Diocese of Gloucester, with whom thou hadst mutual cohabitation and carnal copulation, as man and wife, and begatest of her two children.  
Item, that thou being a religious man and a Priest, didst contrary to the order of the ecclesiastical laws, 
A great heresy.  take upon thee to practise in divers places within the diocese of London, Physic and Surgery, when thou wast not admitted, expert, nor learned.  
Item, that upon Easter day last passed, that is to wit, the 14. day of this present month of April, within the parish Church of S. Margaret's at Westminster, within the County of Middlesex and Diocese of London, thou didst maliciously, outrageously, and violently pull out thy weapon, that is to wit, thy Woodknife or hanger. And whereas the priest and minister there called sir john Cheltam, was executing his cure and charge, especially in doing his service, and ministering the sacrament of the altar to the communicants, than didst thou wickedly & abominably smite with thy said weapon the said priest, first upon the head very sore, & afterwards upon his hands or other parts of his b/ die, drawing blood abundantly upon him: the said priest then holding the said sacrament in his hand, and giving no occasion why thou shouldest so hurt him: the people grievously being offended therewith, and the said church polluted thereby, so that the inhabitants were compelled to repair to an other Church to communicate, and to receive the said sacrament.  
Item, that by reason of the premises, thou wast and art by the ecclesiastical laws of the church, amongst other penalties, excommunicate and accursed, ipso facto, and not to be companied withal, neither in church, nor otherwhere but in special cases.  
Item, that thou concerning the verity of Christ's natural body and blood in the sacrament of the altar, haste been by the space of these years. 20.19.18.17.16.15.14.13.12.11.10.9.8.7.6.5.4.3.2. and 1. or any one of them, and yet art at this present of the opinion: that is to say, that in the said sacrament of the aultare, 
His faith in the Sacrament.  after the words of consecration, there is not really, truly, and in very deed, contained (under the forms of bread) the very true and natural body of our saviour jesus Christ.  
Item, that thou for the hatred and disdain that thou hadst & didst bear against the said sacrament, and the virtue thereof, and against the said priest ministering the same, (as before) did smite, wound, and hurt him in manner and form as before is declared.  
gem, that thou over and beside the pains due unto thee for the doing of the cruel fact, art also by the order of the ecclesiastical laws of the church, and the laudable custom & ordinance of the same, to be reputed, taken, & judged (as thou art in deed) a very heretic, and to be punished by and with the pains due for heresy, by reason of thy said heresy and damnable opinion.  
Item, that all the premises be true, manifest, and notorious and famous, and that upon the same, and every part thereof, there was and is within the said parish of Saint Margaretes and other places thereabout, a public voice and fame  

The answer of William Flower, made to the articles aforesaid.  
TO the first article, he answereth and confesseth the same to be true in every part thereof, 
Flower ●●●swere t● the 〈◊〉▪  except that he saith and confesseth that he never consented and agreed in his heart to be a Monk.  
To the second article he answereth, 
Flower made 〈◊〉 against will.  and confesseth the same to be true in every part thereof. Howbeit he saith, that he never did, nor yet doth esteem the said order of priesthood, according to the said order of the Catholic church, because he was offended therewith in his conscience.  
To the third article he answereth, and confesseth that he intending to live in godly matrimony, & not forgetting God, 
Flower ●●●●fesseth 〈◊〉 matrimony to be holnest and lawful▪ W. Flo●●● more d●●uout to being in state of ●●●trimony them 〈◊〉 The 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 striking Priest 〈◊〉 altar. Note 〈◊〉 the say● Flower ●●●terward his next ●●●pearau●●● correct●● reforme● this aun●swere. Flower will no● answer whethe● he inten● to kill th● Priest.  did marry with the said Alice Pulton named in this article, wherein he believeth that he did well, and according to God's laws. Further, confessing and believing, that all the time when he was professed Monk, and made priest, he did thereby utterly forget God: but when he did so marry the said Alice Pulton, and in continuing with her, did beget three children, he did remember God, as he sayeth, and believeth that he did then lawfully.  
To the fourth article he answereth, and believeth the same to be true in every part thereof.  
To the fifth article he answereth, and confesseth that his conscience being greatly offended with the said sir john Cheltam priest, for ministering of the sacrament of the altar to the people at the place and time specified in this article, he did smite and strike the same priest with his hanger or woodknife, as well upon his head, as upon other parts & places of his body, which he remembreth not, whereby the blood ran out, and was shed in the said Church, as he believeth, having, as he saith, none other cause or matter so to do, but only that his conscience was offended and grieved, in that the same Priest did so give and minister the said Sacrament to the people: which people he believeth was greatly abashed and offended with his said fact and doing, and were enforced and compelled to go out of the Church, and to repair to an other to receive the said sacrament. And further, being then demanded and examined, whether he did then mind and intend to have killed the said priest, or not? he said he would not answer thereunto. And being further examined whether he did well or evil in striking the said priest? he would make no answer thereunto, as he said.  
To the sixth he answereth & saith, that whether he be so excommunicate or accursed, as is contained in this article, he referreth himself herein to the Ecclesiastical laws.  
To the seventh he aunsweareth and sayeth, that by the space of six and twenty years now past, he hath always been, and yet is of this opinion touching the said Sacrament of the aultare, as followeth: videlicet, that in the Sacrament of the altar, after the words of consecration, there is not really, truly, and in very deed contained under the form of bread, the very true natural body of our saviour jesus Christ.  
To the eight he answereth, and believeth the same to be true in every part thereof.  
To the ninth he answereth, & herein he referreth himself to the said laws, custom, and ordinance specified in this article, that is to say, the Canonical laws.  
To the last he answereth & believeth, that those things before by him confessed be true, and those which he hath denied, be untrue: and that the said common voice and fame, hath and doth only labour and go upon those things by him before confessed.  
By me William Flower, alias Branch.   
After this examination done, the bishop began after the best sort of his fine Divinity to instruct him, 
W. Flo●●● exhorte● to recant▪  and to exhort him to return again to the unity of his mother the Catholic church, with such reasons as he is commonly wont to use to others, promising many fair things if he would so do, besides the remitting of that was passed.  
To this William Flower answering again, thanked him for his offer: and where it was in his power to kill or not to kill his body, he stood therewith contented, 
W. Flo●●● refuseth 〈◊〉 revoke 〈◊〉 faith an● doctrine.  let him do therein what he thought: yet over his soul he had no such power, which being once separated from the body, is in the hands of no man, but only of God, either to save or spill. As concerning his opinion of the sacrament, he said, he would never go from that he had spoken, do he with him what he would.  
Then the B. assigned him again to appear in the same place at after noon, betwixt 3. or 4. In the mean time to advise himself of his former answers, whether he would stand to the same his opinions or no? which if he so did, he would further proceed against him. etc.  
At after noon the said William Flower appeared again before the said B. the hour and place appointed. To whom the B. sitting in his Consistory, spoke these words. Branch, ye were this forenoon here before me, and made answer to certain articles: 
 and thereupon I respited you till now, to the intent you should consider and weigh with yourself your state, and to remember while you have time, both your abominable act, and also that evil opinion which ye have conceived touching the verity of Christ's true natural body in the sacrament of the altar.  
To whom the said Branch answered again, and said as followeth: 
 That which I have said, I will stand too: and therefore I require that the law may proceed against me. Whereupon the bishop commanded his Notary (Harward by name) to read to him again his articles, as before. Which being read, the said W. Flower persisting in his godly sentence, answered to all parts of the articles, as in the forenoon before, save only that he requested the B. concerning the fift article, he might alter something his answer therein, after this tenor and manner of words: to wit. And moreover confesseth and saith, that where as he strake the priest on Easter day last passed, in S. Margaret's church in Westminster, he hath since that time, & yet doth mislike himself in that doing, and doth now judge and believe that the same his act was evil and nought. Howbeit he saith and believeth, that as for the matter and cause wherefore he so struck the said priest (which was for ministering of the sacrament of the altar, 
●●●wer ●●●liked his 〈…〉 Priest.  which he taketh and judgeth abominable) he did nor doth not mislike himself at all therein.  
Moreover, he desireth of the said B. licence to be granted him, to alter and take out somewhat of the ix. Article, & in place thereof, these words to be placed: to wit, Herein he referreth himself to the laws, custom and ordinance specified in this article, 
●●●wer 〈◊〉 his answer to 〈◊〉 9 〈◊〉.  etc. At which request, Boner granted to the altering of both the articles according as he desired, and so put in the acts.  
After this, the B. turning again to his old manner of exhorting, went about with words (and words only) to persuade him to submit himself to the Catholic church, and to the faith thereof. Which all his persuasions notwithstanding, Wil remained still in the constancy of his sentence, saying, that he would not be removed from that he had spoken, to die therefore. Whereupon the bishop assigned him the next day (being the xx. day of April) to appear in the same day and place, between the hours of 8. and 9 before noon, there and then to hear the sentence pronounced, in case he would not relent, etc.   

¶ The last appearance of William Flower, before Bishop Boner.  
IN the which day, hour, and place, the said Wil Flower as he was appointed, 
The last appearance 〈◊〉 W. ●lower be●●re B. Bo●er.  was brought by his keeper, belonging to the Warden of the Fleet, before Boner, who after his wonted manner of persuasion, going about to reduce him to his catholic church and the unity thereof, that is, from Christ to Antichrist: sometimes with fair promises alluring, sometime with manasses and terrors, fearing him, 
●. Flowers constancy.  etc. To this Wil answering, said on this wise Do what ye will, I am at a point: for the heavens shall as soon fall, as I will forsake mine opinion, etc. Whereupon the B. after he had commanded these words to be registered, called for the depositions of certain witnesses, producted for the better information of this matter, 
Witness produced against W. ●lower.  the names of which witnesses were these: Wil Genings, I. Bray, Rob. Grant, Richard Dodde, William Pampion, Rob. Smalwood, the parish Priest of S. Margaret's at Westminster. The sum and effect of whose depositions here ensueth.   

¶ The depositions or attestations producted upon the answers of Wil Flower.  
RObert Grant of Westminster, examined upon the said answers of Wil Flower, saith and deposeth: That he did hear and see the said Flower, acknowledge & recognise the said answers, and subscribe to the same with his own hand, and also was present in the church of S. Margaret's in Westminster, when the said Wil Flower did smite and wound the Priest, when (as he saith) he was ministering the Sacrament: and how this examinate amongst other, pressed towards him to take him, and was hurt thereby upon his chin, & after he was taken, this examinate holp to conduct him to the gatehouse at Westminster.  
RIchard Dod of Westminster, examined upon the said answers, saith and deposeth: that he did hear and see the said Flower acknowledge and recognise the said answers, & subscribe to the same with his own hand: & also did see & was present, when the said Flower upon Easter day last passed, drew his woodknife and strake the priest upon the head, hand, and arm: who being wounded therewith, and having a chalice with consecrated hosts therein in his hand, sprinkled with the said priests blood, was helped & rescued by this examinate, and the said Flower carried to the Gatehouse at Westminster, and his woodknife taken away by this Examinate.  
WIlliam Pampion, one of the churchwardens of the said parish church of S. Margaretes in Westminster, examined upon the said answers of the said Flower, saith and deposeth, that the same answers be true, & in his sight were subscribed with the hand of the said Flower. And that upon Easter day last passed, about xj. of the clock in the forenoon, in the parish church at S. Margaret's in Westminster, among a great number of the people ready to be houseled, the priests back being turned toward the said Flower, he the said Flower suddenly drew forth his woodknife, and strake sir john Cheltham the priest, both upon his head, hand, and arm, whereby he was wounded, and bled abundantly, and the chalice with consecrated hosts being in his hand, were sprinkled with his blood, and the people in great fear cried out lamentably, and thought they should presently have been killed.  
RObert Smalwood of Westminster, examined upon the said answers, saith and deposeth: that he did hear and see the said Flower acknowledge and recognise the said answers, and subscribe the same with his own hand, and saith further, touching the striking and wounding the priest in S. Margaret's church in Westminster, upon Easter day last, this examinate saith, he was not there when the fact was done, but immediately after, he came to church, and found sir john hurt, and wounded in the head, hand, and arm, by the said Flower, and the people in great heaviness by reason thereof. Also the people did report (as this examinate saith) that Flower did the deed, as the priest had the chalice in his hand, ministering the Sacrament to the people.  
WIlliam jenings of Westminster, being examined upon the answers of the said Wil Flower, saith & deposeth by virtue of his oath: that he did hear and see the said Flower, acknowledge and recognise the said answers, and subscribe to the same with his own hand in the consistory place: and further deposeth, that he (upon Easter day last passed) was present in the church of S. Margaret's in Westminster, where Flower strake the said Sir john Cheltham priest, first upon the head, and afterward upon his arm two sore strokes, whereby the said priest is like to lose his hand. Also this Iurate deposed, that the said sir john Cheltham had a chalice with certain consecrated hosts therein (in his hand) which were sprinkled with the blood of the said priest, and after the said Flower was apprehended by this examinate and others, they carried him immediately to the gatehouse in Westminster.  
IOhn Bray one of the churchwardens of the parish church of S. Margaret's in Westminster, sworn and examined upon the said answers, saith and deposeth, that he did hear and see the said Flower acknowledge and recognise the said answers, & also subscribe unto the same. And further deposeth of Flowers striking the priest, in effect, as the rest of the examinates do, and that this said Iurate was present there at the deed doing.  
After the depositions of these foresaid witnesses being taken, published, and denounced, the said B. speaking to Wil Flower, asked him if he knew any matter or cause why his sentence should not be red, and he to be pronounced as an heretic. Whereunto the martyr of God answereth again as followeth: I have nothing at all to say, for I have already said unto you all that I have to say, & that I have said, I will not go from, and therefore do what you will, etc.  
❧ The burning of William Flower at Westminster, the 24. of April. An. 1555.   

¶ A prayer and confession of W. Flower.  
OH eternal God, most mighty and merciful father, who hast sent down thy son upon the earth, 
Flowers prayer.  to save me & all mankind, who ascended up into heaven again, and left his blood here upon the earth behind him, for the redemption of our sins, have mercy upon me, have mercy upon me, for thy dear son our saviour jesus Christ's sake, in whom I confess only to be all salvation and justification, and that there is none other mean, nor way▪ nor holiness, in which, or by which any man can be saved in this world. This is my faith, which I beseech all men here to bear witness of.  
Then he said the Lords prayer, and so made an end.  
Then M. Cholmley came to him, willing him to recant his heresy, 
Talk between W. Flower and M. Cholmely.  whereby he might do good to the people, or else he would be damned.  
Flower answered as followeth. Sir, I beseech you for God's sake be contented: for that I have said, I have said, and I have been of this faith from the beginning: and I trust to the living God he will give me his holy spirit to continue to the end. Then he desired all the world to forgive him whom he had offended, as he forgave all the world.  
This done, first his hand being held up against the stake, was strooken of, his left hand being stayed behind him. At the which striking of his hand, certain that were present beholders of the matter, and purposely observing the same, credibly informed us, that he in no part of his body did once shrink at the striking thereof, but once a little he stirred his shoulders.  
And thus fire was set unto him, who burning therein cried with a loud voice: Oh the son of God have mercy upon me, Oh the son of God receive my soul, three times, and so his speech being taken from him, he spoke no more, lifting up notwithstanding his stump with his other arm, as long as he could.  
And thus endured this constant witness and faithful servant of God, the extremity of the fire, being therein cruelly handled, by reason that to his burning little wood was brought, so that for lack of faggots there not sufficient to burn him, they were fain to strike him down into the fire. Where he lying along (which was doleful to behold) upon the ground, his neither part was consumed in the fire, whilst his upper part was clean without the fire, his tongue in all men's sight still moving in his mouth.   

May. 1555.  
The 3. of May a letter was sent to George Colt and Thom. Daniel, to make search for, and apprehend john Bernard and john Walshe, who used to repair to Sudbury, and carrying about with them the bones of Pigotte that was burned, do show them to the people, persuading them to be constant in his religion, and upon examination to commit them to further ordering according to the laws.  
This day Stephen Appes was committed to the little ease in the Tower, there to remain two or three days, until further examination.  
The 12. day M. Thomas Rosse preacher, was by the counsels letters delivered from the Tower to the Sheriff of Norfolk, to be conveyed and delivered to the B. of Norwich, and he either to reduce him to recant, or else proceed against him according to the law.  
The 16. a letter was sent to the L. Treasurer, signifying what the L. had done for Rosse, and that order should be given according to his L. request, for letters to the Bishops, & as Appes (whom the Lieutenant of the Tower reporteth to be mad) his L. perceiving the same to be true should commit him to Bedlam, there to remain until their further order.  
The 26. a letter was sent to the L. Treasurer, to confer with the B. of London, and the justices of Peace of that County, wherein they are to be executed, that are already condemned for religion, & upon agreement of places, to give order for their execution accordingly·  
The 28. a letter was sent to the L. Treasurer, to cause speedy preparation to be made of such money as was appointed for such persons as should carry the joyful tidings of Queen Mary's good delivery of child, to divers princes: so as they be not compelled to stay when time shall come. The Ambassadors were to the Emperor, the L. Admiral, to the French King the L. Fitzwaters, to the king of Romans Sir Henry Sidney, to the K. of Portugal, Rich. Shelley, whose free passage through France M. Doctor Wootton was willed to procure by letters the 24. of june.  
The 29. was a letter directed to Sir Frances Inglefield to make search for one john D. at London, 
Anno 15●5. May.  and to apprehend him and send him to the Counsel, and to make search for such papers & books as may think may touch the same D. or one Benger.    

❧ The burning and martyrdom of john Card-maker, & john Warn Upholster, which suffered both together in Smithfield. An. 1555. May. 30.  

〈◊〉 Cardmaker and 〈◊〉 warn martyr's.  Upon the 30. day of May suffered together in Smithfield john Card-maker, otherwise called Tailor, prebendary of the church of Wells: & joh. Warn Upholster, of the parish of S. john in Walbrooke. Of whom it remaineth now particularly to entreat, beginning first with M. Card-maker, 
 who first was an observant Friar before the dissolution of the Abbeys: then after was a married Minister, and in king Edward's time appointed to be Reader in Paul's, where the Papists were so much aggrieved with him for his doctrines sake, that in his reading they cut and mangled his gown with their knives. This Card-maker being apprehended in the beginning of Queen Mary's reign, 
Card-maker 〈◊〉 M. 〈◊〉 apprehended, 〈◊〉 laid in 〈◊〉 Fleet.  with M. Barlowe Bishop of bath, was brought to London: and laid in prison in the Fleet, king Edward's laws yet being in force. But after the Parliament was ended, in which the Pope was again admitted as supreme head of the church, and the Bishops had also gotten power and authority, Ex officio, to exercise their tyranny: these two were both brought before Winchester Chancellor, and others appointed by Commission (as before is mentioned) to examine the faith of such as were then prisoners, and as unto others before, so now unto them, the Chancellor offered the Queen's mercy, if they would agree and be conformable, etc.  
To this they both made such an answer, as the Chancellor with his fellow Commissioners allowed them for catholic. Whether they of weakness so answered, or hereof subtlety would so understand their answer, 
●●rlow and Card-maker acceptable 〈◊〉 Winche●●er as Catholics.  that he might have some forged example of a shrinking brother, to lay in the dish of the rest, which were to be examined, it may easily be perceived by this, that to all them which followed in examination, he objected the example of Barlow & Card-maker, commending their soberness, discretion & learning. But whatsoever their answer was, yet notwithstanding Barlow was led again to the Fleet, from whence he afterward being delivered, 
M. Barlow exiled for the truth.  did by exile constantly bear witness to the truth of Christ's gospel. Card-maker was conveyed to the Counter in Breadstreete, the B. of London procuring it to be published, that he should shortly be delivered, after that he had subscribed to Transubstantiation and certain other articles.  
To the same prison where Card-maker was, Laurence Sanders was brought (after the sentence of excommunication and condemnation was pronounced against him) where these two prisoners had such christian conference, that whatsoever the breath of the bishops blustered, 
Conference between 〈…〉 & 〈◊〉 Cardmaker.  & the tickle cares of the people too lightly believed, in the end they both showed themselves constant confessors and worthy martyrs of Christ: as of Laurence Sanders it is already written. After whose departure Card-maker remained there prisoner, to be baited of the Papists, which would needs seem to have a certain hope that Card-maker was become theirs. Continual and great conference divers of them had with him, with reasonyngs, perswadyng, threatnyng, and all to none effect. To the end that their doings might appear, he required them to put their reasons in writing, and promised by writing to answer them.  
Doctor Martin who bore also a part in those pageants, 
D. Martin writeth 〈◊〉 Card-maker.  took upon him to be the chief doer by writing, whose long unsavoury letters and simple reasons for Transubstantiation, and such papistical trash, this Card-maker answered largely, learnedly, & substantially, confuting the same, opening the falsehood of his arguments, and delivering the sentences of the Fathers which Martin abused for his purpose) to their true understanding: which his answers I would had come to our hands. Thus constantly abode this man of God all the enemies doings, as he did also the death which he suffered in Smithfield in London. Whereof ye shall hear more anon, but first we will survey the matter and manner of his articles objected against him by B. Boner, with his answers annexed to the same, as consequently here under followeth.  

¶ Articles objected by Boner against joh. Taylor, aliâs Card-maker, with his answers unto the same.  
FIrst, I Edmund B. of London, object against thee Sir john Taylor aliâs Card-maker, 

May. 24. Articles ministered against john Card-maker, by the B. of London.  
john Card-maker first an observant Friar.   that thou wast and art of the city and Diocese of London, and so of the jurisdiction of me Edmund B. of London.  
Item, that thou in times passed didst profess the rule of S. Frances, and didst by vow promise to keep poverty, chastity, and obedience, according to the rule of S. Frances.  
Item, that thou in times passed didst receive all the orders of the church then used, to wit, tam maiores, quam minores.  
Item, that thou after thy said entry into religion and profession and orders aforesaid, 
john Card-maker married.  didst take to wife a widow and with her hadst carnal copulation, and didst get of her a woman child, breaking thereby thy vow and order, & also the ordinance of the church.  
Item, that thou hast believed and taught, and so dost believe that in the sacrament of the altar under the visible signs there: that is to say, 
The belief of the Pope's Catholic church.  under the forms of bread and wine, there is really and truly the true and very natural body and blood of our saviour jesus Christ.  
Item, that the belief of the catholic church is, 
To speak naturally of the natural body of Christ, these two cannot stand together at one time, unless we grant Christ to have 2. bodies.  that in having the body and blood of Christ really and truly contained in the sacrament of the altar, is to have (by the omnipotent power of almighty God) the body and blood of Christ there invisibly and really present under the said sacrament, and not to make thereby a new God, or a new Christ, or a new body of Christ.  
Item, that it may stand well together, & so is the faith of the Catholic church: that the body of Christ is visibly and truly ascended into heaven, and there is in the visible form of his humanity: and yet the same body in substance is invisibly and truly contained in the said Sacrament of the altar.  
Item, that Christ at his last supper taking bread into his hands, blessing it, breaking it, giving it to his apostles, and saying: Take, eat, this is my body, did institute a Sacrament there, 
* That Christ never willed, neither can the Scriptures bear it.  willing that his body really and truly should be contained in the said sacrament, no substance of bread and wine there remaining, but only the accidents thereof.  

¶ Answers of Card-maker, to the articles aforesaid.  
TO the first article he answereth, and confesseth the same to be true in every part thereof. 
john Card-maker answereth to the articl●●.   
To the 2. article he answereth and confesseth, that he being under age, did profess the said order and religion, & afterward by the authority of K. Henry the 8. he was dispensed with for the same religion.  
To the 3. he answereth, and confesseth the same to be true in every part thereof.  
To the 4. he answereth, and confesseth the first part thereof to be true: and to the second part of the same article he answereth and saith, that in marriage he broke no vow, because he was set at liberty to marry, both by the laws of this realm, and also by the laws and ordinances of the Church of the same.  
To the 5. he answereth & confesseth, th' th● hath believed & taught, as it is contained in this acti●e, but he doth not now so believe nor teach.  
To the 6. he answereth, that he doth not believe the same to be true in any part thereof.  
To the 7. he answereth, that he doth not believe the same to be true in any part thereof.  
To the 8. he answereth and doth believe, videlicet, that it is true: that is to say, 
The first part of this article is true: the second is false.  that Christ taking bread at his last supper into his hands, blessing it, breaking it, giving it to his disciples, and saying: Take, eat, this is my body, did institute a sacrament there. And to the other part of this article, videlicet, (willing that his body really and truly should be contained in the said sacrament, no substance of bread and wine there remaining, but only the accidents thereof) he answereth, that he doth not believe the same to be true.  
By me john Card-maker.  
M. Card-maker calling to mind afterwards the ready cavillings of the papists, and thinking himself not to have fully and according to his true meaning answered the latter part of the last eight article, did the next day after the foresaid answers, exhibit unto the bishop in a schedule this here after following.  
Where in my answer to your articles I deny the presence of Christ in the Sacrament, I mean not his sacramental presence, for that I confess, but my denial is of his carnal presence in the same. But yet further, because this word is oftentimes taken of the holy fathers, 
A more full answer to the second part of the eight article.  not only for the bread and wine, but also for the whole administration and receiving of the same, according to Christ's institution: so I say, that Christ is present spiritually too, and in all them which worthily receiveth the Sacrament: 
Sacramental presence in the Sacrament. Carnal presence in the Sacrament denied.  so that my denial is still of the real, carnal, and corporal presence in the sacrament, and not of the sacramental nor spiritual presence.  
This have I thought good to add to my former answer, because no man should misunderstand it.  
By me john Card-maker.   
Next to these articles of M. Card-maker, I thought best to infer the articles and answers likewise of john Warn his martyr fellow, in manner as followeth.  

¶ Articles ministered against john warn Upholster, of the parish of S. john in Walbrooke, with his answers to the same.  

Articles against john warn upholster in Walbroke.  FIrst, that thou john warn, being of the age of xxix. years, & of the parish of S. john of Walbrooke in London, hast believed, and dost believe firmly and steadfastly, that in the Sacrament commonly called the Sacrament of the altar, there is not the very true and natural body of our Saviour Christ in substance, under the forms of bread and wine.  
Item, that thou hast believed, and dost believe, that after the words of consecration spoken by the priest, 
Against transubstantiation.  there is not (as the church of England doth believe and teach) the body of Christ: but that there doth only remain the substance of material bread, as it is before the consecration, or speaking of the words of consecration: and that the said bread is in no wise altered or changed.  
Item, that thou hast said and dost believe, that if the Catholic church do believe and teach, 
Against the sacrifice of the Mass.  that there is in the mass (now used in England and in other places of Christendom) a sacrifice wherein there is a sacrament containing the body and blood of Christ really and truly: then that belief and faith of the church is nought, and against God's truth and the scripture.  
Item, that thou hast said, that where about a twelve months agone & more, 
Heresy for laughing at a Spaniel shorn on the head.  a great rough water Spaniel of thine, was shorn in the head, & had a crown like a Priest made in the same, thou didst laugh at it & like it, though thou didst it not thyself, nor knowest who did it.  
Item, that thou, neither this Lent last passed, nor at any time since the Queen's majesties reign, hast come into the church, or heard mass, or been confessed, or received the sacrament of the altar: and hast said, that thou art not sorry that thou hast so done, but thou art glad, because thou hast not therewith defiled thy conscience, which otherwise thou shouldest so have done.  
Upon all which articles john warn being examined by the said Boner, in presence of divers witnesses, the 23. of May, ann. 1555. did confess and believe the same, & subscribe hereunto his name with his own hand.  
By me john warn.  
Also it was objected against the said john warn, by the B. aforesaid, as followeth.  

A nother addition of Articles.  Item, that thou john Warn waste in time passed here in the city of London, convented in the Guildhall for heresy against the sacrament of the altar, according to the order of the laws of this Realm of England in the time of king Henry the 8. and when Alderman Barnes was sheriff, & the Thursday after that Anne Askew was burnt in Smithfield, 
john Warn about the time of Anne Askew was condemned to be burned, and had his pardon.  and thereupon thou wast sent as a prisoner to Newgate, to whom Edmond B. of London did repair with his chaplains, to instruct thee in the true faith of Christ, touching the said Sacrament of the altar, & to bring thee from thy error, which was, that in the Sacrament of the altar there is not the body of Christ, nor any corporal presence of Christ's body & blood, under the forms of bread & wine: but that in the said sacrament there is only material bread & wine, without any substance of Christ's body and blood at all, & because thou wouldst not leave & for sake thy said heresy therein, but persist & abide obstinately and wilfully therein, thou wert according to the said laws condemned to death, 
●●hn Warn pardoned by K. Henry. 8.  & to be burnt: and thereupon labour being made for thee to the king and other in the Court, thou hadst a pardon of king Henry the 8. and so thereby didst save thy life. Nevertheless, in thy heart, conscience, and mind, thou didst both than and also afore, believe no otherwise then at this present thou dost believe: that is to say, that in the Sacrament of the altar there is neither the very true body or blood of Christ, 
john 〈◊〉 denye● 〈◊〉 transub●t●ation▪  nor no other substace but the substance of material bread and wine, and to receive the said material bread and wine, and to break it, and to distribute it among the people, only is the true receiving of Christ's body, and no otherwise: so that thy faith and belief is, that in the said sacrament there is no substance of Christ's material body and blood: but all the thing that is there, is material bread, and the receiving thereof as afore: and that the substance of the natural and true body of Christ borne of the virgin Mary, is only in heaven, and not in the sacrament of the aultare. In which thine opinion, thou hast ever hitherto since continued, and so dost continue at this present, thou confessing all this to be true, and in witness thereof, subscribing thy name thereunto as followeth.  
By me john warn.   
john warn being examined upon these foresaid articles by the bishop before certain witnesses, 
The 〈◊〉 aunswe●● john 〈◊〉 to the 〈◊〉.  whose names were john Boswel, john Heywood, Robert Ravens, the twenty-three. of May, did answer to the same, confessing and granting the articles and the contents thereof to be true, according as they were objected in every part, subscribing also the same with his hand. Such strength and fortitude gods holy spirit wrought in him, to stand stoutly and confidently to the defence of the sincere doctrine of his son.  
Whereupon the B. exhorting him with many words to leave his heresies (as he called them) and to return to the bosom of his mother the holy church, commanded him to appear again the next day, being the xxiv. of the same month.  
Who so doing (and answering as he did before) was willed to come thither again at after noon, & so he did: 
The 〈◊〉 Session against 〈◊〉 warn.  where and at what time he was earnestly exhorted by the said bishop to recant his opinions. To whom he answered, that he would not departed from his received profession, unless he were thereunto thoroughly persuaded by the holy scriptures.  
Upon which answer he was willed to come again the next day, being the 25. day of the same month, 
The thir● session. May. 25.  at one of the clock in the after noon. At which day and hour, the B. examined him again upon all his former articles before objected, to the which he most constantly did stick, with his further answer thereunto added: I am persuaded, quoth he, to be in the right opinion, and that I see no cause to repent, for all filthiness & Idolatry is in the church of Rome.  
The B. then seeing that notwithstanding all his fair promises & terrible threatenings (whereof he used store) he could not any thing prevail: 
john Warn constant against the Bishop's persuasion Sentence given against john warn. May. 30. Cardmaker and john Warn brought 〈◊〉 execution john Warn tied to th● stake.  finished this examination with the definitive sentence of condemnation pronounced against the said john warn, and so charged the Shiriffs of London with him, under whose custody he remained in the prison of Newgate, until the 30. day of the same month of May.  
Upon the which 30. of May, being the day appointed for their execution, john Card-maker with the said john warn, were brought by the sheriffs to the place where they should suffer. Who being come to the stake, first the sheriffs called Card-maker aside, and talked with him secretly, so long, that in the mean time warn had made his prayers, was chained to the stake, and had wood and reed set about him, so that nothing wanted, but the firing: but still abode Card-maker talking with the sheriffs.  
The people which before had heard that Card-maker would recant, and beholding this manner of doing, 
The people afraid at Cardmaker recanting.  were in a marvelous dump and sadness, thinking in deed that Card-maker should now recant at the burning of warn. At length Card-maker departed from the sheriffs, and came towards the stake, and (in his garments as he was) kneeled down & made a long prayer in silence to himself: yet the people confirmed themselves in their fantasy of his recanting, seeing him in his garments praying secretly, & no semblance of any burning.  
❧ The martyrdom of john Card-maker, and john warn, Upholster. An. 1555. May. 30.   

¶ The confession of the faith of john warn Citizen of London, which he wrote the day before he was burned, the 30. day of May. 1555.  
I believe in God the father almighty, maker of heaven and earth.  
A Father, because he is the Father of our Lord jesus Christ, 
〈◊〉 john 〈◊〉.  who is the everlasting word, whom before all worlds he hath begotten of himself, which word was made flesh, and therein also manifested to be his son: in whom he hath adopted us to be his children, the inheritors of his kingdom, and therefore he is our father: An almighty God, because he hath of nothing created all things visible and invisible, both in heaven and in earth, even all creatures contained therein, and governeth them.  
And in jesus Christ his only son our Lord.  
The eternal word, perfect God with his father of equal power in all things, of the same substance, of like glory, by whom all things were made, and have life, & without whom nothing liveth: he was made also perfect man, and so being very God, and very man in one person, is the only Saviour, Redeemer, and Ransomer of them which were lost in Adam our forefather. He is the only mean of our deliverance, the hope of our health, the surety of our salvation.  
Which was conceived by the holy Ghost, borne of the Virgin Mary.  
According to the Father's most merciful promise, this eternal son of God, forsaking the heavenly glory, humbled himself to take flesh of a virgin, according to the scriptures, uniting the substance of the Godhead, to the substance of the manhood, which he took of the substance of that blessed virgin Mary, in one person, to become therein the very Massiah, the anointed king and priest, for ever appointed to pacify the father's wrath, which was justly gone out against us all for our sin.  
Suffered under Pontius Pilate, was crucified, dead, and buried, and descended into hell.  
He was arraigned before Pontius Pilate the ruler of jewrie, and so unjustly accused of many crimes, that the Ruler judged him innocent, and sought means to deliver him: but contrary to known justice, he did let go Barrabas which had deserved death, and delivered Christ to be crucified, who deserved no death: which doth declare unto us manifestly, that he suffered for our sins, & was buffeted for our offences, as the prophets do witness: thereby to have it manifested to all men, that he is that Lamb of God that taketh away the sins of the world. Therefore suffering for our sins, he received and did bear our deserved condemnation, the pains of death, the taste of abjection, the very terror of hell, yielding his spirit to his father, his body to be buried in earth.  
The third day he rose again from death to life.  
To make full and perfect the whole work of our redemption and justification, the same crucified body which was laid in the grave, was raised up again the third day from death, by the power of his Father, and glory of his Godhead: he became the first fruits of the resurrection, & got the victory of death, that all by him might be raised up from death. Through whom all true penitent sinners may now boldly come unto the father, and have remission of their sins.  
He ascended into heaven, and sitteth on the right hand of God the father almighty.  
After that in his death and resurrection he had conquered sin, death, and the devil, and had been conversant 40. days in the earth being seen of the Apostles, & more than v. hundred brethren at once, in the same body in which he wrought the work of our salvation, he ascended into heaven with eternal triumph, for the victory over death, sin and hell, leaving the passage open, by which all true believers may and shall enter into his kingdom, 
The triumph victory over death.  where he now sitteth at his father's right hand, that is to say, in power & glory equal, in majesty coeternal.  
From thence he shall come to judge the quick & the dead.  
He shall appear again in great glory to receive his elect unto himself, & to put his enemies under his feet, changing all living men in a moment, and raising up all that be dead, that all may be brought to his judgement. In this shall he give each man according to his deeds. They which have followed him in regeneration, which have their sins washed away in his blood, & are clothed with his righteousness, shall receive the everlasting kingdom, and reign with him for ever: and they which after the race of the corrupt generation of Adam have followed flesh and blood, shall receive everlasting damnation with the devil and his angels.  
I believe in the holy ghost.  
I do believe that the holy ghost is God, the third person in Trinity, in unity of the Godhead equal with the father & the son, given through Christ to inhabit our spirits, by which we are made to feel and understand the great power, virtue, & loving kindness of Christ our lord. For he illumineth, quickeneth, and certifieth our spirit, that by him we are sealed up unto the day of redemption, by whom we are regenerate and made new creatures, so that by him and through him, we do receive all the abundant goodness promised us in jesus Christ.  
The holy Catholic Church.  
This is an holy number of Adam's posterity, elected, gathered, 
The Church.  washed, and purified by the blood of the Lamb from the beginning of the world, and is dispersed through the same, by the tyranny of Gog & Magog, that is to say, the Turk and his tyranny, and Antichrist, otherwise named the bishop of Rome and his angels, as this day also doth teach.  
The Communion of Saints.  
Which most holy congregation (being as Paul teacheth, builded upon the foundation of the Apostles and Prophets, Christ being the head corner stone) though it be by the tyranny of Satan and his ministers persecuted, some by imprisonment, some by death, and some by other afflictions & painful torments: yet doth it remain in one perfect unity both in faith and fellowship: which unity is knit in an unspeakable knot, as well of them which are departed from this mortal life, as of them which now be living, and hereafter shall be in the same, and so shall continue until they all do meet in the kingdom, where the head jesus Christ, with all his holy members (of which number through Christ I assuredly believe that I am one) shall be fully complete, knit, and united together for evermore.  
The forgiveness of sins.  
I do believe that my sins and all their sins which do rightly believe the holy Scripture, 
Remission only through Christ.  are forgiven only through that jesus Christ, of whom only I do profess that I have my whole and full salvation and redemption, which S. Paul saith, cometh not through our works and deservings, but freely by grace, lest any should boast himself. Through the blood of his Cross all things in heaven and earth are reconciled, and set at peace with the Father, without him no heavenly life is given, nor sin forgiven.  
The resurrection of the body.  
I do believe, that by the same my saviour Christ, I, and all men shall rise again from death: for he, as Paul saith, is risen again from the dead, and is become the first fruits of them which sleep. 
Resurrection.  For by a man came death, and by a man cometh the resurrection from death. This man is Christ, through the power of whose resurrection, I believe that we all shall rise again in these our bodies: the elect clothed with immortality to live with Christ for ever: the reprobate also shall rise immortal to live with the devil and his angels in death everlasting.  
And the life everlasting.  
Through the same jesus & by none other, I am sure to have life everlasting. He only is the way and entrance into the kingdom of heaven. 
john. 3.  For so God loved the world, that he did give his only son jesus Christ, to the end that so many as do believe in him, might have everlasting life. The which I am sure to possess so soon as I am dissolved, 
Life and Salvation only by faith in Christ.  & departed out of this tabernacle, & in the last day shall both body and soul possess the same for ever: to the which God grant all men to come,  
I believe that the sacraments, that is to say, of Baptism and of the lords supper are seals of Gods most merciful promises towards mankind. 
Two sacraments of the new Testament.  In Baptism, as by the outward creature of water I am washed from the filthiness which hangeth on my flesh: so do I assuredly believe, that I am by Christ's blood washed clean from my sins, through which I have sure confidence of my certain salvation. In the partaking of the lords supper, as I receive the substance of bread & wine (the nature of which is to strengthen the body,) so do I by faith receive the redemption wrought in Christ's body broken on the cross, life by his death, resurrection by his resurrection, and in sum, all that ever Christ in his body suffered for my salvation, to the strengthening of my faith in the same. And I believe that God hath appointed the eating & drinking of the creatures of bread and wine in his holy supper according to his word, to move and to stir up my mind to believe these articles above written.  
This is my faith: this I do believe, and I am content by God's grace to confirm and seal the truth of the same with my blood.  
By me john warn.   

¶ A letter of john Card-maker to a certain friend of his.  
The peace of God be with you.  
YOu shall right well perceive, 
A 〈◊〉 M. Cardmaker 〈…〉  that I am not gone back as some men do report me, but as ready to give my life, as any of my brethren that are gone before me, although by a policy I have a little prolonged it, and that for the best, as already it appeareth unto me, and shortly shall appear unto all. That day that I recant any point of doctrine, I shall suffer twenty kinds of death, the Lord being mine assistance, as I doubt not, but he wil Commend me to my friend, and tell him no less. This the Lord strengthen you, me, and all his elect. My riches and poverty is as it was wont to be, and I have learned to rejoice in poverty, as well as in riches, for that count I now to be very riches. Thus far ye well in Christ. Salute all my brethren in my name. I have conferred with some of my adversaries, learned men, and I find that they be but Sophistes and shadows.   

¶ A note concerning M. Card-maker.  
Master Card-maker being condemned, & in Newgate one Beard a Promoter came to him two or three days before he was burned, and said unto him: Sir, 
A 〈…〉 take between Card●●●●● and 〈…〉  I am sent unto you by the Counsel, to know whether ye will recant or no?  Card-maker. 
From which Counsel are ye come? I think ye are not come, nor yet sent from the Queen's counsel, but rather from the commissioners, unto whom (as I suppose) ye belong. And where as ye would know, whether I will recant or no, thus, I pray you, report of me to those whom ye said, sent you. I know you are a Tailor by your occupation, and have endeavoured yourself to be a cunning workman, and thereby to get your living: so I have been a preacher these xx. years, and ever since that God by his great mercy hath opened mine eyes to see his eternal truth, I have by his grace endeavoured myself to call upon him, to give me the true understanding of his holy word, and I thank him for his great mercy, I hope I have discharged my conscience in the setting forth of the same, to that little talon that I have received.  Beard. 
Yea sir, but what say you to the blessed Sacrament of the altar?  Card. 
I say and mark it well, that Christ the night before his bitter passion, ordained the holy and blessed Communion, & hath given commandment, that his death should be preached before the receiving thereof, in the remembrance of his body broken, and his precious blood shed for the forgiveness of our sins, to as many as faithfully believe and trust in him.  
And furthermore, 
The 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 of M. 〈…〉 sacrament  to conclude the matter briefly with him, he asked of him, whether the Sacrament he spoke of, had a beginning, or no? Whereunto when he had granted and affirmed the same to be, than master Card-maker again thus inferred thereupon: If the Sacrament (said he) as you confess, have a beginning, and an ending, than it cannot be God: for God hath no beginning nor ending, and so willing him well to note the same, he departed from him.   

june. An. 1555.  
The 5. day M. Secretary Bourne, the M. of the Rolls Sir Frances Englefield, Sir Richard Read and Doctor Hughes, anchorising them or two or three of them at the least, to proceed to further examination of Benger, carry, D. and Field, upon such points as they shall gather out of their former confessions, touching their lewd & vain practices of calculing or conjuring, presently sent unto them with the said letters.  
The 7. day there was another letter to sir john Tregonwel, willing him to join in commission with the said L. North, and others abovenamed, about the examination of the said parties & others, for conjuring & witchcraft. And the 29. of August carry and D. were set at liberty upon bands for their good abearing until Christmas after.  
The 12. day a letter was sent to the L. Treasurer, to cause Writs to be made to the Sheriff of Sussex, for the burning and executing of Dirike a Brewer, at jews, and other two, the one at Stainings, the other at Chichester.  
The 23. of june a letter was sent to Boner, to examine a report given to the counsel of 4. parishes within the Soken of Essex, that should still use the English service, and to punish the offenders if any such be.    

¶ The story of john Ardeley and john Symson of the Parish of Wigborow the great, in Essex.  

The story of ●●hn Sim●●● & john ardeley 〈◊〉.  WIth Master Card-maker and john warn, upon the same day, & in the same company, & for the same cause was also condemned john Ardeley and john Symson, which was the 25. day of may. But before we come to the story of them, first here is to be noted the copy of the King and Queen's letter, directed from the Court the same day▪ and sent by a Post early in the morning to the bishop in tenor and form as followeth.  

¶ To the right reverend Father in God, our right trusty and well-beloved, the Bishop of London.  

The king & Queen's 〈◊〉 to B. 〈◊〉.  RIght reverend father in God, right trusty and well-beloved, we greet you well. And where of late we addressed our letters to the justices of peace within every of the Counties of this our Realm, whereby amongst other instructions given them for the good order and quiet government of the Country about them, they are willed to have a special regard unto such disordered persons, as forgetting their duties towards God and us, do lean to any erroneous and heretical opinions, refusing to show themselves conformable to the Catholic Religion of Christ's church: wherein if they cannot by good admonitions and fair means reform them, they are willed to deliver them to the Ordinary, to be by him charitably traveled withal, and removed (if it may be) from their naughty opinions, or else if they continued obstinate, to be ordered according to the laws provided in that behalf: understanding now, to our no little marvel, that divers of the said disordered persons, being by the justices of peace for their contempt and obstinacy, brought to the Ordinaries to be used, as is aforesaid, are either refused to be received at their hands, or if they be received, are neither so traveled with, as christian charity requireth, nor yet proceeded withal according to the order of justice, but are suffered to continue in their errors, to the dishonour of almighty God, and dangerous example of others: like as we find this matter very strange, so have thought convenient, both to signify our knowledge & therewith also to admonish you to have in this behalf such regard henceforth to the office of a good pastor and Bishop, as when any such offenders shallbe by the said Officers or justices of peace brought unto you, 
Q. Mary stirreth Boner to shed innocent blood.  you to use your good wisdom & discretion in procuring to remove them from their errors, if it may be, or else in proceeding against them (if they shall continued obstinate) according to the order of the laws: so as through your good furtherance, both God's glory may be better advanced, and the common wealth more quietly governed. yeven under our signet, at our honour of Hampton Court, the 24. of May, the 1. and 2. years of our reigns.  
This letter thus coming from the Court to the Bishop, made him the more earnest and hasty to the condemnation, as well of others, as of these men, of whom now we have presently to entreat, of john Symson, I mean and john Ardeley. Which both being of one country, and of one Town together, and of one trade, that is, being both husbandmen in the town of Wigborow in Essex, 
john Ardeley & john Simson both husbandmen 〈◊〉 the town of Wigbo●ough.  and also almost both of one age, sane that Symson was of the age of 34. the other of 30. were brought up both together, by the under sheriff of Essex, to Boner Bishop of London, upon the accusation (as in that time it was called) of heresy.  
As touching the order & manner of their examinations before the bishop, as the articles ministered against them, were much like: so their answers again unto the same were not much discrepant in manner & form, as out of the Bishops own Registers here followeth expressed.   

¶ Articles objected against john Symson, and john Ardeley, of the Parish of Wigborow the great in Essex, husbandmen, by Boner Bishop of London, at Fulham. 22. of May. 1555.  

Articles ministered against john Simson, and ●ohn Arde●ey.  1. FIrst, that thou joh. Symson (or joh. Ardeley) husbandman, of the age of 34. years, or thereabout, waist and art of the parish of great Wigborow, within the diocese of London, and thou hast not believed, nor dost believe, that there is here in earth one Catholic and universal whole Church, which doth hold and believe all the faith & religion of Christ and all the necessary articles and sacraments of the same.  
2. Item, that thou hast not believed, nor dost believe, that thou art necessarily bounden under the pain of damnation of thy soul, to give full faith and credence unto the said Catholic and universal Church, and to the Religion of the same, in all necessary points of the said faith and Religion, without wavering or doubting in the said faith and Religion, or in any part thereof.  
3. Item, that thou hast not believed, nor dost believe, that that faith and Religion: which both the Church of Rome, Italy, spain, England, France, Ireland, 
The Church of Rome, Italy, Spain, an other foreign countries in Europe.  Scotland, and all other Churches in Europe, being true members and parts of the said Catholic & universal church do believe and teach, is both agreeing with the said Catholic and universal Church, and the faith and Religion, of Christ, and also is the very true faith & Religion, which all Christian people ought to believe, observe, follow & keep, but contrariwise thou hast believed, and dost believe, that that faith and Religion, which the said Church of Rome, and all the other Churches aforesaid have heretofore believed, and do now believe, is false, erroneous and nought, & in no wise aught to be believed, observed, kept, and followed of any Christian man.  
4. Item, that albeit it be true, that in the Sacrament of the altar there is in substance the very body and blood of Christ under the forms of bread and wine, and albeit, that it be so believed, taught & preached undoubtedly in the said Church of Rome, and all the other Churches aforesaid, yet thou hast not so believed, nor dost so believe, 
Substance of Christ's body under forms of bread & wine.  but contrariwise thou hast & dost believe firmly, & steadfastly, that there is not in the said sacrament of the altar, under the said forms of bread and wine, the very substance of Christ's body and blood, but that there is only the substance of material and common bread and wine, with the forms thereof: and that the said material & common bread and wine are only the signs and tokens of Christ's body and blood, and by faith to be received, only for a remembrance of Christ's passion & death, without any such substance of Christ's body and blood at all.  
5. Item, that thou hast believed and taught, and thou hast openly spoken, and to thy power maintained and defended, and so dost believe, think, maintain and defend, that the very true receiving and eating of Christ's body & blood, is only to take material and common bread, 
Transubstantiation denied.  and to break it, and to distribute it amongst the people, remembering thereby the passion and death of Christ only.  
6. Item, that thou hast likewise believed, taught, and spoken, that the Mass now used in this Realm of England, and others the churches aforesaid, 
The Mass abominable.  is abominable & nought and full of Idolatry, and is of the ordinance of the Pope, and not of the institution of Christ, & hath no goodness in it, saving the gloria in excelsis, and the Epistle and the Gospel, & that therefore thou hast not, nor wilt not come and be present at the Mass, nor receive the Sacrament of the altar, or any other Sacrament of the Church as they are now used in this Realm of England, and other the Churches aforesaid.  
7. Item, that thou hast in times past believed precisely, and obstinately affirmed and said, & so dost now believe & think that auricular confession is not needful to be made unto the Priest, but it is a thing superfluous and vain, and ought only to be made to God & to none other person: and likewise thou hast condemned as superfluous, vain, and unprofitable, all the ceremonies of the church and the service of the same, & hast said that no service in the church ought to be said, but in the English tongue, and if it be otherwise said, it is unlawful and nought.  

¶ The answers of john Symson and also of john Ardeley, to the foresaid Articles.  
TO the first, they believe, that here in earth there is one Catholic and universal holy Church, 
Their answers to the articles.  which doth hold and believe as is contained in the first article, and that this Church is dispersed and scattered abroad throughout the whole world.  
To the second, they believe, that they be bound to give faith and credence unto it, as is contained in the second Article.  
To the third, as concerning the faith and Religion of the Church of Rome, of Italy, Spain, France, Ireland, Scotland, and other Churches in Europa, they say, they have nothing to do with that faith and Religion, but as concerning the faith and Religion of England, that if the said Church of England be ruled and Governed by the word of life, than the Church of England hath the faith & Religion of the Catholic Church, and not otherwise: & do say also, that if the Church of England were ruled by the word of life, it would not go about to condemn them and others of this heresy.  
To the fourth they answer, that in the Sacrament, commonly called the Sacrament of the altar, there is very bread and very wine, not altered nor changed in substance in any wise, 
Transubstantiation denied.  and that he that receiveth the said bread and wine, doth spiritually and by faith only receive the body and blood of Christ, 
Anno 1555. june.  but not the very natural body and blood of Christ in substance, under the forms of bread and wine.  
To the fift they say, they have answered answering to the said fourth article, and yet nevertheless they say, that they have believed, and do believe, that in the sacrament of the Altar there is not the very substance of Christ's body and blood, but only the substance of natural bread and wine.  
To the sixth they say, that they believe, that the Mass is of the Pope, 
The Mass detested.  and not of Christ, and therefore it is not good, nor having in it any goodness, saving the Gloria in excelsis, the Epistle and Gospel, the Creed, and the Pater noster: & for this cause they say, they have not, nor will not come and hear Mass.  
To the seventh, john Ardeley answereth, and saith, that he believeth the contents of the same to be true: but john Symson doth answer, that he is not as yet fully resolved with himself, what answer to make thereunto, & further saith, that as touching the common and daily service said & used in the church, he saith, that he never said, that service in the Church ought to be said but in the English tongue, nor yet he never said, that if it be otherwise said and used then in English, it is unlawful and nought.  
john Ardeley, and john Symson.   

another appearance of Simson and john Ardeley before the Bishop.  Thus these articles being to them objected, and their answers made unto the same, as before, the Bishop according to the old trade of his Consistory Court, respited them to the after noon, bidding them to make their appearance the said day and place, between the hours of two and three. At what time the said Bishop repeating again the said articles unto them, and beginning with john Ardeley did urge and solicitate, according to his manner of words, to recant.  
To whom john Ardely again constantly standing to his professed Religion, 
The words of john Ardeley to Boner  gave answer in words, as followeth: My Lord (quoth he) neither you, nor any other of your Religion, is of the Catholic Church, for you be of a false faith: and I doubt not but you shall be deceived at length, bear as good a face as ye can. You will shed the innocent blood, and you have killed many, and yet go abot to kill more. etc.  
And added further, saying: If every hear of my head were a man, I would suffer death in the opinion and faith that I am now in. These with many other words he spoke. 
john Ardeley ● john Simson condemned.  Then the Bishop yet demanding if he would relinquish his erroneous opinions (as he called them) and be reduced again to the unity of the Church, he answered, as followeth: No, God foreshield that I should so do: for than I should lose my soul.  
After this, the said Bishop ask john Ardeley (after his formal manner) if he knew any cause why he should not have sentence condemnatory against him, so read the condemnation, as he also did against john Simson, standing likewise in the same cause and constancy with john Ardeley: which was done the xxv. day of May, and so were they both committed to the secular power, that is, to the hands of the Sheriffs, to be conveyed to the place where they should be executed. But before I come to their execution, here is not to be passed a thing not unworthy the looking upon, which happened in the closing up of the examination of these two innocent martyrs of God, which is this.  

A Note.  
At the time of the examination of this Symson and john Ardeley aforesaid, 
A note of the sudden fear of Boner  there was assembled such a great multitude of people, that because the Consistory was not able to hold them, they were fain to stand in the Church, near about the said Consistory, waiting to see the prisoners, when they should departed. It happened in the mean time that the Bishop being set in heat with the stout and bold answers of the said two prisoners (especially of john Symson) burst out in his loud and angry voice, and said: Have him away, have him away.  
Now the people in the Church hearing these words, and thinking (because the day was far spent) that the prisoners had their judgement, they being desirous to see the prisoners had to Newgate, severed themselves, one running one way, an other an other way, which caused such a noise in the Church, that they in the Consistory were all amazed, and marveled what it should mean: wherefore the Bishop also being somewhat afraid of this sudden stir, 
The ridiculous fear of Boner and his Doctors.  asked what there was to do. The standers by answering, said, that there was like to be some tumult, for they were together by the ears.  
When the Bishop heard this, by & by his hart was in his heels, & leaving his seat, he with the rest of that court be took them to their legs, hastening with all speed possible to recover the door that went into the bishop's house: but the rest being somewhat lighter of foot then my Lord, did sooner recover the door, and thronging hastily to get in kept the bishop still out, and cried: Save my Lord, save my Lord, but meaning yet first to save themselves, if any danger should come, whereby they gave the standers by good matter to laugh at: resembling in some part a spectacle not much unlike to the old stagers at Oxford, worse feared then hurt, when as the Church there was noised to be on fire, whereof ye may read before. pag. 1180.  
But of this matter enough.  
Now john Symson and john Ardeley being delivered (as is aforesaid) to the sheriffs, 
john Sim●son & Io●● Ardeley 〈◊〉 into Essex be executed. The martyrdom o● Simsons & Ardeley june. 10.  were shortly after sent down from London to Essex, where both they on one day (which was about the 10. day of june) were put to death, albeit in several places: for john Sympson suffered at Rochfort, john Ardeley the same day was had to Railey, where he finished his martyrdom most quietly in the quarrel of Christ's Gospel.   

* A note of john Ardeley.  
FOr the better consideration of the rigorous cruelty of these Catholic days, this is furthermore not unworthy of all men to be noted and known to all posterity, concerning the examinations of this Ardeley and his company: how that they being brought before the Commissioners were by them greatly charged of stubbornness and vain glory. Unto whom they answered in defence of their own simplicity, that they were content willingly to yield to the Queen all their goods and lands, so that they might be suffered to live under her, in keeping their conscience free from all Idolatie and papistical Religion. Yet this would not be granted, although they had offered all to their hart blood: so greedy and so thirsty be tbese persecutors of Christian blood. The Lord give them repentance if it be his will, and keep from them the just reward of such cruel dealing. Amen.     

The ridiculous handling and proceeding of Bishop Boner and his mates against john Tooly, first suspected and condemned after his death, and then digged out of his grave, and given to the secular power, and so burned for an heretic.  
ABout the same time of the burning of these two aforesaid, in the beginning of the said month of june, 
The story of john Tooly.  fell out a solemn process & much ado was made by the Pope's spiritualty against john Tooly, in a case of heresy. The story is this. There was about the time that the Spaniards began first to keep a stur in England, one Io. Tooly, a citizen & Pulter in London, who conspired with certain other of his society, to rob a Spaniard at s. james: & although the deed were heinous & wicked of itself, yet was it aggravated & made greater than it was by other, being committed against such a person, & against such a country. which both the queen & her whole court did highly favour. The robbery being known, & brought into judgement, this Tooly was found guilty, and judged to be hanged, whereas notwithstanding in this Realm there are many more thefts committed, than thieves executed.  
The foresaid Tooly, being lead to the gallows, (which stood fast by Charing Cross a little before he died, standing upon the Cart, read a certain prayer in a printed book, and two other prayers written in two several papers, who then having the halter about his neck, desired the people there present to pray for him, and to bear him witness that he died a true Christian man, and that he trusted to be saved only by the merits of Christ's passion, 

john Too●● died a 〈◊〉 Christian man.  
The Chr●●stian confession of Tooly. The coue●●t●usnes of the Pope.   & shedding of his precious blood, and not by any masses, or Trentals, Images, or Saints, which were (as he said) mere Idolatry and superstition, and devised by the bishop of Rome: and as he the same Tooly, and two other his fellows, which were there hanged with him, did steal and rob for covetousness, so the bishop of Rome did sell his Masses and Trentals, with such other peltrye for covetousness, and there being in a great anger (as appeared) against the bishop of Rome, spoke with a loud voice these words following: From the tyranny of the Bishop of Rome, and all his detestable enormities: From false doctrine and heresy, and from the contempt of the word and commandment, good Lord deliver us.  
And then adding further to the same, he spoke unto the people: All you that be true Christian men, say with me, Amen. And immediately thereupon three hundred persons and more to the judgement & estimation of those that were there present, answered and said. Amen, 
 three times together at the least.  
After this it happened, that when Toolye had read the Bill the first time, it fell from him: and a certain young man (who was thought to be a Prentice) stooped down and took up the Bill, and climbed up by the Cart, and delivered it unto Tooly again, which he again di● read to the people. That done, he delivered unto one of the Marshialles Officers the book aforesaid, and willed him to deliver it to one Hawks, saying that it was his Book. Furthermore, he delivered one of the Prayers written in a paper, to one Robert Bromley Sergeant, which desired to have it of him. Upon the top of which Bill was written a line, containing these words: Beware of Antichrist: and subscribed underneath: Per me Thomam Harold prisoner in the Marshalsea, enemy to Antechriste. For the Bill aforesaid Robert Bromley was brought afterward Coram nobis, and was feign to ask pardon of the bishop, and to detest all the words of Tooly, and glad so to escape.  
Thus while Tooly had made his prayers, as is above said, to be delivered from the Pope's tyranny, by the same prayer he fell into great tyranny. For so soon as the brute of this fact came unto the ears of the Priests & Mitred prelate's, they were not a little mad thereat, thinking it not tolerable that so great a reproach should be done against the holy father. Calling therefore a counsel together, as though it had been a matter of great importance. 
A Council called against ●ooly.  Toolyes talk at his death was debated among themselves.  
At the last, (after much Pro and Contra) they all consented to those men's judgements, which thought it meet that the vyolating of the Pope's holiness should be revenged with fire and faggot. And I do easily believe, that Cardinal Poole was no small doer in this sentence: 
Cardinal Poole a great doer in burning dead men's Bones  for as Winchester and Boner did always thirst after the blood of the living, so Pools lightning was for the most part kindled against the dead: and he reserved this charge only to himself, I know not for what purpose, except peradventure being loath to be so cruel as the other, he thought nevertheless by this means to discharge his duty toward the Pope. By the same Cardinals like lightning and fiery fist, the bones of Martin Bucer, and Paulus Phagius, which had lain almost two years in their graves, 
M. Bucer Paulus Phagius, Peter Martyrs wife. john Tooly, ●urned for heretics after their death.  were taken up and burned at Cambridge, as Toolyes carcase was here at London. And besides this, because he would show some token of his diligence in both Universities, he caused Peter Martyrs wife, a woman of worthy memory, to be digged out of the Churchyard, and to be buried on the dunghill. Of these two prodigious acts, ye shall hear more hereafter. But now to our purpose of Tooly, which having ended his prayer, was hanged, and put into his grave, out of the which he was digged again, by the commandment of the Bishops, and because he was so bold to derogate the authority of the Bishop of Rome at the time of his death, it pleased them to judge and condemn him as an heretic, upon the commandment of the Counsels letter, as here appeareth.  

¶ A Letter sent unto Boner Bishop of London, from the Counsel.  
AFter our very hearty commendations to your Lordship under standing that of late amongst others that have suffered about London for their offences, 
The Counsels letter 〈◊〉 B. Boner concerning Tooly.  one lewd person that was condemned for felony, died very obstinately, professing at the time of his death sundry heretical and erroneous opinions: like as we think it not convenient that such a matter should be overpassed without some example to the world, so we thought good to pray your lordship, to cause further inquiry to be made thereof, and thereupon to proceed to the making out of such process as by the Ecclesiastical laws is provided in that behalf. And so we bid your Lordship heartily well to far. From Hampton Court, the 28. of April. 1555.  
Your Lordship's loving friends. 

Ste. Winton Cancel.  
F. Shrewsbury.  
john Gage.  
Thomas Cheney.  
R. Rochester.  
William Peter.  
Rich Southwell.     
Anon after, a Citation was set upon Paul's Church door under the Bishop of London's great seal: the tenor whereof here ensueth.  

¶ The writ of Mandate of Boner B. of London, set up at Charing Cross, on Paul's Church door, and at S. Martin's in the field, for the citing and further enquiring out of the case of john Tooly.  
EDmond by the sufferance of God, Bishop of London, 
A Citation set up by Boner & that in Latin, commanding his kin and kinsfolks to lay for him what they could, before the sentence given, or else to hol● their peace for ever.  to all and singular Parsons, Uicares, Curates, and others, Clerks and learned men, being within our Diocese of London, and specially unto Richard Clony our sworn Sumner, greeting, salutation, & benediction. For so much as it is come to our hearing by common fame, and the declaration of sundry credible persons, that one john Tooly late Citizen and Pulter of London, the son of perdition and iniquity, coming to the profundity of malice, in the self same time in the which he should go to hanging, according to the laws of the Realm, for the great the●e by him lately committed, at which time chiefly he should have cared for the wealth of his soul, and to have died in the unity of the Catholic Church, did utter divers and sundry, damnable, blasphemous, and heretical opinions, & errors, utterly contrary & repugnant to the verity of the Catholic faith & unity of the same, and did exhort, stir up, and encourage the people there standing in great multitude, to hold & defend the same errors and opinions: And moreover, certain of the people there standing, as it did appear, infected with errors and heresies, as ●autours and defenders of the said john, did confirm and give express consent to the foresaid words, propositions, and affirmations: which thing we do utter with sorrow and bitterness of hart.  
We therefore the foresaid Edmond & bishop abovesaid, 
Note how Boner here pretendeth conscience in prosecuting this matter. when only he was commanded unto it ●y the Counsels letters.  not being able, nor daring pass over in silence, or wink at the foresaid heinous act, least by our negligence and slackness, the blood of them might be required at our hands, at the most terrible day of judgement, desiring to be certified and informed, whether the premises declared unto us be of truth & least that any scabbed sheep, lurking amongst the simple flock of our Lord do infect them with pestiferous heresy, to you, therefore, we straightly charge and command, that you cite, or cause to be cited all and singular, having or knowing the truth of the premises, by setting up this Citation upon the Church door of Saint Martin's in the field, being within our Diocese of London, and also upon the Cathedral Church door of S. Paul's in London, leaving there the copy hereof, or by other means or ways, the best you can, that this Citation and Monition may come to their knowledge.  
All which and singular by the tenor of these presents, we cite and admonish that they appear, and every one of them do appear before us or our vicar general, or Commissary, whatsoever he be in that behalf, in our cathedral Church of S. Paul in London, in the Consistory place up on thursday the second day of May, now next ensuing, betwixt the hours of 9 & 10. of the clock in the forenoon the same day, to bear witness to the truth in this behalf, and to depose and declare faithfully the truth that they know or have heard of the premises: and moreover, to do and receive, that law and reason doth require.  
Further, we commit unto you, as before, and straitly enjoining you do command, 
The wife children & kind●ed of john Tooly cited.  that ye will generally cite the wife of the said Tooly that is dead & his children, his kindred by father and mother, his friends, and his familiars in especial, and all other and every of them, if there be any perhaps that desire to defend and purge the remembrance of the person in the premises, and that ye admonish them after the manner and form aforesaid, whom we likewise by the tenor of these presents, do in such sort cite and monish that they appear all, & that every one of them do appear (under pain to be compelled to keep silence for ever hereafter in this behalf) before us, or our vicar general in spiritual matters, or such our Commissary at the day, hour, and place a foresaid, to defend the good name and remembrance of him that is dead, and to say, allege, & propose in due form of law, a cause reasonable, if they have any or can tell of any why the said john Tooly that is dead, ought not to be determined and declared for such an heretic and excommunicate person, and his remembrance condemned, in the detesting and condemning of so heinous a deed and crime, & his body or carcase to lack Church burial, 
The carcase of Tooly ●ut of from Christian burial.  as a rotten member cut of from the church, and the same to be committed to the arm & power secular, and they compelled hereafter for ever to hold their peace.  
And furthermore, to do, receive, & to suffer, as law and reason will, and as the quality of such matter, and the nature of themselves do constrain and require: and moreover, that you cite and monish after the manner aforesaid, all and every of the receivers, fautors, and creditors of the said john Tooly that is dead, especially if any of them do accline and give consent to th●se wicked and detestable affirmations, propositions, and rehearsals aforesaid, that on this side the said thursday, 
The Bishop layeth his bait to catch whom he may trouble.  they return and submit themselves unto us, and to the lap of the mother holy Church: which thing if they do, we trusting upon the mercy of almighty God, do promise that we will receive them being penitent for such their errors & faults, with thanks, benignity, mercy and favour, to the comfort and health of their own souls, and in that behalf save their honesties to the uttermost of our power: otherwise if they will not provide thus to come of their own accord, but to abide the ordinary process of the law, let those men know that we will punish more severely this offence, according to the uttermost of the law, and as far as the law will bear it: & what you shall do in the premises, let him among you which shall execute this our present Mandate, certify us, or our vicar general in spiritual matters, either by his own person, or by his letters patents, together with these autentically sealed. Dated at London under our seal, the last day save one of April. 1555. and of our Translation the 16.  
When the time of this Citation was expired, and this Tooly being cited, did not appear: next in order of law came the suspension (where as one suspension had been enough for him) and after that cometh the Excommunication, 
Tooly suspended and excommunicated.  that is, that no man should eat or drink with him, or if any met him by the way, he should not bid him good morrow, and besides that, he should be excluded from the Communion of the Church. These things being prepared in such manner, as in such cases full wisely they use to do, at length one stood out for the nonce, that made answer to certain articles, rehearsed in judgement openly, and that in the behalf of the dead man. But when the poor dead man could neither speak for himself, nor did, (as they said) sufficiently answer them by the other, to avoid the name of an heretic: first witnesses were producted against him, whose names were Henry Clarke Esquire, 
Witness against john Tooly.  Thom. Way keeper of the marshalsea, Philip Andrew Undermarshal, William Holingworth Fishmonger, William Gellard, William Walton Chandler, Richard Longman Merchant tailor, Philip Britten, john Burton Brewer, Thomas Smyth Sergeant. Then he was for an heretic condemned, and so committed to the secular power, 
Tooly given to the secular power.  namely to the sheriffs of London, which with like diligence went about to execute their charge. Therefore receiving the man being suspended, excommunicated, condemned as an heretic, and besides that being dead, they laid him on the fire to be burned, namely, ad perpetuam rei memoriam, for a continual remembrance thereof. This was done the fourth day of june.    

* Hear followeth the history and martyrdom of the worthy servant of Christ, Thomas Hawks Gentleman, with his examinations and answers had with B. Boner, recorded and penned with his own hand.  
Immediately after the story of D. Taylor. pag. 1456. mention before was made of six men brought & convented before Bishop Boner upon the eight day of February. 
The story of M. Tho. Hawks Martyr.  The names of which martyrs were Steven Knight, William Pigot, Tho. Tomkins, joh Laurence, Wil Hunter. In which number was also Tho. Hawks, & condemned likewise with them the 9 day of the foresaid month of February. But because his execution did not so shortly follow with theirs, but was prolonged to this present x. day of the month of june, wherewith we are now in hand, it followeth therefore now consequently to enter tractation thereof, first, beginning briefly with his godly conversation & institution of life, then showing of his troubles, also of his examinations and conflicts with the bishop and other adversaries according as the order of his story both require.  
As touching therefore his education and order of life, first he was of the country of Essex, 
The life and conversation of Tho. Hawks.  borne of an honest stock, in calling and profession a Courtier, brought up daintily from his childhood, and like a Gentleman. Besides that, he was of such comeliness and stature, so well endued with excellent qualities, that he might seem on every side a man (as it were) made for the purpose. But his gentle behaviour toward other, and especially his fervent study and singular love unto true Religion and godliness did surmount all the rest. Wherein as God did singularly adorn him: even so he being such a valiant Martyr of God, may seem to nobilitate the whole company of other holy martyrs, and as a bright star, to make the Church of God and his truth, of themselves bright and clear, more gloriously to shine by his example.  
For if the conquests of martyrs are the triumphs of Christ (as Saint Ambrose doth notably and truly write) undoubtedly Christ in few men hath either conquered more notably, 
The victory of Martyrs, is the triumph of Christ. Ambrose.  or triumphed more gloriously, then in this young man: he stood so wisely in his cause, so godly in his life, and so constantly in his death.  
But to the declaration of the matter: first this Hawks following the guise of the Court, as he grew in years, entered service with the Lord of Oxford, where he remained a good space, 
Thomas Hawks first in service with the Earl Oxford.  being there right well esteemed & loved of all the household, so long as Edward the sixth lived. But he dying, all things begun to go backward, religion to decay, godliness not only to wax cold, but also to be in danger every where and chief in the houses of great men. Hawks misliking the state of things, and especially in such men's houses rather than he would change the profession of true godliness which he had tasted, thought to change the place: 
Hawks compelled to leave the Earl of Oxfordes' house.  and so forsaking the Noble man's house, departed home to his own home, where more freely he might give himself to God, & use his own conscience.  
But what place in this world shall a man find so secret for himself, whether that old wicked Serpent can not creep, whereby he may have some matter to overthrow the quietness of the Godly? Now in the mean season (as it happened) Hawks keeping his house at home, 
Hawks child 〈◊〉 weeks vn●christened.  had borne unto him a young son, whose baptism was deferred to the third week, for that he would not suffer him to be baptized after the papistical manner, Which thing the adversaries not able to suffer, laying hands upon him, 
Hawks brought before the Earl.  did bring him to the Earl of Oxford, there to be reasoned with, as not sound in religion, in that he seemed to contemn the sacraments of the Church.  
The Earl either intending not to trouble himself in such matters, 
Hawks se● up by the Earl to B. Boner.  or else seeing himself not able to weigh with him in such cases of Religion, sent him up to London with a messenger and letters, and so willing to clear his own hands, put him in the hands of Boner bishop of London: the contents of which his letter sent to Boner, be these.  

¶ A Letter of the Earl of Oxford to Boner.  
MOst reverend father in God, be it known unto you, that I have sent you one Thomas Hawks, 
The Earl● letter to Boner.  dwelling in the County of Essex, who hath a child that hath remained unchristened more than three weeks, who being upon the same examined, hath denied to have it baptized, as it is now used in the Church: whereupo n I have sent him to your good Lordship, to use as ye think best, by your good discretion.  
When the bishop had perused this letter, and afterward read it to M. Hawks, he hearing the same, thought with himself, that he should not be very well used, seeing he was put to his discretion. Then wrote the bishop a letter again to him that sent the prisoner, with many great thanks for his diligence in setting forth the Queen's proceedings. Then began the bishop to enter communication with M. Hawks, first ask what should move him to leave his child unchristened so long? To whom M. Hawks answered thus again as followeth.  Hawks. 
Because we be bound to do nothing contrary to the word of God. 
Private talk or conference between M. Hawks and B. Boner.   Boner. 
Why? Baptism is commanded by the word of God.  Hawks. 
His institution therein I do not deny.  Boner. 
What deny ye then?  Hawks. 
I deny all things invented and devised by man.  Boner. 
What things be those that be devised by man, that ye be so offended withal?  Hawks. 
Your Oil, Cream, Salt, Spittle, Candle, 
Man's in●●●●tions adde● to Baptis●● The 〈…〉.  and conjuring of water. etc.  Boner. 
Will ye deny that which all the whole world, and your father hath been contented withal?  Hawks. 
What my father & all the whole world hath done, I have nothing to do withal: but what God hath commanded me to do, to that stand I  Boner. 
The Catholic Church hath taught it. 
The Cat●●●lick chur●●●   Hawks. 
What is the Catholic Church?  Boner. 
It is the faithful congregation, where so ever it be dispersed throughout the whole world.  Hawks. 
Who is the head thereof?  Boner. 
Christ is the head thereof.  Hawks. 
Are we taught in Christ, or in the Church now?  Boner. 
Have ye not read in the eight of john, where he said, he would send his comforter which should teach you all things?  Hawks. 
I grant you it is so, that he would send his comforter, but to what end? forsooth to this end, that he should lead you into all truth and verity, and that is not to teach a new doctrine.  Boner. 
A Sir, ye are a right scripture man. For ye will have nothing but the scripture. There is a great number of your country men of your opinion. Do ye not know one Knight and Pigot?  Hawks. 
Knight I know, but Pigot I do not know.  Boner. 
I thought ye were acquainted with him: it seemeth so by your judgement. What Preachers do ye know in Essex.  Hawks. 
I know none.  Boner. 
Do ye not know one Baget there?  Hawks. 
Yes forsooth, I know him.  Boner. 
What manner a man is he?  Hawks. 
An honest man, so far as I know.  Boner. 
Do you know him if you see him?  Hawks. 
Yea that I do. Then said he to one of his servants, go call me Baget hither. And then he said to me: ye seem to be a very proud man & a stubborn. He that brought me up, stood all this while by.  Hawks. 
What should move your Lordship so to say?  Boner. 
Because I see in a man that came with you much humility and lowliness. 
Boner 〈◊〉 to be 〈◊〉.   Hawks. 
It seemeth your Lordship speaketh that to me, because I make no more courtesy to you: and with that came Baget. Then the Bishop said to Baget: How say ye Sir, know ye this man?  Baget. 
Yea forsooth my Lord: with that Baget and I shook hands. Then said the Bishop to Baget: Sir, this man hath a child, 
Baget ●rought to 〈◊〉 sight of Thomas ●aukes.  which hath lain 3. weeks unchristened (as I have letters to show) who refuseth to have it baptized, as it is now used in the church: how say you thereto?  Baget. 
Forsooth my Lord I say nothing thereto (with low courtesy to the hard ground.)  Boner. 
Say ye nothing thereto? I will make you tell me whether it be laudable, and to be frequented and used in the Church, or not.  Baget. 
I beseech your Lordship to pardon me, he is old enough, let him answer for himself.  Boner. 
Ah sir knave, are ye at that point with me? Go call me the Porter, 
Boner chaseth at Bagets answer.  said he, to one of his men. Thou shalt sit in the stocks, & have nothing but bread & water. I perceive I have kept you to well. Have I made thus much of you, and have I you at this point? Then came the bishops man, and said: The Porter is gone to London. Then said the Bishop to Baget: 
Boner taketh Baget with him 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 him.  Come with me, and he went away with him, and commanded me away, and bade one of his Gentlemen to talk with me (who was one of his own teaching:) who desired amongst all other things, to know of me, with whom I was acquainted in Essex, and what men they were that were my teachers.  Hawks. 
When I see your commission, I will make you answer. And then immediately came the Bishop again: but ere he came, his man and I had much talk. Then the bishop sat down under a vine in his orchard, & called Baget to him, whom he carried away, & brought again, & called me also, and said to Baget: How say you now sir unto Baptism? Say whether it be to be frequented and used in the Church, as it is now, or no?  Baget. 
Forsooth my Lord, I say it is good.  Boner. 

Baget ●aught to 〈◊〉 after Boner.  I befool your hart, could ye not have said so before? Ye have wounded this man's conscience. Then the bishop turned to me, and said: How say ye now sir, this man is turned and converted.  Hawks. 

Thomas Hawks builded his 〈◊〉 upon 〈◊〉 man.  I build my faith neither upon this man, neither upon you, but only upon Christ jesus, who as Paul saith is the founder and author of all men's faith.  Boner. 
I perceive ye are a stubborn fellow. I must be glad to work an other way with you, to win you.  Hawks. 
Whatsoever ye do, I am ready to suffer it: for I am in your hands to abide it.  Boner. 
Well, ye are so: come on your ways, ye shall go in and I will use you Christianlike. You shall have meat and drink, 
Thomas Hawks forbidden to 〈◊〉 in the bishops 〈◊〉.  such as I have in my house: but in any wise talk not.  Hawks. 
I purpose to talk nothing but the word of God and truth.  Boner. 
I will have no heresy talked on in my house.  Hawks. 
Why is the truth become heresy? God hath commanded that we should have none other talk in our houses, in our beds, at our meat, and by the way, but all truth.  Boner. 
If ye will have my favour, be ruled by my counsel.  Hawks. 
Then I trust you will grant me my request.  Boner. 
What is that?  Hawks. 
That your Doctors and Servants give me none occasion: for if they do, I will surely utter my conscience. Then commanded he his men to take in Baget, and let not Hawks and him talk together. And so thus we departed, 
Thomas Hawks and Baget separated 〈◊〉.  and went to dinner, and I dined at the stewards table.  
After dinner, his chaplains and his men began to talk with me. But amongst all other, there was one derbyshire principal of Brodgate's in Oxford, 
Talk between Darbyshire and Tho. Hawks.  & the Bishop's kinsman, who said to me, that I was to curious: for ye will have (said he) nothing but your little pretty God's book.  Hawks. 
And is it not sufficient for my salvation? Yes (said he) it is sufficient for our salvation, but not for our instruction.  Hawks. 
God send me the salvation, 
Salvation. Instruction.  and you the instruction. And as we thus reasoned, came the Bishop, who said unto me: I gave you a commandment that you should not talk.  Hawks. 
And I desired you, that your Doctors and Servants should give me none▪ occasion. 

Talk between M. Hawks and Boner.  
Baptism after King Edward's book.   Then went we into his orchard again he and his Doctors and I.  Boner. 
Would not ye be contented to have, that your child should be Christened after the book that was set out by king Edward?  Hawks. 
Yes, with a good will: it is the thing that I desire.  Boner· 
I thought so: ye would have the same thing. The principal is in the name of the father, the son, & of the holy ghost, and in necessity it may serve.  Hawks. 
Christ did use it without any such necessity: and yet we lack the chiefest point.  Boner. 
What is that?  Hawks. 
Go teach all nations, baptising them. etc.  Boner. 
Thou speakest that because I am no Preacher. 
Boner no Preacher.   Hawks. 
I speak the text: I do not mean you. Then spoke all his Doctors, & his men that were with him: he speaketh it of you my Lord (with a great noise that they made.)  Boner. 
Will ye be content to tarry here, and your child shall be baptized, and you shall not know of it, so that you will agree to it?  Hawks. 
And if I would so have done, I needed not to have come to you: for I had the same counsel given before.  Boner. 
You seem to be a lusty young man: you will not give your head for the washing. You will stand in the defence of it for the honour of your Country. Do ye think that the Queen and I can not command it to be done in spite of your teeth?  Hawks. 
What the Queen & you can do, 
M. Hawks will not consent to have his child christened after the Popish order.  I will not stand in it: but ye get my conscience never the sooner.  Boner. 
Well, you are a stubborn young man. I perceive I must work on other way with you.  Hawks. 
Ye are in the hands of God, and so am I  Boner. 
What so ever you think, I would not have you speak such words unto me. And so we departed until Evensong time: and ere Evensong was begun, my Lord called for me to come to him into the Chapel, and said: Hawks: thou art a proper young man, & God hath done his part unto thee. I would be glad to do thee good. Thou knowest that I am thy Pastor, and one that should answer for thee. If I would not teach thee well. I should answer for thy soul.  Hawks. 
That I have said, I will stand to it God willing: there is no way to remove it.  Boner. 
Nay, nay Hawks, thou shalt not be so wilful. Remember Christ had two go into his vineyard? the one said he would & went not, the other said he would not & went.  Hawks. 
The last went.  Boner. 
Do thou likewise, and I will talk friendly with thee: how sayest thou? It is in the sixth of S. john: 
Boner entereth talk of the sacrament.  I am the bread of life: and the bread that I will give, is my flesh, which I will give for the life of the world. And who so ever eateth my flesh, and drinketh my blood, hath everlasting life. My flesh is very meat in deed, and my blood is very drink in deed. And he that eateth my flesh, and drinketh my blood, dwelleth in me, and I in him. Do ye believe this?  Hawks. 
Yea, I must needs believe the Scriptures.  Boner. 
Why? then I trust that ye be sound in the blessed sacrament.  Hawks. 
I beseech your Lordship to feel my conscience no farther then in that, that I was accused in unto you.  Boner. 
Well, well, let us go unto Evensong.  Hawks. 
With that I turned my back to go out of the Chapel.  Boner. 
Why, will you not tarry Evensong?  Hawks. 
No forsooth.  Boner. 
And why?  Hawks. 
For I will not. 
Thomas Hawks refuseth to hear Boners Evensong.   Boner. 
And why will you not?  Hawks. 
For because I have no edifying thereby, for I understand no Latin.  Boner. 
Why? you may pray by yourself. What books have ye?  Hawks. 
I have the new Testament, the books of Solomon, and the Psalter.  Bo. 
Why, I pray you tarry here, & pray you on your psalter.  Hawks. 
I will not pray in this place, nor in none such. Then said one of his chapleins: let him go my Lord, and he shall be no partaker with us in our prayers.  Hawks. 
I think myself best at ease when I am farthest from you: And so the Bishop went to Evensong, and I came down and walked between the Hall and the Chapel in the Court, & tarried there till Evensong was done, and within an hour after that Evensong was done, the Bishop sent for me into his chamber where he lay himself, 
Thomas Hawks called for again by Boner.  & when I came, there was he, and three of his Chapleins.  Boner. 
Ye know of the talk that was between you & me, as concerning the sacrament. You would not have your conscience sought any farther, then in that ye were accused of.  Hawks. 
I thought you would not be both mine accuser & judge.  Boner. 
Well, ye shall answer me to the Sacrament of the altar, the Sacrament of Baptism, the Sacrament of Penance, and the Sacrament of Matrimony.  Hawks. 
There is none of these, but I dare speak my conscience in them.  Boner. 
The sacrament of the altar ye seem to be sound in.  Hawks. 

Thomas Hawks knoweth no sacrament of the altar.  In the Sacrament of the altar? why Sir, I do not know it.  Boner. 
Well, we will make you to know it, and believe in it too, ere ever we have done with you.  Hawks. 
No, that shall ye never do.  Boner. 
Yes, a Faggot will make you do it.  Hawk. 
No, no, a point for your faggot. What God thinketh meet to be done, that shall ye do, and more shall ye not do.  Boner. 

The matter and substance of the Sacrament.  Do ye not believe that there remaineth in the blessed Sacrament of the altar after the words of consecration be spoken, no more bread, but the very body and blood of Christ? and at that word he put of his cap.  Hawks. 
I do believe as Christ hath taught me.  Boner. 
Why? did not Christ say: Take: eat, this is my body?  Hawks. 
Christ said so: but therefore it followeth not, that the Sacrament of the altar is so as you reach, neither did Christ ever teach it so to be.  Boner. 
Why? the Catholic Church taught it so, and they were of Christ's Church.  Hawks. 
How prove ye it? The Apostles never taught it so. Read the Acts, the second, and the twenty. Neither Peter nor Paul ever taught it, neither instituted it so.  Boner. 
Ah Sir? ye will have no more than the Scripture teacheth, but even as Christ hath left it bare.  Hawks. 
He that teacheth me any otherwise, I will not believe him.  Boner. 

Touching the necessary points of doctrine and Sacraments, only the word is to be followed.  Why, then ye must eat a Lamb, if ye will have but Christ's institution only.  Hawks. 
Nay, that is not so. Before that Christ did institute the Sacrament, that ceremony ceased, and then begun the Sacrament.  Boner. 
Alas, you know not how it begon, neither of the, institution thereof.  Hawks. 
Then I would be glad to learn.  Boner. 
Marry, we will teach you: but you are so stubborn that ye will not learn. 
A false conceived opinion of Boner against the Protestants.   Hawks. 
Except ye learn me by the word of God, I will never credit you nor believe you: and thus we concluded. Then the Bishop and his Chapleines laughed, and said: jesus, jesus, what a stubbornness and arrogantnesse is this? and this was in his Chamber where he lay? Then said the Bishop to me, go ye down and drink, for it is fasting day: it is Midsummer even, but I think ye love neither fasting nor praying.  Hawks. 
I will never deny fasting neither praying, so that it be done as it ought to be done, 
Fasting & praying no man denieth.  and without hypocrisy or vain glory.  Boner. 
I like you the better for that: and so we left for that night.  
The next day the Bishop went to London: For Fecknam was made Deane that day, & I tarried still at Fulham. Then did the Bishop's men desire me to come to Mass, but I did utterly refuse it, answering them as I did their master. 
Boner returneth from London.  That night the Bishop came home to Fulham again.   

* Talk between Harpsfield and Thomas Hawks.  
THen upon the Monday Morning very early the Bishop did call for me. 
Talk between Thomas Hawks and Harpsfield.  There was with him Harpsfield Archdeacon of London, to whom the Bishop said: this is the man that I told you of, who would not have his child Christened, nor will have any ceremonies.  Harps. 
Christ used ceremonies. Did he not take clay from the ground, and took spittle, & made the blind man to see?  Hawks. 
I wot well that, but Christ did never use it in Baptism. If ye will needs have it, put it to the use that Christ put it unto. 

But Chr●●● never 〈◊〉 any ordi●nance 〈◊〉 custom of that 〈◊〉.  
The sta●● children 〈◊〉 with Baptisms    Harps. 
I admit your child die unchristened: what a heavy case stand you in?  Hawks. 
I admit that if it do, what then?  Harps. 
Marry then are ye damned, and your child both.  Hawk. 
judge you no farther than ye may by the scriptures.  Harps. 
Do ye not know that your child is borne in original sin?  Hawks. 
Yes that I do.  Harps. 
How is original sin washed away?  Hawks. 
By true faith and belief in Christ jesus.  Harps. 
How can your child being an infant believe.  Hawks. 
The deliverance of it from sin, standeth in the faith of his parents.  Harps. 
How prove you that?  Hawks. 
By S. Paul in the 7. and the first to the Corinthians, saying: The unbelieving man is sanctified by the believing woman, 
The bele●uing 〈◊〉 sanctify 〈◊〉 child.  and the unbelieving woman is sanctified by the believing man, or else were your children unclean.  Harps. 
I will prove that they whom thou puttest thy trust in, will be against thee in this opinion.  Hawks. 
Who be those?  Harps. 
Your great learned men in Oxford.  Hawks. 
If they do it by the Scriptures, I will believe them.  Boner. 
Recant, recant: do ye not know that Christ said, except ye be baptized, ye can not be saved?  Hawks. 
Doth Christianity stand in outward ceremonies or no? 
Christia● standeth 〈◊〉 in outwa●● ceremoni●●   Boner. 
Partly it doth: what say you to that?  Hawks. 
I say as S. Peter saith: Not the washing of water purgeth the filthiness of the flesh, but a good conscience consenting unto God.  Harps. 
Beware of pride brother, beware of pride.  Hawks. 
It is written: Pride serveth not for men, nor yet for the sons of men. 
Sirach. 10   Boner. 
Let us make an end here. How say you to the Mass Syrha? 
Boner co●●meth in 〈◊〉 with his 〈◊〉 Mass. Mass pr●●●●table for nothing.   Hawks. 
I say it is detestable, abominable, and profitable for nothing.  Boner. 
What (nothing profitable in it? what say you to the Epistle and Gospel?  Hawks. 
It is good, if it be used as Christ left it to be used.  Boner. 
Well, I am glad that ye somewhat recant: recant all, recant all.  Hawks. 
I have recanted nothing, nor will do.  Bonor. 
How say you to Confiteor?  Hawks. 
I say it is abominable & detestable, 
Confite● in the 〈◊〉 a thing ●●●●testable.  ye and a blasphemy against God and his son Christ, to call upon any, to trust to any, or to pray to any, save only to Christ jesus.  Boner. 
To trust to any, we bid you not: but to call upon them, and to pray to them we bid you. 
Boners' similitude to prove praying 〈◊〉 saints. We ought not to believe in Saints, Ergo, we ought no● to call vp●● them. Praying the dead  Do ye not know when ye come into the Court ye can not speak with the king & Queen, unless ye call to some of the privy chamber that are next to the king and Queen?  Hawks. 
They that list receive your doctrine. You teach me that I should not believe nor trust in any, but to call on them: and S. Paul saith: How should I call upon him, on whom I believe not?  Boner. 
Will you have no body to pray for you, when you be dead?  Hawks. 
No surely except you can prove it by the Scriptures. Then the Bishop pointed unto Harpsfield and said unto me: Is it not well done to desire this man to pray for me?  Hawks. 
Yes surely, so long as we live, prayer is available of the righteous man: but this man's prayers, you being dead, profiteth nothing at all.  Boner. 
Will ye grant the prayer of the righteous man to prevail?  Hawks. 
I grant it doth for the living, but not for the dead.  Boner. 
Not for the dead?  Hawks. 
No forsooth, for David saith: No man can deliver his brother from death, nor make agreement unto God for him: 
Psal. 49.  for it cost more to redeem their souls, so that ye must let that alone for ever.  
Also ezechiel saith: Though Noah, Daniel, or job dwelled amongst them, 
Ezech. 1●  yet can they in their righteousness exceed no farther than themselves. Then the Bishop said to Harpsfield: Sir, ye see this man hath no need of our Lady, neither of any of the blessed Saints. Well, I will trouble you no longer: I did call you, 
Boner 〈◊〉 he can no● overcome by doctri●● goeth 〈◊〉 to oppress by authority,  hoping that you should do some good on him, but it will not be. And he said to me: Sir, it is time to begin with you: we will rid you away and then we shall have one heretic less.  Harps. 
What books have you?  Hawks. 
The new Testament, salomon's books and the Psalter.  Harps. 
Will you read any other books?  Hawks. 
Yea, if you will give me such books, as I will require.  Harps. 
What books will you require?  Hawks. 
Latimers' books, my Lord of Caunterburyes book, Bradfords' Sermons, Ridleyes books.  Boner. 
Away, away, he will have no books but such as maintain his heresies: and so they departed, for Harpsfield was booted to ride unto Oxford, and I went to the Porters lodge again.   

¶ The next days talk.  

The next days talk. This Bishops' name wa● bird, Bishop ●ome time of Chester, and Sovereign before of Coventrie of whom read before. B. Boner reproved for his anger.  THe next day came thither an old bishop, who had a pearl in his eye, and he brought with him to my Lord a dish of apples, & a bottle of wine. For he had lost his living, because he had a wife. Then the Bishop called me again into the Orchard, and said to the old Bishop: this young man hath a child, and will not have it christened.  Hawks. 
I deny not Baptism.  Boner. 
Thou art a fool, thou canst not tell what thou wouldst have, and that he spoke with much anger.  Hawks. 
A bishop must be blameless or faultless, sober, discreet, no chider, not given to anger.  Boner. 
Thou judgest me to be angry: no by my faith am I not, and stroke himself upon the breast.  
Then said the old Bishop: Alas good young man, you must be taught by the church, and by your ancients, and do as your forefathers have done before you.  Boner. 
No, no, he will have nothing but the Scriptures, and God wots he doth not understand them. He will have no ceremonies in the Church, no not one. What say you to holy water?  Hawks. 
I say to it, as to the rest, and to all that be of his making that made them.  Boner. 
Why, the scriptures doth allow it.  Hawks. 
Where prove you that?  Boner. 
In the book of kings, where Eliseus threw salt into the water. 

See how Boner proveth holy water by the scripture.  
Elizeus put salt in the water, not to wash away sin, but only to make the water sweet.  
Boner proveth holy bread by the 5. loaves and 3. fishes.    Hawks. 
Ye say truth, it is so written in the fourth book of Kings, the second chapter: the children of the Prophets came to Elizeus, saying: The dwelling of the city is pleasant, but the waters be corrupted. This was the cause that Elizeus threw salted into the water, and it became sweet & good and so when our waters be corrupted, if ye can by putting in of salt make them sweet, clear, and wholesome, we will the better believe your ceremonies.  Boner. 
How say ye to holy bread?  Hawks. 
Even as I said to the others. What Scripture have you to defend it?  Boner. 
Have ye not read where Christ fed five thousand men with five loaves, and three fishes?  Hawks. 
Will ye make that holy bread? There Christ dealt fish with his holy bread.  Boner. 
Look I pray you, how captious this man is.  Hawks. 
Christ did not this miracle, or other, because we should do the like miracle, but because we should believe and credit his doctrine thereby.  Boner. 
Ye believe no doctrine, but that which is wrought by miracles.  Hawks. 
No forsooth, for Christ saith: These tokens shall follow them that believe in me: they shall speak with new tongues they shall cast out Devils, 
Mark. 16.  and if they drink any deadly poison, it shall not hurt them.  Boner. 
With what new tongues do ye speak?  Hawks. 
Forsooth, where before that I came to the knowledge of God's word. I was a soul blasphemer and filthy talker, since I came to the knowledge thereof, I have lauded God, praised God, and given thanks unto God even with the same tongue: and is not this a new tongue?  Boner. 

 How do ye cast out Devils?  Hawks. 
Christ did cast them out by his word, and he hath left the same word, that whosoever doth credit and believe it, shall cast out devils.  Boner. 
Did you ever drink any deadly poison?  Hawks. 
Ye forsooth that I have: for I have drunken of the pestilent traditions and ceremonies of the bishop of Rome.  Boner. 
Now you show yourself to be a right heretic.  Hawks. 
I pray you what is heresy?  Boner. 

B. Boner an 〈◊〉 by 〈◊〉 own definition.  All things that are contrary to God's word.  Hawks. 
If I stand in any thing contrary thereto, then am I worthy so to be called.  Boner. 
Thou art one, and thou shalt be burned, if thou stand and continue in this opinion. Ye think we are afraid to put one of you to death: yes, yes there is a brotherhood of you, but I will break it, I warrant you.  Hawks. 
Where prove you that Christ or his Apostles did kill any man for his faith?  Boner. 
Did not Paul excommunicate? 
The Papists do besides God's book in burning men for their faith.   Hawks. 
Yes my Lord, but there is a great difference between excommunicating and burning.  Boner. 
Have ye not read of the man and the woman in the Acts of the Apostles, whom Peter destroyed?  Hawks. 
Yes forsooth, I have read of one Ananias, & Saphira his wife, which were destroyed for lying against the holy Ghost, which serveth nothing your purpose.  Boner. 
Well you will grant one yet. 
This Bishop here forgetteth his lesson, Benedicite persequ●tibus vos.   Hawks. 
Well if you will have us to grant you be of god, then show mercy for that God requireth.  Boner. 
We will show such mercy unto you, as ye showed unto us: for my benefice or bishopric was taken away from me, so that I had not one penny to live upon.  Hawks. 
I pray you my Lord, what do ye give him now that was in the bishopric or benefice before that ye came again to it? whereunto he answered me never a word: for he turned his back unto me, & talked with other men, saying that he was very sorry for me, but he trusted that I would turn with S. Paul, because I was so earnest: and so he departed and went to dinner, 
Thomas Hawks afterward called for again to talk with the old Bishop.  and I to the Porters lodge again.  
After dinner I was called into the Hall again, and the Bishop desired the old bishop to take me into his chamber for I would be glad (said he) if ye told convert him. So he took me into his chamber, & sat him down in a chair, and said to me: I would to God I could do you some good. Ye are a young man, and I would not wish you to go to far, but learn of your elders to bear somewhat.  Hawks. 
I will bear with nothing that is contrary to the word of God. And I looked that the old Bishop should have made me an answer, and he was fast a sleep.  
Then I departed out of the chamber alone and went to the Porters lodge again, and there saw I the old Bishop last: I suppose he is not yet awake.   

Talk between Fecknam and hawks. 
The next days talk with Fecknam.   
THe next day came Fecknam unto me and said: are ye he that will have no ceremonies?  Hawks. 
What mean you by that?  Fecknam. 
Ye will not have your child christened, but in English, and you will have no ceremonies.  Hawks. 
What soever the scripture commandeth to be done I refuse not.  Fecknam. 
Ceremonies are to be used by the scriptures. 
Fecknams' reason lieth in Paul's breeches.   Hawks. 
Which be those?  Fecknam. 
How say you by Paul's breeches?  Hawks. 
I have read no such thing.  Fecknam. 
Have ye not read in the Acts of the Apostles, how things went from Paul's body, and they received health thereby?  Hawks. 
I have read in the nineteen. of the Acts, how there went partlets and napkins from Paul's body. Is it that that ye mean? 
Acts. 19   Feck. 
Yea the same is it: what say you to those ceremonies?  Hawks. 
I say nothing to the ceremonies. For the text saith, 

Fecknam maketh every act spoken of in the new Testament to be a ceremony.  
Mark. 5. Luke. 8. Fecknam taken short in his own tale. Fecknam driven in a strait, driveth him to the   that God did so work by the hands of Paul, that there went partlets & napkins from him. etc. So that it seemed by the text, that it was God that wrought & not the ceremonies.  Feck. 
How say ye to the woman that came behind Christ and touched the hem of his vesture? did not her disease departed from her by that ceremony?  Hawks. 
No forsooth: For Christ turned back and said to Peter: Who is it that touched me? and Peter said: Thou seest the people thrust thee: and askest thou who touched me? Some body hath touched me (saith Christ) for virtue hath gone out of me. I pray you, whether was it the virtue that healed this woman, or his vesture?  Fecknam. 
Both.  Hawks, 
Then is not Christ true: for he said, Go thy way, 
Sacrament. It is his sacramental body, or the Sacrament of his body, but not his true body.  thy faith hath made thee whole.  Boner. 
Away, away to the sacrament, for these are but trifles to that.  Fecknam. 
How say ye Syrha: Christ took bread, & broke it, and said: Take, eat, this is my body?  Hawks. 
I grant Christ said so.  Fecknam. 
And is it not so?  Hawks. 
No forsooth, I do not understand it so.  Fecknam. 
Why, then is Christ a liar?  Hawks. 
I think ye will so prove him.  Fecknam. 
Will I? why, 
The words of Christ are to be understand, not as he spoke, but as he meant them.  I have spoken the words that Christ spoke.  Hawks. 
Is every word to be understand as Christ spoke it? Christ said: I am a door, a vine, I am a king, a way. etc.  Feck. 
Christ spoke these words in parables.  Hau. 
And why speaketh he this in parables, when he said: I am a door a vine, a king, a way, etc. more than this when he said: This is my body? For after the same phrase of speech, as he saith: This is my body: so saith he: I am a door, a vine, a king, a way, he saith not I am like a door, like a vine. etc.  
Then Fecknam stood up and said: I had such a one before me this other day. Alas, these places serve nothing for your purposes. But I perceive ye hang and build on them that be at Oxford.  Hawks. 
What mean you by that?  Fecknam. 
I mean Latymer, Cranmer, and Rydley.  Hawks. 
I know nothing else by them, but that they be both godly and learned.  Fecknam. 

Fecknam falleth out of his matter to railing.  wilt thou trust to such dolts? One of them hath written a book, wherein he affirmeth a real presence in the Sacrament.  Hawks. 
What he hath done, I know not, but what he doth I know.  Fecknam. 
Ridley hath preached at Paul's Cross openly, that the devil believeth better than you: for he believeth that Christ is able of stones to make bread, and ye will not believe that Christ's body is in the Sacrament, and yet thou buildest thy faith upon them.  Hawks. 

Tho. Hawks buildeth his faith upon no man.  I build my faith upon no man, and that shall ye well know: for if those men, and as many more as they be, should recant, and deny that they have said or done, yet will I stand to it, and by this shall ye know that I build my faith upon no man.  Boner. 
If any of those recant, what will ye say to it?  Hawks. 
When they recant, I will make you answer.  Boner. 
Then thou wilt say as thou dost now for all that.  Hawks. 
Yea in deed will I, & that trust to it, by god's grace  Boner. 

B. Boner judgeth other men by his own sore.  I dare say Cranmer would recant, so that he might have his living. And so the Bishop and Fecknam departed from me with great laughing, & I went again to the Porter's lodge.   

¶ Talk between Hawks and Chadsey.  

another days talk with D. Chadsey.  The next day came Doct. Chadsey to the Bishop, and him. The Bishop declared unto him that I had stand stubbornly in my defence against the christening of my child, and against the ceremonies of the Church, and that I would not have it Christened, but in English.  
Then said Doct. Chadsey: then he denieth the order of the Catholic Church.  Boner. 
Yea, he thinketh that there is no Church but in England, and in Germany.  Hawks. 
And ye think that there is no Church but the Church of Rome.  Chad. 
What say ye to the Church of Rome.  Hawks. 
I say it is a church of a sort of vicious Cardinals. Priests, 

The Church of Rome.  
The Bishop of Rome.   Monks and Friars, which I will never credit nor believe.  Chad. 
How say ye to the bishop of Rome?  Chad. 
From him and all his detestable enormities good Lord deliver us.  Chad. 
Marry so may we say from king Henry the eight, and all his detestable enormities, good Lord deliver us.  Hawks. 
Where were ye while that he lived, that ye would not say so?  Chad. 
I was not far.  Hawks. 
Where were ye in his sons days.  Chad. 
In prison.  Hawks 
It was for your well doing.  Boner. 
He will by no means come within my Chapel nor here Mass: for neither the Mass, neither the Sacrament of the altar can he abide, neither will he have any service but in English. 

Chadseyes' argument. Christ never spoke English: Ergo we must not pray in English.  
An instance given against Chadsey.    Chad. 
Christ never spoke in English.  Hawks. 
Neither spoke he ever any latin, but always in such a tongue as the people might be edified thereby. And Paul saith, that tongues profit us nothing. He maketh a similitude between the pipe and the harp, and except it be understanded what the trumpet meaneth, who can prepare himself to the battle: so if I hear the tongue which I do not understand, what profit have I thereby? no more than he hath by the trumpet, that knoweth not what it meaneth.  Chad. 
If ye understand Paul's saying, he speaketh it under a prophecy. If we prophecy to you in tongues. etc.  Hawks. 
Forsooth Paul speaketh plainly of tongues: for tongues serve not for them that believe.  Chad. 
I tell you Paul speaketh altogether upon prophecy.  Hawks. 
Paul maketh a distinction between prophesying & tongues, saying, That if any man speak with tongues, let it be by two or three at the most, & let an other interpret it. But if there be no interpreter, 
1. Cor. 14.  let them keep silence in the congregation, and let himself pray unto God: and then let the Prophets speak two or three, and that by course, and let the other judge: and if any revelation be made to him that sitteth by, let the first hold his peace: so that it seemeth that Paul maketh a distinction between tongues and Prophesying.  Boner. 
The order was taken in the Catholic Church that the Latin tongue should serve through the whole world, 
Latin service.  because that they should pray all generally together in one tongue, and that to avoid all contention and strife, and to have one universal order through the whole world.  Hawks, 
This did your Counsels of Rome conclude.  Boner. 
understand ye what the general Counsels of Rome meant?  Hawks. 
In deed all your general Counsels of Rome be in Latin, and I am an English man: 
The genera●● Counsels 〈◊〉 Rome.  therefore I have nothing to do with them.  Chad. 
Ye are to blame, being an unlearned man to reprove all the Counsels throughout all the whole world.  Hawks. 
I reprove them not, but Paul rebuketh them, saying: If any man preach any other doctrine then that which I have taught, do you hold him accursed.  Chad. 
Hath any man preached any other doctrine to you?  Hawks. 
Yea, I have been taught an other Gospel since I came into this house. 
Other do●●trine taught in the Church of Rome the● ever Paul● taught.   Chad. 
What Gospel have ye been taught?  Hawks. 
Praying to Saints, and to our Lady, and trust in the Mass, holy bread, and holy water, and in Idols.  Chad. 
He that teacheth you so, teacheth not amiss.  Hawks. 
Cursed be he that teacheth me so: for I will not trust him, nor believe him.  Boner. 
You speak of Idols, and ye know not what they mean. 
Idols.   Hawks. 
God hath taught us what they be: for whatsoever is made, graven, or devised by man's hand, contrary to God's word, that same is an Idol. What say you to that?  Chad. 
What be those that ye are so offended withal?  Hawks. 
The cross of wood, silver, copper, or gold. etc. 
The Crosse.   Boner. 
What say ye to that?  Hawks. 
I say it is an Idol. What say you to it?  Bone. 
I say every Idol is an image, 
Images.  but every image is not an Idol.  Hawks. 
I say, what difference is there between an Idol and an Image?  Boner. 
If it be a false God: & an Image made of him, 
Note here Boners de●finition of an Idol.  that is an Idol: but if an Image be made of God himself, it is no Idol, but an Image, because he is a true God.  Hawks. 
Lay your Image of your true God and of your false God together, and ye shall see the difference. Have not your Images feet and go not, eyes and see not, ears & hear not, hands and feel not, mouths and speak not? and even so have your Idols.  Chad. 
God forbidden, saith S. Paul, 
Note here how grosse●ly Chadsey understandeth the words of S. Paul.  That I should rejoice in any thing else, but in the Cross of Christ jesus.  Hawks. 
Do ye understand Paul so? Do ye understand Paul? Unto the which he answered me never a word.  Boner. 
Where can we have a godlyer remembrance when we ride by the way: then to see the Crosse.  Hawks. 
If the Cross were such profit unto us, why did not Christ's Disciples take it up: and set it on a pole, and carry it in procession with Salue festa dies?  Chad. 
It was taken up.  Hawks. 
Who took it up? Helen, as ye say: for she sent a piece of it to a place of Religion, where I was with the visitors when that house was suppressed, and the piece of the holy cross (which the religious had in such estimation, 
The people seduced by false pee●● of the holy Crosse.  and had rob many a soul, committing idolatry to it) was called for, and when it was proved, and all come to all, it was but a piece of a lath covered over with copper, double gilted as it had been clean gold.  Boner. 
Fie, fie. I dare say thou slaunderest it.  Hawks. 
I know it to be true, & do not believe the contrary. And thus did the Bishop & the Doctor depart in a great fume: & Chadsay said unto me, as he was about to departed: it is pity that thou shouldest live, or any such as thou art. I answered: in this case I desire not to live, but rather to die  Chad. 
Ye die boldly, because ye would glory in your death as joane Butcher did. 
Note ther● discreetly the spirit Chadsey.   Hawks. 
What joan Butcher did, I have nothing to do withal: but I would my part might be to morrow. GOD make you in a better mind, said they both, & so they departed, and I went to the Porters lodge with my keeper.  
The next day Doct. Chedsey preached in the Boshops Chapel, & did not begin his sermon until all the service was done: and then came the porter for me, and said: my Lord would have you come to the sermon, and so I went to the chapel door, and stood without the door.  Boner. 
Is not this fellow come?  Hawks. 
Yes I am here.  Boner. 
Come in man.  Hawks. 
No that I will not. He called again, and answered: I will come no nearer, and so I stood at the door. Then said the Bishop, go to your sermon.  
Then Doctor Chadsey put the stole about his neck, and carried the holy water sprinkle unto the Bishop, 
〈…〉 not 〈◊〉 into 〈…〉 theme.  who blessed him, and gave him holy water, and so he went to his sermon. The text that he entreated on, was the xvi. of Matthew. Whom do men say that I the son of man am? Peter said: some say that thou art Helias, some say that thou art john Baptist, some say thou art one of the Prophets. But whom say ye that I am? Then said Peter, thou art Christ the son of the everliving God. Then left he the text there, & said? Whose sins soever ye bind: are bound: which authority (said he) is left to the heads of the Church: as my Lord here is one, and so unto all the rest that be underneath him. But the Church hath been much kicked at sith the beginning: yet kick the heretics, spurn the heretics never so much, the church doth stand and flourish. And then he went strait way to the sacrament, and said his mind on it, exalting it above the heaven, (as the most of them do) and so returned to his place again, saying: whose sins ye do remit, are remitted and forgiven: 
Chadsey 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉.  and so he applied it to the bishops & priests to forgive sins, and said, all that be of the Church will come and receive the same. And this he proved by S. joh. in the xi, 
 chapter, saying that Christ came to raise Lazarus which when he was risen, was bound in bands: then said Christ to them that were in authority (who were his disciples:) go ye and lose him, lose him you. And this was the effect of his Sermon, applying all to them that they have the same authority that christ spoke of to his Apostles, and so ended his sermon, and they went to dinner.   

another communication between Thomas Hawks, and the Bishop.  
ANd after dinner I was called into the chapel, where as were certain of the Queen's servants and other strangers, 
An other 〈…〉 Tho. Hawks and 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 queens 〈◊〉.  whom I did know.  Boner. 
Hawks how like you the sermon?  Hawks. 
As I like all the rest of his doctrine?  Boner. 
What? are ye not edified thereby.  Hawks. 
No surely.  Boner. 
It was made only because of you.  Hawks. 
Why? then am I sorry that ye had no more heretics here, as ye call them, I am sorry, that ye have bestowed so much labour on one, and so little regarded.  Boner. 
Well, I will leave you here, for I have business. I pray you talk with him: for if ye could do him good (said he) I would be glad.  
This the Bishop spoke to the Queen's men, who said unto me: Alas what mean you to trouble yourself about such matters, against the Queen's proceedings.  Hawks. 
Those matters have I answered before them that be in authority: and unless I see you have a further commission, 
Thomas Hawks re●seth to 〈◊〉 with 〈◊〉 queens ●eruantes.  I will answer you nothing at all. Then said the bishops men (which were many) my Lord hath commanded you to talk with them.  Hawks. 
If my Lord will talk with me himself, I will answer him. They cried faggots, burn him, hang him, to prison with him: it is pity that he liveth, lay Irons upon him: and with a great noise they spoke these words. Then in the midst of all the rage, I departed from them, and went to the porters lodge again.   

The next days talk.  
THe next day, the Bishop called me into his chamber, & said: ye have been with me a great while: & ye are never the better but worse and worse: 
another days talk between Hawks and Boner.  and therefore I will delay the time no longer, but send you to Newgate.  Hawks. 
My Lord you ran do me no better pleasure.  Boner. 
Why? would ye so fain go to prison?  Hawks. 
Truly I did look for none other, when I came to your hands.  Boner. 
Come on your ways: ye shall see what I have written. Then did he show me certain articles, and these are the contents of them: 
  
Whether the Catholic Church do teach and believe that Christ's real presence doth remain in the Sacrament or no, after the words of consecration: according to the words of S. Paul, which are these: Is not the bread which we break the partaking of the body of Christ, and the cup which we bless, the partaking of the blood of Christ? which if it were not so, Paul would never have said it.  Hawks. 
What your Church doth, I cannot tell: but I am sure that the holy Catholic Church doth neither so take it, nor believe it.  Boner. 
Whether doth the Catholic Church teach and believe the Baptism that now is used in the Church, or no?  Hawks. 
I answered to it, as I did to the other question before. Then did the Bishop with much flattery counsel me to be persuaded, & to keep me out of prison, 
Answer of Hawks to the first article. Answer to the 2. article. Talk between Hawks and D. Harpsfield Archdeacon of Cant.  which I utterly refused, and so we departed. And I supposed that the next day I should have gone to prison, and so I had, save for the Archdeacon of Canterbury, whose name is Harpsfield, whom the bishop had desired to talk with me, and began to persuade me concerning the Sacrament, & the ceremonies: and after much talk he said that the Sacrament of the altar was the same body that was borne of the virgin Mary, which did hang upon the Crosse.  Hawks. 
He was upon the cross both alive & dead: which of them was the Sacrament? 
A question put to Harpsfield.   Harps. 
The Archdeacon answered, alive.  Hawks. 
How prove you that?  Harps. 
Ye must believe. Doth not S. john say: He is already condemned, that believeth not?  Hawks. 
S. john saith: He that believeth not in the son of God, is already condemned: but he saith not, he that believeth not in the sacrament, is already condemned.  Harps. 
There is no talk with you: for ye are both without faith and learning, and therefore I will talk no more with you in scripture.  Hawks. 
Then ij. that stood by, bade me enter further in talk with him, and then said I unto him: 
another question put to Harpsfield why ●he Roodeloft is set between the Church and the Chancel.  why is the Roodeloft set betwixt the body of the Church, and the Chancel?  Harps. 
I cannot tell: for ye have asked a question, which ye cannot assoil yourself.  Hawks. 
Yes that I can: for this saith one of your own Doctors: that the body of the Church doth represent the Church militant: and the Chancel the Church triumphant: and so because we cannot go from the Church militant to the Church triumphant, but that we must bear the cross of Christ, this is the cause of the Roodeloft being between the body of the Church and the Chancel.  Harps. 
This is well and clarkly concluded.  Hawks. 
As all the rest of your doctrine is: & so with many persuasions on his part we ended, and so departed: and I to the Porters lodge again.   

¶ An other days talk.  
THe next day in the morning, which was the first day of july, the Bishop did call me himself from the Porter's lodge, commanding me to make me ready to go to prison, and to take such things with me, 
Hawks sent to the Gatehouse at Westminster with the bishops warrant.  as I had of mine own. And I said, I do neither intend to bribe, neither to steal, God willing. Then he did write my warrant to the Keeper of the Gatehouse at Westminster, and delivered it to Harpsfield, who with his own man and one of the bishops men brought me to prison, & delivered the warrant & me both to the Keeper: & this was contained in the warrant.  
I will and command you, 
The Bishop● warrant.  that you receive him who cometh named in this warrant, and that he be kept as a safe prisoner, and that no man speak with him, and that ye deliver him to no man, except it be to the Council, or to a justice: For he is a Sacramentary, and one that speaketh against Baptism, a seditious man, a perilous man to be abroad in these perilous days.  
And thus was I received, & they departed. 
The Bishop● men sent to Hawks in the Gatehouse.  And there I remained. xiii. days, & then the bishop sent two of his men unto me, saying: My Lord would be glad to know how ye do. I answered them, I do like a poor prisoner. They said: My Lord would know whether ye be the same man that ye were when ye departed? I said, I am no changeling. They said, my Lord would be glad that ye should do well. I said: If my Lord will me any good, I pray you desire him to suffer my friends to come to me. So they said they would speak for me, but I heard no more of them.  
This is the first examination of me Thomas Hawks being examined by Edmund Boner, than Bishop of London, and by his Chaplains and Doctors at Fulham 4. miles from London, where I lay till I came to prison to Westminster: and after his two men had been with me, I heard no more of him, till the third day of September.   

¶ Here followeth the second time of mine examinanation, the which was the third day of September for the Bishop did send his men for me, to come to his Palace to London, and so my keeper and his men brought me to his place the same day.  
THe Bishop of Winchester, then being Chancellor, 
The second time of Hawks his examination.  preached that day at Paul's cross, and the Bishop of London said to my Keeper, I think your man will not go to the sermon to day.  Hawks. 
Yes my Lord, I pray you let me go: and that that is good, I will receive, and the rest I will leave behind me, and so I went. And when the sermon was done, I & my Keeper came to the Bishop's house, and there we remained till dinner was done: and after dinner the Bishop called for me, and asked me if I were the same man that I was before.  Hawks. 
I am no changeling nor none will be.  Boner. 
Ye shall find no changeling neither. And so he returned into his chamber, and there he did write the side of a sheet of paper, and all that while I stood in the great chamber, & as many with me as might well stand in the chamber. And as I stood, Doctor Smith came unto me (who once recanted, 
D. Smith cometh to Hawks. D. Sm●thes recantation.  as it appeared in Print) saying that he would be glad to talk brotherly with me. I asked him what he was. Then said they that stood by, he is D. Smith. Then said I: are you he that did recant? And he said, it was no recantation, but a declaration.  Hawks. 
Ye were best to term it well, for your own honesty.  D. Smith. 
Shall I term it as it pleaseth you?  Hawks. 

miles Huggardes words to Tho. Hawks. Miles Huggard.  To be short with you, I will know whether ye will recant any more or no, before that I talk with you, credit you or believe you: and so I departed from him to the other side of the chamber. Then said the Bishop's men & his chaplains, that my Lord commanded me to talk with him. Then they that stood by, cried with a great noise: hang him, burn him: it is pity that he liveth, that disobeyeth my lords commandment.  
Then said one Miles Haggard? where prove you the infants were baptized?  Hawks. 
Go teach all nations, baptising them in the name of the father, and of the son, and of the holy Ghost. Sir here is none excepted.  M. Hug. 
What shall we go to teach children?  Hawks. 
That word doth trouble you: it might be left out full well: it is to much for you to teach. Is not your name Miles Huggard?  M Hug. 
So am I called.  Hawks. 
Be you not a Hosier, and dwell in pudding lane?  M. Hug. 
Yes that I am, and there I do dwell.  Hawks. 
It would seem so, for ye can better skill to eat a pudding and make a hose then in Scripture either to answer or oppose. 
Haggard more meet to eat a pudding, then to dispute of scripture.  With that he was in great rage, and did chafe up and down. Then I desired that some man would take some pain to walk the Gentleman, he did fret so for anger. Than one that stood by me, (who is parson of Hornechurch and Rumford in Essex) said: alas what do you mean? a young man to be so stubborn? there seemeth to much pride in you.  Hawks. 
Are not ye the parson of Hornechurch?  Parson. 
Yes that I am.  Hawks. 
Did ye not set such a priest in your benefice?  Parson. 
Yes for a shift.  Hawks. 
Like will to like: such master, such man. For I know the Priest to be a very vile man, 
Parson of Hornchurch compared to the Weathercock of Paul's.  as any could be. I asked the Parson what kin he was to the weather cock of Paul's? and he fell in a great laughter, with the rest of his companions. He said that I did rail.  
Then said an other that stood by unto me: what book have you here? I answered the new testament. May I look in it, said he? Yea that ye may said I. And so he looked in my book, and said it was corrupt I answered him if the things contained in it be true, 
Frivolous questions. 〈…〉.  then are ye all false Prophets. He said that he would appose me in the first word of the Testament, saying: here is a generation of christ. And Esay saith, no man can tell his generation.  Hawks. 
What meaneth Esay by that?  
I would learn of you (said he.)  Hawks. 
Ye would be angry if the scholar should teach the master: but if ye will have me to teach you, I will tell you Esay as meaning.  
Then said he, no man can tell the generation between the father and the son: but you (I dare say) did know it before.  Hawks. 
Why then Esay denieth not the generation.  
Then said he, why is Christ called Christ?  Hawks. 
Because he is a Messiah.  
Then said he, why is he called a Messiah?  Hawks. 
Because he was so prophesied by the Prophets.  
Then said he: why is your book called a book?  Hawks. 
These words do breed more strife, then godly edifying.  
Beware said he, that ye do not decline from the church for if ye do, you will prove yourself an heretic.  Hawks. 
Even as ye do call us heretics, that do incline to Christ's Church, 
Difference between the true Prophets and he false.  from your Church: so are ye all false Prophets, that do decline from Christ's church, to your own Church. And by this shall all men know you to be false Prophets, if ye say, this saith the Church, and will not say, this saith our Lord. And so he went his way, as though he had a flea in his ear.  
Then came an other and said unto me,, 
The false Prophet● say: di●● Ecclesia ● thus fait● the Chur●●● The true prophets dicit 〈◊〉: th●● saith the Lord. The Bish●● writeth Hawks co●●fes●ion.  he would talk with me, for he perceived (as he said) that I was angry and out of patience.  Hawks. 
I will see your commission, or ever I talk with you, or with any man more. For I witted not how to be tide of them: they came so thick about me. For I said that I came to talk with my Lord, and not with any of them.  
With that came the Bishop, bringing a letter in his hand the which he had written in my name, & read it unto me after this manner: I Tho. Hawks, do here confess and declare before my said Ordinary Edmund Bishop of London, that the Mass is abominable and detestable, & full of all superstition, and also as concerning the sacrament of the body and blood of Christ (commonly called the sacrament of the altar) that Christ is in no part thereof, but only in heaven: this I have believed, & this I do believe etc.  Hawks. 
Stop there my Lord: what I have believed, what have you to do withal? But what I do believe, to that stand I, and will.  
Then he took his pen, & said that he would scrape it out for my pleasure, and so did to my thinking.  
Then he went further with his writing, and said: I Thomas Hawks have talked with my said Ordinary, & with certain good, godly, and learned men. Notwithstanding I stand still in mine opinion.  Hawks. 
Shall I grant you to be good, godly, and learned men, and yet grant myself to stand in a contrary opinion? No, I will not grant you to be good, godly and learned men.  Boner. 
Ye will grant that ye have talked with us: the other I will put out for your pleasure. Then said all his Doctors, if your Lordship be ruled by him, he will cause you to put out altogether: and then he read more unto me. Here unto this bill have I set to my hand: and then he offered me the bill & his pene, and bade me set my hand to it. 
Thomas Hawks denieth to 〈◊〉 his hand to Boners writing.   Hawks. 
Ye get not my hand to any thing of your making or devising.  Boner. 
Wilt not thou set to thy hand? It shallbe to thy shame for the denying of it.  
And then he called all his Doctors, and said he would have every man's hand to it that was in the chamber, & so he had of their hands to it, and said: he that will not set his hand to it, I would he were hanged, and so said all his Chaplains and Doctors with a great noise.  
Then the bishop thrust me on the breast with great anger, and said he would be even with me and with all such proud knaves in Essex. 
Boner in ● some with Thomas Hawks.   Hawks. 
Ye shall do no more than God shall give you leave.  Boner. 
This gear shall not be unpunished, trust to it.  Hawks. 
As for your cursings, railings, and blaspheminges, I care not for them: for I know the moths and worms shall eat you, as they eat cloth or wool.  Bishop. 
I will be even with you, when time shall come.  Hawks. 
Ye may in your malice destroy a man: but when ye have done, ye can not do so much as make a finger, and ye be meetly even with some of us already.  Boner. 
If I do thee any wrong, take the law of me.  Hawks. 
Solomon saith: Go not to law with a judge. For he will judge according to his own honour.  Boner. 
Solomon saith: give not a fool an answer.  Hawks. 
What? do ye count me a fool?  Boner. 
Yea be my troth do I, and so dost thou me to: but God forgive thee, 
* And even now ye said, you would be even with him.  and so do I  Hatkes. 
Thought is free my Lord. Then took Boner the bill and read it again, and when he saw that he could not have my hand to it, than he would have had me to take it into my hand, and to give it him again.  Hawks. 
What needeth that ceremony? Neither shall it come into my hand, hart, nor mind. Then he wrapped it up, and put it in his bosom, and in a great anger went his way, & called for his horse and went to horseback, for the same day he road in visitation into Essex: and so went I to prison, from whence I came, with my Keeper. And this was the second time of my examination. Written by me Thomas Hawks, who desireth all faithful men and brethren, to pray unto God to strengthen me in his truth unto the end. Pray, pray, pray, gentle brethren pray.   

The public examination of Thomas Hawks.  
AFter all these private conferences, persuasions, & long debatings had with Thomas Hawks in the bishops house, as hitherto have been declared, the Bishop seeing no hope to win him to his wicked ways, 
Thomas Hawks cited to the bishops Consistory.  was fully set to proceed openly against him after the ordinary course of his popish law. Whereupon T. Hawks shortly ●●ter was cited with the rest of his other fellows, above specified, to wit●e, Thom. Tomkins. Ste. Knight, W. Pygot, john Laurence, and W. Hunter, to appear in the bishop's Consistory, the 8. day of February, this present year, videl. 1555. Upon which appearance was laid against him, in like order, 
 as to the other, first the bill o● his confession, writte● with Boners hand, to the which bill ye heard before how the blessed servant of God denied to subscribe.  
A●ter which bill of confession being read, and he constantly standing to the said confession, the Bishop then assigned him with the other v. the next day following, which was the ix. of February, to appear before him again, to give a resolute answer what they would stick unto. Wh●ch day being come, and these foresaid vi. prisoners being severally called before the Bishop, at the coming of Thomas Hawks, 
 the Bishop willed him to remember what was said to him yesterday, and now while he had time and space, to advise with himself, what he would answer: for he stood upon life and death. Well, quoth master Hawks again, I will willingly receive what soever shall be put unto me.  
Then were certain other Interrogatories or Articles commenced against him by the said Bishop (in like manner as to the other) to the number of four: with an other bill also, which Boner brought out of his bosom containing private matters against the said Thomas Hawks, which the bishop called heresies and errors, but we may better call them Christian verities. To the which matter being read, the said Hawks answered openly again saying that it was true, and that he was glad it was so true, as it was: with more words to the like effect. And this was on the forenoon, the ix. day of February.  
In the after noon again the said Hawks appearing and hearing the foresaid bill of his confession, 
 with the Articles and Interrogatories read uto him, with like constancy in answering again to the b●shop: My Lord (said he) as you being my friend have caused these my sayings to be written: so do you cause them to be read: and yet I will never go from them.  
And then being exhorted by the bishop with many fair words, to return again to the bosom of the mother Church: 
 No my Lord (said he) that will I not: for if I had an hundredth bodies, I would suffer them all to be torn in pieces, rather than I will abjure or recant.  
And so continuing still in the same song, notwithstanding that the Doctors and Lawyers were ever calling upon him to come again to the unity of the Church he ever kept them of with this answer, 
Thomas Hawks condemned by Bishop Boner.  that he would never go from the belief he was in, so long as he lived. Whereupon Boner, at last read the sentence of death upon him, & so was he condemned the same day with the residue of his fellows which was the 9 of February.  
Nevertheless his execution was prolonged, 

The death of Hawks diffe●red.  
Thomas Hawks brought down to Essex by the Lord Rich.   and he remained in prison till the 10. day of june.  
Then was he committed to the hands and charge of the Lord Rich, who being assisted with power sufficient of the worshipful of the shire, had the foresaid Tho. Hawks down into Essex, with vi. other fellow prisoners (whose stories hereafter follow) there to suffer martyrdom, Hawks at Coxehall, the other severally in other several places.  
Thomas Hawks by the way used much exhortation to his friends, and when soever opportunity served to talk with them, he would familiarly admonish them.  
A little before his death certain there were of his familiar acquaintance and friends, 
Agreed between Thomas Hawks and his friends to give them a token in the fire, whether the pain of burning were so grievous as it seemeth or no.  who frequenting his company more familiarly, which seemed not a little to be confirmed both by the example of his constancy, & by his talk: yet notwithstanding the same again being feared with the sharpness of the punishment, which he was going to, privily desired that in the midst of the flame he would show them some token if he could, whereby they might be more certain whether the pain of such burning were so great, that a man might not therein keep his mind quiet and patient. Which thing he promised them to do, and so secretly between them it was agreed, that if the rage of the pain were tolerable and might be suffered, than he should lift up his hands above his head toward heaven before he gave up the ghost. 
Thomas Hawks carried to the place of execution.   
Not long after, when the hour was come Thomas Hawks was lead away to the place appointed for the slaughter, by the Lord Rich & his assistance, who being now come unto the stake, there mildly & patiently addressed himself to the fire, 
Thomas Hawks standing at the stake reasoneth with the Lord Rich.  having a strait chain cast about his middle, with no small multitude of people on every side compassing him about. Unto whom after he had spoken many things, but especially unto the Lord Rich, reasoning with him of the innocent blood of Saints, at length after his fervent prayers first made, and poured out unto god, the fire was set unto him.  
¶ The martyrdom of Thomas Hawks in Essex, at a Town called Coxehall. Anno. 1555. june. 10.  
In the which when he continued long, and when his speech was taken away by violence of the flame, his skin also drawn together, and his fingers consumed with the fire, so that now all men thought certainly he had been gone, suddenly and contrary to all expectation, the blessed servant of GOD, being mindful of his promise afore made, reached up his hands burning on a light fire (which was marvelous to behold) over his head to the living God, and with great rejoicing, 
A token given in the fire that burning is not so intolerable a pain as it was thought.  as seemed, struck or clapped them three times together. At the sight whereof there followed such applause & outcry of the people, and especially of them which understood the matter, that the like hath not commonly been heard: And so the blessed Martyr of Christ, strait way sinking down into the fire, gave up his spirit. An. 1555. june. 10. And thus have you plainly and expressly described unto you the whole story, 
The end and martyrdom of Thomas Hawks at Coxhall.  as well of the life, as of the death of Thomas Hawks, a most constant & faithful witness of Christ's holy Gospel.  
¶ Letters. ¶ An Epistle to the Congregation by Thomas Hawks.  
GRace, mercy, and peace, from God the father, and from our Lord jesust Christ, 
A letter of Thomas Hawks to the congregation.  be always with you all (my dear brethren and sistern in the Lord jesus Christ) for ever: and his holy Spirit conduct and lead you all in all your doings, that you may always direct your deeds according to his holy word, that when he shall appear to reward every man according to their works: ye may as obedient children be found watching, ready to enter into his everlasting kingdom with your lamps burning, and when the Bridegroom shall show himself, ye need not to be ashamed of this life that God hath lent you, which is but transitory, vain, and like unto a vapour, that for a season appeareth and vanisheth away: so soon passeth away all our terrestrial honour, glory, and felicity. For all flesh (saith the Prophet) is grass, and all his glory, as the flower of the field, which for a season showeth her beauty, and as soon as the Lord bloweth upon it, it withereth away, and departeth. For in this transitory and dangerous wilderness, 
The manifold dangers which a true Christian hath to pass thorough in this world.  we are as Pilgrims and strangers, following the footsteps of Moses, among many unspeakable dangers, beholding nothing with our outward man, but all vain vanities, and vexation of mind: subject to hunger, cold, nakedness, bonds, sickness, loss, labours, banishment, in danger of that dreadful dragon, and his sinful seed, to be devoured, tempted, and tormented, who ceaseth not behind every bush to lay a bait, when we walk awry to have his pleasure upon us, casting abroad his apples in all places, times, and seasons, to see if Adam will be alured and enticed to leave the living God & his most holy Commandments whereby he is assured of everlasting life, promising the world at will, to all that will fall down in all ages, & for a mess of pottage, sell & set at nought, the everlasting kingdom of heaven. So frail is flesh and blood: And in especial Israel is most ready to walk awry, when he is filled with all manner of riches ((as saith the Prophet.)  
Therefore I am bold in bonds (as entirely desiring your everlasting health & felicity) to warn you, and most heartily desire you to watch and pray: for our estate is dangerous, 
The higher in dignity, the nearer to danger.  and requireth continual prayer. For on the high mountains doth not grow most plenty of grass, neither are the highest trees farthest from danger, but seldom sure, & always shaken of every wind that bloweth. Such a deceitful thing (saith our saviour) is honour and riches, that without grace it choketh up the good seed sown on his creatures, & blindeth so their seeing, that they go groping at none day in darkness: it maketh a man think himself somewhat, that is nothing at all. For though for our honour we esteem ourselves & stand in our own light, 
Proverb. 11. Riches help not before God.  yet when we shall stand before the living God, there shallbe no respect of persons. For riches helpeth not in the day of vengeance: neither can we make the Lord partial for money. But as ye have ministered unto the Saints, so shall ye receive the reward, which I am fully persuaded & assured shall be plenteously poured upon you all, for the great goodness showed unto the servants of the living God. And I most heartily beseech almighty God to pour forth a plenteous reward upon you for the same, & that he will assist you with his holy spirit in all your doings, that ye may grow (as you have begun) unto such a perfection as may be to god's honour, your own salvation, and the strengthening of the weak members of christ. 
Gods elect always bear the slander in this world.  For though the world rage, and blaspheme the elect of God, ye know that it did so unto Christ, his Apostles, and to all that were in the primitive Church, and shallbe unto the worlds end.  
Therefore believe in the light, while ye have it, lest it be taken away from you: If you shall seem to neglect the great mercy of God that hath been opened unto you, and your hearts consented unto it that it is the very and only truth pronounced by God's only son jesus Christ, by the good will of our heavenly father. Therefore I say in the bowels of my Lord jesus Christ, stick fast unto it: let it never depart out of your hearts and conversation, that you with us and we with you, at the great day being one flock, as we have one shepherd, may rise to the life immortal, through jesus Christ our only Saviour, Amen.  
¶ Yours in him that liveth for ever. Thomas Hawks.  
Here followeth an other letter of Tho. Hawks sent to his wife after his condemnation, being prisoner in Newgate: the copy whereof is this.  

¶ The copy of Thomas Hawks letter to his wife.  
GRace be with you, and peace from God the father, 
A letter of Tho. Hawks unto his wife.  and from our Lord jesus Christ, which gave himself for our sins, to deliver us from this present evil world, through the good will of God our father, to whom be praise for ever and ever. Amen.  
My dear Yoke-fellow in the Lord, for as much as the Lord hath not only called me to work in his vinyeard but hath also fulfilled his good work in me (I trust to his glory, & to the comfort of all those that look for his coming) I thought it my duty (dear yokefellowe) to write unto you some lessons out of God's book: and if you will direct yourself thereafter, doubt not of it, but God, who refuseth none that will come to him with their whole hart, will assist you with his holy spirit, and direct you in all his ways, to his honour, and glory, who grant it for his mercy's sake. Amen.  
First I exhort you to fear God, 
Lessons 〈◊〉 instruction to his wy●●  to serve and honour his holy name, love him with all your hart, soul, and mind to believe faithfully all his promises, to lay sure hold upon them, that in all your troubles what so ever they are ye may run strait to the great mercy of God, and he will bring you forth of them, keep you within his wings then shall ye be sure that neither devil, flesh, nor hell shall be able to hurt you.  
But take heed: If ye will not keep his holy precepts and laws, and to the uttermost of your power, call for the help of God to walk in the same, but will leave them and run to all abominations with the wicked world, & do as they do, then be sure to have your part with the wicked world in the burning lake that never shall be quenched. 
He exhorteth her to beware of Idolatry.  Therefore beware of idolatry, which doth most of all stink before the face of almighty God, and was of all good men most detested from the beginning of the world. For the which, what kingdoms, nations, and realms God hath punished with most terrible plagues, with fire, 
Idolatry punished 〈◊〉 God.  brimstone, hunger, sword, and pestilence. etc. to the utter subversion of them, it is manifestly to be seen through the whole Bible. Yea his own peculiar people, whom he had done so much for, when they fell from him, and went & served other Gods, contrary to his commandment, he utterly destroyed, and rooted them out from of the earth: and as many as died in that damnable state (not repenting their abominable evil) he threw them into the pit of hell. Again how he hath preserved those that abhor superstition and Idolatry, and that have only taken hold upon God with their whole hart, to serve him, & to love him, to fear him, etc. it is most manifestly to be seen even from the beginning, out of what great dangers he hath ever delivered them: yea when all hope of deliverance was passed as touching their expectation, even then in the sight of all his enemies would he work his godly will and purpose, to the utter amazing and destruction of all those that were his manifest enemies.  
Further I exhort you in the bowels of Christ, 
Exhorta●●●● to prayer.  that you will exercise and be steadfast in prayer: for prayer is the only mean to pierce the heavens to obtain at the hand of God, what soever we desire, so that it be asked in faith. Oh what notable things do we read in Scriptures that hath been obtained through fervent prayer? 
Praying to God & not to creature  We are commanded to call upon him for help, aid and secure in necessities & troubles, & he hath promised to help us. Again they that will not call upon him, with thesr whole hart, but upon other dead creatures, in whom there is no help (for there was none found worthy to open the book, but only the Lamb Christ which was killed for our sins) I say who that will refuse his help, must even by the terrible judgement of God, come utterly to confusion: as it hath, and is daily manifest to be seen. And whatsoever you desire of God in your prayer, ask it for jesus Christ's sake, 
To continue in prayer, 〈◊〉 to pray in the name only of Christ.  for whom & in whom God hath promised to give us all things necessary. And though that which ye ask, come not by and by at the first and second calling, yet continue still knocking and he will at the length open his trasures of mercy▪ so that ye shallbe sure to obtain: for he hath so promised if ye continue in faith, hoping surely in him. These former lessons, with all such instructions as I have told you by mouth, I do wish that ye would most earnestly learn: and then I doubt not, but God, who is the giver of all grace, will assist you in all your doings, that ye may be found worthy of his kingdom, which is prepared through Christ.  

〈◊〉 for his 〈…〉 meaneth ●. Clement 〈◊〉, who 〈…〉, his child.  Further, where it hath pleased God to send us children, my desire is that they may be brought up in the fear of God, and in his laws. And this is to certify you, that ye deliver in any wise my eldest son unto M. Throgmorton, who upon his good will hath promised me to bring him up according to my desire, and (I trust) as God hath put into his hart. See therefore that ye deliver him in any wise without delay: and as for the other, if ye shall seem to be burdened with him (which I think nature will not suffer) my desire is that it be brought up in the fear of God to the uttermost of your endeavour, with some honest man that hath the fear of God before his eyes, and let us give thanks unto God which hath given them us, beseeching him that they may be counted worthy to be of that flock that shall stand on the right hand of the Majesty of God, when he shall judge the world. Amen.  
Yet once again I warn you, that ye continue in fervent prayer, as I said before: then shall ye be sure, that God even of his own mercy, according as he hath promised, will be an husband unto you, & provide better for you than I was ever able to do: yea, he will cause all men that fear him, to pity you, to help you, secure you in all your necessities, so that if any will do you wrong, he will be avenged on him. Moreover, I wish you to keep company with those, 
Keeping of good company.  of whom ye may learn to come to a more perfect knowledge in God, and I doubt not but God will provide that such will be glad to receive you, if you shall profess and go forward in his truth.  
Finally, and to make an end, I desire you that ye take heed with whom ye couple yourself. See that he be a man that feareth God, 
Exhortation to take heed whom she marrieth, & that she marry in the Lord.  loveth his laws, and will walk in the same to the uttermost of his power: such a one as can be content to love you & to care for you. Take heed he be no brawler, no drunkard, no wicked person, not given to filthiness, no worldling, no dicer nor carder. In fine, no filthy person, but choose you such a one as God may be glorified in both your lives. And again on your part, love him, serve him, obey him in all godliness, as long as God shall give you life in this world. Then shall ye both be sure to obtain that kingdom which God the father hath prepared, and jesus Christ obtained for you, that never shall have end, where I trust to abide your coming. Amen.  
By your husband Tho. Hawks.   
Ye heard before in the letter of Tho. Hawks written to his wife, mention made concerning his eldest son to be sent to M. Throgmorton. Now what he writeth himself to the said M. Throgmorton touching the same matter, by this his letter to the said party here under ensuing, may appear.   

¶ A letter of Thomas Hawks to M. Clement Throgmorton.  

another letter of Thomas Hawks written to M. Clement Throgmorton.  GRace, mercy, and peace from God the father, and from our Lord jesus Christ, be with you, & assist you in all your thoughts words, and works, that he in all things as most worthy, may be glorified, and that the blessing of Abraham may be poured plenteously on you and all your posterity.  
Where as the love of God hath moved you to require my son to be brought up before your eyes, & the self same love hath also moved me in like case to leave him in your hands, as unto a father in mine absence, I shall require you in God's behalf according to your promise, that ye will see him brought up in the fear of the Lord, and instructed in the knowledge of his holy word, that he may thereby learn to leave the evil and know the good, and always be pricked forward with fatherly instructions to follow my footsteps, that as almighty God hath made me worthy through his special grace to work his will in obedience, he may learn to follow me his father in the like, to god's honour and praise: And this I require you in God's behalf to fulfil or cause to be fulfilled, as ye before the living God will make answer for the same. I have left for the child certain books which shall be delivered unto you, wherein his instruction and salvation lieth, if he learn and practise the same. And thus, most humbly beseeching you once again, to be as good unto him as your promise was to me, that is, to be a father, & a wall of defence unto him in all troubles, I leave him in your hand through the Lord jesus, and desire him to bless both him & you according to his good promise: & all that good which ye shall do unto him, I shall most heartily desire the everlasting God to recompense unto you in his kingdom, where I hope to meet both him and you among all Gods elect. To which God be all praise, honour and glory. Amen.  
Yours and all men's in Christ jesus, Tho. Hawks.    

¶ The history of Thomas Wattes, examined, tried, and burnt for the truth of the Gospel.  
THomas Wattes of Billerica, 
june. 10. The st●●y of Thomas Wattes Martyr.  within the county of Essex, and of the Diocese of London, was by his occupation a linen Draper, who before he was apprehended, had sold and made away his cloth in his shop, and disposed his things being set in order to his wife and children, & gave away much of his cloth unto the poor: 
Thomas Wattes disposeth his goods before he should be apprehended.  For he looked always to be taken by gods adversaries and his, as shortly after came in deed to pass: so that upon the 26. day of April, he was apprehended and brought before the L. Rich, and other Commissioners at Chelmesford, and the●e being accused for not coming to the church, was upon the same examined before the L. Rich, Henry Tyrel, Sir Anthony Browne, Edmund Tyrell, Tho. Mildman, john Wiseman, Rog. Appleton, Rich. Weston, justice Gaudy. etc. The sum and principal effect of which examination here under followeth briefly expressed  

¶ The examination of Tho. Wattes, before the Lord Rich and others.  
WHen this Tho. Wattes came before the L. Rich and other the justices, 
The examination of Thomas Wattes before the Lord Rich and other the Queen's commissioners. The words of the Lord Rich to Tho. Wattes.  whose names are specified in the letter following (which they sent unto the B. of London against him) at the sessions at Chelmesford, the Lord Rich said these words or the like in effect unto him.  
Wattes, ye be brought hither (as I understand) because of disobedience to the King and Queen's laws. Ye will not come to the Church, ye will not hear Mass, etc. but have your conventicles a sort of you in corners, contrary to the K. and Queen's proceed. Unto which his words Wattes answered and said.  
My L. if I have offended a law, 
Wattes' words to the L. Rich.  I am subject here to the law. Then Anth. Brown justice, said unto him: Wats, I pray thee tell me who hath been thy school master, to teach thee this gear, 
Sir Anthony Browne a gospeler in K. Edward's days & a persecuter in Queen mary's days.  or where didst thou first learn this religion? Forsooth (quoth Wattes) even of you Sir: you taught it me, and none more than you. For in K. Edward's days in open sessions you spoke against this Religion now used, no preacher more. You then said, the mass was abominable, & all their trumpery beside, wishing and earnestly exhorting that none should believe therein, & that our belief should be only in Christ: and you said then whosoever should bring in any strange nation to rule here it were treason, and not to be suffered.  
Then said Brown to my Lord Rich, he belies me my Lord. What a knave is this? he will soon belie me behind my back, when he doth it before my face, and my L. Rich said again, I dare say he doth so.  
After these words, Wattes took occasion to speak somewhat of King Philip and of his coming in, but what it was, I could not justly learn. But this much was heard, that after those words spoken, the Bench among themselves stood up, and said one to another: treason, saving one good man called justice gaudy, 
justice Gaudy ● good man.  who a little before was about to speak: but when he heard them cry treason, he held down his head as one grieved and troubled at their doings.  
In conclusion, the Commissioners being weary of him or else not willing to meddle further in such high matters, sent him up to the B. of London, with their letter withal, importing the cause of his sending up as by the contents thereof here under followeth to be seen.  

¶ A letter sent by certain justices in Essex to Boner B. of London.  
AFter our most hearty commendations to your good lordship, these shall be to advertise you, 
A letter of the Lord Rich, Henry Tyrell & other justices to Boner.  that at our Sessions of Oyer & Terminer holden at Chelmesford the 26. day of April last passed, there came before us in open Court one Thomas Wattes of Billerica within your diocese, by ordinary process, and then and there being examined why he refused to come to his parish Church, and there to receive the sacrament of the altar and hear divine service, according to the institution of holy church, he openly there answered generally that like as the service of the Church set out in the days of late King Edward the 6. was said by us now to be abominable, heretical, schismatical, 
though Wattes sent up by the justices of Essex to Bishop Boner.  & all nought, so he said that all that is now used & done in the Church is abominable, heretical, schismatical, and all nought, with divers other erroneous & arrogant words: and therefore we have thought good to send him to your Lordship, to be further examined by you of his particular opinions, as to your pastoral office shall seem convenient, certifying you further, that in our opinion he is one of the most arrogant heretics that hath been heard speak, or ever came before you, & not meet to be kept here in any jail, as well for fear of corrupting others, as for divers & sundry other special causes hereafter to be more declared. Thus leaving to molest your good Lordship, we commit you to the holy ghost.  
Given at Chelmesford the 27. of April. An. 1555. Your good Lordships most assured, 

R. Rich.  
Henry Tirrell.  

The names of the justices.  Anthony Browne.  
Edmund Tirrell.  
T. Myldman.  
john Wiseman.  
Rog. Appleton.  
Rich. Weston.     
Now when the B. had received him, how he used him 〈◊〉 is easy (by his common practices with others) to judge. What his private conferences were, I know not, but what was publicly done in the Consistory at Paul's (the common stage for these tragedies) you shall here see.   

The first appearance of Thomas Wattes in the bishop's Consistory.  
FIrst upon Thursday, being the second day of May, Thomas Wattes was brought thither before the Bishop of London, 
The first appearance of Thomas Wattes in the Bishop's Consistory.  & there being examined upon his words had before the L. Rich and others (as is contained in their letters) he did earnestly affirm the same to be true. Whereupon the Bishop objected, and examined him upon these Articles following, to the which he answered, as under may appear.   

¶ Articles objected against Thomas Wattes of Byllerica in the County of Essex, within the Diocese of London, by Boner Bish. there, as ensueth.  
1. FIrst that the said Tho. Wattes was of Billerica, & so of the jurisdiction of the B. of London. 
Articles against Tho. Wattes. The Sacraments of the Church of Rome.   
2. Item, that he believed not in the Sacraments of the the holy and Catholic church, as the Catholic church of Rome, and all other Church's members of the same, ever hitherto hath believed, & is taught of all good & faithful people, nor hath allowed the said sacraments, rites, usages, or ceremonies of the said church, 
The substance of the sacrament.  but hath despised the same.  
3. Item, that he believeth, & also hath taught others, that the substance of material bread and wine do remain in the Sacrament of the altar after the consecration, 
The presence in the sacrament.  & that the said material bread and wine are the signs & tokens of Christ's body hanged upon the cross, and of his blood there shed, and that in the said Sacrament there is only a memory or remembrance of Christ's body & blood, and nothing else.  
4. Item, that he believeth, and doth precisely affirm, that the very true presence of Christ's body and blood in substance, 
The Mass abominable.  is not in the Sacrament of the altar, but only in heaven, and no where else.  
5. Item, that he believeth, affirmeth, and saith, that the Mass now used in the church of Rome here in England, and other places is full of Idolatry, 
Confession to God.  abomination & wickedness, and that Christ did never institute it, nor ordain it, nor yet allow it as a good and laudable thing to be used in his Church.  
6. Item, that he believeth and affirmeth that auricular confession to be made unto the Priest, is not necessary, but superfluous: and that it is enough for a man to believe only, & to confess himself unto God, without any priest or minister at any time, though he may have the Priest to confess him unto.  
7. Item, that he believeth that Luther, Wickliff, Doctor Barnes, 
Defence of Martyrs.  and all others that have holden against the Sacrament of the altar, & suffered death by fire or otherwise, for the maintenance of the said opinion, were good men, and faithful servants and Martyrs of Christ, in so believing and dying.  
8. Item, that he hath and doth believe, that to fast, pray, or to do alms deeds, 
Fasting, praying, & alms deeds.  is a thing utterly unprofitable: for if a man shall be saved, he shallbe saved without doing of them: and if he shall be damned, they shall not help him, or do him any good at all.  
9 Item, that the said Wattes of late coming into open Court at the Sessions before the Lord rich, Sir Henry Tirell Knight, Anthony Browne Esquire, and others, & being then and there examined, 
Q. mary's service reproved.  did openly confess, that he had refused to come to the Church, and to hear there the divine service, and to receive the sacrament of the altar, according to the order of the Church: because that like as the service of the Church set out in the days of the late king Edward the 6. was said and alleged to be abominable, heretical, schismatical, and all nought: so he the said Thomas Wattes then and there said openly before the said Commissioners, that all that is now used and done in the Church, is abominable, heretical, schismatical, and altogether nought: And that he did also then utter before the said Commissioners, other erroneous and arrogant words, to the hurt of his soul, and to the evil example of the people there present.  
10 Item, 
Wattes r●●puted by the lawe● for an he●●●ticke.  that he the said Thomas by reason of the premises, was and is to be taken, had, reputed, and judged as a manifest & open heretic, and for the same, by the order of ecclesiastical laws is to be declared, accursed: and being obstinate and incorrigible, is to be delivered to the secular power, there to be punished as an heretic.  
11 Item, that he over and beside all these offences, and trespasses aforesaid, had also added this trespass, that is to wit: that he had believed and deliberately spoken, 
The chur●● of Rome 〈◊〉 synagogue 〈◊〉 Satan.  that the Church of Rome in her rites, ceremonies, Sacraments, constitutions, and traditions, is the synagogue of Satan, and therefore that he had consented and agreed in opinion & belief, with one john Tooly, of late hanged at Charing cross, who at the time of his executing, desired the people to pray, to be delivered from the tyranny of the Bishop of Rome, with all his enormities: as who should say, that his authority and doings were tyranny, and had all enormities and iniquities in them.  
12 Item, that the premises and every part thereof, be true, notorious, manifest, and openly spoken, & talked of amongst the honest & credible persons in great multitude, and that of all & singular the same within Billerica aforesaid, and other places there about, being of the diocese of London, there is a common voice and fame thereof.   

¶ The answer of the said Thomas Wattes to the foresaid Articles.  
TO the first he said and confessed the same to be true in every part thereof. 
His answers to the article▪   
To the 2. Article he answered that he believeth in all the Sacraments according to Christ's institution, & the Catholic church: but not according to the bishop of Rome's church: and further said, that he doth not believe now as he had done in times past: for in time past he believed as the church then believed, but now he doth not so believe: for the church of Rome had deceived us, and therefore he said he did not believe as the church of Rome believeth, but as Christ hath taught him: And further said, 
Tho. Watt●● first 〈◊〉 to the Gospel by M. Aluey.  that he was so taught to believe by preaching of one M. Aluey, & other whose names he remembered not: which Aluey he said did preach the word of God truly and sincerely.  
To the 3. he answered, that he hath and doth believe, that Christ's body is in heaven, and no where else: & further, that he will never believe that Christ's body is in the Sacrament.  
To the 4. he answered, confessing and firmly believing the same to be true.  
To the 5. that he did believe, that the Mass is abominable, and that he will not go one jot from that his belief.  
To the 6. that he neither did, nor yet doth believe that the priest can absolve him of his sins: howbeit, he denieth not but it is good to ask council at the priest's mouth.  
To the 7. he said, that he knoweth not what the opinions of the said persons named in the said article were: and in case the said persons did believe that the body and blood of Christ were real and in very deed in the Sacrament of the altar, then that they were not good men. But in case they did believe that the body & blood of Christ was not in the Sacrament of the altar really and truly, than he believed that they were good christian men.  
To the 8. that he had not spoken as is contained in this article, but said, that he hath and doth believe that fasting, prayers and alms deeds be works of a lively faith.  
To the 9 he confessed, that he did utter and speak, as in this article is contained, and further desired God that he might die in that faith and belief, wherein he now is.  
To the x. he answered and said, that he will submit himself herein to the order of the law: and further said that he trusteth that with God he shall be blessed, although with men he be accursed.  
To the xi. he said, 
The Bishop of Rome 〈◊〉 enemy to Christ.  that he believed that the B. of Rome is a mortal enemy to Christ and his Church. And as for Tooly he said, he did never see or know him: but in case the said Tooly did wish and pray as is contained in the Article, than he did likewise wish and consent with him therein.  
To the 12. he answered, that all which before he confessed to be true, is also true: and all that he hath denied to be true, he denieth again to be true, and believeth the same to be according to such things as he hath confessed.  
By me Tho. Wattes.   

another appearance of Thomas Wattes in the Consistory.  
THese Articles thus propounded and answered, the bishop commanded him to appear again in the same place at 3. of the clock in the after noon, 
 upon the same day. At which hour being brought thither by his keeper, the Bishop began with him in this wise: Wattes, you know what I said unto you to day, and what I appointed unto you at this time. The time is now come: weigh and consider with yourself, that you are but a man: and albeit that ye will wilfully cast away your body, yet cast not so away your soul, but while ye have time, return and confess the truth.  

 Whereunto Thomas Wattes answered and said: I am weary to live in such idolatry as ye would have me to l●ue in. Upon which answer the bishop caused his articles again to be read. He thereto answered as before, and farther subscribed the same with his own hand.   

another appearance before D. Harpsfield.  
THe bishop, after many persuasions to cause him to recant, willed him to departed as then, and to come again on Saturday at 8. of the clock in the morning. 

〈…〉 the Pope's law.  
Thomas Wattes privately appeareth again before the Bishop.   Where (the Bishop being absent) D. Nicholas Harpesfielde, as then being his deputy, did sit and earnestly exhorted him to deny his opinions. To whom in the end he answered.  
Well, ye have a law to condemn me, and I submit myself to the law: but not to the laws of the Church (as you call it.) And farther I do affirm, and will stand to mine answers that I have made.  
Whereupon D. Harpsfield willed him to appear there again upon friday, being the 10. day of the same month of May. Upon which day the bishop privately sent for the said Thomas Wattes into his chamber, and there with many fair promises, tempted and tried him, whether he would revoke his errors (as he then termed them.) But Wattes answered him in this sort: I will not believe your Church, neither the Romish Church, and therefore you do but labour in vain thus to travail with me. He was here upon again dismissed for that time, 
Wattes' answer to the Bishop.  until friday the 17. day of May, and then commanded to appear in the Consistory: which commandment he obeyed, & having the accustomed former Articles ministered unto him, made then such answers as before.   

Thomas Wattes brought again to the consistory.  
THus being tossed to and fro, from day to day, and hour to hour: he was at the last, the 18. day of the month of May, 
The 〈…〉 of Thomas Wattes.  brought into the consistory, where first was made a brief recital of all the former process: and there the said Wattes being (by the bishop and others) willed to deny his profession, made this final answer: God keep me from the doctrine that ye would have me to come unto, which ye have now declared. And I beseech God that I may persever in that that I have done, for I will stand to mine answers.  
The Bishop perceiving his fair flattering promises nothing to prevail (& having no great store of other reasons to persuade with) put forth his last and strongest argument of condemnation. 
Sentence of condemnation against Thomas Wattes.  Which being ended, he was delivered to the sheriffs of London, & by them was sent to Newgate, where he remained until the 9 day of june, or as some record, to the 22. of May: at what time he was carried unto Chelmesforde, and there was brought to Scots house, keeping then an Inn at Chelmesforde, where, as they were eating meat with hawks and the rest that came down to their burning, they prayed together both afore and after their meat.  
Then Wats went and prayed privately to himself, and afterward came to his wife and his 6. children being there, and said these words in effect: Wife, and my good children, I must now departed from you. 
The 〈◊〉 of Thomas Wattes to his wife & 〈◊〉 children  Therefore hence forth know I you no more, but as the Lord hath given you unto me, so I give you again unto the Lord, whom I charge you see you do obey, and fear him: and beware ye turn not to this abominable papistry, against the which I shall anon (by God's grace) give my blood. Let not the murdering of God's Saints cause you to relent, but take occasion thereby to be the stronger in the Lord's quarrel, and I doubt not but he will be a merciful father unto you. All these and such like words spoke he unto them, and they unto him, of whom two (as it is said) offered to be burnt with him. In the end he bad them farewell, and kissed them all, and was carried to the fire.  
The burning of Thomas Wattes, Martyr.  
At the stake, after he had kissed it, he spoke to my Lord Rich, these or the like words: My Lord saith he, beware, 
The words of Thomas Wattes to the L. Rich.  beware, for you do against your own conscience herein, and without you repent, the Lord will revenge it: For you are the cause of this my death.    

Concerning the childbed of Queen Mary, as it was rumoured among the people.  
LOng persuasion had been in England with great expectation, for the space of half a year or more, 
The Childbirth of Q. Mary.  that the Queen was conceived with child. This report was made by the Queen's Physicians, & other nigh about the Court: so that divers were punished for saying the contrary. And commandment was given, that in all church's supplication and prayers should be made for the Queen's good delivery: the certificate whereof ye may read before in the letter of the Counsel sent to Boner, pag. 1405. And also the same moreover may appear by provision made before in the Act of Parliament for the child. pag. 1410.  
And now for somuch as in the beginning of this month of june about Whitsuntide, 
Rockers and Nurses provided for Queen mary's child.  the time was thought to be nigh, that this young Master should come into the world, and that midwives, rockers, nurses, with the cradle & all, were prepared and in a readiness, suddenly upon what cause or occasion it is uncertain, a certain vain rumour was blown in London of the prosperous deliverance of the Queen, and the birth of the child: In so much that the Bells were rung, Bonfires and processions made, not only in the City of London, 
Processions and bonfires in London for joy of the young Prince.  and in most other parts of the realm, but also in the town of Antwerp, guns were shot off upon the river, by the English ships, and the Mariners thereof rewarded with an hundred pistolettes or Italian crowns by the Lady Regent, who was the Queen of Hungary. 
Triumph at Antwerp for the same.  Such great rejoicing and triumph was for the Queen's delivery, & that there was a Prince borne. Yea, divers Preachers, namely one, the Parson of S. Anne within Aldergate, after Procession and Te Deum song, took upon him to describe the proportion of the child, how fair, how beautiful, and great a Prince it was, as the like had not been seen.  
In the midst of this great ado, there was a simple man (this I speak but upon information) dwelling within 4. miles of Berwick, that never had been before half way to London, which said concerning the Bonfires made for Queen Maries child: Here is a joyful triumph, but at length all will not prove worth a mess of pottage, 
Q. mary's child would not come.  as in deed it came to pass: For in the end all proved clean contrary, & the joy and expectations of men were much deceived. For the people were certified, that the Queen neither was as then delivered, nor after was in hope to have any child.  
At this time many talked diversly: some said this rumour of the Queen's conception was spread for a policy: some other affirmed that she was deceived by a Tympany or some other like disease, to think herself with child, and was not: 
What became of Q. mary's child no man can tell.  some thought she was with child, and that it did by some chance miscarry, or else that she was bewitched: but what was the truth thereof, the Lord knoweth, to whom nothing is secret. One thing of mine own hearing, and seeing I can not pass over unwitnessed.  
There came to me, whom I did both hear and see, one Isabella Malt, a woman dwelling in Aldersgate street in Horn alley, not far from the house where this present book was Printed, who before witness made this declaration unto us, that she being delivered of a manchild upon Whitsonday in the morning, which was the xi. day of june. an. 1555. there came to her the Lord North, and an other Lord to her unknown, dwelling than about old Fish street, demanding of her if she would part with her child, and would swear that she never knew nor had no such child. Which if she would, her son (they said) should be well provided for, she should take no care for it, with many fair offers if she would part with the child.  
After that came other women also, of whom one she said should have been the Rocker, but she in no wise would let go her son, who at the writing hereof being alive & called Timothe Malt, was of the age of xiii. years & upward.  

Ex testimonio eiusdam puerperae Londinensis.  Thus much (I say) I heard of the woman herself. What credit is to be given to her relation, I deal not withal, but leave it to the liberty of the Reader, to believe it they that list: to them that list not, I have no further warrant to assure them.  

The young Prince's cradle.  Among many other great preparations made for the Queen's deliverance of child, there was a cradle very sumptuously and gorgeously trimmed, upon the which cradle for the child appointed, these Verses were written, both in Latin and English.  
Quam Mariae sobolem Deus optime sum dedisti,  
Anglis inc●lumem red, tuere, rege.   

The Child which thou to Mary, O Lord of might hast send. To England's joy in health preserve, 
Verses upon the Cradle.  keep and defend.  
About this time there came over into England a certain English book, giving warning to English men of the spaniards, and disclosing certain close practices for recovery of Abbay lands, which book was called A warning for England. Whereof ye shall understand more (God willing) when we come to the Spanish Inquisition. So that by the occasion of this book, upon the xiii. day of this month came out a certain Proclamation, set forth in the name of the King and Queen, repealing & disannulling all manner of books written or Printed, whatsoever should touch any thing the impayring of the Pope's dignity, whereby not only much godly edification was hindered: but also great peril grew among the people. The copy of which Proclamation here followeth.   

A Proclamation set out by the King and Queen for the restraining of all books and writings tending againg the doctrine of the Pope and his Church.  
WHere as by the Statute made in the second year of king Henry the fourth concerning the repressing of heresies, there is ordained and provided a great punishment, not only for the authors, makers, and writers of books containing wicked doctrine and erroneous and heretical opinions contrary to the Catholic faith, and determination of the holy Church, & likewise for their fautors & supporters, but also for such as shall have or keep any such books or writings, and not make delivery of them to the Ordinary of the Diocese or his Ministers, with in a certain time limited in the said Statute, which Act or Statute being by authority of Parliament of late revived, 
Of this Act or statute, read before Pag. 507.  was also openly proclaimed, to the intent the subjects of the realm upon such Proclamation should the rather eschew the danger and penalty of the said Statute, and as yet nevertheless, in most parts of the Realm the same is neglected, and little regarded: The King and Queen our sovereign Lord and Lady, 
A stiterunt reges terrae, & principes convenerunt in unum adversus Dominum & Christum eius. Psal. 2.  therefore. etc. straightly charge and command, that no person or persons, of what estate, degree, or condition soever he or they be, from henceforth presume to bring or convey, or cause to be brought or conveyed into this Realm, any books, writings or works hereafter mentioned: that is to say, any book or books, writings or works made or set forth, by, or in the name of Martin Luther, or any book or books, writings or works made or set forth, by, or in the name of Oecolampadius, Zwinglius, john calvin, Pomerane, john Alasco, Bullinger, Bucer, Melancthon, Bernardinus Ochinus, 
Good 〈◊〉 p●●●hibited.  Erasmus Sarcerius, Peter Martyr, Hugh Latymer, Robert Barnes, otherwise called Friar Barnes, john Bale, otherwise called Friar Bale, justus jonas, john Hoper, miles Coverdal, William Tyndal, Thomas Cranmer late Archbishop of Canterbury, William Turner, Theodore basil, otherwise called Thomas Beacon, John Frith, Roy, and the book commonly called halls Chronicle, 
Against Ha●le● 〈◊〉  or any of them, in the Latin tongue, Dutch tongue, English tongue, Italian tongue, or French tongue, or any other like book, paper, writing, or work, made, printed, or set forth, by any other person or persons, containing false doctrine contrary, and against the Catholic faith, and the doctrine of the Catholic Church: And also that no person or persons presume to write, 
What 〈◊〉 is here to kept 〈◊〉 Christ 〈◊〉 his sepul●chre, and will he 〈◊〉 in spite o● his 〈◊〉  print, utter, sell, read, or keep any, or cause to be written, printed, uttered, or kept, any of the said books, papers, works or writings, or any book or books written or printed in the Latin or English tongue, concerning the common service and administration set forth in English to be used in the Churches of this Realm, in the time of king Edward the sixth, commonly called the Communion book or book of common service and ordering of Ministers, otherwise called The book set forth by authority of Parliament, for common prayer & administration of the Sacraments, or to be used in the mother tongue within the Church of England, but shall within the space of fifteen days next after the publication of this Proclamation, bring or deliver, or cause the said books, writings, and works, and every of them remaining in their custodies and keeping, to be brought and delivered to the Ordinary of the Diocese, where such books, works, or writings be or remain: or to his Chancellor or Commissaries, without fraud, colour, or deceit, at the said Ordinaries will and disposition, to be burnt, or otherwise to be used or ordered by the said Ordinaries, as by the Canons or spiritual laws it is in that case limited and appointed, upon pain that every offender contrary to this Proclamation, shall incur the danger and penalties contained in the said Statute, and as they will avoid their majesties high indignation and displeasure, and further answer at their uttermost perils. 
The pow●● of this world 〈…〉 Christ.   
And their Majesties by this Proclamation give full power and authority to all Bishops and Ordinaries, and all justices of peace, Majors, Sheriffs, Bailiffs of Cities and Towns corporate, and other head Officers within this Realm and the dominions thereof, and expressly commandeth and willeth the same and every of them, that they and every of them within their several limits and jurisdictions, shall in the default & negligence of the said Subjects, after the said fifteen days expired, inquire and search out the said books, writings and works, and for this purpose enter into the house or houses, closerts, and secret places of every person, of what so ever degree, being negligent in this behalf, and suspected to keep any such book, writing, or works, contrary to this Proclamation: And that the said justices, Majors, Sheriffs, Bailiffs, and other head Officers above specified, and every of them within their said limits and jurisdictions, finding any of the said subjects negligent and faulty in this behalf, shall commit every such offender to Warde, there to remain without bail or mainprize, till the same offender or offenders have received such punishment, as the said Statute doth limit and appoint in this behalf. Given under our Signs Manuel, at our Honour of Hampton Court, the thirteen day of june, the first and second years of our reigns.  
Imprinted by john Cawood. Anno. 1555.   

Articles to be inquired upon by the wardones of every, company, touching seditious books, especially touching the book called A Warning for England.  
1 WHether they have seen any of the foresaid books. 
This 〈◊〉 called a warning England look 〈◊〉 hereafter when 〈◊〉 come (〈◊〉 willing 〈◊〉 Inqui●●ti●● the 〈…〉 Articles be 〈◊〉 upon.   
2 Whether they have heard of any of the said books.  
3 Where they were, and in what place they have seen them.  
4 Whom they know to have lately come from beyond the sea, especially from Zurik, Strausbrough, Frankford, Wezel, Emden, and Disburge.  
5 Whom they know, or vehemently suspect to be common carriers of letters or money thither from hence.  
6 That they bring to my Lord Mayor all such seditious books as they have, or shall have found hereafter.  
In this proclamation thou hast heard (Christian reader) the profound and learned Censure of the Catholic Church of England, what books they mislike and reject as heretical, schismatical, and pernicious. Against the which Catholic censure of these learned fathers, I have not at this time to infer: neither doth my laisure serve now to write Apologies in defence of these Authors here condemned. Only so much leave it may please the reader to grant me to set before him here a pair of balance, where in to weigh the books on the one side condemned, with the books on the other side allowed, to the end that we weighing the one with the other, may discern the better between them, 
●he books 〈…〉 the 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 Papists.  which part weigheth best with Gods holy truth and true catholic church against manifest idolatry and palpable abomination. And now therefore, as they have in this present proclamation given their condemnation upon these books above recited, so I desire thee to give thy censure upon their books by them allowed, and upon the matter in them contained, and mark well what good stuff it is.  

The Primer 〈◊〉 forth in ●. mary's 〈…〉 john 〈◊〉.  And first to begin with the Primer in English for children after the use of salisbury, Imprinted with Privilege according unto the King and Queen's majesties letters parents in the reign of Queen Mary. Let us repeat and survey some part of the said Primer (for to express all it were too long) beginning with the first lesson of our Lady, in these words:  
Holy mary: mother most pure of virgins all: mother and daughter of the king celestial: So comfort us in our desolation: That by thy prayer and special meditation, we enjoy the reward of the heavenly reign. etc.  
Confer this with the Scriptures, good reader, and judge uprightly whether this doctrine ●e tolerable in the Church or not.  
It followeth more in the second Lesson.  
Holy Mary of all godly the godliest,  
Pray for us of all holy the holiest.  
That he our prayers accept may in good wise.  
which of thee was borne and reigneth above the skies. etc.  
In the third lesson.  
Thy son beseech with humble intercession,  
To purge us clean of our transgression,  
That so being redeemed we may the place ascend,  
Where thou dwellest with him world without end.  
The versicle.  
Pray for the people, entreat for the Clergy, make enter session for the devout womankind, 
〈◊〉 meditour between God and men, the man 〈◊〉 Christ. ●alse merit.  let all feel thy help that worthily solemnise thy memorial. etc.  
another versicle.  
Holy Mother of God make thy petition, that we may deserve Christ's promission. etc.  
And in the Anthem after Benedictus, thus it followeth.  
We beseech thee of thy pity to have us in remembrance, & to make means for us unto Christ, that we being supported by thy help, may deserve to attain the kingdom of heaven.  
Furthermore in the Collect after it followeth.  

Wrong mediation.  And grant that through the gracious intercession of the virgin thy mother, we may be delivered from this present heaviness, and have the fruition of eternal gladness.  
It followeth moreover in the said Primer thus, concerning the material Crosse.  

idolatry to the material Crosse.  O God which haste ascended thy most holy Cross, and hast given light to the darkness of the world, vouchsafe by the virtue of thy Cross to illumine, visit, and comfort both our hearts and bodies. etc.  
Moreover, in the name of S. john baptist thus it prayeth.  

Let no man 〈◊〉 in any 〈…〉 etc. 1. Cor. 3.  O Lord defend us always through the continual succours of S. john Baptist. For the more frail we be, the more need we have to be relieved with necessary prayers. etc.  
In which words note (good reader) not only the absurdity of doctrine, but also the stolidity of the reason. For where their doctrine pretendeth that saint john baptist should pray for us, 
〈◊〉 is ●aule, ●●at is apollo, but 〈◊〉 servants 〈…〉 ●hom you ●●leeue? ●● Cor. 3.  here we pray to God for s. john Baptist, that he will hear his prayer praying for us. It followeth furthermore in the name of Peter and Paul.  
Hear us mercifully▪ and grant that through the merits of them both, we may obtain the glory everlasting. etc.  
And of S. Andrew.  
So let him (O Lord) be a continual petitioner for us to thee. etc.  
Of S. Laurence thus.  
S. Laurence the Deacon did work a good work. For by the virtue of the holy cross he gave sight to the blind. etc.  
And how can this be true, when the holy Cross was not yet found in the time of s. Laurence. For Helen which first found the cross (as they say) came after S. Laurence more than 40. years.  

 To Tho. Becket Archbishop of Canterbury.  
By the blood of Thomas, which he for thee did spend,  
Make us Christ to climb, whether Thomas did ascend.  
Of S. Nicholas.  
O God which hast glorified blessed Nicholas thy holy Bishop with innumerable miracles grant we beseech thee, 
False merits.  that by his merits & prayers we may be delivered from the fire of hell.  
Of Mary Magdalen.  
Grant we beseech thee, through thy mercy, to let her purchase for us the bliss everlasting. etc.  
another prayer of our Lady.  
The dolorous compassion of God's sweet mother,  
Bring us to the bliss of almighty God the father. etc.  
another prayer in the said Primer to our Lady.  
Establish us in peace and tranquility,  
And change the name of sinful Eva:  
Lose thy prisoners from captivity,  
Unto the blind give sight again. 
The office of Christ given to our Lady.   
Deliver us from malignity,  
To the end we may some grace attain.  
Show thyself to be a mother:  
So that he accept our petition.  
Deliver us from bondage of sin. etc.  
Item.  
Holy mother secure the miserable, comfort the weak spirited, give courage to the desperate, pray for the people, make intercession for the Clergy, and be a mean for the devout womankind. etc.  
another blasphemous prayer.  
O thou meek mother have mercy therefore,  
On wretches, for whom thou hadst these pains all, 
Blasphemy.   
Seeing thy son that vine cluster pressed sore,  
And from the pestilence of death eternal,  
Keep us by voiding the fiend infernal,  
And join us with them which rewarded be,  
With eternal life, seeing the Deity.  
another blasphemy in the said Primer.  
Hail Queen mother of mercy, our life, our sweetness, 
idolatry.  our hope Unto thee do we cry and sigh, weeping and wailing. Come of therefore our Patroness, cast upon us thy pitiful eyes, and after this our banishment, show to us the blessed fruit of thy womb. O gate of glory be for us a reconciliation unto the father and the son. From the wretched their faults expel: wipe the spots of sins unclean. etc.  
Item to our Lady.  
The fruit of thy womb everlasting,  
We may behold through thy deserving etc.  
Item.  
Grant we beseech thee, 

If mary's merit's might help us, than Christ died in vain.  
Like Primer like Psalter.   that by her merits and prayers we may attain to that unspeakable joy, whereas she being assumpt, doth now enjoy with thee in heaven for ever.  
And thus much hitherto of this catholic Primer, called our Lady's matins. Whereunto if it were not tedious for the Reader, we would also adjoin our Lady's Psalter, to the intent that all indifferent Readers, as they have seen what books these Catholic fathers have condemned and do condemn for heretical: so the same may also see & judge what books on the other side they approve as lawful and Catholic. And for as much as it is not known peradventure to all men, what our Lady's Psalter is, or what it meaneth: yea, and some peradventure will deny any such book of our lady's psalter to be written or approved, here therefore we will first produce the name of the author, who was Bonaventure a Seraphical doctor, bishop also & Cardinal, canonised moreover by Pope Sixtus 4. an. 1482. for a saint in the Calendar, who in his book thus entitled in Latin: Incipit Psalterium beatae virgins, 
Bonaventure compiler of our ladies Psalter.  compilatum per Seraphicum Doctorem Sanctum Bonaventuram Episcopum Albanensem, necnon sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae Praesbyterum Cardinalem, in honorem genetricis. etc. Fol. 84. in the second part of his whole works (which were imprinted at Argentine. 
This Bonaventure liued●. an. 1170. and was Canonised. an. 1482.  An. 1495.) to show himself a devout servant to his Lady, hath taken every Psalm of David's Psalter (which he peculiarly made and referred to almighty God) and hath in divers of the said Psalms and verses put out the name of the Lord, and hath placed in the name of our Lady. This being done through the whole Psalms & every one of them, it is now called our Lady's Psalter, used to be song & said in the praise and service of our Lady. A brief taste whereof for example's sake (for to show all it were too long) we thought here to exhibit unto the reader, in order as followeth.   

The title in English of this Psalter.  
☞ Here beginneth the Psalter of the blessed virgin, made by the Seraphical doctor S. Bonaventure, the Bishop of Alban, 
The title of the book called our ladies Psalter.  and Cardinal of the holy Church of Rome. etc.  
1 BEatus vir, qui intelligit nomen tuum Maria virgo, gratia tua animam eius confortabit. Tanquam aquarum fontibus irrigatum uberrimum in eo fructum justiciae propagabis. etc. Vniversas enim foeminas vincis pulchritudine carnis: superas Angelos & Archangelos excellentia sanctitatis Misericordia tua & gratia ubique praedicatur. etc. Gloria patri. That is to say. 

The book called our ladies Psalter.  
Ex 2. part ope●●m S Bonaventurae.    
Blessed is the man which understandeth thy name, O virgin Marie, thy grace shall comfort his soul. Thou shalt bring forth in him the most plentiful fruit of justice, being watered as it were, with fountains of water. All women thou passest in the beauty of thy body, all Angels and archangels in the excellency of thy holiness. 
Our ladies beauty.  Thy mercy and thy grace is magnified every where. etc. Glory be to the father. etc.  
2 Quare fremuerunt inimici nostri & adversum nos meditati sunt inania? Protegat nos dextera tua Mater Dei ut acies terribiliter confundens & destruens eos. Venite ad eam, qui laboratis & tribulati estis, & dabit refrigerium animabus vestris. Accedite ad eam in tentationibus vestris, & stabiliet vos serenitas vultus eius Benedicite illam in toto cord vestro, misericordia enim illius plena est te●ra. etc. Gloria patri. etc.  
Why do our enemies fret and imagine vain things against us? 
Treason against Christ's person and dignity.  Let thy right hand defend us o mother of god, terribly confounding & destroying them as a sword. Come unto her all ye that labour and are troubled, and she will give rest unto your souls. Come unto her in your temptations, and her loving countenance shall 'stablish & comfort you. Bless her with all your heart: for the earth is full of her mercy. Glory be to the father. etc.  
3 Domina quid multiplicati sunt qui tribulant me? In tempestate tua persequeris & dissipabis eos. Dissolve colligationes impietatis nostrae: tolle fasciculos peccatorum nostrorum. Miserere mei Domina & sana infirmitatem meam: tolle dolorem & angustiam cordis mei. Ne tradas me manibus inimicorum meorum, & in die mortis meae comforta animam meam. Deduc me ad portum salutis, & spiritum meum redde factori meo.  
Why are they so many O Lady that trouble me? In thy Syria thou shalt persecute and destroy them. Lose the bonds of our impiety, 
Blasphemous, idolatry.  and take away the burden of our sins. Have mercy upon me, O lady, and heal my infirmity. Take away my sorrow and the anguish of my heart. Deliver me not into the hands of mine enemies, & in the day of my death comfort my soul. Bring me unto the haven of salvation, and restore my spirit unto my maker and creator. Glory be to the. etc.  
4 Cum inuoca●em▪ exaudisti me Domina, & è sublimi solio tuo mei dignata es recordari. A rugientibus praeparatis ad escam & de manibus quaerentium me liberabit gratia tua. Quoniam benigna est misericordia & pietas tua in omnes, qui invocant nomen sanctum tuum. Benedicta sis Domina in aeternum, & maiestas tua in seculum. Glorificate eum omnes gentes. etc.  
When I called to thee, thou heardest me, O my Lady, and out of thy high throne thou didst vouchsafe to think upon me. 
False faith.  From the roaring of them that prepare themselves to devour me, & out of the hands of such as seek after my life, thy grace shall deliver me: Because thy mercy and thy pity are great towards all them that call upon thy holy name. Blessed be thou O Lady for ever, and thy majesty for ever and ever. Glorify her all nations of the earth. etc.  
5 Verba mea auribus percipe Domina. etc. Convert luctum nostrum in gaudium, & tribulationem nostram in iubilationem. Corruant ante pedes nostros inimici nostri: virtute tua eorum capita conterantur. etc.  
Hear my words O Lady. etc. Turn our mourning into gladness, and our trouble into rejoicing. Let our enemies fall before our feet, & which thy power dash their hea●s in pieces.  

Derogation of the 〈◊〉 of Christ.  6 Domina ne in furore dei sinas corripi me, neque in ira eius judicari. etc. De porta infe●i & de ventre abyssi tuis sanctis precibus libera nos. Aperiantur nobis ianuae sempiternae, ut enarremus in aeternum mirabilia tua. Quia non mortui, neque qui in inferno sunt, laudabunt te domina, sed qui tua gratia vitam aeternam obtinebunt.  
O lady suffer me not to be rebuked in god's anger, nor to be chastened in his heavy displeasure. etc. From the gate and deep pit of hell, with thy holy prayers deliver us. Let the everlasting gates be opened, that we may show forth thy marvelous works for ever. Because the dead: nor they that be in hell, shall not praise thee O Lady, but they shall obtain by thy grace life everlasting.  
7 Domina mea in te speravi, de inimicis meis libera me Domina. Conclude ora Leonis, & labia persequentium constringe. Non moreris propter nomen tuum facere nobis misericordiam tuam. Splendour vultus tui fulgeat super nos, ut servetur conscientia nostra apud altissimum. Si persequitur inimicus animam meam Domina, 
Vain trust.  adiutorio tuo comforter, ne vibret gladium suum contra me.  
O my Lady, in thee do I put my trust: deliver me from mine enemies o Lady. 
 Stop the mouth of the Lion, and bind the lips of the persecutors, make no tarrying for thy name's sake, to show thy mercy upon me. Let the brightness of thy countenance shine upon us, 
Manifest ●●dolatrye▪  that our conscience may be saved before the most highest. If the enemy do persecute my soul O Lady, help me that he destroy me not.  
9 Confitebor tibi Domina in toto cord meo, & narrabo in populis laudem & gloriam tuam. etc. Inueniant gratiam per te inventricem gratiae & salutis: Respirant ad indulgentiam humiles poenitentes: sana contritiones cordis eorum. etc.  
I will give thanks to thee O Lady with my 
* Thou 〈◊〉 love the Lord thy God 〈◊〉 thy 〈◊〉 hart, 〈◊〉 all thy strength power. 〈◊〉 Deut. 6.  whole heart, and will show forth amongst the nations thy praise and glory. etc. They shall find grace through thee, the sinder out of grace and salvation, the humble and penitent groan for pardon and forgiveness, heal thou the sores of their heart. etc.  
11 In Domina confido. etc. Exquirite illam a inventute vestra & glorificabit vos. etc. Misericordia illius nostrorum auferat multitudinem peccatorum, & foecunditatem nobis conferat meritorum. etc.  
In thee O lady do I put my trust. etc. Seek her even from your youth: and she shall glorify you. etc. 
Derogati●● of Christ passion.  Her mercy take from us the multitude of our sins, and give unto us plenteousness of merits. etc.  
12 Saluum me fac matter pulchrae dilectionis, sons clemenciae. etc. Gyrum terrae sola circuis, ut subuenias invocantibus te. etc.  
Save me O mother of Love, & fountain of mercy. etc. Thou thyself alone haste gone about the compass of the earth, to help them that call upon thee, etc.  
13 Vsquequo domina oblivisceris me, & non liberas me in d●e tribulationis? usquequo exaltabitur inimicus meus super me▪ potentia virtutis tuae contere ipsum. etc. Magnificamus te gratiae inventricem, per quam saecula reparantur. etc.  
How long dost thou forget me O Lady, and dost not deliver me in the day of my trouble? How long shall mine enemy triumph over me? With thy mighty power destroy him. etc. We magnify thee the finder & the author of grace, by whom the world is repaired. etc.  
16 Conserua me domina, quoniam speravi in te. etc. Benedicta sint ubera tua, quibus 
* Milk 〈◊〉 king God  lact deifico salvatorem enutristi. etc.  
Preserve me O Lady, for in thee have I put my trust. etc. Blessed be thy breasts, 
Yea rath●● blessed b● they who● hear th● word o● God and keep it.  which with thy deifying milk didst nourish the Saviour. etc.  
18 Diligam te domina coeli & terrae: in gentibus nomen tuum invocabo. Confitemini illi tribulati cord, & roborabit vos contra inimicos vestros etc. Religiosi omnes honorate illam, quia ipsa est adiutrix vestra & specialis advocata. Esto refrigerium nostrum gloriosa matter Christi, quia tu es totius religionis mirabile firmamentum.  
I will love thee O Lady of heaven and earth: I will call upon thy name among the nations. Confess yourselves unto her, ye that are troubled in heart, and she shall strengthen you against your enemies. etc. All ye cloisterers honour her, for she is your helper and special advocate. Be thou our refreshing and rest, 
idolatry the cloys●●●rers.  for thou art the marvelous foundation of all religion.  
20 Exaudi nos Domina in die tribulationis. etc. Ne proijcias nos in tempore mortis nostrae, sed succurre animae, cum deseruerit corpus suum. Mitte Angelum in occursum eius per quem ab hostibus defendatur etc. Sentiat in poenis refrigerium tuum, & concede ei locum inter electos Dei.  
Here us O Lady in the day of trouble, etc. Cast us not away in the time of our death, but secure our soul when it forsaketh the body. Send an Angel to meet it, that it may be defended from the enemies. etc. In torments and pains let it feel thy comfort, and grant to it a place among the elects of God.  
25 Ad te Domina levaui animam. etc. Non praevaleant adversum me laquei mortis. etc. Ductrix mea esto ad patriam, & me coetui angelorum digneris aggregare:  
To thee O Lady do I lift up my soul. etc. Let not the snares of death prevail against me. etc. Be thou my guide to the heavenly rest, and to the company of Angels associate me.  
26 judica me Domina, quoniam ab innocentia mea digressus sum: sed quia speravi in te, non infirmabor. etc.  

* All iud●●●ment is goguen to 〈◊〉 alone, an● before 〈…〉 virgi●● also her shallbe iu●●ged.  judge thou me, O Lady, for I am fallen from mine innocency: but because I put my trust in thee, therefore I shall not fall. etc.  
27 Domina illuminatio mea sit splendor faciei tuae. etc. serenitas gratiae tuae refulgeat menti meae. etc.  
O Lady let the brightness of thy face be my light, and let the clearness of thy grace shine unto my mind. etc.  
28 Ad te Domina clamabo. etc. Miserere mei in die angustiae meae, & in luce veritatis tuae libera me.  
To thee O Lady. etc. Have mercy upon me in the day of my trouble, and in the light of thy truth deliver me. etc.  
31 In te Domina speravi, non confundar in aeternum, in gloria tua suscipe me. Tu es fortitudo mea & refugium meum▪ consolatio mea & protectio mea. etc. Educas me de laqueo, quem absconderunt mihi, quoniam tu es adiutrix mea. In manus tuas Domina commendo spiritum meum.  
In thee O Lady do I put my trust, let me not be confounded for ever, 
 in thy glory receive me. Thou art my strength & my refuge, my consolation and protection, etc. Deliver me from the snare that they have laid for me, because thou art my helper. Into thy hands I commend my spirit, etc.  
34 Benedicam Dominam in omni tempore. etc. In periculis, in rebus dubijs invocate eam, & in necessitatibus invenietis auxilium, etc. Sumite exemplum conversationis eius & emulamini studia humilitatis eius. Quia ergo Domina humillima fuisti, verbum increatum ex te carnem suscipere coegisti.  
I will always praise our Lady, etc. In perils, in adversity call upon her, and in time of need ye shall find succour. 
 Let her conversation be an example unto you, and follow the virtue of her humility. Because therefore, O Lady thou wast humbly and lowly, thou didst compel the word increate to take flesh of thee.  
36 Dixit iniustus. etc. A malo proposito discedat matter Dei. Inclina vultum Dei super nos: Coge illum peccatoribus misereri, etc. Benedictum sit imperium tuum super coelos: benedicta sit magnificentia tua super terram.  
The wicked man said, etc. Let him departed from his evil purpose, O mother of God turn the countenance of God toward us: 
*  Compel him to be merciful unto sinners. Blessed be thy empery and dominion in heaven, & ●lessed be thy magnificence upon the earth.  
45 Eructavit cor meum verbum bonum Domina, etc. Per tuam sanctitatem peccata mea purgentur: per tuam integritatem mihi incorruptibilitas condonetur, etc.  
My hart is inditing a new matter O Lady. etc. By thy holiness let my sins be purged, 
If Mary forgive 〈◊〉, then is our faith in Christ in ●ayne.  by thy integrity let me obtain incorruption. etc.  
47 Omnes gentes plaudite manibus. etc. Quoniam ipsa est porta vitae▪ ianua salutis, & vitae nostrae reconciliatrix: spes poenitentium, solamen lugentium, pax beata cordium atque salus. Miserere mei Domina, miserere mei, quia tu es lux & spes omnium confidentium in te. etc.  
Clap your hands all ye people. etc. For she is the gate of life, 
These words 〈◊〉 of blasphemous idolatry.  the door of salvation, the reconciler of our life: the hope of the penitent, the comfort of the sorrowful, the blessed peace of hearts, and salvation. Have mercy upon me O Lady, have mercy upon me, for thou art the light & hope of all that put their trust in thee.  
51 Miserere mei Domina, quae matter misericordiae nuncuparis. Et secundum viscera miserationum tuarum munda me ab omnibus iniquitatibus meis. etc.  
Have mercy upon me O Lady, which art called the mother of mercy, and in the bowels of thy great compassion cleanse me from mine iniquities.  
54 Domina in Nomine tuo saluum me fac, & ab iniusticijs meis libera me. etc.  

The Cross of Christ ●●●cuate.  O Lady in thy name save me, and from mine unrighteousness deliver me. etc.  
70 Domina in adiutorium meum intend. etc. Misererere servorum tuorum super quos invocatum est nomen tuum, etc.  
Make haste O Lady to help me. etc. Have mercy on thy servants, upon whom thy name is invocated. etc.  
71 In te Domina speravi, non confundar in aeternum, in tua misericordia libera me. etc.  

Blind trust.  In thee Lady have I put my trust: let me not confounded for ever, in thy mercy deliver me, etc.  
79 Domina venerunt gentes in haereditatem Dei quas tu meritis tuis Christo confederasti etc.  
O Lady, the Gentiles are come into the inheritance of God, whom thou didst join unto Christ by thy merits, etc.  
89 Qui regis Israel, etc. Odour vitae de illa progreditur & omnis salus de cord illius scaturizat. 
God's honour derogated.   
Thou that rulest Israel, etc. The saviour of life cometh from her, and all health floweth out of her heart, etc.  

False trust.  91 Qui habitat in adiutorio matris Dei in protectione ipsius commorabitur. etc. Clamate ad illam in periculis vestris & flagellum non appropinquabit tabernaculo vestro. Fructus gratiae inveniet qui speraverit in illa, porta paradisi reserabitur ei.  
Who so dwelleth in the help of the Mother of God, shall dwell in the shadow of her protection. etc. Cry unto her in your dangers, and the scourge shall not come near your tabernacle. The fruit of Grace shall be to him who so trusteth in her, and the gate of Paradise shall be open to him.  
95 Venite exultemus Dominae nostrae. etc. Suscipe in fine animas nostras, & introduc nos in requiem aeternam. etc.  
Come, let us rejoice to our Lady, etc. receive our souls at our last end, and bring them into everlasting rest, etc.  
105 Confitemini Dominae nostrae, & invocate nomen eius, 
Abominable blasphemy.  etc. Salus sempiterna in manu tua, Domina. etc.  
Praise our Lady and call upon her name. etc. Everlasting salvation is in thy hand O Lady, etc.  
110 Dixit Dominus Dominae nostrae, sede matter mea a dextris meis etc.  
The Lord said unto our Lady: 
The Devil and the Pope saith so and not God.  sit here my mother on my right hand. etc.,  
114 In exitu animae meae ex hoc mundo occurre ei Domina & suscipe eam etc. Esto illi scala ad regnum coelorum & iter rectum ad paradisum Dei. etc.  
In the passing of my soul out of this world, come and meet it O Lady, and receive it, etc. Be to it a ladder unto the kingdom of heaven, and a right way to the Paradise of God, etc.  
119 Miserationibus tuis plena est terra, ideo viam iustificationum tuarum exquisivi. etc. Concupiscam in aeternum laudare te Domina cum docueris me 
* Blasphemy.  iustificationes tuas. etc.  
The whole earth is full of thy mercies, and therefore I will search out the way of thy justifications. etc. I will covet for ever to praise thee O Lady, when thou shalt teach me thy justifications. etc.  
125 Qui confidunt in te matter Dei, 
Blasphemy.  non timebunt à facie inimici. etc.  
They that put their trust in thee O mother of God, shall not be afraid of the face of their enemy. etc.  
127 
* Blasphemy.  Nisi Domina aedificaverit domum cordis nostri, non permanebit aedificium eius.  
Except our Lady shall build the house of our hart, the building thereof shall not continue, etc.  
128 Beati omnes qui timent Dominam nostram, & beati omnes qui sciunt facere voluntatem tuam. etc.  
Blessed is every one that feareth our Lady, and blessed be all they which know to do her will. etc.  
130 De profundis clamavi ad te Domina, 
* Idolatrous invocation.  Domina exaudi vocem meam: Fiant aures tuae intendentes, etc.  
Out of the deep I have called unto thee O Lady, O Lady hear my voice, etc.  
132 Memento Domina David & omnium invocantium nomen tuum. etc.  
O Lady remember David and all them that call upon thy name. etc.  
134 Ecce nunc benedicite Dominam omnes qui 
* False trust.  speratis in nomine sancto eius. etc.  
Behold and bless now our Lady, all ye that put your trust in her holy name.  
136 Super flumina Babylonis. etc. 
Blasphemy.  Non invenietur propitiatio sine illa. etc.  
At the floods of Babylon, etc. There is no propitiation to be found without her. etc.  
140 Eripe me Domina ab omni malo, 
God's office appointed to our Lady.  & ab hoste inferni defend me. etc.  
Deliver me O Lady from all evil, and from the infernal enemy defend me. etc.  
145 Oculi nostri sperant in te Domina. Mitte nobis cibum & escam delectantem. Laudationem tuam loquitur lingua mea & benedicam te in seculum seculi.  
Our eyes look up and trust in thee, do thou send us meat and food convenient. etc. My tongue shall speak thy praise, and shall bless thee for ever.  
148 Lauda Hierusalem Dominam, glorifica illam etiam o Zion. Ipsa enim construit muros tuos & filios tuos benedicit. Gratia sua te impinguat, pacemque donat terminis tuis.  
Praise thou our Lady O Jerusalem, and glorify her also O thou Zion, for she buildeth up thy walls, 
idolatry.  and blesseth thy children, her grace maketh thee fat, & giveth peace unto thy coasts. etc.  
I could also recite other things more of like blasphemy following immediately after this Psalter of our Lady, in the Seraphical doctor aforesaid, as these.  
Ecce Domina Saluatrix mea, fiducialiter agam in te, 
Horrible blasphemy.  & non timebo. etc. Quia fortitudo mea es tu. etc. Et facta es mihi in salutem. i Behold O Lady my Saviour, I will be bold in thee, and will not fear. etc. Because thou art my strength, etc. And art become my salvation. etc.  
Exulta totum genus humanum, quia talem dedit tibi mediatricem dominus Deus tuus. i. Rejoice O all mankind, because the Lord thy God hath given unto thee such a Mediatrix. etc. 
blasphemy.   
Confitebor tibi domina, quia abscondisti haec à sapientibus, & revelasti ea paruulis. i. I will confess to thee O Lady, 
The scripture abused.  because thou hast hid these things from the wise, and hast revealed them to the little ones. etc.  
Generatio prava atque perversa agnosce Dominam nostram salutricem tuam. Nunquid ipsa est matter tua quae possidet te, & in fide generavit te? i. O thou wicked and peevish generation, knowledge our Lady thy saviour. Is not she the mother that hath possessed thee, and in faith hath begotten thee?  
O benedicta in manibus tuis reposita est nostra salus. i. O thou blessed, 
Cursed blasphemy.  in thy hands is laid up our salvation, etc.  
I nomine tuo omne genu flectatur, coelestium. etc. In thy name let every knee bend, in heaven and earth, and in hell.  
Quemadmodum infans sine nutrice non potest vivere: ita nec sine Domina nostra posses habere salutem. i. Like as the in●ant cannot live without the nurse, so neither canst thou have salvation without our Lady.  
Quicunque vult saluus esse ante omnia opus est ut teneat de Maria firmam fidem. Quam nisi quisque in integram inviolatamque seruaverit, absque dubio in aeternum peribit. i. Who so will be saved, before all things he must needs hold his belief of our Lady, which belief, unless every one shall hold perfect and sound, shall perish without doubt for ever.  
Moreover, after these so horrible things & untolerable to be heard, consequently in the next tractation followeth the rosary or garland of our Lady, compiled by the said S. Bonaventure: wherein these words are to be red as followeth: O Mediatrix between God and man, the Lord hath worthily magnified thee, 

blasphemy. The Rosary or Garland of our Lady called Coren● beatae Mariae.  
Marry made a commander of Christ.   that thou only shouldst conceive his son etc. Wherefore O good Mary our mediatrix, mother of Grace, and mother of Mercy. etc. And moreover within few lines it followeth in these words: Therefore O our Empress and Lady most bountiful, by the authority of a Mother command, command (I say) thy well-beloved son, that he will stir up our minds from the love of worldly things, to heavenly desires. etc.  
Item, O the Advocate of the miserable, the eyes of thy servants be directed to thee. etc.  
To these premises, I might also adjoin the horrible and most blasphemous words of the said Bonaventure in the said book, Fol. 100 pag. 2. col. 1. which I beseech thee to read and note. Quae maior bonitas quam quod Christus. i. What greater goodness can be, then that Christ is content to be captive upon the altar.  
Whereupon he speaketh in the person of jeremy, saying. Behold, I am in your hands, do with me as you see good. etc. Where note (saith he) that when any Duke or prince ●s taken prisoner for his subjects, he is not let go, before he pay some great sum of money for his ransom. 
Christ made a captive and a prisoner in the Pope's Church.  Even so neither we ought to let Christ go out of our hands being our prisoner and captive except he grant unto us remission of our sins and his heavenly kingdom. The priest therefore lifteth up the body of Christ upon the altar: as though he said thus: behold him whom the whole world is not able to comprehend, he is holden here our captive, wherefore let us hold him fast and not let him go before we obtain of him our requests. etc.  

Notes.  

The Church of Rome examined  Is not here good Catholic stuff (christian Readers) trow you? Confer I beseech you this doctrine with the doctrine of the Apostles, which teach us that we are fully complete in Christ, and I will refer me to no better judge than to your own conscience. And now therefore, if any man have been in doubt in times passed of the doctrine and proceed of the church of Rome, 
The Church of Rome connect of manifest idolatry.  whether it be rightly charged with blind errors, with blasphemy intolerable, & Idolatry abominable or not, here now may he be fully certified & resolved. For where was ever idolatry or blasphemy to be found, if it be not here in this Matins & Psalter of our Lady? 
Our Lady made equal with God in the Church Rome.  If Idolatry be to make an idol to be worshipped as God, which is no God, what do we here but make an idol of our Lady (as we call her) to be worshipped with no less dignity, glory, authority, reverence, and service, then is the Lord God himself. As he is called our Lord, so she is called our lady. And if he be king, yet she is the queen of heaven. 
The doctrine of the Romish Church directly against the first commandment of God.  And though he have the name of god, yet she beareth so the title of the mother of God, that as mothers have authority over their children, so she is willed to show herself to be his mother, to cause him to grant our petitions. Finally, if he be our patron, yet is she our patroness. The commandment saith: Thou shalt worship the Lord thy God, and him only shalt thou serve. And what worship or service can we give to God, more than we do ascribe unto her? Or what benefit is to be asked at the hands of Christ our Saviour, which is not equally asked of her? To save our souls, to give us peace, to grant grace, to comfort the desperate, to lose our captivity, to release our sins, 
To trust and believe in our Lady.  to deliver from the fiend, to bring to heaven. etc. to her we pray, we cry, we creep, we sigh, we groan, we knock and kneel, to her we trust, and if we believe not also in our Lady, 
Our Lady hath her Church as well as Christ.  we be heretics ipso facto.  
Furthermore, as Christ our only Lord and Saviour hath his Church and Congregation which professeth his name, of whom we are called Christians: so neither is she likewise without her chapels, her cloisters, her Chapters, fraternities and brotherhoods, which professing her name in like sort, are called our Lady's brethren, or white friars, besides an innumerable sort of other patrons of churches, of whom every one hath his peculiar church and religion by himself, yet all these together be included under the general devotion of our Lady their supreme patroness and governess.  
Now to proceed further to the other prrt of the commandment, which sayeth: Him only shalt thou serve: What service hath the Lord in all the church, but our Lady also jointly with him hath the like? Her Mass, her Matins, her Evensong, her Hours and Complin, her Rosaries, her Anthems, her Collects, her Primer, her Psalter, her holidays likewise, yea five to one. Finally, as the Lord hath his prayer called the lords prayer, so hath she her ave Maries, yea x. Aves to one Pater noster: yea, & read further in the said Bonaventure, 
10. 〈◊〉 to one P●●ter noste●▪  and ye shall see her also to have her Te Deum, her Benedictus, her Magnificat, and also her Quicunque vult.  
If the Lord our God had not expressed unto us his own will by plain word, limiting unto us by express injunction, what to believe, what to follow, & how to worship and serve him, & how to receive from him our salvation, but had left us to the imagination of our own inventions, every man to shift for himself after his own policy, than peradventure this way taken by the Pope's Church, to make friends & mediators between God and us, for reconciliation, remission & salvation, might have some rhyme or reason: but now gods word doth bind us, doth prescribe and limit us precisely in every point touching salvation, what to believe, & what to do, showing us plainly, that we cannot be saved, but by the blood of his son only, neither can be justified but by faith only in the same Christ his son. Wherefore not to believe that which he hath promised is infidelity, and to follow any other belief than he hath set us, is plain idolatry. 
Infidelity▪ idolatry.  The which ij. special errors most commonly do follow the doctrine of the Romish church, as not only in this primer and psalter of our Lady aforesaid, but also in all their proceed, teachings, and preachings besides, may well appear. 
The 〈◊〉 of Rome charged with infidelity 〈◊〉 Idolatry●▪ The church of Rome neither taketh 〈◊〉 which Go● doth give neither doth see●● for that which 〈◊〉 would have, by lawful means.  For where the scripture perfectly doth promise and pronounce us to be justified through our faith in Christ, & willeth us to seek our salvation no where else, but only in the merits of jesus: the institution of the church of Rome neither will receive that God hath freely given (wherein standeth infidelity) neither yet will seek the same there where as they should, but in the merits and prayers of our Lady, of S. john Baptist, s. Peter and Paul, s. Andrew, s. Nicholas, s. Thomas of Canterbury, & by the worthiness of the material cross, and such other unlawful means, wherein standeth plain idolatry. And yet such books as these can be suffered among the Catholics to be currant, as good, wholesome and lawful books, where as the other which lead us the true way from infidelity and blind idlatry, to true christianity in no wise can be sufferable. But of this to complain, it is vain. Wherefore to pass from this proclamation, let us proceed (God willing) in the course of our history.    

¶ The story of Thomas Osmond, William Bamford, and Thomas Osborne Martyrs.  
MEntion was made before in the story of Thomas Hawks, of six prisoners beside, 
Thomas Osmund William Bamford Thomas Osbur● Martyrs▪ Read 〈◊〉 pag. 150.  whithe were sent down with him to Essex the same time as he went to execution. Of which six prisoners, three were sent to be burned, the other three to recant, and to do penance: of whom it followeth next in story now to entreat. The names of which six were these, Thomas Osmund Fuller, William Bamford, alias Butler, Weaver, Thomas Osborne Fuller, Nicholas Chamberlain Weaver, Thomas Brodehill Weaver, Richard Webbe Weaver: being all of the town of Coxehall. All which six Coxehall men next after the Examinations of Thomas Hawks and Thomas Wattes, were sent up to Boner to be examined by the Earl of Oxford and sir Philip Paris knight, with a letter with them also sent, the copy whereof here followeth.  

¶ A letter sent from the Earl of Oxford to Boner B. of London.  
AFter our hearty commendations unto your good Lordship, 
A letter from the Earl of Oxford B. Boner▪  this shallbe to advertise the same that the Constables of Coxehall within your Diocese, have brought before us this day 6. persons dwelling in the town of Coxhal, aforesaid, whose names hereafter do follow, videlicet, Nicholas Chamberlain Weaver, john Wallet Fuller, Tho. Brody Weaver, Rich. Web Weaver, William Bamford aliâs Butler, Weaver, and Tho. Osborne Fuller, for that they at the feast of Easter now last, 
〈…〉 sent by 〈◊〉 Earl of 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉.  have not obeyed to the order of the holy catholic Church in receiving of the sacraments: but obstinately refusing the same, besides the holding of divers other opinions, contrary to the faith of the said church. Wherefore we have thought it good to send the same persons unto your good lordship, further to be ordered, as in such case shall appertain. Thus we commit your good Lordship to the keeping of almighty God.  
From Hedingham the 1. of May. 1555. Your Lordships assuredly. Oxford. Philip Paris.   
Thus the said prisoners being sent up the first day of May, were brought before the said Bishop the xvij. of the said month to be examined, 
 upon divers and sundry Articles ministered & objected against them: whereunto they were compelled to answer and to put their hands to the same: the copy of which their Articles and answers, being all one in form and effect (if the Register say true) here followeth.  

¶ The copy of the Articles objected against Thomas Osmond, William Bamford, and Nicholas chamberlain of Coxehall.  
1. FIrst that thou Thomas Osmund Fuller, waist and art of the Parish of Coxehall, 
Articles 〈…〉 them 〈◊〉 the Bishop.  within the Diocese of London, and thou hast not believed nor dost believe that there is here in the earth one Catholic & universal whole Church, which doth hold and believe all the faith & Religion of Christ, and all the necessary Articles & sacraments of the same.  
2. Item, that thou hast not believed nor dost believe that thou art necessarily bounden under the pain of damnation, 
The Pope's Church falsely ter●ed by the name of the ●niuersall Church.  of thy soul, to give full faith and credence unto the said Catholic and universal Church, and to the faith and religion of the same in all necessary points of the said faith and religion, without doubting or wavering in the said faith and religion, or in any part thereof.  
3. Item, that thou hast not believed that the faith and religion, which both the Church of Rome, Italy, Spain, England, France, Ireland, Scotland, and all other churches in Europe, being true members and parts of the said Catholic and universal Church do believe & teach, 
The faith of the Romish Church not 〈◊〉 be belee●ed.  is both agreeing with the faith and religion of Christ, and also is the very true faith and religion, which all christian people ought to believe, observe, follow, and keep: but contrariwise, thou hast believed, and dost believe, that that faith and religion, which the said church of Rome, & all the other Churches aforesaid, have heretofore believed, and do believe is false, erroneous, and nought, & in no wise aught to be believed, observed, kept, and followed of any Christian person.  
4. Item, that albeit it be true that in the sacrament of the altar, there is in substance the very body and blood of our saviour Christ under the forms of bread and wine: & albeit that it be so believed, taught and preached undoubtedly in the said church of Rome and all other churches aforesaid, yet thou hast not so believed, nor dost so believe, but contrariwise thou hast believed, and dost believe firmly and steadfastly, that there is not in the said sacrament of the altar, under the said forms of bread and wine, the very substance of Christ's body and blood, but that there is only the substance of material and common bread and wine, 
Note how ●his gear is 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 worst.  with the forms thereof, and that the said material & common bread and wine are only the signs and tokens of Christ's body and blood, and are by faith to be received only for a remembrance of Christ's passion and death, without any such substance of Christ's body and blood at all.  

This article 〈◊〉 to put ●owne as 〈◊〉 meant 〈◊〉  5. Item, that thou hast believed and taught, and hast openly spoken and defended, and so dost believe, think, maintain and defend, that the very true receiving and eating of Christ's body and blood, is only to take material and common bread, and to break it, and distribute it amongst the people, remembering thereby the passion and death of Christ only.  
6. Item, that thou hast likewise believed, thought, and spoken, that the mass now used in this realm of England and other the churches aforesaid, 
The Mass 〈◊〉 of Christ's institution.  is abominable & nought, and full of idolatry, and is of the ordinance of the Pope & not of the institution of Christ: and hath no goodness in it saving the Gloria in excelsis, the Epistle and Gospel, and therefore thou hast not, nor wilt not come and be present at mass, nor receive the sacrament of the altar, nor any other sacrament of the church, as they are now used in this realm of England. etc.  
7. Item, that thou hast in times past believed, & yet dost now believe, 
Against auricular confession, & Church service.  that auricular confession is not necessary to be made unto the priest: but is a thing superfluous, void, and nought, only to be made to God, & to none other person. And likewise thou hast condemned as superfluous, vain and unprofitable, all the ceremonies of the church, and the service of the same, and hast said that no service in the church ought to be said but in the English tongue, and if it be otherwise, it is unlawful and nought.  
8. Item, that thou being notoriously and openly suspected for an heretic, and a person culpable in the premises, was of late called and convented before the Earl of Oxford, and M. Philip Paris, 
The Earl of Oxford. M. Philip Paris.  and there was charged with the said heresies, especially against the sacrament of the altar. And because thou didst maintain and stand to thy said heresies, and wouldst not come to the church and be confessed and receive the said sacrament as other christian people did, but utterly didst refuse to do the same, thou wast by the said Earl of Oxford, and M. Philip Paris sent up by a Constable unto me Bishop of London, and was by them denounced, detected, and put up to me as an heretic and misbeleving person.  
9 Item, that thou hast known and believed, thou dost know and believe, or at the least thou hast credibly heard reported, spoken, and said, that all and all manner persons, which do teach, preach, or hold any thing concerning the sacraments of the Church, or any the articles of the faith, otherwise then is found already discussed and determined by the mother the holy church, or doth call into doubt or question that thing which is already decided or determined by the Church, or that willingly and wittingly do utter openly or privily, any slanderous or blasphemous words concerning the said Sacraments or any of them, or that do preach, teach, or keep any sect or kind of heresy against the wholesome doctrine of the church, & do wittingly, willingly, or obstinately defend the said sect or kind of heresy, are by the Canons of the whole and universal Catholic Church, and also by the Ecclesiastical laws of this Church of England by their so doing, accursed with that curse, which doth separate them from the entry into the Church, from the receiving of the Sacraments, and from the company of faithful people, and are (in continuing in this said sect and heresy) to be pronounced, declared, and taken for heretics, and to be delivered to the secular power, and by the laws temporal of this realm of England, and the custom of the same, to be by the said secular power put to death and burnt for this said sect and heresy.  
10 Item, that thou by reason of the premises waste & art to be pronounced, taken, had, reputed, and judged for a manifest and open, wilful and obstinate heretic, for a wicked and cursed person, and to be punished accordingly for the same, according to the said Canon laws, usages, and customs.   

* The answers which the said Thomas Osmund William Bamford, and Nicholas Chamberlain severally made unto these Articles.  
TO the first they answered and confessed the same to be true, 
The answers of the three prisoners to the articles agreeing all in one.  except that they do believe that there is here in earth one Catholic & whole Church, and that the same church doth hold and believe as is contained in this Article.  
To the second they answer, & believe the said Article not to be true: for they say that they have & do believe that they are necessarily bounden under pain of damnation of their soul, to give full faith and credence unto the said Catholic Church & to the faith and religion of the same, in all necessary points of the same faith and religion, without wavering or doubting in any part thereof.  
To the third they answer, that the Church of Rome, 
The Church of Rome not to be believed.  & other Churches mentioned in this Article, be not true members & parts (as they be used in faith & religion) of the Catholic Church of Christ, & that the faith and religion used in the said Churches, is not agreeable with the Church of Christ, but are false and erroneous.  
To the fourth they answer and say that how so ever the said Churches of Rome and others of Christendom have and do believe touching the Sacrament of the altar, yet they do believe, that in the Sacrament under the forms of bread & wine, there is not the very substance of Christ's body & blood, but that there is only the substance of material bread and wine, & that the same material bread & wine be only the signs and tokens of Christ's body and blood, and are to be received only for a remembrance of Christ's passion and death, without any substance of Christ's body and blood at all.  
To the fi●t Article they answer, that the true receiving and eating of Christ's body, 
The ●rue eating of Christ's body.  according to Christ's institution, is to take, distribute and eat material bread, and thereby to remember the passion and death of Christ, and so receive by faith (as they believe) Christ's body and blood and not otherwise.  
To the sixth they answer the same to be true in every part thereof, except that over and beside the Gloria in excelsis, the Epistle and Gospel, which they believe to be good they believe the Pater noster and Cre●de use in the Mass be also good.  


Auricular confession not necessary.  
Ceremonies idle in the Chusch.   To the seventh they answer and confess, that auricular confession is not necessary to be made to the Priest: nevertheless they th●ncke that it is necessary to go to such a Priest, as is able to give good counsel. And that for counsel only, and not otherwise. And as concerning the ceremonies of the church, they answer the same to be vain & unprofitable. No service in the Church ought to be said, but only in the English tongue.  
To the eight they answer and believe the same to be true in every part thereof, except that they do not believe that they be heretics, or suspected of heresy.  
To the ninth, Osmund and Bamford answered, that they referred themselves to the said laws, mentioned in that article, but Chamberlain made no answer at all to this article.  
To the tenth, the said Osmond and Bamford answered and said, that by reason of their belief afore by them confessed, they are not to be reputed, taken or judged for wilful and obstinate heretics, nor to be punished therefore, as is declared in that article. The other answered nothing.   

¶ Scholies upon the foresaid articles.  
THese articles in the same form & manner of words are commonly objected to all other that follow after, 
Notes or Scholies upon the Articles used to be ministered to the poor Christians, by the Pope's Church.  with the same answers also thereto annexed. In which articles thou mayest note (Reader) the crafty and subtle handling of these Lawyers and Registers, who so deceitfully frame their articles and positions, that unless a man do advisedly consider them, it is hard for a simple man to answer to them, but he shall be snared and entangled. So they paint their Church with such a visage of universal, whole, holy, catholic, as who should say: He that denieth Rome, denieth the holy Church of Christ here in earth. Likewise in examining them, and specially the simple sort in the matter of the Sacrament, to the material bread in the Sacrament, they put this word (only) very captiously and fraudulently, to take them at the worst advantage, making the people believe that they take the holy Sacrament to be no better then only common bread▪ 
The crafty and captious dealing of the Papiste● in propounding their articles.  when they do not so, but make a difference between the same, both in the use, honour, & name thereof.  
Again, when the Examinates hold but only against the erroneous points of Romish Religion, these bishops in their Interrogatories give out the matter so generally as though the said Examinates in generally spoke against all the articles of faith taught in Rome, Spain, England, France, Scotland. etc.  
Moreover, concerning Latin service, in such crafty form of words, they propound their article, that it might appear to the people, these men do deny any service to be lawful in any place, country, or language, but only in English.  
And as these articles are crafty, captiously and deceitfully in form of words devised by the bishops and their Notaries, so the answers again to the same, be no less subtly framed, & after the most odious manner put down in the name of the Examinates, which being read unto them, thus without further advise they were constrained upon a sudden to subscribe the same with their hands. Whereby if any word escaped their hand, peradventure not considerately subscribed: there the Papists take their advantage against them, to defame them and to bring them into hatred with the people.  
These Articles thus propounded and answered, they were until the after none dismissed. At what time they did again appear, and there were examined and travailed with by fair and flattering speeches, as well of the bishop as of others his assistance, to recant and revoke their opinions, who notwithstanding remained constant & firm, and therefore after the common usage of their Ecclesiastical laws, 
Sentence against Osmund, chamberlain, Bamford. june. 14. june. 15.  were sent away again until the next day being Saturday, and the xviij. day of May. Then in the fore noon the Bishop using his accustomed manner of proceeding: which he hath used before as well with them as with others, did likewise dismiss them, and at last in the after noon condemned them as heretics, 
 and so delivered them to the Sheriffs, in whose custody they remained until they were delivered to the sheriff of Essex, & by him were executed, chamberlain at Colchester, the 14. of june, Thomas Osmund at Maningtree, the 15. of june, & William Bamford, aliâs Butler, at Harwich, the same 15. day in the month of june.    

¶ The history of the worthy Martyr and servant of God, M. john Bradford, with his life and acts, and sundry conflicts, with his adversaries, and martyrdom, at length most constantly suffered for the testimony of Christ and his truth.  
AS touching first the country and education of john Bradford, 
july 1. The history▪ of M john Bradford, Martyr.  he was borne at Manchester in Lancastershire. His parents did bring him up in learning from his infancy, until he attained such knowledge in the Latin tongue, and skill in writing, that he was able to gain his own living in some honest condition. 
Sir john Harrington▪ Knight.  Then he became servant to sir john Harington knight, who in the great affairs of K. Henry the 8. and K. Edward the 6. which he had in hand when he was Treasurer of the king's camps & building, at divers times in Bullonois, had such experience of Bradfords' activity in writing, of expertness in the art of Auditors, and also of his faithful trustiness, 
The trusty service of john Brad●ford under M. Harring●ton.  that not only in those affairs, but in many other of his private business he trusted Bradford, in such sort that above all other he used his faithful service.  
Thus continued Bradford certain years in a right honest and good trade of life, after the course of this world, like to come forward (as they say) if his mind could so have liked, or had been given to the world as many other be. But the Lord which had elected him unto a better function, and preordained him to preach the gospel of Christ in that hour of grace which in his secret counsel he had appointed, called this his chosen child to the understanding and partaking of the same Gospel of life. In which call, he was so truly taught, that forthwith his effectual call was perceived by the fruits. For then Bradford did forsake his worldly affairs & forwardness in worldly wealth, 
Bradford call●d to the Gospel.  and after the just account given to his Master of all his doings, he departed from him, and with marvelous favour to further the kingdom of God by the ministry of his holy word, 
Bradford giveth himself to the study of Scripture.  he gave himself wholly to the study of the holy scriptures. The which his purpose to accomplish the better, he departed from the Temple at London, where the temporal law is studied, and went to the university of Cambridge, to learn by God's law how to further the building of the lords Temple. In Cambridge his diligence in study, his profiting in knowledge and godly conversation so pleased all men, that within one whole year after that he had been there, the University did give him the degree of a M. of Arte.  
Immediately after the Master and fellows of Penbroke hall did give him a fellowship in their College with them: yea that man of God Martin Bucer so liked him, 
Bradford M. of art 〈◊〉 fellow in Pembroo●● Hall.  that he had him not only most dear unto him, but also often times exhorted him to bestow his talon in preaching. Unto which Bradford answered always, that he was unable to serve in that office through want of learning. To the which Bucer was wont to reply, saying: If thou have not fine manchet bread yet give the poor people barley bread, 
M. Buce●● saying.  or whatsoever else the Lord hath committed unto thee. And whiles Bradford was thus persuaded to enter into the ministry, Doctor Ridley that worthy Bishop of London and glorious Martyr of Christ, according to the order that then was in the Church of England called him to take the degree of Deacon. 
john Bra●●ford mad● Deacon by Bishop 〈◊〉 with●●● any super●stitious abuse there john Bra●●ford mad● Prebenda●● in Paul's 〈◊〉 licenced 〈◊〉 preach.  Which order because it was not without some such abuse as to the which Bradford would not consent, the Bishop yet perceiving that Bradford was willing to enter into the ministry, was content to order him Deacon without any abuse, even as he desired. This being done, he obtained for him a licence to preach, and did give him a Prebend in his Cathedral Church of Saint Paul's.  
In this preaching office by the space of three years, how faithfully Bradford walked, how diligently he laboured, many parts of England can testify. Sharply he opened and reproved sin, sweetly he preached Christ crucified, pithily he impugned heresies and errors, earnestly he persuaded to godly life. After the death of blessed young King Edward the sixth, when Queen Mary had gotten the crown, still continued Bradford diligent in preaching until he was unjustly deprived both of his office & liberty by the Queen and her Council. To the doing whereof, because they had no just cause, they took occasion to do this injury for such an act, as among Turks and Infidels would have been with thankfulness rewarded, 
 and with great favour accepted, as in deed it did no less deserve.  
The fact was this. The xiii. day of August, in the first year of the reign of Queen Mary, M. Bourne then B. of Bath, made a seditious sermon at Paul's cross in London, as partly is declared before, pag. to set popery abroach, in such sort that it moved the people to no small indignation, being almost ready to pull him out of the pulpit. Neither could the reverence of the place, nor the presence of the B. Boner, who then was his master, nor yet the commandment of the Mayor of London, whom the people ought to have obeyed, stay their rage: but the more they spoke, the more the people were incensed. At length Bourn seeing the people in such a mood, and himself in such peril (whereof he was sufficiently warned by the hurling of a drawn dagger at him as he stood in the pulpit) and that he was put from ending his sermon, fearing least against his will, he should there end his wretched life, desired Bradford who stood in the pulpit behind him, to come forth and to stand in his place and speak to the people. 
Bradford 〈…〉 of 〈◊〉 people, ●●gardeth Papist●● 〈◊〉  Good Bradford at his request was content, and there spoke to the people of godly and quiet obedience. Whom as soon as the people saw to begin to speak unto them, so glad they were to hear him, that they cried with a great shout: Bradford, Bradford, God save thy life Bradford: well declaring not only what affection they bore unto him, but also what regard they gave to his words. For after that he had entered a little to preach unto them, 
〈◊〉 reverent and 〈◊〉 of people 〈…〉  and to exhort them to quiet & patience, eftsoons all the raging ceased, and they in the end quietly departed each man to his house. Yet in the mean season (for it was a long time before that so great a multitude could all departed) Bourne thought (and truly) himself not yet full sure of his life till he were safely housed, notwithstanding, that the Mayor & Sheriffs of London were there at hand to help him. Wherefore he desired Bradford not to departed from him till he were in safety: 
Bradford ●ureth Bournes 〈◊〉.  which Bradford according to his promise performed. For while the Mayor and sheriffs did lead Bourne to the Schoolmasters house, which is next to the pulpit, Bradford went at his back, shadowing him from the people with his gown, and so to set him safe.  
Let the Reader now consider the peril of Bourne, the charity of Bradford, and the headiness of the multitude, & also the grudging minds of certain, which yet still there remained behind, grieved not a little their minds, to see that so good a man should save the life of such a popish priest, so impudently and openly railing against K. Edward. Among whom, one gentleman said these words: Ah Bradford, Bradford, thou savest him that will help to burn thee. I give thee his life: if it were not for thee, I would (I assure thee) t●● him through with my sword. Thus Bourne for that time, through Bradfordes means escaped bodily death: but God hath his judgement to be showed in the time appointed. 
  
The same sunday in the after noon Bradford preached at the Bow church in Cheapside, and reproved the people sharply for their seditious misdemeanour. After this he did abide still in London with an innocent conscience, to try what should become of his just doing.  
Within three days after he was sent for to the Tower of London, where the Queen then was, to appear there before the counsel. There was he charged with this act of saving of Bourne, which act they there called seditious, & also objected against him for preaching, and so by them he was committed first to the Tower, then unto other prisons, out of the which neither his innocency, godliness, nor charitable dealing could purchase him liberty of body, till by death (which he suffered for Christ's cause) he obtained the heavenly liberty, of which neither Pope nor papist shall ever deprive him. From the Tower he came to the kings Bench in Southwark: and after his condemnation, he was sent to the Counter in the Poultry in London: in the which two places for the time he did remain prisoner, he preached twice a day continually, unless sickness hindered him: where also the sacrament was often ministered, & thorough his means (the keepers so well did bear with him) such resort of good folks was daily to his lecture, and to the ministration of the sacrament, that commonly his chamber was well nigh filled therewith. Preaching, reading & praying was all his whole life. He did not eat above one meal a day: which was but very little when he took it: & his continual study was upon his knees. In the midst of dinner he used often to muse with himself, having his hat over his eyes, from whence came commonly plenty of tears droppng on his trencher. Very gentle her was 〈◊〉 man and child, and in so good credit with his keeper, that at is desire, 

Bradford came into London without his keeper, and returned that night to prison again.  
The description of Bradford. Bradford content with a little sleep.  
Bradfordes recreation.  
The holy life of Bradford.   in an evening (being prisoner in the kings Bench in Soutwarke) he had licence upon his promise to return again that night, to go into London without any keeper, to visit one that was sick, lying by the Stilyard. Neither did he fail his promise, but returned unto his prison again, rather preventing his hour, then breaking his fidelity: so constant was he in word in deed.  
Of parsonage he was somewhat tall and slender, spare of body, of a faint sanguine colour, with an Awburne beard. He slept not commonly above four hours in the night: & in his bed till sleep came, his book went not out of his hand. His chief recreation was in no gaming or other pastime, but only in honest company, & comely talk, wherein he would spend a little time after dinner at the board, and so to prayer and his book again. He counted that hour not well spent, wherein he did not some good, 
Bradford visited the thieves, pickpurses. etc.  either with his pen, study, or in exhorting of others. etc. He was no niggard of his purse, but would liberally participate that he had to his fellow prisoners. And commonly once a week he visited the thieves, pickpurses, and such others that were with him in the prison where he lay, on the other side: unto whom he would give godly exhortation to learn the amendment of their lives by their troubles, and after that so done, distribute among them some portion of money to their comfort.  
By the way this I thought not to conceal. While he was in the kings Bench, 
The meeting & conference between Laurence Saunders and john Bradford.  and Master Saunders in the marshalsea, both prisoners, on the backside of those two prisons they met many times, and conferred together when they would: so mercifully did the Lord work for them, even in the midst of their troubles: and the said Bradford was so trusted with his keeper, 
Bradford refusing to escape out of prison, though be might.  and had such liberty in the backside, that there was no day but that he might have easily escaped away, if he would, but that the Lord had an other work to do for him. In the summer time while he was in the said kings Bench, he had liberty of his keeper, to ride into Oxfordshyre, to a merchants house of his acquaintance, and horse and all things prepared for him for that journey, and the party in a readiness that should ride with him: but God prevented him by sickness that he went not at all.  
One of his old friends and acquaintance came unto him whilst he was prisoner, and asked him, if he sited to get him out, what then he would do, or whether he would go? Unto whom he made answer, as not caring whether he went out or no: but if he did, he said he would marry, 
Bradford would not fly out of England though he might.  and abide still in England secretly, teaching the people as the time would suffer him, and occupy himself that way. He was had in so great reverence and admiration with all good men, that a multitude which never knew him but by fame, greatly lamented his death: yea, 
Bradford believed.  and a number also of the Papists themselves, wished heartily his life. There were few days in which he was thought not to spend some tears before he went to bed, 
Bradfordes tears.  neither was there ever any prisoner with him, but by his company he greatly profited, as all they will yet witness, and have confessed of him no less, to the glory of God, whose society he frequented, as among many, one special thing I thought to note, which is this.  
Bishop Farrer being in the kings Bench prisoner, as before you have hard, was travailed withal of the Papists in the end of Lent, to receive the sacrament at Easter in one kind, who after much persuading, yielded to them, 
Bishop Farrat confirmed in the truth, by john Bradford.  and promised so to do. Then (so it happened by god's providence) the Easter even, the day before he should have done it, was Bradford brought to the King's Bench prisoner, where the Lord making him his instrument▪ Bradford only was the mean that the said B. Farrer revoked his promise and word, and would never after yield to be spotted with that papistical pitch: so effectually the Lord wrought by this worthy servant of his. Such an instrument was he in god's church, that few or none there were that knew him, but esteemed him as a precious jewel and Gods true messenger. 
Bradford dreameth of his burning according as it came to pass.   
The night before he was had to Newgate, which was the saturday night, he was sore troubled divers times in his sleep by dreams, how the chain for his burning was brought to the Counter gate, and how the next day being Sunday, he should be had to Newgate, and on the Monday after burned in Smithfield, as in deed it came to pass accordingly, which hereafter shallbe showed. Now he being vexed so often times in this sort with these dreams, about 3. of the clock in the morning, he waked him that lay with him, and told him his unquiet sleep, & what he was troubled withal. Then after a little talk, Master Bradford rose out of the bed, and gave himself to his old exercise of reading and prayer, as always he had used before: and at dinner according to his accustomed manner, he did eat his meat, and was very merry, no body being with him from morning till night, but he that lay with him, with whom he had many times on that day communication of death, of the kingdom of heaven, and of the ripeness of sin in that tyme.  
In the after noon they two walking together in the keeper's chamber, suddenly the keeper's wife came up, as one half amazed, 
Bradford hath word of his burning.  & seeming much troubled, being almost wyndles said: Oh M. Bradford, I come to bring you heavy news. What is that said he? Marry quoth she, to morrow you must be burned, & your chain is now a buying, & soon you must go to Newgate. With that M. Bradford put of his cap, and lifting up his eyes to heaven, said: I thank God for it: I have looked for the same a long time, and therefore it cometh not now to me suddenly, but as a thing waited for every day and hour, the Lord make me worthy thereof: & so thanking her for her gentleness, departed up into his chamber, and called his friend with him, who when he came thither, he went secretly himself alone a long time and prayed. Which done, he came again to him that was in his chamber, and took him divers writings and papers, & showed him his mind in those things what he would have done, and after they had spent the after noon till night in many and sundry such things, at last came to him half a dozen of his friends more, with whom all the evening he spent the time in prayer and other good exercises, so wonderfully, that it was marvelous to hear and see his doings.  
A little before he went out of the Counter, he made a notable prayer of his farewell, 
Bradford maketh his prayer taking his farewell at the Counter.  with such plenty of tears, and abundant spirit of prayer, that it ravished the minds of the hearers. Also, when he shifted himself with a clean shirt that was made for his burning (by one M. Walter Marlars wife, who was a good nurse unto him, & his very good friend) he made such a prayer of the wedding garment, that some of those that were present, were in such great admiration, that their eyes were as thoroughly occupied in looking on him, as their ears gave place to hear his prayer. 
Bradfordes going from the Counter.  At his departing out of the chamber, he made likewise a prayer, and gave money to every servant and officer of the house, with exhortation to them to fear and serve God, continually labouring to eschew all manner of evil. That done, he turned him to the wall and prayed vehemently, that his words might not be spoken in vain, but that the Lord would work the same in them effectually, 
The prisoners take their leave of Bradford with tears.  for his Christ's sake. Then being beneath in the Court, all the prisoners cried out to him and bid him farewell, as the rest of the house had done before with weeping tears.  
The time they carried him to Newgate, was about xj. or xii. a clock in the night, when it was thought none would be stirring abroad: and yet contrary to their expectation in that behalf, 

Bradford was carried to Newgate at midnight.  
The people in Cheapside bad Bradford farewell.   was there in Chepeside & other places (between the Counter and Newgate) a great multitude of people that came to see him, which most gently bade him farewell, praying for him with most lamentable and pitiful tears, and he again as gently bade them far well, praying most heartily for them & their welfare. Now, whether it were a commandment from the Queen and her counsel, or from Boner and his adherentes, or whether it were merrily devised of the Lord Mayor, Aldermen, & sheriffs of London, or no, I cannot tell: but a great noise there was over night about the city by divers, that Bradford should be burnt the next day in Smithfield, by 4. of the clock in the morning, 
A noise of Bradfords' early burning.  before it should be greatly known to any. In which rumour many heads had divers minds: some thinking the fear of the people to be the cause thereof. Other thought nay, that it was rather because the Papists judged, his death would convert many to the truth, and give a great overthrow to their kingdom. So some thought one thing, and some another, that no just conjecture of the cause could be known that ever I heard yet. But this was certain, the people prevented the devise suspected: for the next day, at the said hour of 4. a clock in the morning, there was in Smithfield such a multitude of men and women, 
A multitude in Smithfield by ●. a clock.  that many being in admiration thereof, thought it was not possible that they could have warning of his death, being so great a number in so short time, unless it were by the singular providence of almighty God.  
Well, this took not effect as the people thought: for that morning it was ix. a clock of the day, before Master Bradford was brought into Smithfield: 
Bradford going to Smithfield.  which in going thorough Newgate thitherward, spied a friend of his whom he loved, standing on the one side the way to the Keeper's houseward, unto whom he reached his hand over the people, and plucked him to him, 
〈◊〉 gave 〈◊〉 night 〈◊〉 away.  and delivered to him from his head, his velvet night cap, and also his handkerchief, with other things beside. Which after a little secret talk with him, and each of them parting from other, immediately came to him a brother in law of his, called Roger Beswike, which as soon as he had taken the said Bradford by the hand, one of the sheriffs of London called Woodroft, came with his staff and broke the said Roger's head, 
〈◊〉 break 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 Bradf●●● broth●● law.  that the blood ran about his shoulders. Which sight Bradford beholding with grief, bade his brother farewell, willing to commend him to his mother, and the rest of his friends and to get him to some Surgeon betimes: and so they departing, had little or no talk at all together. Then was he led forth to Smithfield with a great company of weaponed men, to conduct him thither, as the like was not seen at no man's burning: for in every corner of Smithfield there were some, besides those which stood about the stake. Bradford then being come to the place, fell flat to the ground, secretly making his prayers to almighty god. Then rising again, and putting of his clothes unto his shirt, he went to the stake, and there suffered with a young man of xx. years of age, joyfully and constantly, whose name was john leaf. Touching the order and manner of whose burning, more shall be said (God willing) hereafter. In the mean time, we will now show forth the sundry examinations, conflicts, and conferences between him and other his adversaries, 
M. 〈◊〉 2. year● lacking monet● a half prison  during the time of his imprisonment, which was in all, two years lacking one month and a half. Which examinations here follow to be declared.  
It was before a little above declared, that joh. Bradford within three days after the Sermon of M. Bourne, was by the Counsel committed to the Tower, where he remained from the month of August, an. 1553. to the 22. day of january, an. 1555. upon which day he was called out to examination before Ste. Winchester and other of the Commissioners. The effect of which examination and communication which passed between him & them, proceeded in manner as followeth.  

¶ The effect of the communication between john Bradford and the Lord Chancellor, and other in Commission with him, the xxij. of january. Anno. 1555.  
AFter the L. Chancellor and the residue of the Queen's Counsel in Commission with him, 
Talk between Bradfor● Steven 〈◊〉  had ended there talk with M. Farrer late Bish. of S. David's, the under marshal of the king's Bench was commanded to bring in john Bradford: who being come into the presence of the counsel sitting at a table, kneeled down on his knee, but immediately by the L. Chancellor was bidden to stand up, and so he did.  
When he was risen, the L. Chancellor earnestly looked upon him, to have (belike) overfaced him: but he gave no place, that is, he ceased not in like manner to look on the L. Chancellor still continually, save that once he cast up his eyes to heavenward, sighing for gods grace, 
Winche●●●● ouerfa●●●  and so overfaced him.  L. Chancellor. 
Then the L. Chancellor as it were amazed, and something troubled, spoke thus to him in effect: 
The 〈◊〉 of the 〈◊〉 to Ioh● Bradfo●●  that of long time he had been imprisoned justly for his seditious behaviour at Paul's cross, the xiii. of August. an. 1553. for his false preaching and arrogancy, taking upon him to preach without authority. But now (quoth he) the time of mercy is come, and therefore the Queen's highness minding to offer unto you mercy, hath by us sent for you, to declare and give the same, if so be you will with us return: and if you will do as we have done, you shall find as we have found, I warrant you. This was the sum of his words, and in manner the same words which he spoke.  Brad. 
To these words john Bradford spoke (after reverend obeisance made) in this manner. 
Bradfo●● aunsw●●●●gayne 〈◊〉  My Lord & Lords all, I confess that I have been long imprisoned, & (with humble reverence be it spoken) unjustly, for that I did nothing seditiously, falsely, or arrogantly, in word or fact, by preaching or otherwise, but rather sought truth, peace, and all godly quietness, as an obedient & faithful subject, both in going about to save the bishop of bath now, then M. Bourne, the preacher at the Cross, and in preaching for quietness accordingly.  L. Chaunc. 
At these words, 
Bradfo●● fact in 〈◊〉 of Bourn● counte● seditious  or rather before he had fully finished, the said L. Chancellor something snuffed, and spoke with an admiration, that there was a loud lie: for (quoth he) the fact was seditious, as you my L. of London can bear witness.  Boner. 

〈◊〉 witnesseth with ●●●chester 〈…〉.  You say true my Lord: I saw him with mine own eyes, when he took upon him to rule and lead the people malapartly, thereby declaring that he was the author of the sedition.  Brad. 
My Lords, notwithstanding my Lord Byshope seeing and saying, 
Anno 1555. ●●ly.  yet the truth I have told, as one day my Lord God almighty shall reveal to all the world, when we shall all come & appear before him: In the mean season, because I can not be believed of you, I must and am ready to suffer, as now your sayings be, what so ever God shall licence you to do unto me.  L. Chaunc. 
I know thou hast a glorious tongue, and goodly shows thou makest: 
 but all is lies thou speakest. And again, I have not forgotten how stubborn thou wast when thou wast before us in the Tower, whereupon thou wast committed to prison concerning religion, I have not forgotten thy behaviour and talk, wherethrough worthily thou hast been kept in prison, as one that would have done more hurt than I will speak of.  Brad. 
My Lord, as I said, I say again, that I stand as before you, so before God, and one day we shall all stand before him: the truth than will be the truth, though now you will not so take it. Yea my Lord, I dare say, that my Lord of Bath M. Bourne will witness with me, that I sought his safeguard with the peril of mine own life, I thank God therefore.  Boner. 
That is not true: for I myself did see thee take upon thee too much, 
〈◊〉 shalt 〈◊〉 bear 〈◊〉 bear witness against thy neighbour. 〈…〉.   Brad. 
No, I took nothing upon me undesired, and that of Master Bourne himself, as if he were here present, I dare say he would affirm. For he desired me both to help him to pacify the people, and also not to leave him till he was in safety. And as for my behaviour in the Tower, and talk before your honours, if I did or said any thing that did not beseem me, 

〈…〉 of M. Bourne ●o help 〈◊〉, and yet 〈…〉 his labour.  
〈◊〉 mercy with Gods 〈…〉.   if your Lordships would tell me wherein it was, I should and would shortly make you answer.  Chaunc. 
Well, to leave this matter: how sayest thou now? Wilt thou return again, and do as we have done, & thou shalt receive the Queen's mercy and pardon?  Brad. 
My Lord, I desire mercy with God's mercy, but mercy with God's wrath, God keep me from: Although (I thank God therefore) my conscience doth not accuse me, that I did speak any thing wherefore I should need to receive the Queen's mercy or pardon. For all that ever I did or spoke, was both agreeing to God's Laws, and the laws of the Realm at that present, and did make much to quietness.  Chaunc. 
Well, if thou make this babbling, rolling in thy eloquent tongue, and yet being altogether ignorant & vainglorious, and wilt not receive mercy offered to thee, know for truth that the Queen is minded to make a 
* 〈…〉 lords 〈◊〉 better 〈◊〉 life to 〈◊〉.  purgation of all such as thou art.  Brad. 
The Lord before whom I stand, as well as before you, knoweth what vainglory I have sought, and seek in this behalf: his mercy I desire, and also would be glad of the Queen's favour, to live as a subject without clog of conscience. But otherwise the lords mercy is better to me then life. And I know to whom I have committed my life, even into his hands which will keep it, so that no man may take it away before it be his pleasure. There are xii. hours in the day, and as long as they last, so long shall no man have power thereon. Therefore his good will be done: life in his displeasure is worse than death, and death in his true favour, is true life.  Chaunc. 
I know well enough that we shall have glorious talk enough of thee: be sure therefore, that as thou hast deceived the people with false and devilish doctrine, so shalt thou receive.  Brad. 
I have not deceived the people, nor taught any other doctrine, then by God's grace I am, and hope shall be ready to confirm with my life. 
 And as for the devilishness and falseness in the doctrine, I would be sorry you could so prove it.  Dures. 
Why, tell me what you say by the ministration of the Communion, as now you know i● is?  Brad. 
My Lord, here I must desire of your Lordship and of all your honours a question, before I dare make you an answer to any interrogatory or question, wherewith you now begin. I have been six times sworn that I shall in no case consent to the practising of any jurisdiction, 
 or any authority on the Bishop of Rome's behalf within this Realm of England. Now before God I humbly pray your honours to tell me whether you ask me this question by his authority, or no? If you do, I dare not, nor may answer you any thing in his authority, which you shall demand of me, except I would be forsworn, which God forbidden.  Sec. Bourn. 
Hast thou been sworn six times? 
Secretary Bourne speaketh.  what office hast thou borne?  Brad. 
For sooth I was thrice sworn in Cambridge, when I was admitted Master of Art, when I was admitted fellow of Penbroke hall, & when I was there, the Uisitors came thither, and swore the university. Again, 
Bradford six times sworn against the Pope.  I was sworn when I entered into the Ministry, when I had a Prebend given me, and when I was sworn to serve the king a little before his death.  Chaunc. 
Tush, 
Herodes oath quoth Winchester.  Herodes oaths a man should make no conscience at.  Brad. 
But my Lord, these were no Herodes oaths no unlawful oaths, but oaths according to God's word, as you yourself have well affirmed in your book De vera obedientia. 
Winchest. De vera obedientia.   M. Roch. 
My Lords (quoth an other of the Counsel that stood by the table, 
M. Rochester speaketh.  Master Rochester I ween) I never knew wherefore this man was in prison before now: but I see well that it had not been good that this man had been abroad,) What the cause was that he was put in prison, I know not: but I now well know that not without a cause he was and is to be kept in prison.  Bourne. 
Yea it was reported this Parliament time by the Earl of Darbye, that he hath done more hurt by Letters, 
The Earl of Darbye● complaint against Bradford.  and exhorting those that have come to him, in Religion, than ever he did when he was abroad by preaching. In his letters he curseth all that teach any false doctrine (for so he calleth that which is not according to that he taught) and most heartily exhorteth them to whom he writeth to continue still in that they have received by him, 

This letter was written to his mother, brethren and sisters, and followeth hereafter.  
M, Bradford falsely charged with sedition.   and such like as he is. All which words divers of the Counsel affirmed. Whereunto the said M. Bourne added, saying: how say you sir, have you not thus seditiously written and exhorted the people?  Brad. 
I have not written, nor spoken any thing seditiously neither (I thank God therefore) have I admitted any sedious cogitation, nor I trust never shall do.  Bourne. 
Yea, but thou hast written letters.  Chaunc. 
Why speakest thou not? Hast thou not written as he saith?  Brad. 
That I have written, I have written.  South. 
Lord God, 
Sir Richard Southwell speaketh.  what an arrogant and stubborn boy is this, that thus stoutly and dallyingly behaveth himself before the Queen's Counsel? Whereat one looked upon an other with disdainful countenances.  Brad. 
My Lords and Masters, the Lord God which is, and will be judge to us all, knoweth, that as I am certain I stand now before his majesty: so with reverence in his sight I stand before you, & unto you accordingly in words and gesture I desire to behave myself. If you otherwise take it, I doubt not but God in his time will reveal it. In the mean season I shall suffer with all due obedience your sayings and doings too, I hope.  Chaunc. 
These be gay glorious words of reverence: but as in all other things, 
All is lies that pleaseth not Winchester.  so herein also thou dost nothing but lie.  Brad. 
Well, I would God the author of truth, and abhorrer of lies would pull my tongue out of my head before you all, and show a terrible judgement on me here present, if I have purposed, or do purpose to lie before you, whatsoever you shall ask me.  Chaunc. 
Why then dost thou not answer? Hast thou written such letters as here is objected against thee?  Brad. 
As I said, my Lord, that I have written, I have written, I stand now before you, which either can lay my Letters to my charge or no: 
Winchester holden at a bay.  if you lay any thing to my charge that I have written, if I deny it, I am then a liar.  Chaunc. 
We shall never have done with thee, I perceive now: be short, be short, wilt thou have mercy?  Brad. 
I pray God give me his mercy, and if therewith you will extend yours, I will not refuse it, but otherwise I will none.  
Here now was much ado, one speaking this, and an other that of his arrogancy, in refusing the Queen's pardon, which she so lovingly did offer unto him: whereto Bradford answered thus.  Brad. 
My Lords, if I may live as a quiet Subject without clog of conscience, 
M. Bradford desireth to live, that he may have life without clog of conscience.  I shall heartily thank you for your pardon: if otherwise I behave myself, than I am in danger of the law: in the mean season I ask no more, but the benefit of a Subject, till I be convinced of transgression. I● I can not have this, as hitherto I have not had, God's good will be done.  Chaunc. 
Upon these words my Lord chancellor began a long process of the false doctrine wherewith the people were deceived in the days of King Edward, 
Winchester speaketh against the doctrine taught in K. Edwa●des tyme.  and so turned the end of his talk to Bradford, saying: How sayest thou?  Brad. 
My Lord, the doctrine taught in king Edward's days, was Gods pure Religion, the which as I then believed, so do I now more believe it then ever I did, & therein I am more confirmed and ready to declare it by God's grace, 
M. Bradford standeth in defence of the doctrine taught in K. Edward's tyme.  even as he will, to the world, than I was when I first came into prison.  Dures. 
What religion mean you in king Edward's days? What year of his reign?  Brad. 
Forsooth even the same year (my Lord) that the king died, & I was a Preacher. Here wrote Secretary Bourne I wot not what.  Chaunc. 
Now after a little pausing, my Lord Chancellor beginneth again to declare, 
The reason of Winchester wher● with he disproveth the doctrine of K. Edward's days.  that the doctrine taught in king Edward's days, was heresy, using for probation & demonstration thereof, no scripture nor reason, but this: that it ended with treason and rebellion, so that (quoth he) the very end were enough to improve that doctrine to be nought.  Brad. 
Ah my Lord, that you could enter into God's Sanctuary, and mark the end of this present doctrine that you now so magnify.  Chaunc. 
What meanest thou by that? I ween we shall have a snatch of rebellion even now.  Brad. 
My Lord. I mean no such end as you would gather: I mean an end which no man seethe, but such as enter into God's Sanctuary. If a man look on present things, he will soon deceive himself.  

The Queen's mercy again offered to M. Bradford.  Here now did my Lord Chancellor offer again mercy, and Bradforde answered, as before: Mercy with God's mercy should be welcome, but otherwise he would none. Whereupon the Lord Chancellor did ring a little bell, belike to call in some body, for there was present none in manner, but only those before named, and the bishop of Worcester. Now when one was come in: it is best (quoth Master Secretary Bourne) that you give the keeper a charge of this fellow. So was the under Marshal called in.  Chaunc. 

M. Bradford returned again into prison.  Ye shall take this man to you, and keep him close without conference with any man, but by your knowledge, and suffer him not to write any Letters. etc. for he is of an other manner of charge unto you now, than he was before. And so they departed, Bradforde looking as cheerfully as any man could do, declaring thereby even a desire to give his life for confirmation of that he had taught and written.   

¶ The effect of the second examination of john Bradford in S. Mary Oueries Church, before the Lord Chancellor, and divers other Bishops, the 29. of january. 1555.  

The second examination of M. Bradford before the B. of winchester and others.  AFter the excommunication of john Rogers, joh, Bradford was called in, and standing before the Lord Chancellor & other Bishops set with him, the said Lord Chancellor spoke thus in effect.  L. Chaunc. 
Where before the xxij. of Ianuarye, the said Bradford was called before them (said he) and they offered unto him the Queen's pardon, although he had contemned the same, and further said, that he would stiffly and stoutly maintain & defend the erroneous doctrine taught in the days of K. Edward the sixth: yet in consideration that the Queen's highness was wonderful merciful, they thought good eftsoons to offer the same mercy again, before it were too late: therefore advise you well (said he) there is yet space and grace before we so proceed, that you be committed to the ●ecular power: as we must do and will do, if you will not follow the example of master Barloe and master Card-maker, 
Example of M. Barlow and Card-maker laid against M. Bradford.  whom he there commended, adding Oratoriously amplifications to move the said Bradford to yield to the religion presently set forth.  Brad. 
After the Lord Chancellors long talk, Bradford began on this sort to speak: My Lord, and my Lords all as now I stand in your sight before you, so I humbly beseech your honours to consider, that you sit in the seat of the Lord, who (as David doth witness) is in the congregations of judges, and sitteth in the midst of them judging: and as you would your place to be now of us taken as God's place, so demonstrate yourselves to follow him in your sitting, that is, seek no guiltless blood, nor hunt not by questions to bring into the snare, then which are out of the same. At this present I stand before you guilty or guiltless: if guilty, then proceed and give sentence accordingly: if guiltless, them give me the benefit of a subject, which hitherto I could not have. 
Si illum obiurges, vitae qui auxilium tulit: qu●d facies illi qui dederit ●amnum aut Ma●um.   Chaunc. 
Here the Lord Chancellor replied, and said, that the said Bradford began with a true sentence: Deus stetit in Synagoga. etc. But (quoth he) this and all thy gesture declareth but hypocrisy and vain glory. And further he made much ado to purge himself, that he sought no guiltless blood, and so began a long process how that Bradfordes fact at Paul's Cross was presumptuous, arrogant, and declared a taking upon him to lead the people, which could not but turn to much disquietness, in that thou (speaking to Bradford) wast so prefract and stout in religion at that present. For the which, as thou wast then committed to prison, so hitherto thou hast been kept in prison, 
The 〈◊〉 of the 〈◊〉 Derby 〈◊〉 against 〈◊〉 Bradford  where thou hast written letters to no little hurt to the Queen's people, as by the report of the Earl of Derby in the Parliament house was credibly declared. And to this he added, that the said Bradford did stubbornly behave himself the last time he was before them: and therefore not for any other thing now I demand of thee (quoth he) but of and for thy doctrine and religion.  Brad. 
My Lord where you accuse me of hypocrisy & vain glory, I must, and will leave it to the lords declaration, which one day will open yours and my truth, and hearty meanings: in the mean season I will content myself with the testimony of mine own conscience, which if it yield to hypocrisy, could not but have God to be my foe also: and so both God and man were against me. As for my fact at Paul's Cross, 
 and behaviour before you at the Tower, I doubt not but God will reveal it to my comfort. For if ever I did thing, which God used to public benefit, I think that my deed was one, and yet for it I have been and am kept of long time in prison. And as for letters and religion, I answer, as I did the last time I was before you.  Chaunc. 
There didst thou say stubbornly and malapertly, 
 that thou wouldst manly maintain the erroneous doctrine in K. Edward's days.  Brad. 
My Lord, I said the last time I was before you, that I had six times taken an oath that I should never consent to the practising of any jurisdiction on the bishop of Rome's behalf, and therefore durst I not answer to any thing that should be demanded so, lest I should be forsworn, which God forbidden. Howbeit, saving mine oath, 
 I said that I was more confirmed in the doctrine set forth publicly in the days of K. Edward, then ever I was before I was put in prison: and so I thought I should be, and think yet still I shall be found more ready to give my life as God will, for the confirmation of the same.  Chaunc. 
I remember well that thou madest such ado about needle's matter, 
 as though the oath against the bishop of Rome were so great a matter. So others have done before thee, but yet not in such sort as thou hast done, for thou pretendest a conscience in it, which is nothing else but mere hypocrisy.  Brad. 
My conscience is known to the Lord: and whether I deal herein hypocritically, or no, he knoweth. As I said therefore then my Lord, so say I again now: that for fear lest I should be perjured, I dare not make answer to any thing you shall demand of me, if my answering should consent to the confirming or practising of any jurisdiction for the Bishop of Rome here in England.  L. Chaunc. 
Why, didst thou begin to tell that we are Dij and sit in God's place, and now wilt thou not make us an answer?  Brad. 
My Lord, I said, you would have your place taken of us now, as God's place: and therefore I brought forth that piece of scripture, that ye might the more be admonished to follow God and his ways at this present, 
Bra●ford standeth still to 〈◊〉 oath.  who seethe us all, and well perceiveth, whether of conscience I pretend this matter of the oath, or no.  L. Chaunc. 
No, all men may well see thine hopocrisy, for if for thine oaths sake thou didst not answer, then wouldst thou not have spoken as thou didst, & have answered me at the first: but now men well perceive, that this is but a starting hole to hide thyself in, because thou darest not answer, & so wouldst escape, blinding the simple people's eyes, as though of conscience you did all you do.  Brad. 
That which I spoke at the first, was not a replication or an answer to that you spoke to me: and therefore I needed not to lay for me mine oath. For I thought you would have more weighed what I did speak, than you did: but when I perceived you did not consider it, but came to ask matter, whereto by answering I should consent to the practising of jurisdiction on the bishop of Rome's behalf here in England, and so be forsworn: 
 then of conscience and simplicity I spoke as I do yet again speak, that I dare not for conscience sake answer you. And therefore I seek no starting holes▪ nor go about to blind the people as God knoweth. For if you of your honours shall tell me that you do not ask me any thing whereby mine answering should consent to the practising of the bishop of Rome's jurisdiction, ask me wherein you will, and you shall here that I will answer you as flatly as ever any did that came before you. I am not afraid of death, I thank God: for I look and have looked for nothing else at your hands of long time, but I am afraid when death cometh, I should have matter to trouble my conscience by the guiltiness of perjury, & therefore do I answer as I do.  L. Chanc. 
These be gay glorious words, full of hypocrisy and vain glory, and yet dost thou not know that I sit here as Bishop of Winchester in mine own Diocese, and therefore may do this which I do, and more too?  Brad. 
My Lord, give me leave to ask you this question, that my conscience may be out of doubt in this matter. Tell me here Coram Deo, 
〈…〉 to answer under 〈◊〉.  before God, all this audience being witness, that you demand of me nothing whereby mine answering should consent to and confirm the practice of jurisdiction for the Bishop of Rome here in England, & your honour shall hear me give you as flat and as plain answers briefly, to what so ever you shall demand me, as ever any did.  L. Chanc. 
Here the Lord Chancellor was wonderfully offended, and spoke much, how that the Bishop of Rome's authority needed no confirmation of Bradfordes answering, nor no such as he was, and turned his talk to the people, how that Bradford followed crafty covetous Merchants, which because they would lend no money to their neighbours when they were in need, would say that they had sworn oft that they would never lend any more money, because their debtors had so oft deceived them. Even so thou (quoth he to Bradford) dost at this present, to cast a mist in the people's eyes, to blear them with an heresy (which is greater and more hurtful to the common wealth than the other is) pretend thine oath, whereby the people might make a conscience, whereas they should not. Why speakest thou not?  Brad. 
My Lord, as I said, I say again: I dare not answer you for fear of perjury, from which God defend me: or else I could tell you that there is a difference between oaths: 
Difference of other: some with faith and 〈◊〉 some against it.  Some be according to faith and charity, as the oath against the Bishop of Rome, some be against faith & charity: as this: to deny by oath my help to my brother in his need.  L. Chaunc. 
Here my Lord Chancellor again was much offended, still saying, that Bradford durst not answer and further made much ado to prove the oath against the Bishop of Rome, that it was against charity.  Brad. 
But Bradford answered, that how so ever his honour took him, yet was he assured of his meaning, that no fear but the fear of perjury made him unwilling to answer. For as for my death my lord (quoth he) as I know there at 12. hours in the day, so with the Lord my time is appointed. And when it shallbe his good time, then shall I departed hence: but in the mean season I am safe enough, though all the people had sworn my death. Into his hands I have committed it, and do: his good will be done. And saving mine oath, I will answer you in this behalf that the oath against the Bishop of Rome was not, nor is not against charity.  L. Chan. 
How prove you that.  Brad. 
Forsooth, I prove it thus.   

¶ Argument.  

The oath against the B. of Rome. 〈◊〉 against charity.  Fe- Nothing is against charity, which is with God's word, and not against it.  
sti- The oath against the Bishop of Rome's authority in England, is with God's word, and not against it:  
no. Ergo, the oath against the Bishop of Rome's authority in England is not against charity.  L. Chanc. 
Is it not against God's word that a man should take a king to be supreme head of the church in his Realm?  Brad. 

A king how 〈…〉, Prophets, & Apostles subject to temporal Magistrates.  No saving still mine oath, it is not against God's word, but with it, being taken in such sense, as it may be well taken: that is, attributing to the kings power the sovereignty in all his dominion.  L. Chanc. 
I pray you, where find you that?  Brad. 
I find it in many places, but specially in the 13. to the Romans, where S. Paul writeth: Every soul to be subject to the superior power▪ but what power? Quae gladium gestat: The power verily which beareth the sword, which is not the spiritual, but the the temporal power. As Chrysost. full well noteth upon the same place, which your honour knoweth better than I. He (chrysostom I mean) there plainly showeth that Bishops, Prophets, and Apostles are obedient to the temporal Magistrates.  L. Chaunc. 
Here yet more the Lord chancellor was stirred, and said, how that Bradforde went about to deny all obedience to the Queen for his oath: and so (quoth he) this man would make God's word a warrant of disobedience, for he will answer the queen on this sort, that when she saith, now swear to the Bishop of Rome, or obey his authority: No (will he say) for I am forsworn, & to make the Queen no Queen.  Brad. 
No, I go not about to deny all obedience to the Queen's highness, but denying obedience in this part, if she should demand it. For I was sworn to King Edward, not simply, that is, 

Refusing of the Pope's obedience being sworn against him, is no denying of obedience to the Queen.  
The preposterous judgement of Winchester, to care so little for an oath to God, and so much for his vow to the Pope.   not only concerning his own person, but also concerning his successors, & therefore in denying to do the queens request herein, I deny not her authority, nor become disobedient.  L. Chanc. 
Yes that thou dost: and so he began to tell a long tale, how if a man should make an oath to pay to me an hundred pounds by such a day, and the man to whom it was due would forgive the debt, the debtor would say. No, you can not do it, for I am forsworn then.  Brad. 
Here Bradford desired my Lord Chancellor not to trifle it, saying, that he wondered his honour would make solemn oaths made to God, trifles in that sort: and make so great a matter concerning vows (as they call it) made to the Bishop for Marriage of Priests.  L. Chaunc. 
At these words the Lord Chancellor was much offended, and said, he did not trifle: but (quoth he) thou goest about to deny obedience to the Queen, which now requireth obedience to the Bishop of Rome.  Brad. 
No, my Lord, I do not deny obedience to the queen, if you would discern between Genus and Species. 
Argument. A specie ad genus negative non vale●.  Because I may not obey in this: Ergo, I may not obey in the other, is no good reason. As if a man let or sell a piece of his inheritance, yet this notwithstanding, all his inheritance is not let or sold: & so in this case all obedience I deny not, because I deny obedience in this branch.  L. Chaunc. 
I will none of these similitudes.  Brad. 
I would not use them, if that you went not about to persuade the people, that I mean that which I never meant: for I myself not only mean obedience, but will give ensample of all most humble obedience, to the queen's highness, so long as she requireth not obedience against God.  L. Chaunc. 
No, no, all men may see your meaning well enough. There is no man though he be sworn to the king that doth therefore break his oath, if he afterwards be sworn to the French king and to the Emperor.  Brad. 
It is true my lord: but the cases be not like. For here is an exception: thou shalt not swear to the bishop of Rome at any time. If in like manner we were sworn: thou shalt not serve the Emperor. etc. you see there were some alteration and more doubt. But I beseech your honour remember what ye yourself have written, answering the objections here against in your book De vera obedientia: Vincat modo divini verbi veritas. i. Let God's word and the reason thereof bear the bell away.  L. Chaunc. 
Here the Lord chancellor was thoroughly moved, and said still, how that Bradford had written seditious letters, and perverted the people thereby, 
Winchester pretendeth as though Bradford for fear durst not answer.  & did stoutly stand, as though he would defend the erroneous doctrine in king Edward's time, against all men: and now (quoth he) he saith, he dare not answer.  Brad. 
I have written no seditious letters. I have not perverted the people, but that which I have written & spoken, that will I never deny, by God's grace. And where your Lordship saith, that I dare not answer you: that all men may know I am not afraid, saving mine oath, ask me what you will, and I will plainly make you answer by God's grace, although I now see my life lieth thereon. But Oh Lord, into thy hands I commit it: come what come will, only sanctify thy name in me, as in an instrument of thy grace. Amen. Now ask what you will, and you shall see I am not afraid, 
Bradford ready to render a reason of his faith.  by God's grace flatly to answer.  L. Chaunc. 
Well then, how say you to the blessed sacrament? Do you not believe there Christ to be present concerning his natural body?  Brad. 
My Lord, I do believe that Christ is corporally present at and in the due administration of the sacrament. By this word (corporally) I mean that Christ is there present corporally unto faith. 
Christ present corporally in the Sacrament to faith.   L. Chaunc. 
Unto faith? we must have many more words to make it more plain.  Brad. 
You shall so: but first give me leave to speak two words.  L. Chaunc. 
Speak on.  Brad. 
I have been now a year and almost three quarters in Prison, and of all this time you never questioned with me hereabout, 
Note well the Pope's way to bring men to faith.  when I might have spoken my conscience frankly without peril: but now have you a law to hang up and put to death, if a man answer freely, & not to your appetite: and so now you come to demand this question. Ah my Lord, Christ used not this way to bring men to faith. No more did the Prophets or Apostles. Remember what Bernard writeth to Eugenius the pope: Apostolos lego stetisse iudicandos, 
The Pope's judging & condemning men for their faith reproved by Bernard.  sedisse iudicantes non lego. Hoc erit, illud fuit. etc. that is, I read, that the Apostles stood to be judged, but I read not, that they sat to judge. This shall be: that was. etc.  L. Chaunc. 
Here the Lord Chancellor was appalled, as it seemed, and said most gently, that he used not this means. It was not my doing (quoth he) although some there be, that think this to be the best way. For I for my part have been challenged for being too gentle oftentimes. 
Winchester blamed without a cause as he saith.  Which thing the Bishop of London confirmed, and so did almost all the audience, that he had been ever to mild and too gentle.  Brad. 
At which words Bradford spoke thus. My Lord, I pray you stretch out your gentleness, that I may feel it, for hitherto I never felt it.  L. Chaunc. 
As soon as ever he had spoken thus, the Lord chancellor, belike, thinking that Bradford would have had mercy and pardon, said, that with all his hart, not only he, but the Queen's highness would stretch out mercy, if with them he would return.  Brad. 

Bradford three quarters of a year in the Tower kept from pen and ink. M. Bradford imprisoned not for matter they had, but for matter they would have against him.  Return my Lord? God save me from that going back: I mean it not so, but I mean, that I was three quarters of a year in the Tower: you forbade▪ me paper, pen, and ink, and never in all that time, nor sithence did I feel any gentleness from you. I have rather hitherto found, as I looked for extremity. And I thank God that I perceive now ye have kept me in prison thus long, not for any matter you had, but for matter you would have. God's good will be done.  
Here was now divers telling my Lord it was dinner tyme. And so he rose up, leaving Bradford speaking, and saying that in the after noon they would speak more with him. 
Bradford kept in the Vestrey till dark night.  And so was he had into the Uestry, and was there all that day till dark night, and so was conveyed again to prison.  
In the mean time, about iiij. of the clock the same after noon, a gentleman called Master Thomas Hussey of Lincolneshyre, which was once an Officer in the Duke of Northfolkes' house, did come into the Revestrye to inquire for one Stoning: and when it was answered him by the undermarshals' officers of the kings Bench, that there was none such, he entered into the house, and took acquaintance of john Bradford saying, 
Thomas Hussey cometh to Bradford.  that he would common and speak with him the next morning for old acquaintance.  
The next morning about 7. of the clock, this gentleman came into the chamber wherein john Bradford did lie, and being with him, he began a long Oration, how that of love & old acquaintance he came unto him to speak that which he would further utter. 
Counsel of M. Hussey given to Bradford.  You did (said he) so wonderfully behave yourself before the Lord Chancellor and other Bishops yesterday, that even the veriest enemies you have, did see that they have no matter against you: & therefore I advise you speaking (as though it came of his own good will without making any other man privy, or any other procuring him, as he said) this day (for anon you shall be called before them again) to desire a time and men to confer withal, so shall all men think a wonderful wisdom, gravity and godliness in you: and by this means you shall escape present danger, which else is nearer than you beware of. To this john Bradford answered: 
Bradford refuseth to require respite.  I neither can nor will make any such request. For then shall I give occasion to the people & to all other to think that I doubt of the Doctrine which I confess: the which thing I do not for thereof I am most assured, and therefore I will give no such offence.  
As they were thus talking, the chamber door was unlocked and Doctor Seton came in, who when he saw Master Hussey: 
D. Seton cometh to Master Bradford.  what Sir (quoth he) are you come before me? O Lord said Bradforde in his hart to God, goeth the matter thus? This man told me, no man knew of his coming: Lord give me grace to remember thy Lesson, Cavete ab hominibus illis. 
Hussey taken with a lie.  Beware of those men. etc. Cast not your pearls before dogs: for I see these men be come to hunt for matter, that the one may bear witness with the other.  Seton. 

Counsel of D. Seton given to M. Bradford.  Doctor Seton after some by talk of Bradfordes age, of his country & such like, began a gay and long sermon of my Lord of Canterbury, M. Latimer, and M. Ridley, and how they at Oxford were not able to answer any thing at all: and that therefore my Lord of Canterbury desired to confer with the Bishop of Duresme and others: all which talk tended to this end that john Bradford should make the like suit, being in nothing to be compared in learning to my Lord of Canterbury.  Brad. 
To this, john Bradford briefly answered as he did before to Master Hussey.  Seton. 
With this answer neither the Doctor nor Gentleman being contented, after many persuasions: M. Doctor said: I have heard much good talk of you, 
The flatte●ring commendation of D. Seto● to Master Bradford.  and even yesternight a Gentleman made report of you at the Lord chancellors table, that ye were able to persuade as much as any that he knew. And I (though I never heard you preach, & to my knowledge never did I see you before yesterday) yet me thought your modesty was such, your behaviour and talk so without malice and impatience, that I would be sorry ye should do worse than myself. And I tell you further, I do perceive my Lord Chancellor hath a fantasy towards you: wherefore be not so obstinate but desire respite, and some learned man to confer withal. etc.  Brad. 
But john Bradforde kept still one answer: I can not, nor I will not so offend the people. I doubt not, 
M. Bradford refuseth to ask● respite to confer upon his doctrine.  but am most certain of the doctrine I have taught.  Seton. 
Here Master doctor waxed hot, and called Bradford arrogant, proud, vainglorious, and spoke like a Prelate.  Brad. 
But Bradforde answered, beware of judging, lest ye condemn yourself. But still Master Doctor Seton urged him, showing him how merciful my Lord Chancellor was, and how charitably they entertained him.  Brad. 
I never saw any justice, much less love, 
Little iusti●●● less love appeareth in the Bishop of winchester.  I speak for my part (quoth Bradford) in my Lord Chancellor. Long have I been unjustly imprisoned, and handled in the same uncharitably, & now my Lord hath no just matter against me.  
This talk served not the Doctor's purpose: wherefore he went from matter to matter, from this point to that point. Bradford still gave him the hearing, and answered not: for he perceived that they both did come but to fish for some such things as might make a show that my Lord Chancellor had justly kept him in prison.  
When all their talk took no such effect as they would or looked for. Master Hussey asked Bradford: 
M. Bradford refuseth to admit conference but upon conditions.  will ye not admit conference, if my Lord Chancellor should offer it publicly?  Brad. 
Conference, if it had been offered before the law had been made, or if it were offered, so that I might be at liberty to confer, and as sure, as he with whom I should confer, than it were something: but else I see not to what other purpose conference should be offered, but to defer that which will come at the length, and the linger may give more offence, then do good. Howbeit, if my Lord shall make such an offer of his own motion, I will not refuse to confer with whom so ever he shall appoint.  
Master Doctor hearing this, called Bradford arrogant, proud, and whatsoever pleased him. 
D. Seton ●ayleth against M. Bradford.   
Then Bradford perceiving by them, that he should shortly be called for, besought them both to give him leave to talk with God, and to beg wisdom and grace of him: for (quoth he) otherwise I am helpless: and so they with much add departed. Then Bradford went to God & made his prayers, which the Lord of his goodness did graciously accept in his need, praised therefore be his holy name. Shortly after they were gone, Bradforde was lead to the foresaid church, and there tarried uncalled for, till eleven of the clock, that is, till Master Saunders was excommunicated.   

* The effect and sum of the last examination of john Bradford in the Church of S. Marry Oueryes.  
AFter the excommunication of Laurence Saunders, john Bradford was called in, 
The last examination of M. Bradford.  & being brought in before the Lord Chancellor and other the Bishops there sitting, the Lord Chancellor began to speak thus in effect: that Bradford being now eftsoons come before them would answer with modesty and humility, 
The effect of Winchester's talk with M. Bradford.  and conform himself to the Catholic Church with them and so yet he might find mercy, because they would be loath to use extremity. Therefore he concluded with an exhortation, that Bradford would recant his doctrine.  
After the Lord Chancellor had ended his long Oration, Bradforde began to speak thus: As yesterday I besought your honours to set in your sight the Majesty and presence of God to follow him, which seeketh not to subvert the simple by subtle questions: so I humbly beseech every one of you to do this day: 
M. Bradfordes aun●sw●re to Winchester.  for that you know well enough that guiltless blood will cry for vengeance. And this I pray not your Lordships to do as one that taketh upon me to condemn you utterly herein, but that ye might be more admonished to do that which none doth so much as he should do: For our nature is so much corrupt, that we are very obliuio●s and forgetful of God. Again, as yesterday I pretended mine oath and oaths against the Bishop of Rome, that I should never con●ent to the practysing of any jurisdiction for him or on his behalf in the realm of England: so do I again this day, lest I should be perjured. And last of all, as yesterday the answers I made were by protestation and saving mine oath, so I would your honours should know that mine answers shall be this day: and this I do, that when death (which I look for at your hands) shall come, I may not be troubled with the guiltiness of perjury.  L. Chaunc. 
At which words the Lord Chancellor was wroth, 
 and said, that they had given him respite to deliberate till this day, whether he would recant his errors of the blessed Sacrament, which yesterday (quoth he) before us you uttered.  Brad. 
My Lord you gave me no time of any such deliberation, neither did I speak any thing of the Sacrament which you did disallow. For when I had declared a presence of Christ to be there to faith, you went from that matter to purge yourself that you were not cruel, and so went to dinner.  L. Chaunc. 
What? I perceive we must begin all again with thee. 
 Did not I yesterday tell thee plainly that thou mad'st a conscience where none should be? Did not I make it plain that the oath against the Bishop of Rome was an ●●●awfull oath?  Brad. 
No in deed my Lord: You said so, but you proved it not yet, nor never can do.  L. Chaunc 
Oh Lord God, what a fellow art thou? Thou wouldst go about to bring into the people's heads, that we, all the Lords of the parliament house, the Knights and Burgesses, and all the whole realm be perjured. Oh what an heresy is this? here good people you may see what a senseless heretic this fellow is. If I should make an oath I would never help my brother nor lend him money in his need, 
Winchester's 〈…〉 no point 〈◊〉.  were this a good answer to tell my neighbour desiring my help, that I had made an oath to the contrary, O that I could not do it?  Brad. 

 Oh my Lord, discern betwixt oaths, that be against charity and faith, and oaths that be according to faith and charity, as this is against the bishop of Rome.  Chaun. 
Here the Lord Chancellor made much ado, and a long time was spent about oaths, which were good & which were evil, he captiously ask often of Bradford a direct answer concerning oaths: which Bradford would not give simply, but with a distinction. Whereat the Chancellor was much offended: but Bradforde still kept him at the bay, that the oath against the Bishop of Rome was a lawful oath, using thereto the Lord chancellors own book, de vera Obedientia, for confirmation.  
At the length they came to this issue, who should be judge of the lawfulness of the oath: 
 and Bradford said the word of God, according to Christ's word. joh. 12. My word shall judge, and according to the testimony of Esay and Mithe, that God's word coming out of jerusalem, shall give sentence among the Gentiles. By this word (quoth Bradford) my Lord, I will prove the oath against the bishop of Rome's authority, to be a good, a godly, and a lawful oath. So that the Lord Chancellor left his hold, and as the other day he pretended a denial of the queen's authority and obedience to her highness, so did he now.  
But Bradford, as the day before, proved that obedience in this point to the Queen's highness, if she should demand an oath to the Bishop of Rome, being denied, was not a 
*  general denial of her authority and of obedience to her: no more (quoth he) than the sale, gift, or lease of a piece of a man's inheritance proveth it a sale, gift or lease of the whole inheritance.  
And thus much ado was made about this matter: The Lord Chancellor talking much and using many examples of debt, of going out of the Town to morrow by oath, and yet tarrying till Friday and such like. Which trifling talk Bradford did touch saying: that it was a wonder his honour weighed conscience no more in this, and would be so earnest in vows of priests Marriages made to bishops, and be careless for solemn oaths made to God, 
 & to Princes. Summa, this was the end. The Lord Chancellor said, the Queen might dispense with it, and did so to all the whole Realm. But Bradford said, that the queen's highness could do no more but remit her right: as for the oath made to God, she could never remit, forasmuch as it was made unto God.  L. Chaunc. 
At which words the Lord Chancellor chased wonderfully, and said that in plain sense I slandered the Realm of perjury: And therefore (quoth he to the people) you may see how this fellow taketh upon him, to have more knowledge and conscience, 
M. Bradford imprisoned without a cause.  than all the wise men of England, and yet he hath no conscience at all.  Brad. 
Well my Lord, let all the standers by see who hath conscience. I have been a year and an half in prison. Now before all this people, declare wherefore I was imprisoned, or what cause you had to punish me. You said the other day in your own house, my Lord of London witnessing with you, that I took upon me to speak to the people undesired. There he sitteth by you, I mean my Lord of bath, which desired me himself for the passion of Christ, 
M. Bradford nea●e slain in the pulpit, with the dagger thrown against M. Bourne.  I would speak to the people. Upon whose words, I coming into the pulpit, had like to have been slain with a dagger (which was hurled at him, I think) for it touched my sleeve. He then prayed me I would not leave him, & I promised him as long as I lived, I would take hurt before him that day, and so went out of the pulpit, and entreated with the people, & at length brought him myself into an house.  
Besides this, in the afternoon I preached in Bow church, and there going up into the Pulpit, one willed me not to reprove the people, 
M. Bradford ieoparded his life for M. Bourne.  for (quoth he) you shall never come down alive, if you do it. And yet notwithstanding I did in that Sermon reprove their fact, and called it sedition at the least twenty times. For all which my doing, I have received this recompense, prison a year and an half and more, and death now which you go about. Let all men be judge where conscience is.  
In speaking of these words, there was endeavour to have letted it: but Bradford still spoke on, & gave no place till he had made an end, speak what they would. And then the Lord Chancellor said, that for all that fair tale, his fact at the Cross was nought.  Brad. 
No, my fact was good, 
Winchester proved double in his own words.  as you yourself did bear witness with me. For when I was at the first before you in the Tower, you yourself did say that my fact was good, but (quoth you) thy mind was evil. Well (quoth I) than my Lord, in that you allow the fact and condemn my mind, for as much as otherwise I can not declare my mind to man, but by saying and doing, God one day I trust will open it, to my comfort, what my mind was, and what yours is.  L. Chaun. 
Here the Lord Chancellor was offended, 
Winchester driven to eat his own words.  and said, that he never said so. I (quoth he) had not so little wit I trow, as not to discern betwixt meaning & doing: And so brought forth little to the purpose, many examples to prove that men construe things by the meaning of men and not by their doings. But when this would not serve, the● cometh he to an other matter, & said that Bradford was put in prison at the first, because he would not yield nor be conformable to the Queen's Religion.  Brad. 
Why my Lord, your honour knoweth, that you would not then reason with me in religion, but said, a time should afterwards be found out, when I should be talked withal. But if it were as your Lordship sayeth, that I was put in prison for religion? in that my religion was then authorised by public laws of the realm, could conscience punish me or cast me in prison therefore? Wherefore let all men be judge in whom conscience wanteth. 
M. chamberlain of Woodstock against M. Bradford.   M· Cham. 
Here came forth M. chamberlain of Woodstock and spoke to my Lord Chancellor how that Bradford had been a serving man and was with Master Harrington.  L. Chaunc. 
True, and did deceive his Master of Seven score pounds, and because of this he went to be a gospeler and a Preacher (good people) and yet you see how he pretendeth conscience.  Brad. 
My Lord, I set my foot by his whosoever he be, that can come forth and justly vouch to my face that ever I deceived my Master. And as you are chief justicer by office in England, I desire justice upon them that so slander me, because they can not prove it.  L. Chaunc. 
Here my Lord Chancellor and M. chamberlain were smitten blank, and said they heard it. 
Winchester again driven from his hold  But quoth my Lord Chancellor we have an other manner of matter then this against you: for you are an heretic.  Lond. 
Yea quoth the Bishop of London, 
Boner again cometh in with an other vntr●th.  he did write letters to M. Pendleton which knoweth his hand as well as his own, your honour did see the letters.  Brad. 
That is not true, I never did write to Pendleton sithence I came to prison, and therefore I am not justly spoken of.  Lond. 
Yea, but you indicted it.  Brad. 
I did not, nor know not what you mean, and this I offer to prove. 
A Clerk of the Counsel▪ thought to be M. Al●●n.   
Here came in an other, I trow they call him, Master Allen one of the Clerks of the Council, putting the Lord Chancellor in remembrance of letters written into Lankyshire.  L. Chaun. 
You say true: for we have his hand to shew·  Brad. 
I deny that you have my hand to show of Letters sent into Lankyshyre, otherwise then before you all I will stand to, and prove them to be good and lawful.  
Here was all answered, and then the Lord Chancellor began a new matter. Sir (quoth he) in my house the other day you did most contemptuously contemn the queen's mercy, and further said, that you would maintain the erroneous doctrine in king Edward's days against all men, And this you did most stoutly.  Brad. 

Winchester brought to a plain foil.  Well, I am glad that all men see now you have had no matter to imprison me afore that day justly. Now say I, that I did not contemptuously contemn the Queen's mercy, but would have had it (though if justice might take place I need it not) so that I might have had it with God's mercy, that is, without doing or saying any thing against God and his truth. 
Winchester's captious quarrel answered.  And as for maintenance of doctrine, because I can not tell how you will stretch this word maintenance, I will repeat again that which I spoke, I said I was more confirmed in the Religion set forth in King Edward's days then ever I was: and if God so would, I trust I should declare it by giving my life for the confirmation and testification thereof. So I said then, and so I say now. As for otherwise to maintain it, then pertaineth to a private person by confession, I thought not, nor think not.  L. Chaunc. 
Well, yesterday thou didst maintain false heresy concerning the blessed Sacrament, 
another untruth in Winchester.  and therefore we gave thee respite till this day to deliberate.  Brad. 
My Lord, as I said at the first, I spoke nothing of the Sacrament but that which you allowed, and therefore reproved it not, nor gave me any time to deliberate.  L. Chaunc. 
Why? didst thou not deny Christ's presence in the Sacrament?  Brad. 
No, I never denied nor taught, but that to faith whole Christ, body and blood was as present as bread and wine to the due receiver.  L. Chan. 
Yea, but dost thou not believe that Christ's body naturally & really is there, under the forms of bread & wine?  Brad. 
My Lord, I believe Christ is present there to the faith of the due receiver: as for transubstantiation I plainly & flatly tell you, I believe it not.  

Blessed are you when they shall revile you, and speak all that is nought against you for my name's sake. Math. 5.  Here was Bradford called Diabolus, a slanderer, for we ask no question (quoth my Lord Chancellor) of transubstantiation, but of Christ's presence.  Brad. 
I deny not his presence to the faith of the receiver, but deny that he is included in the bread, or that the bread is transubstantiate.  B. Worcest. 
If he be not included, how is he then present?  Brad. 
Forsooth though my faith can tell how, yet my tongue can not express it, nor you, otherwise then by faith hear it, or understand it.  
Here was much ado, now one Doctor standing up and speaking thus, and others speaking that, & the Lord Chancellor talking much of Luther, 
Christ's body present to faith. Transubstantiation denied.  Zuinglius, Oecolampadius: but still Bradford kept him at this point, that Christ is present to faith: and that there is no transubstantiation nor including of Christ in the bread: but all this would not serve them.  
Therefore an other bishop asked this question, whether the wicked man received Christ's very body or no? 
The wicked receive not the body of Christ.  And Bradford answered plainly no. Whereat the Lord Chancellor made a long Oration, how that it could not be that Christ was present, except that the evil man received it. But Bradford put away all his Oration in few words, that grace was at that present offered to his Lordship, 
Receiving maketh not the presence of the body, but Grace.  although he received it not: So that (quoth he) the receiving maketh not the presence, as your Lordship would infer, but God's grace, truth, and power is the cause of the presence, which grace the wicked that lack faith can not receive. And here Bradford prayed my Lord, not to divorce that which God had coupled together. 
The Pope's Church divorceth that the Lord in the Sacrament hath coupled.  He hath coupled all these together: Take, eat, this is my body: he saith not: See, peep, this is my body: but take eat. So that it appeareth this is a promise depending upon condition, if we take & eat.  L. Chaunc. 
Here the Lord Chancellor and the other bishops made a great ado, that Bradford had found out a toy that no man else ever did, of the condition, & the Lord Chancellor made many words to the people there about.  Brad. 

The Sacrament hath both a commandment and a promise and how?  But Bradford said thus: My Lord, are not these words, Take, eat, a commandment? And are not these words, This is my body, a promise? If you will challenge the promise, and do not the commandment, may you not deceive yourself?  L. Chaunc. 

Bradford teacheth Winchester his grammar.  Here the Lord Chancellor denied Christ to have commanded the Sacrament, and the use of it.  Brad. 
Why my Lord I pray you tell the people what mood Accipite, Manducate is: Is it not plain to children, that Christ in so saying commandeth?  L. Chaunc. 
At these words the Lord Chancellor made a great toying and trifling at the imperative mood and fell to paresing or examining, as he should teach a child: 
Winches●●● denieth these 〈◊〉 Take eat to be a commandment.  & so concluded that it was no commandment: but such a phrase as this, I pray you give me drink, which (quoth he) is no commandment I trow.  Brad. 
But Bradforde prayed him to leave toying and trifling, and said thus: My Lord, if it be not a commandment of Christ to take and eat the Sacrament, why dare any take upon them to command and make that of necessity, which God leaveth free? as you do in making it a necessary commandment, once a year for all that be o● discretion to receive the Sacrament.  L. Chaunc. 
Here the Lord Chancellor called him again 
* Diabo●●● is as much to say in Greek, 〈◊〉 slaunder● or cauile●  Diabolus or Calumniator, and began out of these words: Let a man prove himself, and so eat of the bread, (yea bread quoth Bradforde) and drink of the cup, to prove that it was no commandment to receive the Sacrament. For then (quoth he) if it were a commandment, it should bind all men in all places, and at all times.  Brad. 
O my Lord, discern between commandments: 
Distincti●● between commandments▪  some be so general, as the ten commandments: that they bind always, in all places, and all persons: some be not so general: as this is of the Supper, the Sacrament of Baptism, of the thrice appearing before the Lord yearly at jerusalem, of Abraham offering of Isaac. etc.  
Here my Lord Chancellor denied the cup to be commanded of Christ, for then (quoth he) we should have eleven commandments.  Brad. 
In deed I think you think as you speak, for else would you not take the cup from the people, in that Christ sayeth: Drink ye of it all. But how say you my Lords: Christ saith to you Bishops especially: Ite praedicate evangelium. i. Go and preach the Gospel: Feed Christ's flock. etc. Is this a commandment or no?  L. Chaun. 
Here was my Lord Chancellor in a chase, 
Wynche●●●● in a chas● B. Tonst●● question.  and said as pleased him.  Duresme. 
An other, the Bishop of Duresme I ween asked Bradford when Christ began to be present in the Sacrament? whether before the receiver received it, or no?  Brad. 
Bradford answered, that the question was curious and not necessary: and further said, 
As the 〈◊〉 is the tes●●●ment: so bread is 〈◊〉 body. Chrisost. Mat. Ho● 83.  that as the cup was the new Testament, so the bread was Christ's body to him that receiveth it duly, but yet so that the bread is bread. For (quoth he) in all the Scripture, you shall not find this proposition, Non est panis, there is no bread. And so he brought forth chrysostom: Si in corpore essemus. Homel. 83. in Mat. 34. Summa, much ado was hereaboutes, they calling Bradford heretic, and he desiring them to proceed on in God's name, be looked for that which God had appointed for them to do.  L. Chaunc. 
This fellow is now in an other heresy of fatal necessity, as though all things were so tied together, that of mere necessity all must come to pass.  Brad. 
But Bradford prayed him to take things as they be spoken, and not wrest them into a contrary sense. 
To God nothing is by fortune: 〈◊〉 man it ma● sometime so to be. Acts. 4. Wynchester readeth the Sentence 〈◊〉 curse against M. Bradfo●●▪  Your Lordship (quoth he) doth discern betwixt God and man. Things are not by fortune to God at any time, though to man they seem so sometimes. I speak but as the Apostles said: Lord (quoth they) see how Herode and Pontius Pilate, with the Prelates are gathered together against thy Christ, to do that which thy hand and counsel hath before ordained for them to do.  L. Chaun. 
Here began the Lord Chancellor to read the excommunication. And in the excommunication, when he came to the name of john Bradford Laicus, lay man: why (quoth he) art thou no Priest?  Brad. 
No, nor never was, either Priest, either benefited, either married, either any Preacher▪ afore public authority had established Religion, or Preacher after public authority had altered Religion, and yet I am thus handled at your hands: but God, I doubt not, will give his blessing where you curse. And so he fell down on his knees, and heartily thanked God, that he counted him worthy to suffer for his sake. 
M. Bradfo●● delivered 〈◊〉 the Shrie●●● M. Bradfo●● sent to the Counter 〈◊〉 the poult●●  And so praying God to give him repentance, and a good mind, after the excommunication was read, he was delivered to the sheriff of London, & so had to the Clink, and after to the Counter in the Poultry in the same City of London, this being then purposed of his murderers, that he should be delivered from thence to the Earl of Derby, to be conveyed into Lankeshyre, and there to be burned in the town of Manchester, where he was borne: but their purpose concerning the place was afterward altered: for they burned him in London.  
After the condemnation of M. Bradford, which was the last day of january, M. Bradford being sent into prison, did there remain until the first day of july, during all which time, divers other conferences and conflicts he sustaineth with sundry adversaries, which repaired unto him in the prison. Of whom first bishop Boner coming to the Counter to disgrade D. Taylor, the 4. day of February entered talk with the said M. Bradford: the effect whereof here ensueth.   

¶ Private talk had with john Bradford, by such as the Prelates sent unto him, after the time of condemnation, by his own writing.  

Roger's 〈◊〉 with 〈◊〉 Brad●●rd.  Upon the 4. of February, that is, the same day M. Rogers was burned, Bonor bishop of London came to the Counter in the Poultry to disgrade M. Doctor Tailor about one of the clock at after noon. But before he spoke to M. Taylor, he called for john Bradford which was prisoner there whom when he saw, he put of his cap and gave him his hand, saying: because I perceive that ye are desirous to confer with some learned men, therefore I have brought M. Archdeacon Harpsfield to you. And I tell you you do like a wise man. But I pray you go roundly to work: for the time is but short.  Bradford. 

Bradford desires to confer with none, 〈◊〉 yet is 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 with 〈◊〉.  My Lord as roundly as I can I will go to work with you: I never desired to confer with any man, nor yet do. Howbeit if ye will have one to talk with me, I am ready.  Boner. 
What (quoth the Bishop in a fume to the keeper) did you not tell me that this man desired conference?  Keeper. 
No my Lord, I told you that he would not refuse to confer with any: but I did not say that it is his desire.  Boner. 
Well, M. Bradford, you are well-beloved, I pray you consider yourself, & refuse not charity when it is offered.  Bradford. 

More 〈…〉 the Turks▪ then 〈…〉 the persecuting Papists.  In deed my Lord, this is small charity, to condemn a man as you have condemned me, which never broke your laws. In turkey a man may have charity, but in England I could not yet find it. I was condemned for my faith, so soon as I uttered it at your requests, before I had committed any thing against the laws. And as for conference I am not afraid to talk with whom you will. But to say that I desire to confer, that do I not.  Boner. 
Well, well. And so he called for M. tailor and Bradford went his way.   

another private matter of talk between M. Bradford and Willerton, Creswel, Harding Harpsfield, and other more.  
VUon an other day of February one, M. Willerton, a Chaplain of the bishop of London, 
Talk between M. Bradford, & Willerton Chaplain 〈◊〉 Bishop Boner.  did come to confer with Bradford: but when he perceived that Bradford desired not his coming, and therefore wished rather his departing them abiding, well master Bradford (quoth he) yet I pray you let us confer a little: perchance you may do me good, If I can do you none: Upon which words Bradford was content, and so they began to talk. Willerton spoke much of the Doctors, the fathers, of the bread in the 6. chapter of Saint john. etc. labouring to prove transubstantiation, and that wicked men do receive Christ.  
But Bradford on the contrary part improved his authorities, so that they came to this issue, that Willerton should draw out of the scriptures and Doctors his reasons, and Bradford would peruse them: and if he could not answer them, than he would give place. Likewise should Bradford draw out his reasons out of the scriptures and Doctors, to which Willerton should answer if he could: and so for that day they departed.  
The next day following in the morning, Willerton sent half a sheet of paper written on both sides, 
Willerton 〈◊〉 his 〈◊〉 to Bradford to 〈…〉.  containing no reasons how he gathered his doctrine, but only bare sentences: Panis quem ego dabo. etc. The bread which I will give is my flesh: And the places in the 26. of matthew 14. of Mark. 22. of Luke, and the 10. and 11. to the Corinthians, with some sentences of the Doctors: All which made as much against him, as with him.  

Willerton ●●mmeth again to Bradford.  In the after noon he came himself, and there they had a long talk to little effect. At the length Willerton began to talk of the Church, saying that Bradford swerved from the Church.  Brad. 
No, that I do not, but ye do. For the * Church is Christ's spouse, and Christ's obedient spouse, which your Church is not, which robbeth the people of the Lords cup, and of service in the English tongue.  Willerton. 
Why? it is not profitable to have the service in English: for it is written: Labia Sacerdotis custodiunt legem. The lips of the Priest should keep the law, and out of his mouth man must look for knowledge.  Bradford. 
Sold not the people then have the scriptures? Wherefore serveth this saying of Christ: Search the Scriptures?  Willerton. 
This was not spoken to the people, but to the Scribes and learned men.  Brad. 
Then the people must not have the scriptures. 
Argument Erunt docti a Deo Ergo the people must not have the Scriptures.   Willerton. 
No, for it was written: Erunt docti a Deo: They shallbe all taught of God.  Brad. 
And must we learn all at the priests?  Willerton. 
Yea.  Brad. 
Then I see you would bring the people to hang up Christ and let Barrabas go: as the priests did then persuade the people. At which words, Master Willerton was so offended that he had no lust to talk any more. 
M. Bradford●● reason against transubstantiation not answered.  In the end Bradford gave him the reasons which he had gathered against transubstantiation, & prayed him to frame his into the form of reasons, and then, quoth Bradford, I will answer them.  Willer. 
Well I will do so. But first I will answer yours. The which thing until this day he hath not done.  
Upon the 12. of February there came one of the Earl of Darbies' servants to Bradford, saying: 
The Earl of Darbyes' servant.  My Lord hath sent me to you: he willeth you to tender yourself, and he would be good Lord unto you.  Bradford. 
I thank his Lordship for his good will toward me: but in this case I can not tender myself more than God's honour.  Servant. 
Ah M. Bradford, consider your mother, sisters, friends, kinsfolk, and country, what a great discomfort it willbe unto them to see you die as an heretic.  Brad. 
I have learned to forsake father, mother, brother sister, friend, and all that ever I have, 
M. Bradford preferreth Christ before all his kin and kindred.  yea even mine own self, for else I cannot be Christ's Disciple.  Servant. 
If my Lord should obtain for you that ye might departed the Realm, would ye not be content to be at the Queen's appointment, where she would appoint you beyond the sea?  Bradford. 
No, 
Bradford contented to be burned in England, rather the● to be sent over the sea to popish places.  I had rather be burned in England then be burned beyond the seas. For I know that if she should sand me to Paris, Louvain, or some such place, forthwith they would burn me.   

Talk between Master Bradford and one Perceuall Creswell, and after that with Doctor Harding.  
Upon the 14. of February, percival Creswell, 
percival Creswell talketh with Bradford.  an old acquaintance of Bradfordes came to him, bringing with him a kinsman of Master Fecknams, who after many words said.  Creswell. 
I pray you let me make labour for you.  Bradford. 
You may do what ye will.  Creswell. 
But tell me what suit I should make for you.  Brad. 
Forsooth that ye will do, do it not at my request, for I desire nothing at your hands. 
Creswell offereth to make suit for Bradford.  If the Queen will give me life, I will thank her. If she will banish me, I will thank her. If she will burn me, I will thank her: If she will condemn me to perpetual prisonment. I will thank her.  
Hereupon Creswell went away, 
Moor's book brought to Bradford.  and about a xi. of the clock he and the other man came again, & brought a book of Mores making, desiring Bradford to read it over.  Bradford: 
taking the book, said: Good percivall, I am settled for being moved in this article.  Creswell. 
Oh, if ever ye loved me, do one thing for me.  Bradford. 
What is it.  Creswell. 
Desire and name what learned man or men ye will have to come unto you. My Lord ●o York, my Lord of Lincoln, my Lord of Bath, & others will gladly come unto you.  Brad. 
No, never will I desire them or any other to come to confer with me, for I am as certain of my doctrine as I am of any thing, But for your pleasure, and also that all men may know I am not ashamed to have my faith ●ifted and tried, bring whom ye will, and I will talk with them, So they went their way.  
About 3. of the clock in the after noon Master Doctor Harding, 
D. Harding cometh to M. Bradford.  who was then the B. of Lincoln's chaplain came to Bradford, and after a great and solemn protestation, showing how that he had prayed to God before he came to turn his talk to Bradfords' good, he began to tell of the good opinion he had of Bradford, and spent the time in such trattling, so that their talk was to little purpose: save that Bradford prayed him to consider from whence he was fallen, and not to follow the world, nor to love it: For the love of God is not where the world is.  Harding. 
But Harding counted Bradford in a damnable estate, as one being out of the church, & therefore willed him to take heed of his soul, & not to die in such an opinion.  Brad. 
What M. Harding, quoth Bradford? I have heard you with these ears maintain this that I stand in.  Harding. 
I grant that I have taught that the doctrine of transubstantiation was a subtle doctrine, but otherwise I never taught it. And so he enueying against marriages of Priests, 
D. Harding inveigheth against Peter Martyr Bucer, & Luther.  and namely against Peter Martyr. Martin Bucer, Luther, and such, which for breaking their vows were justly given up into heresies (as he said) Bradford seeing him altogether given up to Popery, after admonishment thereof, bade him farewell.   

Talk between D. Harpsfield Archdeacon, and Master Bradford.  

D. Harpsfield talketh with M. Bradford.  Upon the xxv. of February percival Creswell came with M. Harpsfield Archdeacon of London, and a servant waiting upon him. After formal salutations, he made a long Oration, of which this is a short sum: That all men even the infidels, Turks, jews, Anabaptistes, and Libertines desire felicity as well as the Christians, and how that every one thinketh they shall attain to it by their religion. To which Bradford answered briefly, that he spoke not far amiss.  Harps. 
Then said Harpsfield, but the way thither is not all alike. 
felicity coveted of all men, but the way to felicity not known to all men.  For the infidels by jupiter, juno, the Turk by his Alcoran: the jew by his Thalmod, do believe to come to heaven, For so may I speak of such as believe the immortality of the soul.  Brad. 
You speak truly.  Harps. 
Well, then here is the matter, to know the way to this heaven.  Brad. 

The true way to felicity.  We may not invent any manner of ways. There is but one way, & that is jesus Christ, as he himself doth witness: I am the way.  Harps. 
It is true that you say, and false also. I suppose that you mean by Christ, believing in Christ.  Brad. 
I have learned to discern betwixt faith & Christ, Albeit I confess, that who so believeth in Christ, the same shall be saved.  Harps. 
No not all that believe in Christ: for some shall say Lord, Lord, have not we cast out devils. etc. But Christ will answer in the day of judgement to these: Depart from me, I know you not.  Brad. 
You must make a difference betwixt believing, and saying I believe, 
Note the difference between believing and saying I believe.  As for example: if one should say & swear he loveth you, for all his saying ye will not believe him when you see he goeth about to utter and do all the evil against you that he can.  Harps. 
Well, this is not much material. There is but one way Christ. How come we to know him? Where shall we seek to find him?  Brad 
Forsooth, we must seek him by his word, and in his word, 
The way to come to Christ is by the word: for by the word cometh faith by faith we come to Christ. Baptism an outward seal whereby we are known to be Christians. Children which die without Baptism.  and after his word.  Harpsfield. 
Very good, but tell me now how first we came into the company of them that could tell us this, but by Baptism?  Brad. 
Baptism is the sacrament, by the which outwardly we are engrafted into Christ: I say outwardly, because I dare not exclude from Christ all that die without Baptism. I will not tie God, where he is not bound. Some Infants die, whose Parents desire Baptism for them, and can not have it.  Harps. 
To those we may think perchance that God will show mercy.  Brad. 
Yea, the children whose parents do contemn baptism, will not I condemn, because the child shall not bear the father's offence.  Harpsfield. 
Well, we agree that by Baptism than we are brought, 
The Church is our mother.  and, as a man would say, begotten to Christ. For Christ is our father, and the church his spouse is our mother. As all men naturally have Adam for their father, and and Eva for their mother: so all spiritual men have christ for their father, and the Church for their mother. And as Eva was taken out of Adam's side, so was the Church taken out of Christ's side: whereout flowed blood for the satisfaction and purgation of our sins.  Brad. 
All this is truly spoken.  Harps. 

Descent of the Church, The Church of Christ is visible even as Christ was, that is, not by exterior pomp or show, but by the inward eye.  Now, then tell me whether this Church of Christ hath not been always?  Brad. 
Yea, sithence the creation of man, and shall be for ever.  Harps. 
Very good. But yet tell me whether this Church is a visible Church, or no?  Bradford. 
It is no otherwise visible, then Christ was here on earth: that is, by no exterior pomp or show that setteth her forth commonly, and therefore to see her we must put on such eyes, as good men put on to see & know christ when he walked here on earth: for as Eve was of the same substance that Adam was of, so was the Church of the same substance that Christ was of, flesh of his flesh, & bone of his bones, as Paul saith, Ephes 5. Look therefore how Christ was visibly known to be Christ when he was on earth, that is, by considering him after the word of GOD so is the Church known.  Harps. 
I do not come to reason at this present, & therefore I will go on forward. 
Multitude not alwa●● the 〈◊〉 mark to 〈…〉 Church D. 〈…〉. Preaching the 〈◊〉 goeth 〈◊〉 with 〈◊〉 Church, it be 〈…〉 sometime 〈…〉 Ad. 〈…〉 is one 〈◊〉 but not b●●cause of 〈◊〉 true 〈◊〉 And yet 〈◊〉 such a 〈◊〉 but that 〈◊〉 may often lette● by 〈◊〉 secution, yet the 〈◊〉 Church r●●mayne. The Pope's Church 〈◊〉 Baptism 〈…〉 the Pope's Church 〈…〉 A Popish ●●●stinction 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 be a 〈◊〉 having 〈◊〉 of Gospel, 〈…〉 power 〈…〉 succession 〈◊〉 Bishops▪  Is not this Church a multitude?  Brad, 
Yes that it is. Howbeit, lat●t anguis in herba, as the Proverb is. For in your question is a subtlety. What visible multitude was there in He●ias time, or when Moses was on the Mount, Aaron and all Israel worshipping the Cal●e?  Harps. 
Ye divert from the matter.  Brad. 
No, nothing at all. For I do prevent you, knowing well where about you go. And therefore f●wer words might well serve if that you so would.  Harpsfield. 
Well, I perceive you have knowledge, and by a little perceive I the more. Tell me yet more, whether this multitude have not the Ministry or preaching of God's word?  Bradford. 
Sir, ye go about the bush. If ye understand Preaching for confessing the Gospel, I will go with you: for else if you will, you may know that persecution often letteth preaching.  Harps. 
Well, I mean it so. Tell me yet more: hath it not the Sacraments administered?  Brad. 
It hath the sacraments, howbeit the administration of them is often letted. But I will put you from your purpose, because I see where about you go. If heretics have Baptism and do Baptizm, as they did in S. Cyprian'S time, you know this Baptism is Baptism, & not to be reiterate. This Bradford did speak, that the standers by might see, that though the Papists Church have baptism which we have received of them, yet therefore it is not the true Church, neither need we to be baptized again.  Harps. 
You go far from the matter, and I perceive you have more errors than one.  Brad. 
So you say: but that is not enough till you prove them.  Harps. 
Well, this Church is a multitude. Hath it not the preaching of the Gospel, & the ministration of the Sacraments? & yet more: hath it not the power of jurisdiction?  Bradford. 
What jurisdiction is exercised in persecution and affliction?  Harps. 
I mean by jurisdiction admonishing one an other and so forth.  Brad. 
Well, go to: what then?  Harps. 
It hath also succession of bishops. And here he made such a do to prove that this was an essential point.  Bradford. 
You say as you would have it: for if this part fail you, all the Church that you go about to set up will fall down. 
Success●●● of Bishop is no esse●●tial par● the 〈◊〉 but rath●● accident commu●●●, which b●●ing inte●●rupted 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 may stan● as it did both be Christe● 〈◊〉 after, 〈◊〉 commi●● Antich●●●● Apostl● Bishop● sundry 〈◊〉▪ the min●●●ry of 〈◊〉 word a●●ministe● an 〈◊〉 point o● true 〈…〉 local succession subminister one certain 〈◊〉  You shall not find in all the scripture this your essential part of succession of Bishops. In Christ's Church Antichrist will sit. And Peter telleth us, as it went in the old Church afore Christ's coming, so will it be in the new church sithen Christ's coming: that is, as there were false Prophets, & such as bare rule were adversaries to the true Prophets: so shall there be (saith he (false teachers, even of such as are Bishops, and bear rule amongst the people.  Harps. 
You go always out of the matter: but I will prove further the succession of Bishops.  Bradford. 
Do so.  Harps. 
Tell me, were not the Apostles Bishops?  Brad. 
No, except you will make a new definition of a Bishop, that is, give him no certain place.  Harps. 
In deed, the Apostles office was not the bishops office: for it was universal, but yet Christ instituted Bishops in his church as Paul saith: he hath given Pastor's, Prophets. etc. so that I trow it be proved by the Scriptures the succession of Bishops to be an essential point.  Brad. 
The ministery of God's word, and Ministers, be an essential point. But to translate this to the Bishops and their succession, is a plain subtlety: And therefore that it may be plain, I will ask you a question. Tell me, whether that the Scripture knew any difference between Bishops and Ministers, which ye call Priests?  Harps. 
No.  Brad. 
Well, then go on forwards, and let us see what ye shall get now by the succession of Bishops, that is, of Ministers, which can not be understand of such Bishops as Minister not, but Lord it.  Harps 
I perceive that you are far out of the way. By your doctrine you can never show in your Church, a multitude which ministereth God's word & his Sacraments, which hath jurisdiction and succession of Bishops, which hath from time to time believed as you believe, beginning now and so going upwards as I will do of our doctrine and therefore are ye out of the church, 
 & so cannot be saved. Perchance you will bring me downwards a show to blear people's eyes: but to go upwards, that you can never do, and this is the true trial.  Brad. 

Anno 1555. ●●ly.  Ye must and will, I am assured, give me leave to follow the scriptures and examples of good men.  Harps 
Yea.  Brad. 
Well then, Stephen was accused and condemned as I am, that he had taught new and false doctrine before the fathers of the Church then as they were taken. Stephen for his purgation improveth their accusation. But how? doth he it by going upwards? no, but by coming downwards, beginning at Abraham, and continuing still till Esayas' time, and the people's captivity. From whence he maketh a great leap until that time he was in, which was (I think) upon a 400. years, & called them by their right names hellhounds, rather than heaven hounds. On this sort will I prove my faith, & that can you never do yours.  Harpsfield. 

 Yea sir, if we did know that you had the holy Ghost, then could we believe you. Here Bradford would have answered, that Stevens enemies would not believe he had the holy Ghost, and therefore they did as they did: but as he was in speaking. M. Harps. arose up, & the keeper and others that stood by, began to talk gently, praying Bradford to take heed to that master Archdeacon spoke, who still said that Bradford was out of the church.  Bradford. 
Sir I am most certain that I am in Christ's Church, and I can show a demonstration of my Religion from time to time continually.  
God our father, for the name and blood of his Christ be merciful unto us and unto all his people, and deliver them from false teachers, and blind guides, through whom (alas) I fear me, much hurt will come to this realm of England. God our Father bless us, and keep us in his truth and poor Church for ever. Amen.  
Then the Archdeacon departed, saying that he would come again the next morning.   

¶ The next days talk between Doctor Harpsfield and Master Bradford.  
Upon the xvi. of February in the morning the Archdeacon and the other two with him came again, 
archdeacon ●arpsfield ●●meth 〈◊〉 to M. ●●adford.  and after a few by words spoken, they sat down.  Harps. 
Master Archdeacon began a very long Oration, first repeating what they had said, and how far they had gone over night, and therewith did begin to prove upwards succession of Bishops here in England for 800. years in France at Lions for 1200. years: 
M. Harps●●eld again 〈◊〉 his church by 〈…〉.  in Spain at Hispalen for 800. years. In Italy at Milan for 1200. years, labouring by this to prove his Church. He used also succession of Bishops in the East Church for the more confirmation of his words, and so concluded with an exhortation and an interrogation: the exhortation, that Bradford would obey this church: the interrogation, whether Brad-could show any such succession for the demonstration of his Church (for so he called it) which followed. 
●radfordes 〈…〉 M. Harps●●●●des 〈◊〉.   Bradford. 
Unto this his long Oration Bradford made this short answer: my memory is evil, so that I cannot answer particularly your Oration.  
Therefore I will generally do it, thinking, because your Oration is rather to persuade then to prove, that a small answer will serve. If Christ or his Apostles being here on earth had been required by the Prelates of the church then to have made a demonstration of that church by succession of such high Priests as had approved the doctrine which he taught, 
 I think that Christ would have done as I do: that is, have alleged that which upholdeth the church even, the verity, the word of God taught & believed, not by the high Priests, which of long time had persecuted it, but by the Prophets and other good simple men, which perchance were counted for heretics of the Church: which Church was not tied to succession, but to the word of god. And this to think, S. Peter giveth me occasion, when he saith that as it went in the Church before Christ's coming, so shall it go in the Church after his coming: but then the pillars of the church were persecutors of the true Church: therefore the like we must look for now.  Harps. 
I can gather and prove succession in jerusalem of the high Priests from Aaron's tyme.  Bradford. 
I grant, but not such succession as allowed the truth.  Harps. 
Why did they not allow Moses law?  Bradford. 
Yes, and keep it, as touching the books thereof, as you do the Bible, and holy Scriptures. But the true interpretation and meaning of it they did corrupt, as you have done & do, and therefore the persecution which they stirred up against the Prophets and Christ, was not for the law, but for the interpretation of it. For they taught as you do now, 
The jews corrupt the law, as the Papists do the Scriptures. A comparison between th● old Pharisees & our new Papists.  that we must fetch the interpretation of the scriptures at your hands. But to make an end death I look daily for, yea hourly, and I think my time be but very short. Therefore I had need to spend as much time with God as I can whilst I have it, for his help & comfort, and therefore I pray you bear with me that I do not now particularly and in more words answer your long talk. If I saw death not so near me as it is, I would then weigh every piece of your Oration, if you would give me the sum of it, and I would answer accordingly: but because I dare not, nor I will not leave of looking & preparing for that which is at hand, I shall desire you to hold me excused, because I do as I do, and heartily thank you for your gentle good will. I shall heartily pray God our father to give you the same light and life I do wish to myself: & so Bradford began to arise up.  Harps. 
But than began Master Archdeacon to tell him that he was in very perilous case, 
Bold confidence and hope of God's word and promise, seemeth strange among them which are not exercised in mortification.  and that he was sorry to see him so settled. As for death, whether it be nigh or far of I know not, neither forceth it, so that you did die well.  Brad. 
I doubt not in this case, but that I shall die well: for as I hope and am certain my death shall please the Lord so I trust I shall die cheerfully to the comfort of his children.  Harps. 
But what if you be deceived?  Bradford. 
What if you should say the sun did not shine now? (and the Sun did shine through the window where they sat.)  Harps. 
Well I am sorry to see you so secure and careless.  Bradford. 
In deed I am more carnally secure and careless than I should be: God make me more vigilant. But in this case I cannot be so secure, for I am most assured I am in the truth.  Harpsfield. 
That are ye not: for you are out of the Catholic Church.  Bradford. 
No, though you have excommunicate me out of your Church, yet am I in the Catholic Church of christ and am, and by God's grace shallbe a child & an obedient child of it for ever. I hope Christ will have no less care for me, 
Transubstantiation to believe or not to believe many hundredth years after Christ.  than he had for the blind man excommunicated of the synagogue: and further I am sure that the necessary Articles of the faith, I mean the twelve Articles of the Creed, I confess and believe with that which you call the holy church, so that even your church hath taken something to much upon her to excommunicate me for that, which by the testimony of my Lord of Duresme in the book of the sacrament lately put forth, was free many an hundred year after Christ, to believe or not believe.  Harps. 
What is that?  Brad. 
Transubstantiation.  Harps. 
Why? ye are not condemned therefore only.  Brad. 
For that, and because I deny that wicked men do receive Christ's body.  Harpsfield. 
You agree not with us in the presence, nor in any thing else.  Bradford. 
How you believe you know: for my part I confess a presence of whole Christ God and man, to the faith of the receiver.  Harpsfield. 
Nay, you must believe a real presence in the sacrament.  Brad. 
In the Sacrament? Nay, I will not shut him in, nor ty● him to it otherwise then faith seethe and perceiveth. 
Christ not included really in the Sacrament.  If I should include Christ really present in the sacrament or tie him to it otherwise then to the faith of the receiver, than the wicked men should receive him, which I do not, nor will by God's grace, believe.  Harpsfield. 
More pity: But a man may easily perceive, you make no presence at all, and therefore you agree not therein with us.  Brad. 
I confess a presence, and a true presence, but to the faith of the receiver. 
Christ's body present to the faith of the receiver.   
What (quoth one that stood by) of Christ's very body which died for us.  Brad. 
Yea even of whole Christ God & man to feed the faith of him that receiveth it.  Harps. 
Why? this is nothing else but to exclude the omnipotency of God, and all kind of miracle in the sacrament.  Brad. 
I do not exclude his omnipotency, but you do it rather: for I believe that Christ can accomplish his promise, 
None denieth omipotencye more than the Papists which say, that Christ's body cannot be in the sacrament unless the substance of bread be away.  the substance of bread and wine being there, as well as the accidents, which you believe not. When we come to the Sacrament, we come not to feed our bodies, and therefore we have but a little piece of bread, but we come to feed our souls with Christ by faith, which the wicked do want, and therefore they receive nothing but Panem domini as judas did, & not Panem Dominum, as the other Apostles did.  Harps. 
The wicked do receive the very body of Christ, but not the grace of his body.  Brad. 
They receive not the body. For Christ's body is no dead carcase: he that receiveth it, receiveth the spirit, which is not without grace I trow. 

Argument who so receive the body of Christ do receive the fruit and grace of life: no wicked do receive fruit and grace of life.  
Ergo, no wicked men receive the b●dy of Christ. Mass in S. Ambrose tyme. That is false, for Scolasticus was not before S. Ambrose tyme. The chief parts of the Popish Mass.    Harps, 
Well, you have many errors. You count the Mass for abomination, and yet S. Ambrose said Mass: and so he read out of a book written a sentence of S. Ambrose to prove it.  Brad. 
Why sir, the mass as it is now, was nothing so in S. Ambrose time. Was not the most part of the Canon made sithen by Gregory and Scolasticus?  Harps. 
In deed a great piece of it was made, as ye say, by Gregory: but Scolasticus was before Saint Ambrose tyme.  Brad. 
I ween not: howbeit I will not contend. S. Gregory saith, that the Apostles said Mass without the Canon, only with the lords prayer.  Harps. 
You say true: for the Canon is not the greatest part of the Mass, the greatest part is the sacrifice, elevation, transubstantiation, and adoration.  Brad. 
I can away with none of those.  Harps. 
No, I think the same: but yet Hoc facite, telleth plainly the sacrifice of the Church.  Brad. 
You confound Sacrifices, not discerning betwixt the sacrifice of the Church, 

Sacrifice of the Church.  
Sacrifice for the Church.   and for the Church. The sacrifice of the Church is no propitiatory sacrifice, but a gratulatory sacrifice. And as for Hoc facite, is not referred to any sacrificing, but to the whole action of taking, eating, etc.  Harps. 
You speak not learnedly now: for Christ made his supper only to the twelve Apostles, 
Note this doctrine good reader.  not admitting his mother or any of the seventy Disciples to it. Now the Apostles do signify the Priests.  Brad. 
I think that you speak as you would men should understand it: for else you would not keep the cup away from the laity. We have great cause to thank you, that you will give us of your bread. For I perceive you order the matter so, as though Christ had not commanded it to his whole Church.  Harps. 
Then Harpsfield would have proved Elevation by a place of Basilius.  Brad. 

Elevation was not brought in indeed before the time of pope Honorius. 3.  I have read the place which seemeth to make nothing for elevation: but be it as it is, this is no time for me to scan the doubtful places of the doctors with you. I have been in prison long without books and all necessaries for study, and now death draweth nigh, and I by your leave must now leave of, to prepare for him.  Harps. 
If I could do you good. I would be right glad either in soul or body. For you are in a perilous case both ways.  Brad. 
Sir I thank you for your good will. My case is as it is. I thank God it was never so well with me: for death to me shallbe life.  Creswel. 
It were best for you to desire master archdeacon that he would make suit for you, that you might have a time to confer.  Harps. 
I will do the best I can, for I pity his case.  Bradford. 
Sir, I will not desire any body to sue for time for me. I am not wavering, neither would I that any body should think I were so. But if you have the charity and love you pretend towards me, and thereto do think that I am in an error, I think the same should move you to do as ye would be done to. As ye think of me, so do I of you, that you are far out of the way, and I do not only think it, but also am thereof most assured. And in this and such like gentle talk they departed.   

¶ The talk of Doctor Heth Archbishop of York, and day Bishop of Chichester, with Master Bradford.  
THe xxiii. of the same month, the Archbishop of York, and the Bishop of Chichester came to the Counter to speak with Bradford. When he was come before them, 
Talk between Bishops▪ Bradford.  they both, and especially the Bishop of York, used him very gently: they would have him to sit down, and because he would not, they also would not sit. So they all stood: & whether he would or not, they would needs he should put on, not only his night cap but his upper cap also, saying unto him, that obedience was better than sacrifice.  
Now thus standing together, my Lord of York, began to tell Bradford how that they were not sent to him, but of love & charity they came to him: and he, for that acquaintance also which he had with Bradford, more than the Bishop of Chichester had: then after commending Bradfordes godly life, he concluded with this question: how he was certain of salvation and of his Religion.  Brad. 
After thanks for their good will. Bradford answered: by the word of God, even by the Scriptures I am certain of salvation, and Religion.  York. 
Very well said: but how do ye know the word of God and the scriptures, but by the Church?  Bradford. 
In deed my Lord, the Church was and is a mean to bring a man more speedily to know the Scriptures and the word of God, as was the woman of Samaria a mean that the Samaritans knew Christ: but 
❧ Certain Bishop's talking with Master Bradford in prison.  as when they had heard him speak, they said: now we know that he is Christ, not because of thy words but because we ourselves have heard him: so after we came to the hearing and reading of the Scriptures showed unto us and discerned by the Church, we do believe them, and know them as Christ's sheep, not because the Church saith they are the Scriptures, but because they be so being thereof assured by the same spirit which wrote and spoke them.  York. 

 You know: in the Apostles time at the first the word was not written.  Bradford. 
True, if you mean it for some books of the new Testament: but else for the old Testament Peter telleth us Firm●orem sermonem propheticum habemus: We have a more sure word of prophecy▪ not that it is simply so, but in respect of the Apostles, which being alive and compassed with infirmity, attributed to the word written more firmity, as wherewith no fault could be found, where as for the infirmity of their persons men perchance might have found some fault at their preaching: albeit in very deed no less obedience and faith ought to have been given to the one, then to the other: for all proceedeth forth of one spirit of truth.  York. 
That place of Peter is not so to be understand of the word written.  Brad. 
Yea sir, that it is, and of none other.  Chic. 
Yea, in deed Master Bradford doth tell you truly in that point.  York. 

 Well, you know that Irenaeus and others do magnify much and allege the Church against the heretics, and not the scripture.  Bradford. 
True, for they had to do with such heretics as did deny the scriptures, and yet did magnify the Apostles so that they were enforced to use the authority of those Churches wherein the Apostles had taught, and which had still retained the same doctrine.  Chic. 
You speak the very truth: for the heretics did refuse all scriptures, except it were a piece of Luke's Gospel.  Brad. 
Then the alleging of the Church cannot be princially used against me, which am so far from denying of the Scriptures that I appeal unto them utterly, as to the only judge.  York. 
A pretty matter, that you will take upon you to judge the Church, I pray you where hath your Church been hitherto? For the church of Christ is Catholic and visible hitherto.  Brad. 

 My Lord, I do not judge the Church, when I discern it from that congregation, & those which be not the Church, & I never denied the Church to be Catholic & visible althought at some times it is more visible then at some.  Chic. 
I pray you tell me where the Church which allowed your doctrine, was these four hundredth years?  Brad. 
I will tell you my Lord, or rather you shall tell yourself, if you will tell me this one thing, where the Church was in Helias his time, when Helias said that he was left alone?  Chic. 
That is no answer.  Bradford. 
I am sorry that you say so: but this will I tell your Lordship, that if you had the same eyes wherewith a man might have espied the Church then, you would not say it were no answer. 
The true 〈…〉 every man hath not eyes to see it.  The fault why the Church is not seen of you, is not because the Church is not visible, but because your eyes are not clear enough to see it.  Chic. 
You are much deceived in making this collation betwixt the Church then and now.  York. 
Very well spoken my Lord, for Christ said aedificabo Ecclesiam, I will build my Church and not I do, or have built it, but I will build it.  Bradford. 

The ●ishops 〈◊〉 to an 〈…〉.  My Lords, Peter teacheth me to make this collation, saying: as in the people there were false Prophets, which were most in estimation afore Christ's coming, so shall there be false teachers amongst the people after Christ's coming and very many shall follow them And as for your future tense, I hope your grace will not thereby conclude Christ's Church not to have been before, but rather that there is no building in the Church but by Christ's work only: for Paul and Apollo be but watterers.  Chichester. 
In good faith I am sorry to see you so light in judging the Church.  York. 
He taketh upon him as they all do, to judge the Church. 
 A man shall never come to certainty that doth as they do.  Brad. 
My Lords, I speak simply what I think, & desire reason to answer my objections. Your affections & sorrows can not be my rules. If that you consider the order and case of my condemnation. I can not think but that it should something mo●e your honours. You know it well enough (for you heard it) no matter was laid against me, but what was gathered upon mine own confession. Because I did deny Transubstantiation and the wicked to receive Christ's body in the Sacrament, therefore I was condemned and excommunicate, but not of the church although the pillars of the church (as they be taken) did it.  Chichester. 
No. I heard say the cause of your imprisonment was, for that you exhorted the people to take the sword in the one hand, and the mattock in the other.  Brad. 
My Lord, I never meant any such thing, nor spoke any thing in that sort. 
False surmise against Bradford.   York. 
Yea, and you behaved yourself before the Counsel so stoutly at the first, that you would defend the Religion then: and therefore worthily were you prisoned.  Brad. 
Your grace did hear me answer my Lord Chancellor to that point. 
Bradford imprisoned for tha●, for which he had the laws on his side.  But put case I had been so stout as they and your Grace make it: were not the laws of the Realm on my side then? Wherefore unjustly was I prisoned: only that which my Lord Chancellor propounded, was my confession of Christ's truth against Transubstantiation, and of that which the wicked do receive, as I said.  York. 
You deny the presence.  Brad. 
I do not, to the faith of the worthy receivers.  York. 
Why? what is that to say other, 
The presence of Christ's body to the faith of the worthy receiver.  then that Christ lieth not on the altar?  Brad. 
My Lord, I believe no such presence.  Chichest. 
It seemeth that you have not read chrysostom for he proveth it.  Brad. 
Hitherto I have been kept well enough without books: howbeit this I do remember of chrysostom, 
Hiperbolicall phrase of chrysostom.  that he saith that Christ lieth upon the altar, as the Seraphines' with their tongues touch our lips with the coals of the altar in heaven, which is an hyperbolical locution, of which you know chrysostom is full.  York. 
It is evident that you are to far gone: but let us come then to the Church, out of the which ye are excommunicate.  Brad. 
I am not excommunicate out of Christ's Church my Lord, 
Bradford excommunicated with the poor blind man. john 9  although they which seem to be in the Church and of the Church have excommunicated me, as the poor blind man was, john. 9 I am sure Christ receiveth me.  York. 
You do deceive yourself.  
Here, after much talk of excommunication, at length Bradford said.  Brad. 
Assuredly, as I think you did well to depart from the Romish church, so I think ye have done wickedly to couple yourselves to it again, for you can never prove it, which you call the mother church, to be Christ's Church.  Chichest. 
Ah M. Bradford, you were but a child when this matter began. I was a young man, and then coming from the University, I went with the world, but I tell you it was always against my conscience.  Brad. 
I was but a child then: howbeit as I told you, I think you have done evil. 
The Pope proved to be Antichrist by Scripture▪  For ye are come & have brought others to that wicked man which sitteth in the Temple of God, that is in the church: for it cannot be understand of Mahomet, or any out of the Church, but of such as bear rule in the Church.  York. 
See how you build your faith upon such places of Scripture as are most obscure to deceive yourself, as though ye were in the Church where you are not.  Brad. 
Well my Lord, though I might by fruits judge of you and others: yet will I not utterly exclude you out of the church. And if I were in your case, I would not condemn him utterly, that is of my faith in the Sacrament: knowing as you know, that at the least 800. years after Christ, as my L. of Duresme writeth, 
What B. Tonstall writeth of Transubstantiation.  it was free to believe or not to believe transubstantiation.  York. 
This is a toy that you have found out of your own brain: as though a man not believing as the church doth, that is transubstantiation, were of the church.  Chichest. 
He is an heretic, and so none of the Church that doth hold any doctrine against the definition of the church: as a man to hold against transubstantiation. Cyprian was no heretic though he believed rebaptising of them which were baptized of heretics, because he held it before the church had defined it, whereas if he had holden it after, 
Note how these Bishops themselves do grant, that the time was, when transubstantiation● was not defined by the Church. Tonstall saith it was more than 800: years after Christ.  them had he been an heretic.  Brad. 
Oh my Lord, will ye condemn to the devil any man that believeth truly the xii. Articles of the faith (wherein I ●ake the unity of Christ's Church to consist) although in some points he believe not the definition of that which ye call the Church? I doubt not but that he which holdeth firmly the Articles of our belief, though in other things he descent from your definitions, yet he shallbe saved.  York. 
Chichester. Yea, said both the Bishops? this is your Divinity.  Brad. 
No, it is Paul's, which saith, that if they hold the foundation Christ, though they build upon him straw and stubble, yet they shall be saved.  York. 
Lord God, how you delight to lean to so hard and dark places of the Scriptures.  Chic. 
I will show you how that Luther did excommunicate Zuinglius for this matter, and so he read a place of Luther making for his purpose.  Brad. 
My Lord, what Luther writeth, as you much pass not, 
M. Bradford hangeth not of Luther, Zuinglius, or Oecolampadius & yet he accounteth them good men.  no more do I in this case▪ My faith is not builded on Luther, Zuinglius, or Oecolampadius is this point: and in deed to tell you truly, I never read any of their works in this matter. As for them, I do think assuredly that they were, and are Gods Children and Saints with him.  York. 
Well, you are out of the Communion of the Church.  Brad. 
I am not: for it consisteth and is in faith.  York. 
Lo, how make you your Church invisible: for you would have the Communion of it to consist in faith.  Brad. 
For to have Communion with the Church needeth no visibleness of it: 

Communion of the Church consisteth in faith, and not in visible ceremonies.  
Disagreeing in rites breaketh no agreement in faith. Ireneus.   for Communion consisteth, as I said, in faith, and not in exterior ceremonies, as appeareth both by Paul, which would have one faith, and by Irenaeus to Victor, for the observation of Easter, saying that disagreeing of fasting should not break the agreeing of faith.  Chichester. 
The same place hath often even wounded my conscience, because we dissevered ourselves from the Sea of Rome.  Bradford. 
Well, God forgive you: for you have done evil to bring England thither again.  York. 
Here my Lord of York took a book of paper of common places, and read a piece of Saint Austen contra Epistolam Fundamenti, 
Aug. contra Epi●● fundament.  how that there were many things that did hold S. Augustine in the bosom of the Church consent of people and nations, authority confirmed with miracles, 

Consent of people.  
Authority confirmed with miracles: nourished with hope: increased with charity: established with antiquity  
Succession of Priests.  
The name Catholic.   nourished with hope, increased with charity, established with antiquity: besides this, there holdeth me in the Church, saith S. Augustine, the succession of priests from Peter's seat until this present Bishop. Last of all the very name of Catholic doth hold me. etc. Lo (quoth he) how say you to this of Saint Augustine? paint me out your Church thus.  Bradford. 
My Lord these words of S. Augustine make as much for me as for you: although I might answer, that all this, if they had been so firm as you make them, might have been alleged against Christ and his apostles. For there was the law and the ceremonies consented on by the whole people, confirmed with miracles, antiquity and continual succession of Bishops from Aaron's time until that present.  Chich. 
In good faith M. Bradford, you make to much of the state of the Church before Christ's coming. 
All this might be objected against Christ & his Apostles. by the Scribes & Pharisees.   Brad. 
Therein I do but as Peter teacheth. 2. Pet. 2. and Paul very often. You would gladly have your Church here very glorious, and as a most pleasant Lady. But as Christ said: Beatus est quicunque non fuerit offensus per me: So may his Church say: Blessed are they that are not offended at me.  York. 
Yea, you think that none is of the Church but such as suffer persecution.  Brad. 
What I think, God knoweth. I pray your Grace judge me by my words and speaking, 
The Church commonly not glorious in this world, but poor and persecuted.  and mark that Paul saith: Omnes qui. etc. All that will live godly in Christ jesus must suffer persecution. Sometimes Christ's Church hath rest here: but commonly it is not so, and specially towards the end her form will be more unseemly.  York. 
But what say you to Saint Augustine? where is your Church that hath the consent of people and nations?  Bradford. 
Even all people and nations that be God's people have consented with me, 
Consent of the Godly.  and I with them in the doctrine of faith.  York. 
Lo, ye go about to shift off all things.  Bradford. 
No my Lord: I mean simply, and so speak, God knoweth.  York. 
Saint Austen doth here talk of succession even from Peter's seat. 
Succession from Peter.   Brad. 
Yea, that seat than was nothing so much corrupt as it is now.  York. 
Well, you always judge the church.  Bradford. 

Christ's people may discern the Church, though they judge not the Church. The Church of of Rome swerveth from the voice of Christ, and wherein.  No my Lord, Christ's sheep discern Christ's voice, but they judge it not: so they discern the Church, but judge her not.  York. 
Yes, that you do.  Bradford. 
No, and it like your grace: and yet full well may one not only doubt, but judge also of the Romish church: for she obeyeth not Christ's voice, as Christ's true church doth.  York. 
Wherein.  Brad. 
In latin service, and robbing the laity of Christ's cup in the sacrament and in many other things, in which it committeth most horrible sacrilege.  Chic. 
Why? Latin service was in England when the pope was gone.  Brad. 
True: the time was in England when the pope was away, but not all popery: as in king Henry's days.  York. 
Latin service was appointed to be song and had in the Queer, where only were Clerici, that is, 
Latin service de●●●ded.  such as understood latin, the people sitting in the body of the Church praying their own private prayers: and this may well be yet seen by making of the Chancel and Queer, so as the people could not come in, or hear them.  Brad. 
Yea, but in Chrisostomes' time, and also in the latin church in Saint Ieromes time, 
Against Latin se●●uice.  all the Church (saith he) reboat. Amen. That is, answereth again mightily, Amen. Whereby we may see that the prayers were made so, that both the people heard them, and understood them.  Chic. 
Ye are to blame to say that the Church robbeth the people of the cup.  Bradford. 
Well my Lord, term it as it please you: all men know that laity hath none of it.  Chic. 
In deed I would wish the Church would define again, that they might have it, for my part.  Brad. 
If God make it free, who can define to make it bond?  York. 
Well master Bradford, we lose our labour, 
The peo●●● rob 〈◊〉 the cup●●  for ye seek to put away all things which are told you to your good: your Church no man can know.  Brad. 
Yes, that ye may well.  York. 
I pray you whereby?  Brad. 
Forsooth chrysostom saith: 
The 〈◊〉 known 〈◊〉 by the Scriptur●● Chrisost●●● oper. imp●●●fect. Lyra sup. Math.  Tantummodo per Scripturas, alonely by the Scriptures: and this speaketh he very oftentimes, as ye well know.  York. 
In deed that is of chrysostom ●● in opere imperfecto, which may be doubted of. The thing whereby the Church may be known best, is succession of Bishops.  Bradford. 
No my Lord: Lyra full well writeth upon Matthew, that Ecclesia non consistit in hominibus ratione potestatis secularis aut Ecclesiasticae, sed in hominibus in quibus est notitia vera, & confessio fidei & veritatis, That is: 
Hilarius Au●ent●●●  The church consisteth not in men by reason either of secular or temporal power: but in men endued with true knowledge, and confession of faith, and of verity.  
And in Hylarius time, you know he writeth to Aurentius, that the Church did rather delitescere in caverns, then eminere in primarijs sedibus, That is, was hidden rather in caves and holes, than did glister and shine in thrones of pre-eminence.  
Then came one of the servants and told them that my Lord of Duresme tarried for them at Master York's house: and this was after that they had tarried three hours with Bradford. And after that their man was come, they put up their written books of common places, and said that they lamented his case: they willed him to read over a book, which did Doct. Crome good: & so wishing him good in words, they went their way, and poor Bradford to his prison.  
After this communication with the Bishops ended, 
The coming of 2. Spanish fr●●er● to M. Bradford.  within two days following came into the Counter two Spanish Friars to talk with master Bradford, sent (as they said) by the Earl of Derby, Of whom the one was the kings Confessor: the other was Alphonsus, who had before written a popish book against heresies, the effect of which their reasoning here likewise followeth.   

Talk between master Bradford and two Spanish Friars.  
Upon the 25. day of February, 
The talk between certain ●riers and M. Bradfo●●  about 8. of the clock in the morning, two Spanish Friars came to the Counter where Bradford was prisoner: to whom Bradford was called. Then the one Friar, which was the kings Confessor, asked in Latin (for all their talk was in Latin) of Bradford, whether he had not seen nor heard of one Alphonsus that had written against heresies?  Brad. 
I do not know him.  Confes. 
Well this man (pointing to Alphonsus) is he. 
This Alphonsus had write a book 〈…〉 Latin, against heresies.  We are come to you of love and charity, by the means of the Earl of Derby, because you desired to confer with us.  Brad. 
I never desired your coming, nor to confer with you, or any other. But seeing you are come of charity, as you say, I cannot but thank you: and as touching conference, though I desire it not, yet I will not refuse to talk with you, if you will.  Alphon. 
It were requisite that you did pray unto God, that ye might follow the direction of God's spirit, that he would inspire you so that ye be not addict to your own self will or wit.  

❧ The talk between M. Bradford, and two Spanish Friars.   Brad. 
Whereupon Bradford made a prayer, and besought God to direct all their wills, 
Bradford willed to pray 〈◊〉 his prayer.  words, and works, as the wills, words, and works of his children for ever.  Alph. 
Yea, you must pray with your hart. For if you speak but with tongue only, God will not give you his grace.  Brad. 
Sir do not judge, lest ye be judged. You have heard my words, now charity would have you to leave the judgement of the hart to God.  Alph. 
You must be as it were a neuter, and not wedded to yourself, but as one standing in doubt: pray and be ready to receive what God shall inspire, for in vain laboureth our tongue to speak else.  Brad. 
Sir my sentence, if you mean it for Religion, must not be in a doubting or uncertain, 
 as I thank God I am certain in that for which I am condemned: I have no cause to doubt of it, but rather to be most certain of it, and therefore I pray God to confirm me more in it. For it is his truth, and because it is so certain and true that it may abide the light, I dare be bold to have it looked on, and confer it with you, or any man: in respect whereof I am both glad of your coming, and thank you for it.  Alph. 
What is the matter whereof you were condemned? we know not.  Brad. 
Sir I have been in prison almost 2. years: I never transgressed any of their laws wherefore I might justly be prisoned, 
 & now am I condemned only because I frankly confessed (whereof I repent not) my faith concerning the sacrament, when I was demanded in these 2. points: one that there is no transubstantiation: the other, that the wicked do not receive Christ's body.  Alph. 
Let us look a little on the first. Do you not believe that Christ is present really, and corporally in the form of bread?  Brad. 
No, I do believe that Christ is present to the faith of the worthy receiver, as there is present bread and wine to the senses and outward man: 
 as for any such presence of including and placing Christ, I believe not, nor dare believe.  Alph. 
I am sure you believe Christ's natural body is circumscriptible. And here he made much ado of the 2. natures of Christ, how that the one is every where, & the other is in his proper place, demanding such questions, as no wise man would have spent any time about. At length, because the Friar had forgotten to conclude, Bradforde put him in mind of it, and thus then at length he concluded: how that because Christ's body was circumscriptible concerning the human nature in heaven, therefore it was so in the bread.  Brad. 
How hangeth this together? Even as if you should say: because you are here, Ergo it must needs follow that you are at Rome. For this you reason: Because Christ's body is in heaven, Ergo it is in the Sacrament under the form of bread: which no wise man will grant.  Alph. 
Why, will you believe nothing, but that which is expressly spoken in the Scriptures?  Brad. 
Yes Sir, I will believe whatsoever you shall by demonstratian out of the Scripture declare unto me.  Alph. 
He is obstinate, quoth Alphonsus to his fellow: and then turning to Bradford said, is not God able to do it? 
Christ is able to do it: Ergo, he doth it.   Brad. 
Yes, but here the question is of God's will, and not of his power.  Alph. 
Why? doth he not say plainly, this is my body?  Brad. 
Yes, and I deny not but that it is so, to the faith of the worthy receiver.  Alph. 
To the faith? how is that?  Brad. 
Forsooth Sir as I have no tongue to express it: so I know ye have no ears to hear & understand it. For faith is more than man can utter.  Alph. 
But I can tell all that I believe.  Brad. 
You believe not much then. For if you believe the joys of heaven, and believe no more thereof than you can tell, you will not yet desire to come thither. For as the mind is more capable & receivable than the mouth: so it conceiveth more than tongue can express.  Alph. 
Christ saith it is his body.  Brad. 
And so say I, after a certain manner.  Alph. 
After a certain manner? that is, 

Hoc est corpus meum.  
Quodam modo. Augustinus Epistola ad Bonifacium.  
Argument. As grace is in the water of baptism so is the body in the Sacrament. But grace is in the water by signification: Ergo so is the body in the Sacrament.  
A Popish distinction of Sacraments.   after an other manner than it is in heaven.  Brad. 
S, Augustine telleth it more plainly, that it is Christ's body after the same manner as Circumcision was the covenant of God, and the Sacrament of faith is faith: or to make it more plain, as baptism and the water of baptism is regeneration.  Alph. 
Very well said, Baptism and the water thereof is a Sacrament of God's grace & spirit in the water cleansing the Baptised.  Brad. 
No Sir, away with your enclosing but this I grant, that after the same sort Christ's body is in the bread, on which sort the grace and spirit of God is in the water.  Alph. 
In water is God's grace by signification.  Brad. 
So is the body in the bread in the Sacrament.  Alph. 
You are much deceived in that you make no difference between the Sacraments that be standers, and the sacraments that are transitory and passers by. As for example, the Sacrament of Order, which you deny, though S. Augustine affirm it, it is a standard, although the ceremony be past. But in Baptism so soon as the body is washed, the water ceaseth not to be a Sacrament.  Brad. 
Very good, and so it is in the Supper of the Lord: no longer than it is in use, is it Christ's Sacrament.  
Here was the Friar in a wonderful rage, and spoke so high (as often he had done before) that the whole house rang again, cha●ing with am and cho. He hath a great name of learning, 
The Friar in a chafe.  but surely he hath little patience. For if Bradford had been any thing hot, one house could not have held them. At the length he cometh to this point, that Bradford could not find in the Scripture Baptism and the lords Supper to bear any similitude together. And here he triumphed before the conquest, saying that these men would receive nothing but scripture, and yet were able to prove nothing by the Scripture.  Brad. 

The Sacrament of the lords table compared with baptism in the scripture. 1. Cor. 12.  Be patient, & you shall see that by the Scripture I will find Baptism & the Lords supper coupled together.  Alph. 
No, that canst thou never do. Let me see a text of it.  Brad. 
Paul saith: That as we are baptized into one body: so were we potati in uno spiritu: that is: we have drunk of one spirit, meaning of the cup in the lords Supper.  Alphon. 
Paul hath no such words.  Brad. 
Yes that he hath.  Confes. 
I trow he hath not.  Brad. 
give me a Testament, and I will show you.  

The Friar proved a liar in his own testament.  So a Priest that sat by them, gave him his Testament, and he showed them the plain text. Then they looked one upon an other. In fi●e the Friars found this simple shift, that Paul spoke not of the Sacrament.  Brad. 
Well the text is plain enough, and there are of the fathers which do so understand the place: For Chrisostom doth expound it so.  Alphon. 
Alphonsus which had the Testament in his hand, desirous to suppress this foil, turned the leaves of the book from leaf to leaf, till he came to the place. 1. Cor. 11. & there he read how that he was guilty, which made no difference of the lords body.  Brad. 
Yea, but therewith he saith: He that eateth of the bread: calling it bread still, 
1. Cor. 11.  and that after consecration (as ye call it) as in the 10. to the Corinthians he saith: The bread which we break. 
1. Cor. 10.  etc.  Alphon. 
Oh how ignorant are ye, which know not that things after their conversion do retain the same names which they had before, 
Conversion is mentioned in turning Moses' rod, so is it not in the Sacrament.  as Moses rod: and calling for a bible, after he had found the place, he began to triumph: But Bradford cooled him quickly, saying:  Brad. 
Sir, there is mension made of the conversion, as well, as that the same appeared to the sense. But here ye can not find it so. 
Moses' rod was seen to be turned so is not the Sacrament.  Find me one word how the bread is converted, & I will then say, ye bring some matter that maketh for you  Alph. 
At these words the Friar was troubled, & at length he said, how that Bradford hanged on his own sense.  Brad. 
No, that do I not: for I will bring you forth the Fathers of the Church 800. years after Christ, to confirm this which I speak.  Alph. 
No you have the Church against you.  Brad. 
I have not Christ's Church against me.  Alph. 
Yes that you have. What is the Church?  Brad. 
Christ's wife, the chair and seat of verity.  Alph. 
Is she visible?  Brad. 
Yea that she is to then that will put on the spectacles of God's word to look on her. 
The Church is visible, but to them that have spiritual eyes.   Alph. 
This Church hath defined the contrary, and that I will prove by all the good Fathers from Christ's Ascension even for 800. years at the least continually.  Brad. 
What will you so prove? Transubstantiation?  Alph. 
Yea, that the bread is turned into Christ's body.  Brad. 
You speak more than you can do.  Alph. 
That do I not.  Brad. 
Then will I give place.  Alph. 
Will you believe?  Brad. 
Belief is God's gift: therefore can not I promise: but I tell you that I will give place: and I hope I shall believe his truth always, so good is he to me in Christ my saviour.  Alph. 
Here the Friar found a great fault with Bradford that he made no difference betwixt habitus, 
The Papists hold that the act of believing is in man's power.  and actus: as though actus which he called crudelity, had been in our power. But this he let pass, & came again ask Bradford if he could prove it as he said, whether he would give place.  Brad. 
Yea that I will. Then called he for paper, pen & ink, to write, and then said I: what and if that I prove by the testimony of the Fathers, that continually for viii. hundredth years after Christ at the least, they did believe that the substance of bread doth remain in the Sacrament? what will you do?  Alph. 
I will give place.  Brad. 
Then writ you here that you will give place if I so prove, & I will write that I will give place if you so prove: because ye are the ancient, ye shall have the pre-eminence.  

The Friar refuseth to abide try all with Bradford.  Here the Friar fumed marvelously, and said: I came not to learn at thee, Are not here witnesses? (meaning the two Priests) be not they sufficient? But the man was so chafed, that if Bradford had not passed over this matter of writing, the Friar would have fallen to plain scolding.  Confes. 
At the length the kings Confessor asked Bradford what the second question was?  Brad. 
That wicked men receive not Christ's body in the Sacrament, as S. Augustine speaketh of judas, that he received Panem Domini, but not Panem Dominum.  Alph. 
S. Augustine saith not so.  Brad. 
Yes that doth he. 
The Fry●● again p●●●ued a 〈◊〉▪ The Fry●● departed in a heat from M. Bradford.  So they arose and talked no more of that matter. Thus went they away, without bidding Bradford farewell.  A Priest. 
After they were none, one of the Priests came, & willed Bradford not to be so obstinate.  Brad. 
Sir, be not you so wavering: in all the scripture can not you find me, non est panis.  Priest. 
Yes that I can in five places.  Brad. 
Then I will eat your book. 
A priest 〈◊〉 to a foil.  So the book was opened, but no place found: and he went his way smiling. God help us.   

¶ Talk between Master Bradford and Doctor Weston and others.  
IT followed after this, upon the 21. of the month of march, 
Conference between M. Bradford, & D. Weston.  that by means of one of the Earl of Darbyes' men, there came to the Counter to dinner one M. Collier, once Warden of Manchester, and the said servant of the Earl of Derby, of whom Master Bradford learned that Doctor Weston Deane of Westminster would be with him in the after noon about two of the clock. At dinner time, when the said Warden did discommend king Edward, & went about to set forth the authority of the Pope, which Bradford withstood, defending the kings faith, that it was Catholic, and that the authority of the bishop of Rome's supremacy was usurped, 
The name of supreme head is th●● forerunner to Antichrist. Gregor.  bringing forth the testimony of Gregory, which affirmeth the name of supreme head, to be a title of the forerunner to Antichrist: a woman prisoner was brought in, whereupon the said Bradford took occasion to rise from the table, and so went to his prison chamber to beg of God grace, and help therein continuing there still until he was called down to speak with master Weston, which was then come in.  
Master Bradford then being called down, so soon as he was entered into the Hall, 
D. Westo● cometh 〈◊〉 M. Bradford.  M. Weston very gently took him by the hand, & asked how he did, with such other talk. At length he willed avoidance of the chamber: So they all went out, save Master Weston himself, M. Collier, the Earl of Darbyes' servant, the Subdeane of Westminster, the Keeper, Master Clayden, and the Parson of the Church where the Counter is.  
Now then he began with M. Bradford, to tell how that he was often minded to have come unto him, being thereto desired of the Earl of Derby: and (quoth he) after that I perceived by his man, that you could be contented rather to speak with me, than any others: I could not come but to do you good, if I can, for hurt you be sure I will not.  Bradford. 
Sir quoth Master Bradford when I perceived by the report of my Lord's servant: that you did bear me good will, more (as he said) then any other of your sort, I told him then, that therefore I could be better content & more willing to talk with you, if you should come unto me. This did I say quoth he, otherwise I desired not your coming.  West. 
Well quoth he: now I am come to talk with you: but before we shall enter into any talk, certain principles we must agree upon, which shall be this days work.  
First (quoth he) I shall desire you to put away all vain glory, and not hold any thing for the praise of the world. 
D. Westo● less●ns, 〈◊〉 as he did 〈◊〉 follow himself. Vain glor●   Brad. 
Sir S. Augustine maketh that in deed a piece of the definition of an heretic, which if I cannot put away clean (for I think there will a spice of it remain in us, as long as this flesh liveth) yet I promise you by the grace of God that I purpose not to yield to it. God I hope will never suffer it to bear rule in them that strive there against, & desire all the dregs of it utterly to be driven out of us.  Weston. 
I am glad to hear you say so, although in deed I think you do not so much esteem it as others do.  
Secondly, I would desire you that you will put away singularity in your judgement and opinions. 
Singul●●●   Brad. 
Sir God forbidden that I should stick to any singularity or private judgement in God's Religion. Hitherto I have not desired it, neither do, nor mind at any time to hold any other doctrine than is public and catholic, understanding catholic as good men do: according to God's word.  West. 
Very well: this is a good days work, I hope to do you good: & therefore now thirdly I shall pray you to write me Capita of those things, whereupon you stand in the sacrament, and to send them to me betwixt this and Wednesday next: until which time, yea until I come to you again be assured that you are without all peril of death. Of my infidelity, 
Weston will 〈◊〉 M. Bradford to ●ut down 〈◊〉 writing 〈◊〉 chief ●round of 〈◊〉 ●ayth.  warrant you I, therefore away with all dubitations. etc.  Brad. 
Sir I will write to you the grounds I lean to in this matter. As for death, if it come welcome be it, this which you require of me: shall be no great let to me therein.  West. 
You know that S. Augustine was a Manichean yet was he converted at the length: so have I good hope of you.  Brad. 
Sir because I will not flatter you: I would you should flatly know, that I am even settled, in the Religion wherefore I am condemned.  West. 
Yea, but if it be not the truth, & you see evident matter to the contrary, will you not then give place.  Brad. 
God forbidden but that I should always give place to the truth.  West. 
I would have you to pray so.  Brad. 
So I do, and that he will more and more confirm me in it, as I thank God he hath done and doth.  West. 
Yea but pray with a condition, if you be in it.  Brad. 
No Sir, I cannot pray so, because I am settled and assured of his truth.  
Well quoth Weston, as the learned Bishop answered S. Augustine's mother, that though she was obstinate, yet the tears of such a mother could not but win her son: so (quoth he) I hope your prayers (for than Bradfordes eyes did show that he had wept in prayer) can not but be heard of God, though not as you would yet, as best shall please God. Do you not, quoth he, remember the history thereof?  Brad. 
Yea Sir (quoth Bradford) I think it be of Saint Ambrose.  West. 
No, that it is not. And here Weston would have laid a wager, and begun to triumph, saying to Bradford: as you are overseen herein, so are you in the other things.  Brad. 
Well Sir, I will not contend with you for the name. This (I remember) Saint Augustine writeth in his confessions.  
After this talk Weston begun to tell M. Bradforde how the people were by him procured to withstand the Queen. 
M. Brad●ord wrongfully char●ed with ●●dition.   
Whereunto Bradforde answering again, bade him hang him up as a traitor, and a thief, if ever he encouraged any to rebellion: which thing his Keeper and others that were there of the Priests, affirmed on his behalf. So much talk there was to little purpose at that time. Doctor Weston declared moreover how he had saved men going in the cart to be hanged, and such like.  
The end was this, that Bradford should send unto him, capita doctrinae of the supper, & after wednesday he would come unto him again, and thus departed he after that he had drunken to him in bear and wine. I omit here talk of Oxford, of books of German writers, of the fear of death and such other talk which are to no purpose.   

* An other disputation or talk between Master Bradford and Doctor Pendleton.  

●n other ●●●eptation 〈◊〉 ta●●e between M. ●radford & D. Pendle●on.  IN the mean time, when Master Bradford had written his reasons and arguments, & had sent them to Doctor Weston: in short space after about the 28. of March, there came to the Counter Doctor Pendleton, and with him the foresaid M. Collier, sometime Warden of Manchester and Steven Bech. After salutations Master Pendleton began to speak to Bradford, that he was sorry for his trouble. And further (quoth he) after that I did know you could be content to talk with me, I made the more speed, being as ready to do thee good and pleasure thee that I can, as ye would wish.  Brad. 
Sir, the manner how I was content to speak with you, was on this sort: Master Bech was often in hand with me whom he should bring unto me, and named you amongst other: and I said that I had rather speak with you then with any of all the other. Now the cause why I so would, I will briefly tell you. I remember that once you were (as far as a man might judge) of the Religion that I am of at this present, 
〈…〉 of the 〈◊〉 religi●● with M. ●●adford.  and I remember that you have set forth the same earnestly. Gladly therefore would I learn of you what thing it was that moved your conscience to alter, and gladly would I see what thing it is that you have seen sithen, which you saw not before.  Pendleton. 
Master Bradford, I do not know wherefore you are condemned.  Bradford. 
Transubstantiation is the cause wherefore I am condemned, and because I deny that wicked men receive Christ's body: wherein I would desire you to show me what reasons, which before you knew not, did move your conscience now to alter. For once (as I said) you were as I am in Religion.  
Here master Pendleton half amazed, began to excuse himself if it would have been, as though he had not denied fully transubstantiation in deed, although I said (quoth he) that the word was not in Scripture, 
Pendleton belike would study out the reasons that moved him to alter, for he had none ready to show. Evil men receive not Christ's body. He must be in Christ's body that must receive Christ's body.  and so he made an endless tale of the thing that moved him to alter: but (said he) I will gather to you the places which moved me, and send you them. And here he desired Bradforde that he might have a copy of that which he had sent to Master Weston: the which Bradford did promise him.  
Syme reasoning also they had, whether evil men did receive Christ's body, Bradford denying and Pendleton affirming. Bradford said that they received not the spirit. Ergo, not the body: for it is no 〈◊〉 carcase. Hereto Bradford brought also S. Augustine, how judas received Panem Domini, and not Panem Dominum, & how that he must be in Christ's body, which must receive the body of Christ. But Pendleton went about to put it away with idem, and not ad idem, and how that in Corpore Christi was to be understand of all that be in the visible Church with Gods elect. Bradforde denied this to be Saint Augustine's meaning, and said also that the allegation of idem▪ and not ad idem, could not make for that purpose. They talked more of Transubstantiation, Pendleton bringing forth Cyprian: 

The place of S. Cyprian expounded how the nature of bread is changed.  
Cyprian expounded by Gelasius.   Panis natura mutatur. etc. And Bradforde said that in that place natura did not signify substance. As the nature of an herb is not the substance of it: so the bread changed in nature is not to be taken for changed in substance: For now it is ordained not for the food of the body simply, but rather for the soul. Here also Bradford alleged the sentence of Gelasius. Pendleton said, that he was a Pope. Yea said Bradford, but his faith is my faith in the Sacrament, if ye would receive it.  
They reasoned also whether accidentia were res or no. If they be properly res, said Bradford, then are they substances: and if they be substances they are earthly, 
Pendleton driven to say that accidences be substance.  & then are there earthly substances in the Sacramen as Irenaeus saith, which must needs be bread. But Pendleton said that the colour was the earthly thing, and called it an accidental substance.  
I omit the talk they had of my Lord of Canterbury of Peter Martyrs book, of Pendletons' Letter laid to Bradfordes charge when he was condemned, with other talk more of the Church: whether Dic Ecclesiae was spoken of the universal Church, or of a particular (which Pendleton at the length granted to be spoken of a particular Church) also of vain glory, which he willed Bradford to beware of, and such like talk: A little before his departing Bradford said thus: Master Doctor, 
Bradford could hear no reason of the Papists to infirm his opinion against transubstantiation.  as I said to M. Weston the last day, so say I unto you again, that I am the same man in Religion against Transubstantiation still, which I was when I came into prison: for hitherto I have seen nothing in any point to infirm me. At which words Pendleton was something moved, and said that it was no Catholic doctrine. Yes, quoth Bradford, and that will I prove even by the testimony of the Catholic fathers until Concilium Lateranense, or thereabout. Thus Pendleton went his way, saying that he would come oftener to Bradford. God our father be with us all, and give us the spirit of his truth for ever. Amen.  
The same day in the afternoon, about five of the clock, came Master Weston to Bradford: and after gentle salutations, he desired the company every man to departed, & so they two sat down. And after that he had thanked Bradford for his writing unto him, he pulled out of his bosom the same writing, which Bradford had sent him. The writing is this that followeth.   

* Certain reasons against Transubstantiation gathered by john Bradford, and given to Doctor Weston and others.  
1. THat which is former (saith Tertullian) is true: that which is latter is false. 
Transubstantiation not brought into the church before the year 1215. by Pope Innocentius. 3.  But the doctrine of transubstantiation is a late doctrine: for it was not defined generally afore the Council of Lateran, about 1215. years after Christ's coming, under Pope Innocentius the third of that name. For before that time it was free for all men to believe it or not believe it: as the Bishop of Duresme doth witness in his book of the presence of Christ in his Supper lately put forth: Ergo the Doctrine of Transubstantiation is false.  
2. That the words of Christ's supper be figurative, the circumstances of the scripture, the Analogy or proportion of the sacraments, 
Three reasons proving the words of the lords supper to be figurative.  & the sentences of all the holy fathers, which were & did write for the space 1000 years after Christ's Ascension, do teach: whereupon it followeth, that there is no transubstantiation.  
3. That the Lord gave to his Disciples bread and called it his body, the very Scriptures do witness. For he gave that & called it his body which he took in his hands, whereon he gave thanks, which also he broke, & gave to his Disciples, that is to say, bread, as the fathers, 
1. Circumstances of Scripture. 2. Proportion of Sacraments. 3. Testimony of old Doctors. The wine is not transubstantiate● Ergo neither the bread.  Iraeneus, Tertullian, Origene, Cyprian, Epiphanius, Augustine, and all the residue which are of antiquity, do affirm: but in as much as the substance of bread and wine is an other thing then the substance of the body & blood of Christ, it plainly appeareth that there is no transubstantiation.  
4. The bread is no more transubstantiate than the wine: but that the wine is not transubstantiate, S. Matthew & S. Mark do teach us: for they witness that Christ said that he would drink no more of the fruit of the vine, which was not blood but wine: and therefore it followeth, that there is no transubstantiation. chrysostom upon Matthew and S. Cyprian do affirm this reason.  
5. As the bread in the lords Supper is Christ's natural body, so is it his mystical body: for the same spirit that spoke of it: This is my body, 
The same spirit which sayeth: This is my body: saith also: We many are one bread and one body. etc. The words do not transubstantiate the cup into the new testament: Ergo neither the bread into the body.  did say also: for we many are one bread, one body. etc. but now it is not the mystical body by transubstantiation, and therefore it is not his natural body by transubstantiation.  
6. The words spoken over the cup in S. Luke and Paul, are not so mighty and effectual as to transubstantiate it: For than it or that which is in it should be transubstantiate into the new Testament: therefore the words spoken over the bread are not so mighty as to make transubstantiation.  
7. All that doctrine which agreeth with those Churches which be Apostolic, mother Churches or original churches, is to be counted for truth, in that it holdeth that which these Churches received of the Apostles, the Apostles of Christ, Christ of GOD. But it is manifest that the doctrine taught at this present of the church of Rome, concerning transubstantiation, doth not agree with the Apostolic and mother Churches in Grece of Corinthus, 
The doctrine of the Church of Rome for transubstantiation agreeth not with the Apostles Church, nor with the Greek Churches, nor with the old Roman church.  of Phillppos, Colossia, Thessalonica, Ephesus, which never taught transubstantiation: yea it agreeth not with the doctrine of the Church of Rome taught in times past. For Gelasius the Pope setting forth the doctrine which that sea did them hold, doth manifestly confute the error of transubstantiation, and reproveth them of the sacrilege which divide the mystery, and keep from the Laity the cup: Therefore the doctrine of transubstantiation agreeth not with the truth.  
This was the writing which Weston pulled out of his bosom: & yet before he began to read it, he showed Bradford that he asked of his conversation at Cambridge sithen his last being with him: and (quoth he) Master Bradford, because you are a man not given to the glory of the world, I will speak it before your face: Your life I have learned was such there always, as all men, even the greatest enemies you have, can not but praise it, and therefore I love you much better than ever I did: but now I will read over your arguments, and so we will confer them. Such they are, that a man may well perceive you stand on conscience, & therefore I am the more ready & glad to pity you. So he began to read the first: to the which he said, that though the word transubstantiation began but lately: yet the thing always was, and hath been sithen Christ's institution.  Brad. 
I do not contend or hang upon the word only, but upon the thing which is as new as the word.  West. 
Then went he to the second, and there brought out S. Augustine, 
The words of Austen guilefully wrested by Weston.  how that if an evil man going to the devil did make his will, his son & heir would not say his father did lie in it, or speak tropically: much more Christ going to God, did never lie or use any figurative speech in his last will and testament. Do you not remember this place of S. Augustine, said he?  Brad. 
Yes Sir, but I remember not that S. Augustine hath those words tropicè or figurative, as you rehearse them: for any man may speak a thing figuratively, and lie not: & so Christ did in his last Supper.  West. 
After this he went to the third, and brought forth Cyprian, how that the nature of the bread is turned into flesh. Here (saith he) my Lord of Caunterbury expoundeth nature for quality, by Gelasius: the which interpretation serveth for the answer of your third argument, that Christ called bread his body: that is, the quality, form, & appearance of bread. And further the Scripture is wont to call things by the same names which they had before, 
Simon though he were called the leper, yet he was seen to be no leper. But bread is seen still to be bread: and therefore hath his name not of that it was, but of that it is. Cyprian expounded by Gelasius.  as Simon the Leper: he was not so presently, but because he had been so.  Brad. 
Cyprian wrote before Gelasius: therefore Cyprian must not expound Gelasius, but Gelasius, Cyprian: and so they both teach that bread remaineth stil. As for things having still the names they had, is no answer, except you could show that this now were not bread, as easily as a man might have known & seen then Simon to have been healed and clear from his leprosy.  West. 
After this he went to the fourth, of the cup, the which he did not fully read, but digressed into a long talk of Cyprians Epistle De Aquarijs: also of S. Augustine, expounding the breaking of bread by Christ to his two Disciples going to Emaus, to be the Sacrament, with such other talk to no certain purpose: and therefore Bradford prayed him, that in as much as he had written the reasons that established his faith against Transubstantiation, 
Weston conquered 〈◊〉 write 〈◊〉 reason●▪  so he would likewise do to him, that is, answer him by writing, and show him more reasons in writing to confirm Transubstantiation. Which Doctor Weston promised to do, & said that he would send or bring it to Bradford again within three days.  
Thus when he had over read the arguments, & here and there spoken little to the purpose for the avoiding of them, and Bradford had prayed him to give him in writing his answers: then he began to tell Bradford how and what he had done for Grimoald, and how that Bradford needed not to fear any reproach or slander he should suffer, 
Grimoal● subscibers'  meaning belike, to have Bradford secretly come to them, as Grimoald did: for he subscribed.  Brad. 
Master Deane I would not gladly that you should conceive of me that I pass of shame of men simply in this matter: I rather would have you to think of me, 
M. 〈◊〉 plain a●●firme in confessi●● the truth▪  as the very truth is, that hitherto as I have not seen nor heard any thing to infirm my faith against Transubstantiation, so I am no less settled in it, than I was at my coming hither. I love to be plain with you, and to tell you at the first, as you shall find at the last.  West. 
In good faith master Bradford, I love you the better for your plainness: & do not think otherwise of me, but that you shall find me plain in all my talk with you.  
Here Weston began to ask Bradford of his imprisonment and condemnation: and so Bradford told him altogether: how he had been handled. Whereat Weston seemed to wonder: yea in plain words he said, that Bradford had been handled otherwise than he had given cause, & so showed Bradford how that my Lord of Bath reported that he had deserved a Benefit at the Queen's hand, and at all the Counsel.  
In this kind of talk they spent an hour almost, and so as one weighed, Bradford arose up, and Weston called to the Keeper, and before him he bad Bradford be of good comfort, and said that he was out of all peril of death.  Keeper. 
Sir (quoth the keeper) but it is in e'ers man's mouth that he shall die to morrow.  West. 
Whereat Weston seemed half amazed, and said he would go say Evensong before the Queen, 
The vay●● promise● Weston.  & speak to her in his behalf. But it is to be thought, that the queen had almost supped at that present? for it was passed 6, of the clock.  Brad. 
Before the Keeper, Bradforde told Weston again that still he was one man: and even as he was at the first, and till he should see matter to teach his conscience the contrary, he said he must needs so continue.  Keeper. 
The keeper desired Bradford to hearken to master Doctor's counsel, and prayed M. Doctor to be good unto him: and so after they had drunk together, M. Doct. with most gentle words took his leave for 3. days.  
Now when he was gone, the Keeper told Bradford, that Master Doctor spoke openly, how that he saw no cause why they should burn him. Which sentence for the ambiguity of the meaning, made him somewhat sorry lest he had behaved himself in any thing, wherein he had gathered any conformablenes to them in their doctrine which God knoweth, sayeth Bradforde, I never as yet did. God our father bless us, as his children, and keep us from all evil for ever. Amen.   

¶ An other talk or conference between M. Bradford, and Doctor Weston.  
Upon the fifth day of April came M. Doctor Weston to the Counter about two of the clock in the afternoon, 
another talk or conference between M. Bradfo●● & Doctor's Weston. D. Weston withstandeth the Monks coming into We●●●minster.  who excused himself for being so long absent: partly by sickness, partly for that Doctor Pendleton told him that he would come unto him, and partly for that (quoth he) I withstood certain Monks, which would have come again into Westminster telling him moreover how that the Pope was dead, & also declared unto him how he had spoken to the Queen in his behalf, and how that death was not near unto him.  Weston. 
Last of all, he excused himself for not answering his arguments against Transubstantiation: because my coming to day (quoth he) was more by fortune then of purpose,  Brad. 
I would gladly M. Doctor if it please you, see your answers to my arguments. 
Bradford argument not answered.   West. 
Why you have remembered some thing what I spoke to you when I was last with you.  Brad. 
No Syr. I never called them in manner to mind, sithen that time, as well because I hoped you would have written them: as also for that they seemed not to be so material.  West. 
In good faith I can not see any other or better way for you, then for to submit yourself to the judgement of the Church.  Brad. 
Marry so will I Sir, if it so be by the church you understand Christ's Church.  West. 

The Papists will not have the church 〈◊〉.  Lo, you take upon you to judge the Church.  Brad 
No sir that do I not: in taking upon me to discern I do not judge the Church.  West. 
Yes that you do, and make it invisible.  Brad. 
I do neither.  West. 
Why, who can see your Church.  Brad. 
Those Sir, that have spiritual eyes, wherewith they might have discerned Christ's visible conversation here upon earth. 
The church 〈◊〉 but 〈…〉 Unity. Antiquity. C●●●ent. 〈◊〉, Antiquity, Consent, as well 〈◊〉 the 〈…〉, as to Christ's Church.   West. 
Nay: Christ's Church hath three tokens, that all men may look well upon: namely, unity, antiquity, & consent.  Brad. 
These three, may be as well in evil as in good, as well in sin as in virtue, as well in the devils church as in god's church: As for ensample, Idolatry amongst the Israelites had all those three. chrysostom telleth plainly, as you well know, that the church is well known, Tantummodo per scripturas, alonely by the scriptures.  West. 
In good faith, you make your Church invisible when you will have it known alonely by the scriptures.  Brad. 
No Sir the Scriptures do plainly set forth to us the church, that all men may well enough thereby know her, if they li●t to look.  West. 
The Church is like a Tower or town upon a hill, that all men may see.  Brad. 
True Sir, all men that be not blind. Visible enough is the church, but men's blindness is great. Impute not therefore to the Church, 
〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 is 〈…〉 cometh in 〈◊〉 with his Antiquity. The church i● tied to no place ●ut to the word.  that which is to be imputed to men's blindness.  West. 
Where was your Church forty years ago? or where is it now? except in a corner of Germany?  Brad. 
Forsooth Sir, the Church of Christ is dispersed, and not tied to this or that place, but to the word of God: so that where it is, there is God's Church, if it be truly taught.  West. 
Lo, is not this to make the church invisible? point me out a Realm a hundred years past, which maintained your doctrine?  Brad. 
Sir, if you will, or would well mark the state of the Church before Christ's coming, 
The church is not always to be pointed out by realms & countries. The Church in Helias 〈◊〉 was 〈…〉.  with it now (as S. Paul and Peter willeth us) I think you would not look for such shows of the Church to be made, as to point it by Realms. You know that in Helias time both in Israel, and else where, God's Church was not poyntable: & therefore cried he out that he was left alone.  West. 
No marry, did not God say, that there was 7000. which had not bowed their knees to Baal? Lo then 7000. show me seven thousand a hundred years ago of your Religion.  Brad. 
Sir, these 7000. were not known to men, for then Helias would not have said, that he had been left alone. And it is plain enough by that, which the text hath, namely that God saith, Reliqui mihi, I have reserved to me. 7000. Mark that it saith, 
God saw the Church 〈…〉 himself did not 〈◊〉 & so is 〈◊〉.  God had reserved to himself, to his own knowledge, as I doubt not but a hundredth years ago God had his 7000. in his proper places, though men knew not thereof.  West. 
Well, Master Bradford, I will not make your case worse, then for transubstantiation, although I know that we agree not in other matters. And I pray you make you it yourself not worse. If I can do you good, I will: hurt you I will not. I am no Prince, & therefore I cannot promise you life, except you will submit yourself to the definition of the Church.  Brad. 
Sir, so that you will define me your church, that under it you bring not in a false Church: you shall not see but that we shall soon be at a point.  West. 
In good faith M. Bradforde, I see no good will be done, & therefore I will wish you as much good as I can, and hereafter I will perchance come or send to you again, and so he sent for M. weal, and departed.  
Now after his departing, came the keeper M. Claydon, and Steven Bech, and they were very hot with master Bradford, & spoke unto him in such sort that he should not look but to have them utter enemies unto him, notwithstanding the friendship they both had hitherto pretended. God be with us, and what matter is it who be against us.  
Among divers which came to Master Bradforde in Prison, some to dispute and confer, some to give counsel, some to take comfort, and some to visit him, there was a certain Gentlewoman's servant, 
This Gentlewoman is yet alive to whom M. Bradford 〈◊〉 a letter which hereafter followeth.  which Gentlewoman had been cruelly afflicted and miserably handled by her father and mother and all her kindred, in her father's house, for not coming to the Mass, and like at length to have been pursued to death, had not the Lord delivered her out of her father's house, being put from all that ever she had. This Gentlewoman's servant therefore being sent to Master Bradford with recommendations, had this talk with him, which I thought here not to overslyp.   

¶ A Colloquy between M. Bradford and a Gentlewoman's servant, being sent to visit him in prison.  
THis servant or messenger of the foresaid Gentlewoman coming to M. Bradford, 
Talk between Bradford and a certain Gentlewoman's servant.  and taking him by the hand said: God be thanked for you. How do you?  Brad. 
Master Bradford answered: Well, I thank God. For as men in sailing, which be near to the shore or haven where they would be, would be nearer: even so the nearer I am to God, the nearer I would be.  Servant. 
Sir, I have never seen you so strong & healthsom of body, as me think you be now, God be thanked for it.  Brad. 
Why, quoth he, I have given over all care & study, and only do I covet to be talking with him, whom I have always studied to be withal.  Seru. 
Well, God hath done much for you, since the time that I fir●● knew you, and hath wrought wondrously in you to his glory.  Brad. 
Truth it is, for he hath dealt favourably with me, in that he hath not punished me according to my sins, but hath suffered me to live, that I might seek repentance.  Seru. 
Truly we hear say, there is a rod made so grievous, out of the which I think no man shall pluck his head.  Brad. 
Well, let all that be of Christ's flock, arm themselves to suffer, for I think verily, God will not have one of his to escape untouched, if he love him, let them seek what means or ways they can.  Seru. 
We●l sir, 
By this Friar he meaneth Alphonsus mentioned before.  there goeth a talk of a Friar that should preach before the king, & should tell him, that he should be guilty of the innocent blood that hath been shed of late.  Brad. 
verily, quoth Bradford, I had a book within these two days of his writing, & therein he saith, that it is not me●● nor convenient that the heretics should live: & therefore I have marvel how that talk should rise, for I have heard of it also, and I have also talked with this Friar (he is named Friar Fonse) and with divers other, 
Alphonsus other wi●e called in the vulgar speech Friar Fonse.  & I praise God, they have confirmed me: for they have nothing to say but that which is most vain.  Seru. 
Sir, Father Card-maker hath him commended unto you.  Brad. 
How doth he, how doth he?  Seru. 
Well God be thanked.  Brad. 
I am very glad thereof: for in deed for my lord Chancellor did cast him in my teeth, but as David saith, God hath disappointed him.  Seru. 
Forsooth, God's name be praised, he is very strong.  Brad. 
And I trust, so are we. What else? our quarrel is most just: therefore let us not be afraid.  Seru. 
My master hath her recommended unto you.  Brad. 
How doth she?  Seru. 
Well, God be praised, but she hath been sorer afflicted with her own father and mother, than ever you were with your imprisonment, and yet God hath preserved her, I trust, to his glory.  Brad. 
I pray you tell her, I read this day a godly history, written by Basilius magnus, 
A story of a faithful woman and Martyr in the primative Church called juled do Ex Basilio.  of a virtuous woman which was a widow, and was named juleddo. She had great lands, and many children, and nigh her dwelled a Cormorant, which for her virtuousness, & godly living had great indignition at her, & of very malice he took away her lands, so that she was constrained to go to the law with him: & in conclusion the matter came to the trial before the judge, who demanded of this Tyrant why he wrongfully with held these lands from this woman. He made answer & said: he might so do, for (saith he) this woman is disobedient to the kings proceedings: for she will in no wise worship his gods nor offer sacrifice unto them. Then the judge hearing that, said unto her: Woman, if this be true, thou art not only like to lose thy land, but also thy life, unless that thou worship our gods, and do sacrifice unto them. This godly woman hearing that, stepped me forth to the judge, & said: Is there no remedy, but either to worship your false gods, or else to lose my lands & life? then farewell suit, farewell lands, farewell children, farewell friends, yea & farewell life too: and in respect of the true honour of the everliving God, farewell all. And with that saying did the judge commit her to prison, and afterward she suffered most cruel death: and being brought to the place of execution, she exhorted all women to be strong and constant. For (saith she) ye were redeemed with as dear a price as men. For although ye were made of the rib of the man, 
Example of juleddo Martyr.  yet be you also of his flesh: so that also in the case & trial of your faith towards God, ye ought to be as strong. And thus died she constantly, not fearing death. I pray you tell your Mistress of this history.  Seru. 
That shall I sir by God's grace: for she told me that she was with you and M. Saunders, and received your gentle counsel.  Brad. 
We never gave her other counsel but the truth, & in witness thereof we have & will seal it with our bloods. For I thought this night that I had been sent for, because at a 11. of the clock there was such rapping at the door.  
Then answered a maid, and said: why then I perceive you were afraid.  Brad. 

M. Bradford nothing afraid of death.  Ye shall hear how fearful I was. For I considered that I had not slept, and I thought to take a nap before I went: and after I was a sleep, these men came into the next chamber, and sang, as it was told me, and yet for all my fearfulness I heard them not: therefore belike I was not afraid, that slept so fast.  Seru. 
Do you lack any thing toward your necessity?  Brad. 
Nothing but your prayers, & I trust I have them, and you mine.  Seru. 
I saw a priest come to you to day in the morning.  Brad. 
Yea, he brought me a letter from a Friar, and I am writing an answer.  Seru. 
Then we let you, therefore the living God be with you.  Brad. 
And with you also, and bless you.  Seru. 
Amen, said we, and gave him thanks, & departed.  

M. Bradford had from the Counter to Newgate by night.  THus still in prison continued Bradford, until the month of july, in such labours & sufferings as he before always had sustained in prison. But when the time of his determined death was come, he was suddenly conveyed out of the Counter where he was prisoner, in the night season to Newgate, as afore is declared, & from thence he was carried the next morning to Smithfield, where he constantly abiding in the same truth of God, which before he had confessed, earnestly exhorting the people to repent & to return to Christ, & sweetly comforting the godly young springal of 19 or 20. years old, which was burned with him, cheerfully he ended his painful life, to live with Christ.   

¶ john Leaf burnt with M. Bradford.  

john leaf fellow Martyr with M. Bradford.  WIth whom also was burnt one john leaf an apprentice to Humphrey gaudy Tallow Chaundlor, of the parish of Christ's church in London, of the age of 19 years and above, borne at Kirkeby Moreside, in the county of York: who upon the friday next before Palm sunday was committed to the Counter in Breadstreete, 
john Leaf of the parish of Christ church, by the Alderman of that ward committed to prison.  by an Alderman of London, who had rule & charge of that ward or part of the City, where the said Leaf did dwell. After he coming to examination before Boner, gave a firm & Christian testimony of his doctrine & profession, answering to such articles as were objected to him by the said Bishop.  
First, as touching his belief & faith in the said sacrament of the altar, 

john leaf examined before B. Boner.  
The answers of john leaf concerning his faith in the Sacrament.   he answered, that after the words of consecration spoken by the priest over the bread & wine, there was not the very true & natural body & blood of Christ in substance: and further did hold and believe, that the said sacrament of the altar, as it is now called, used, & believed in this realm of England, is idolatrous & abominable: & also said further, that he believed, that after the words of consecration spoken by the Priest over the material bread and wine, there is not the self same substance of Christ's body & blood there contained, but bread & wine, as it was before: and further said, that he believed, that when the priest delivereth the said material bread & wine to the communicants, he delivereth but only 
* 
Only as touching the substance but not as concerning the effect thereof. Auricular confession.  
He meaneth after the Popish manner of remitting. etc.   material bread and wine, and the communicants do receive the same in remembrance of Christ's death and passion, and spiritually in faith they receive Christ's body and blood, but not under the forms of bread and wine: and also affirmed that he believed auricular confession not to be necessary to be made unto a priest, for it is no point of soul health, neither that the Priest hath any authority given him by the Scripture, to absolve and remit any sin.  
Upon these his answers and testimony of his faith, he at that time being dismissed, was bid the Monday next, being the x. of june, to appear again in the said place, there and then to hear the sentence of his condemnation: who so did. At what time the foresaid Bishop propounding the said articles again to him, as before, assaying by all manner of ways, to revoke him to his own trade, that is, from truth to error, notwithstanding all his persuasions, threats and promises, found him the same man still, so planted upon the sure rock of truth, that no words nor deeds of men could remove him.  
Then the bishop after many words to and fro, at last asked him, if he had been M. Roger's scholar? 
john Lea●e M. Roge●● scholar.  To whom the foresaid john leaf answered again, granting him so to be: and that he the same john did believe in the doctrine of the said Rogers, and in the doctrine of Bishop Hooper, Card-maker, and other of their opinion, which of late were burned for the testimony of Christ, and that he would die in that doctrine that they died for: And after other replications again of the Bishop, moving him to return to the unity of the Church, he with a great courage of spirit answered again in these words: My Lord quoth he, you call mine opinion heresy: it is the true light of the word of God: and again repeating the same, he professed that he would never forsake his stayed & well grounded opinion, while the breath should be in his body. Whereupon the Bishop being too weak, either to refute his sentence, or to remove his constancy, proceeded consequently to read the Popish sentence of cruel condemnation, 
Sentence read against john leaf.  whereby this godly & constant young man being committed to the secular power of the sheriffs there present, was then adjudged, & not long after suffered the same day with M. Bradford, confirming with his death that which he had spoken and professed in his life.  
It is reported of the said john Leaf, by one that was in the Counter the same time, and saw the thing, 
john leaf sealed the bill of his confessions with his blood.  that after his examinations before the Bishop, when two bills were sent unto him in the Counter in Bredstreet, the one containing a recantation, the other his confessions, to know to which of them he would put to his hand, first hearing the Bill of recantation read unto him (because he could not read nor write himself) that he refused. And when the other was read unto him, which he well liked of, in stead of a pen he took a pin, and so pricking his hand, sprinkled the blood upon the said bill, willing the reader thereof, to show the Bishop, that he had sealed the same Bill with his blood already.   

* The behaviour of M. john Bradford Preacher, and the young man that suffered with him in Smithfield, named john leaf, a Prentice, which both suffered for the testimony of Christ.  
FIrst, when they came to the stake in Smithfielde to be burned, 
Bradford & john Leaf at the stake how they behaved themselves.  M. Bradford lying prostrate on the one side of the stake, and the young man john Leaf on the other side, they lay flat on their faces, praying to themselves the space of a minute of an hour. Then one of the Sheriffs said to M. Bradford: Arise and make an end: for the press of the people is great.  
At that word they both stood up upon their feet: and then M. Bradford took a faggot in his hand, and kissed it, and so likewise the stake. And when he had so done, he desired of the Sheriffs that his servant might have his raiment. For (said he) I have nothing else to give him: and besides that, he is a poor man. And the Sheriff said, he should have it. And so forthwith M. Bradford did put off his raiment, and went to the stake: and holding up his hands and casting his countenance to heaven, he said thus: O England, England, repent thee of thy sins, repent thee of thy sins. Beware of idolatry, 
The words of M. Brad●ford to England.  beware of false Antichristes take heed they do not deceive you. And as he was speaking these words, the Sheriff bade tie his hands, if he would not be quiet. O M. Sheriff (said M. Bradford) I am quiet: God forgive you this, Master Sheriff. And one of the officers which made the fire, hearing Master Bradford so speaking to the Sheriff, said: If you have no better learning than that, you are but a fool, and were best to hold your peace. To the which words M. Bradford gave no answer: but asked all the world forgiveness, and forgave all the world, and prayed the people to pray for him, and turned his head unto the young man that suffered with him, and said: Be of good comfort Brother, for we shall have a merry supper with the Lord this night: and so spoke no more words that any man did hear, but embracing the Reeds, said thus: Straight is the way, and narrow is the Gate that leadeth to eternal salvation, 
The saying of M. Bra●●ford at his death.  and few there be that find it.  
And thus they both ended their mortal lives, most likest two Lambs, without any alteration of their countenance, being void of all fear, hoping to obtain the price of the game that they had long run at: to the which I beseech Almighty God happily to conduct us, thorough the merits of jesus Christ our Lord and Saviour. Amen.  
❧ The description of the burning of M. john Bradford Preacher, and john Leaf a Prentice.  
TOuching M. Wodroffe the Sheriff, mention is made a little before, 
A notable 〈…〉 God● hand ●pon M. Wo●droffe.  how churlishly here he answered M. Bradford at the stake, not suffering him to speak, but commanding his hands to be tied. etc. The like extremity or worse, he used also before to M. Rogers: whereof ye have heard before.  
The said Wodroffe Sheriff above mentioned, was joined in office with an other, 
Sir William Chester commended.  called Sir William Chester, for the year 1555. Between these two Sheriffs such difference there was of judgement and Religion, that the one, that is, Master Wodroffe, was wont commonly to laugh, 
Difference between 2. Shrieve's, M. Woodroffe.  the other to shed tears at the death of Christ's people. And where as the other was wont to restrain and to beat the people, which were desirous to take them by the hands that should be burned: the other Sheriff contrariwise again with much sorrow and mildness behaved himself, which I wish here to be spoken & known to the commendation of him, although I do not greatly know the party.  
Furthermore, here by the way to note the severe punishment of God's hand against the said Wodroffe, as against all other such cruel persecutors, so it happened, that within half a year after the burning of this blessed Martyr, the said Sheriff was so stricken on the right side with such a palsy, or stroke of God's hand whatsoever it was, that for the space of eight years after, till his dying day, he was not able to turn himself in his bed, but as two men with a sheet were fayn to stir him: and withal such an insatiable devouring came upon him, that it was monstrous to see. And thus continued he the space of eight years together.   

¶ In mortem johannis Bradfordi constantissimi Martyris.  

Epit●phium i● joan B●●dfordum per joan 〈◊〉.  Discipulo nulli supra licet esse magistrum:  
Quique Deo seruit, tristia multa feret.  
Corripit omnipotens natum quem diligit omnem:  
Ad coelum stricta est difficilisque via.  
Has Bradforde tuo dum condis pictore voces:  
Non hominum rigidas terribilesque minas,  
Sed nec blanditias, non vim, nec vincula curas,  
Tradis & accensae membra cremanda pyrae.   

Here follow the letters of M. Bradford.  
THis godly Bradford and heavenly martyr, 
The letters of M. Bradford.  during the time of his imprisonment, wrote sundry comfortable Treatises, and many godly Letters, of which, some he wrote to the City of London, Cambridge, Walden, to Lankeshyre and Cheshire, & divers to his other private friends. By the which foresaid Letters, to the intent it may appear how godly this man occupied his time being prisoner, what special zeal he bore to the state of Christ's Church, what care he had to perform his office, how earnestly he admonished all men, how tenderly he comforted the heavy hearted: how fruitfully he confirmed them whom he had taught, I thought here good to place the same although to exhibit here all the letters that he wrote, 
Read the book of letters of the Martyrs.  (being in number so many, that they are able to fill a book) it cannot well be compassed, yet nevertheless we mind to excerpt the principal of them, referring the reader for the residue, to the book of Letters of the martyrs, where they may be found.  
And first, for so much as ye heard in the story before, 
The copy of M. Bradfordes letter whereof the Earl of Derby complained in in the Parliament.  how the Earl of Derby complained in the Parliament house, of certain Letters written of john Bradford out of prison, to lancashire, and also how he was charged both of the Bishop of Winchester, and of M. Allen with the same letters, to the intent the Reader more perfectly may understand what letters they were, being written in deed to his mother, brethren, and sisters, out of the Tower, before his condemnation, we will begin first with the same letters: the copy with the contents whereof is this, as followeth.  

¶ A comfortable letter of M. Bradford to his Mother, a godly matron, dwelling in Manchester, and to his brethren and sisters, and other of his friends there.  
OUr dear and sweet saviour jesus Christ, whose prisoner at this present (praised be his name therefore) I am, preserve and keep you my good mother, 
A letter of M. Bradford to his mother, brethren and sisters.  with my brothers and sisters, my Father john Traves, Thomas Sorrocold, Laurence and james Bradshaw, with their wives and families. etc. now and for ever. Amen.  
I am at this present in prison sure enough for starring, to confirm that I have preached unto you: as I am ready (I thank God) with my life and blood to seal the same, if god vouch me worthy of that honour. For good mother and brethren, it is a most special benefit of God, to suffer for his name's sake and gospel, as now I do: I heartily thank him for it, and am sure that with him I shall be partaker of his glory, as Paul saith? If we suffer with him we shall reign with him. Therefore be not faint hearted, but rather rejoice, 
2. Tim. 2.  at the least for my sake which now am in the right and high way to heaven: for by many afflictions we must enter into the kingdom of heaven. 
Acts. 14.  Now will God make known his children. When the wind doth not blow, then can not a man know the wheat from the chaff: but when the blast cometh, then fleeth away the chaff, but the wheat remaineth, and is so far from being hurt that by the wind it is more cleansed from the chaff and known to be whea●e. Gold when it is cast into the fire, is the more precious: so are Gods children by the cross of affliction. 
God beginneth his judgement with his own house.  Always God beginneth his judgement at his house. Christ and the Apostles were in most misery in the land of jewry, but yet the whole land smarted for it after: so now God's Children are first chastised in this world, that they should not be damned with the world: for surely great plagues of God hang over this Realm.  
Ye all know there was never more knowledge of god and less godly living and true serving of God. It was counted a foolish thing to serve God truly, 
Complaint of the Carnal and wicked life among the Gospelers.  and earnest prayer was not passed upon. Preaching was but a pastime. The Communion was counted too common. Fasting to subdue the flesh, was far out of use. Alms was almost nothing. Malice, Covetousness, and uncleanness, was common every where, with swearing, drunkenness, and idleness. God therefore now is come, as you have heard me preach, and because he will not damn us with the world he beginneth to punish us: as me for my carnal living. For as for my preaching, I am most certain it is & was God's truth, and I trust to give my life for it by God's grace: But because I loved not the Gospel truly, but outwardly, therefore doth he thus punish me: nay rather in punishing blesseth me. And in deed I thank him more of this prison, 
The cause why God first punisheth his in this world.  then of any Parlour, yea then of any pleasure that ever I had: for in it I find God my most sweet good God always. The flesh is punished, first to admonish us now heartily to live as we profess, secondly, to certify the wicked of their just damnation, if they repent not.  
Perchance you are weakened in that which I have preached, because God doth not defend it (as you think) but suffereth the popish doctrine to come again and prevail: but you must know, good mother, that God by this doth prove and try his children & people whether they will unfeignedly and simply hang on him & his word. 
God useth to prove and try his children.  So did he with the Israelites, bringing them into a Desert after their coming out of Egypt, where (I mean the wilderness) was want of all things in comparison of that which they had in egypt. Christ, when he came into this world, brought no worldly wealth nor quietness with him, but rather war The world (saith he) shall rejoice, but ye shall mourn & weep but your weeping shallbe turned into joy: 
john. 16.  and therefore happy are they that mourn and weep, for they shallbe comforted. They are marked then with God's mark in their foreheads, and not with the beasts mark, I mean the pope's shaven ●rowne, 
Of this place the Earl of Derby seemeth to take hold, complaining that he curseth them that teacheth any false doctrine. etc. Page 1523. The Mass rebuketh no sin nor shameth consciences, as preaching doth.  who now with his shavelings rejoice: but woe unto them, for they shallbe cast down, they shall weep and mourn. The rich glutton had here his joy and Lazarus sorrow, but afterwards the time was changed. The end of carnal joy is sorrow. Now let the whoremonger joy with the drunkard, swearer, covetous, malicious and blind buzzard sir john: for the Mass will not bite them, neither make them to blush, as preaching would. Now may they do what they will, come devils to the Church and go devils home, for no man must find fault. And they are glad of this: now have they their hearts desire, as the Sodomites had when Loath was gone, but what followed? Forsooth when they cried peace, all shallbe well, then came God's vengeance, fire & brimstone from heaven, and burnt up every mother's child: even so dear mother will it do to our papists.  
Wherefore fear God: stick to his word though all the world would serve from it. die you must once, & when or how, 
The best death▪ of all deaths, is to die for God's sake.  can you not tell. die therefore with Christ, suffer for serving him truly and after his word: for sure may we be that of all deaths it is most to be desired to die for god's sake. This is the most safe kind of dying: we can not doubt but that we shall go to heaven, if we die for his name's sake. And that you shall die for his name's sake God's word will warrant you, if you stick to that which God by me hath taught you. You shall see that I speak as I think: for by God's grace I will drink before you of this cup, if I be put to it.  
I doubt not but God will give me his grace, & strengthen me thereunto: pray that he would, and that I refuse it not. I am at a point even when my Lord God will, to come to him. Death nor life, Prison nor pleasure (I trust in God) shallbe able to separate me from my Lord God & his Gospel. In peace when no persecution was, then were you content and glad to hear me, than did you believe me and will you not do so now, seeing I speak that which I trust by God's grace, if need be to verify with my life? Good mother, I writ before God to you, as I have preached before him.  
It is God's truth I have taught: It is that same infallible word whereof he said: Heaven and earth shall pass: but my word shall not pass The mass and such baggage as the false worshippers of God and enemies of Christ's Cross (the Papists I say) have brought in again, 
The Mass is a poison to the Church.  to poison the Church of God withal, displeaseth God highly, and is abominable in his sight. Happy may he be which of conscience suffereth loss of life or goods in dissalowing it. Come not at it. If God be God follow him: If the Mass be God: let them that will, see it, hear, or be present at it, 
Comparison between the lords supper, and the Mass.  & go to the devil with it. What is there as God ordained? His supper was ordained to be received of us in the memorial of his death, for the confirmation of our faith, that his body was broken for us, & his blood shed for pardon of our sins: but in the mass there is no receiving, but the p●iest keepeth all to himself alone. Christ saith, Take eat: No, saith the Priest: gape, peep. There is a sacrificing, yea killing of Christ again as much as they may. There is Idolatry in worshipping the outward sign of bread & wine, there is all in Latin, you cannot tell what he saith. To conclude, there is nothing as God ordained. Wherefore my good mother come not at it.  
Oh, will some say, it will hinder you, 
Doubts, & objections answered Math. 19  if you refuse to come to mass and to do as other do. But God will further you, (be you assured) as you shall one day find: who hath promised to them that suffer hindrance or loss of any thing in this world, his great blessing here, and in the world to come life everlasting.  
You shall be counted an heretic: but not of others then of heretics, whose praise is a dispraise.  
You are not able to reason against the Priests: but God will, that all they shall not be able to withstand you. No body will do so but you only: In deed no matter, for ●ewe enter into the narrow gate which bringeth to salvation. Howbeit, you shall have with you (I doubt not) Father Traves and other my brothers and sisters to go with you therein: but if they will not, I your son in God (I trust) shall not leave you an inch, but go before you: pray that I may, & give thanks for me. Rejoice in my suffering, for it is for your sakes to confirm the truth I have taught. How soever you do, beware this letter come not abroad, but into father Traves his hands: 
For all this caveat, yet this letter came to the Earl of Darbyes' knowledge.  for if it should be known that I have pen and ink in the prison, then would it be worse with me. Therefore to yourselves keep this letter, commending me to God & his mercy in Christ jesus, who make me worthy for his name's sake, to give my life for his Gospel and Church sake. Out of the Tower of London, the sixth day of October. 1553.  
My name I writ not for causes, you know it well enough: Like the letter never the worse. Commend me to all our good brethren and sisters in the Lord. Howsoever you do, be obedient to the higher powers, that is no point either in hand or tongue rebel, but rather if they command that which with good conscience you cannot obey, lay your head on the block, and suffer what soever they shall do or say. By patience possess your souls.  
After the time that M. Bradford, was condemned, and sent to the Counter, it was purposed of his adversaries, as ye heard before, that he should be had to Manchester where he was borne, and there be burned. Whereupon he writeth to the City of London, thinking to take his last Vale of them in this letter.   

¶ To the City of London.  
TO all that profess the Gospel and true doctrine of our Lord and Saviour jesus Christ in the City of London, 
A fruitful letter of M. Bradford 〈◊〉 the city o● London.  john Bradford a most unworthy servant of the Lord now not only in prison, but also excommunicated & condemned to be burned for the same true doctrine, wisheth mercy, grace, & peace with increase of all godly knowledge and piety, from God the father of mercy, through the merits of our alone and omnisufficient Redeemer jesus Christ, by the operation of the holy spirit for ever. Amen.  
My dearly beloved brethren in our Saviour Christ, although the time, I have to live is very little (for hourly I look when I should be had hence to be conveyed into Lankeshyre, there to be burned, and to render my life by the providence of God, where I first received it by the same providence, and although the charge is great to keep me from all things whereby I might signify any thing to the world of my state: yet having, as now I have, pen & ink, through Gods working, maugre the head of Satan and his soldiers, I thought good to write a short confession of my faith, and thereto join a little exhortation unto you all, to live according to your profession.  
First, for my faith, I do confess and pray all the whole Congregation of Christ to bear witness with me of the same, that I do believe constantly through the gift & goodness of God, (for faith is Gods only gift) all the 12. articles of the Symbol or Creed, commonly attributed to the collection of the Apostles. This my faith I would gladly particularly declare and expound to the confirmation and comfort of the simple: but alas, by starts & stealth I writ in manner that I writ, and therefore I shall desire you all to take this brevity in good part. And this faith I hold, not because of the Creed itself, but because of the word of God, the which teacheth and confirmeth every Article accordingly. This word of God written by the Prophets and Apostles, left and contained in the Canonical books of the whole Bible, I do believe to contain plentifully all things necessary to salvation, so that nothing (as necessary to salvation) ought to be added thereto and therefore the Church of Christ, 
 nor none of his congregation ought to be burdened with any other doctrine, than which hereout hath his foundation and ground. In testimony of this faith, I render and give my life, being condemned as well for not acknowledging the Antichrist of Rome to be Christ's vicar general and supreme head of his Catholic and universal Church here or else whereupon earth: as for denying the horrible and idolatrous doctrine of Transubstantiation, and Christ's real, corporal, and carnal presence in his supper, under the forms and accidences of bread and wine.  
To believe Christ our Saviour to be the head of his Church, and kings in their Realms to be the supreme powers, to whom every soul oweth obedience, and to believe that in the supper of Christ (which the Sacrament of the altar, as the Papists call it, and use it, doth utterly overthrow) is a true and very presence of whole Christ God and man to the faith of the receiver, but not to the slander by & looker upon as it is a true & very presence of bread & wine to the senses of men: to believe this (I say) will not serve, and therefore as an herericke I am condemned, and shallbe burned: whereof I ask God heartily mercy that I do no more rejoice than I do, having so great cause as to be an instrument wherein it may please my dear Lord God and Saviour to suffer.  
For albeit more manifold sins, even sithen I came into prison, have deserved at the hands of God, not only this temporal, but also eternal fire in hell, much more than my former sinful life, which the Lord pardon, for his Christ's sake, as I know he of his mercy hath done, & never will lay mine iniquities to my charge, to condemnation, so great is his goodness (praised therefore be his holy name) although (I say) my manifold and grievous late sins have deserved most justly all the tyranny that man or devil can do unto me, 
 and therefore I confess that the Lord is just: & that his judgements be true and deserved on my behalf: yet the Bishops and Prelates do not persecute them in me, but Christ himself, his word, his truth, and Religion. And therefore I have great cause, yea most great cause to rejoice that ever I was borne, and hitherto kept of the Lord: that by my death, which is deserved for my sins, it pleaseth the heavenly father to glorify his name, to testify his truth, to confirm his verity, 
 to repugn his adversaries. Oh good God and merciful father, forgive my great unthankfulness, especially herein.  
And you my dearly beloved, for the Lord jesus Christ's sake, I humbly and heartily in his bowels & blood do now for my last Vale and farewell in this present life, beseech you and every of you, that you will consider this work of the Lord accordingly: First, by me to be admonished to beware of hypocrisy and carnal security: profess not the Gospel with tongue and lips only, but in hart & verity: 
 frame and fashion your lives accordingly: beware God's name be not evil spoken of, and the Gospel less regarded by your conversation. God forgive me that I have not so heartily professed it as I should have done, but have sought much myself therein. The Gospel is a new doctrine to the old man: it is new wine, and therefore cannot be put in old bottles, 
 without more great hurt than good wine to the bottles. If we will talk with the Lord, we must put of our shoes and carnal affections: if we will hear the voice of the Lord, we must wash our garments and be holy: if we will be Christ's disciples, we must deny ourselves, take up our cross and follow Christ we cannot serve two masters. If we seek Christ's kingdom, we must also seek for the righteousness thereof. 
Christian profession requireth Christian conversation.  To this petition (Let thy kingdom come) we must join, Thy will be done, done, on earth as it is in heaven. If we will not be doers of the word, but hearers of it only, we sore deceive ourselves. If we hear the gospel, and love it not, we declare ourselves to be but fools, and builders upon the sand. The lords spirit hateth feigning: deceitfulness the Lord abhorreth: if we come to him, we must beware that we come not with a double hart: for than may chance that God will answer us according to the block which is in our heart, and so we shall deceive ourselves and others.  
To faith see that we couple a good conscience, lest we make a shipwreck. 
Faith would be coupled ever with a good conscience.  To the Lord we must come with fear and reverence. If we will be gospelers, we must be Christ's: if we be Christ's, we must crucify our flesh with the lusts and concupiscences thereof: if we will be under grace sin must not bear rule in us. We may not come to the Lord, and draw nigh to him with our lips, and leave our hearts else where, lest the lords wrath wax hot, 
He exhorteth to repentance.  and he take from us the good remaining. In no case can the kingdom of Christ approach to them that repent not. Therefore my dearly beloved, let us repent and be heartily sorry that we have so carnally, so hypocritically, so covetously, so vaynegloriously professed the gospel. For all these I confess myself to the glory of God, that he may cover mine offences in the day of judgement. Let the anger & plagues of God, most justly fallen upon us, be applied to every one of our deserts, that from the bottom of our hearts every of us may say: It is I Lord that have sinned against thee: it is my hypocrisy, my vainglory, my covetousness, uncleanness, carnality, security, idleness, unthankfulness, self-love, 
Our sins provoke persecution.  and such like, which have deserved the taking away of our good king, of thy word and true religion, of thy good ministers by exile, prisonment, and death: it is my wickedness that causeth success and increase of authority and peace to thine enemies. Oh be merciful, be merciful unto us. 
He exhorteth to pray, & how to pray with repentance.  Turn to us again, O Lord of hosts, & turn us unto thee: correct us, but not in thy fury, lest we be consumed in thine anger: chastise us not in thy wrathful displeasure: reprove us not, but in the midst of thine anger remember thy mercy. For if thou mark what is done amiss, who shall be able to abide it? But with thee is mercifulness, that thou mightest be worshipped. Oh then be merciful unto us, that we might truly worship thee. Help us, for the glory of thy name: be merciful unto our sins, for they are great: O heal us, and help us for thine honour. Let not the wicked people say, where is their God. etc.  
On this sort my right dearly beloved, let us heartily bewail our sins, repent us of our former evil life, heartily and earnestly purpose to amend our lives in all things continually watch in prayer, diligently and reverently attend, hear, and read the holy scriptures, labour after our vocation to amend our brethren. 
Praying, hearing & reading the holy scriptures.  Let us reprove the works of darkness. Let us flee from all idolatry. Let us abhor the Antichristian and romish rotten service, detest the popish Mass, abrenounce their romish God, prepare ourselves to the cross, be obedient to all that be in authority in all things that be not against God and his word for then answer with the Apostles: It is more meet to obey God then man. Howbeit never for any thing resist, 
Obedience to magistrates in all that is not against God's word.  or rise against the magistrates, Avenge not yourselves, but commit your cause to the Lord, to whom vengeance pertaineth, and he in his time will reward it. If you feel in yourselves an hope and trust in God, that he will never tempt you above that he will make you able to bear, 
Patience.  be assured the Lord will be true to you: and you shall be able to bear all brunts. But if you want this hope, flee and get you hence rather than by your tarrying God's name should be dishonoured.  
In sum, cast your care on the Lord, knowing for most certain, that he is careful for you: with him are all the hears of your head numbered, so that not one of them shall perish without his good pleasure and will: much more them, nothing shall hap to your bodies, which shall not be profitable, how soever for a time it seem otherwise to your senses. Hang on the providence of God, 
We ought to depend upon God's providence always.  not only when you have means to help you, but also when you have no means, yea when all means be against you. give him this honour, which of all other things he most chief requireth at your hands: namely believe that you are his children through Christ, that he is your father and God through him, that he loveth you, pardoneth you all your offences, he is with you in trouble, and will be with you for ever. When you fall, he will put under his hand, you shall not lie still: before you call upon him, he heareth you: out of evil he will finally bring you, and deliver you to his eternal joy. Doubt not my dearly beloved hereof, doubt not (I say) this will God your father do for you in respect, not of yourselves, but in respect of christ your Captain your Pastor, your keeper, out of whose hands none shallbe able to catch you, 
All our hope is only in Christ & for his sake to be received.  in him be quiet, & often consider your dignity, namely how that ye be God's children, the saints of God, citizens of heaven, temples of the holy Ghost, the thrones of God, members of Christ, and Lords over all.  
Therefore be ashamed to think, speak, or do any thing that should be unseemly for God's children, Gods saints Christ's members. 
To bear the Crosse.  etc. Marvel not though the devil and the world hate you, though ye be persecuted here: for the servant is not above his master. Covet not earthly riches, 
Mortification.  fear not the power of man, love not this world, nor things that be in this world: but long for the Lord jesus his coming, at which time your bodies shall be made like unto his glorious body, when he appeareth you shall be like unto him: when your life shall thus be revealed, then shall ye appear with him in glory.  
In the mean season live in hope hereof. Let the life you lead be in the faith of the son of God: For the just doth live by faith, which faith fleeth from all evil, & followeth the word of God as a Lantern to her feet and a light to her steps: her eyes be above where Christ is, she beholdeth not the things present, but rather things to come: she glorieth in affliction, she knoweth that the afflictions of this life are not like to be compared to the glory which God will reveal to us, 

We must live in the faith of Christ.  
The property of faith.   and in us. Of this glory GOD grant us here a lively taste: then shall we run after the sent it sendeth forth. It will make us valiant men to take to us the kingdom of God: whither the Lord of mercy bring us in his good time, through christ our Lord, to whom with the father and the holy ghost, three people and one God, be all honour and glory, world without end. Amen.  
My dearly beloved, I would gladly have given here my body to have been burned for the confirmation of the true doctrine I have taught here unto you. But that my Country must have. Therefore I pray you take in good part this signification of my good will towards every of you. Impute the want herein to time and trouble. Pardon me mine offensive and negligent behaviour when I was amongst you. With me repent, & labour to amend. Continue in the truth which I have truly taught unto you by preaching in all places where I have come, God's name therefore be praised. Confess Christ when you be called, whatsoever cometh thereof, and the God of peace be with us all. Amen.  
This xi. of Februar. an. 1555. Your brother in bonds for the lords sake, john Bradford.   

To the university and town of Cambridge.  
TO all that love the Lord jesus and his true doctrine, being in the university and town of Cambridge, 
another letter of M. Bradford to the university of Cambridge.  john Bradford a most unworthy servant of the Lord, now not only prisoned, but also condemned for the same true doctrine, wisheth, grace peace, and mercy, with increase of all godliness from God the father of all mercy, through the bloody passion of our Saviour jesus Christ, by the lively working of the holy spirit for ever. Amen.  
Although I look hourly when I should be had to the stake (my right dearly beloved in the Lord, and although the charge over me is great and straight: yet having by the providence of God secretly pen and an ink, I could not but something signify unto you my solicitude which I have for you and every of you in the Lord, though not as I would, yet as I may. You have often and openly heard the truth, (specially in this matter wherein I am condemned) disputed and preached, that it is needless to do any more but only to put you in remembrance of the same: but hitherto have you not heard it confirmed, and, as it were, sealed up, as now you do and shall hear by me, that is, by my death and burning. For albeit I have deserved (through my uncleanness, hypocrisy, avarice, vainglory, idleness, unthankfulness, and carnality, whereof I accuse myself, to my confusion before the world, that before God through Christ I might, as my assured hope is I shall, find mercy) eternal death, and hell fire, much more than this affliction and fire prepared for me: yet my dearly beloved, it is not these, or any of these things, wherefore the prelate's do persecute me, but God's verity and truth: yea even christ himself is the only cause and thing wherefore I now am condemned, 
The Martyrs persecuted of the prelate's not for their sins, but only for Christ.  and shallbe burned as an heretic, for because I will not grant the Antichrist of Rome to be Christ's vicar general and supreme head of his church here, and every where upon earth, by God's ordinance, and because I will not grant such corporal, real, and carnal presence of Christ's body & blood in the sacrament, as doth transubstanciate the substance of bread and wine, and is received of the wicked, 
The 〈◊〉 of his co●●demna●io● declared.  yea of dogs & mice. Also I am excommunicated, and counted as a dead menber of Christ's Church, as a rotten branch, and therefore shall be cast into the fire.  
Therefore ye ought heartily to rejoice with me, and to give thanks for me, that God the eternal father hath vouched safe our mother to bring up any child in whom it would please him to magnify his holy name as he doth, 
A great mercy of God to turn the death of ● saints 〈◊〉 deseru●● to serve a confirm●●tion of his own glor●  and I hope for his mercy and truths sake, will do in me, and by me. Oh, what such benefit upon earth can it be, as that that which deserved death by reason of my sins, should be delivered to a demonstration, a testification, and confirmation of God's verity and truth? Thou my mother the University hast not only had the truth of god's word plainly manifested unto thee by reading, disputing and preaching publicly and privately: but now to make thee altogether excuseless, and as it were, almost to sin against the holy Ghost, if thou put to thy helping hand with the romish rout to suppress the verity, and set out the contrary, thou hast my life and blood as a zeal to confirm thee: if thou wilt be confirmed▪ or else to confound thee and bear witness against thee, if thou wilt take part with the prelate's and clergy, 
Cantabri●●ense● 〈…〉 moniti.  which now fill up the measure of their fathers which slew the Prophets and Apostles, that all righteous blood from Abel to Bradforde, sued upon the earth, may be required at their hands.  
Of this therefore I thought good before my death, as time and liberty would suffer me (for love and duty I bear unto thee) to admonish thee good mother, and my sister the Town, that you would call to mind from whence you are fallen, and study to do the first works. You know (if you will these matters of the 
Read before the letter Cambrid●● to K. Hen●● 8. pag. 1104.  Romish supremacy, and the Antichristian transubstantiation, wh●●●by Christ's supper is overthrown, his priesthood evacuate, his sacrifice frustrate, the ministry of his word unplaced, repentance repelled, faith fainted, godliness extinguished, the Mass maintained, idolatry supported, and all impiety cherished: you know I say (if you will) that these opinions are not only besides God's word, but even directly against it, and therefore to take part with them, is to take part against God, against whom you cannot prevail.  
Therefore for the tender mercy of Christ, in his bowels and blood I beseech you, to take Christ's collyrium and eye salve to anoint your eyes, that you may see what you do and have done in admitting (as I hear you have admitted, yea alas authorised, and by consent confirmed) the Romish rotten rags, which once you utterly expelled. Oh be not canis reversus ad vomitum, be not 
* The 〈◊〉 returned to his own vomit.  Sus lota reversa ad volutabrum coeni, Beware lest Satan enter in with seven other spirits, and then postrema shallbe worse than the first. It had been better ye had never known the truth, then after knowledge to run from it. Ah, woe to this world and the things therein, 
* The so●● that was washed returned to 〈…〉 in the ●ite. 2. Pet. 1.  which hath now so wrought with you. Oh that ever this dirt of the devil should daub up the eye of the Realm. For thou oh mother art as it were the eye of the Realm. If thou be light and give shine all the body shall far the better: But if thou the light be darkness, alas how great will the darkness be? What is man whose breath is in his nostrils, that thou shouldest thus be afraid of him?  
Oh what is honour and life here? Bubbles. What is glory in this world, but shame? Why art thou afraid to carry Christ's Cross? Wilt thou come into his kingdom, and not drink of his cup? Dost thou not know Rome to be Babylon? 
The glory of this world is a vain thing. Babylon hath juda in captivity.  dost thou not know that as the old Babylon had the children of juda in captivity, so hath this Rome the true juda, that is the confessors of Christ? Dost thou not know, that as destruction happened unto it, so shall it do unto this (And trowest thou that God will not deliver his people now when the time is come, as he did the●. Hath not God commanded his people to come out from her▪ and wilt thou give ensample to the whole Realm to run unto her▪ Hast thou forgotten the woe that Christ threatneh to offence givers? Wilt thou not remember that it were better that a millstone were hanged about thy neck, and thou throw into the sea, then that thou shouldest offend the little ones?  
And alas, how hast thou offended? yea and how dost thou still offend? 
The church ●●ndeth 〈◊〉 in the outward show.  Wilt thou consider things according to the outward show? Was not the Synagogue more seemly and like to be the true Church, than the simple flock of Christ's Disciples? Hath not the whore of Babylon more costly array, and rich apparel externally to set forth herself, than the homely housewyfe of Christ? Where is the beauty of the kings daughter the Church of Christ? without or within? Doth not David say within? Oh remember that as they are happy which are not offended at christ so are they happy which are not offended at his poor church. Can the Pope and his prelate's mean honestly which make so much of the wife, and so little of the husband? The Church they magnify, but Christ they contemn. If this Church were an honest woman (that is, Christ's wife) except they would make much of her husband Christ and his word, she would not be made much of them.  
When Christ and his Apostles were upon earth, who was more like to be the true Church, they, or the Prelates, Bishops, & Synagogue? If a man should have followed custom unity, antiquity, or the more part, should not Christ and his company have been cast out of the doors? Therefore bade Christ: Search the scriptures. 
 And, good mother, shall the servant be above his master▪ shall we look for other entertainment at the hands of the world, than Christ and his dear Disciples found? who was taken in noah's time for the Church? Poor Noah and his family, or others? Who was taken for God's Church in Sodom? Lot, or others? And doth not Christ say: As it was than, so shall it go now towards the coming of the son of man? What meaneth Christ when he saith: Iniquity shall have the upper hand? doth not he tell, that charity shall wax cold? And who seethe not a wonderful great lack of charity in those, which would now be taken for Christ's Church: All that fear GOD in this Realm truly, can tell more of this than I can write.  
Therefore dear mother, receive some admonition of one of thy poor children, now going to be burned for the testimony of jesus. Come again to God's truth: come out of Babylon: confess Christ and his true doctrine: repent that which is past: make amends by declaring thy repentance by the fruits. 
 Remember the readings and preachings of God's Prophet and true Preacher M Bucer. Call to mind the threatenings of God, now something seen by the children leaver and others. Let the exile of leaver, Pilkinton, grindal, Haddon, Horn, Scorye Ponet. etc. something awake thee. Let the imprisonment of thy dear sons, Cranmer, Ridley, and Latimer move thee. Consider the martyrdom of thy chickens, Rogers, Saunders, Taylor. And now cast not away the poor admonition of me going to be burned also, and to receive the like crown of glory with my fellows. Take to heart Gods calling by us. Be not as Pharaoh was: for than will it happen unto thee as it did unto him. What is that hardness of hart. And what then? destruction eternally both of body and soul. Ah therefore good mother awake, awake, repent, repent, buskle thyself, and make haste to turn to the Lord. For else it shallbe more easy for Sodom and Gomorra in the day of judgement then for thee. Oh harden not your hearts: Oh stop not your ears to day in hearing Gods voice, though it be by me a most unworthy messenger. Oh fear the Lord, for his anger is begun to kindle. Even now the axe is laid to the root of the tree.  
You know I prophesied truly to you before the Sweat came, 
 what would come, if you repented not your carnal Gospelling. And now I tell you before I depart hence, that the ears of men will tingle to hear of the vengeance of God that will fall upon you all, both Town and University, if you repent, not, if you leave not your Idolatry, if you turn not speedily to the Lord, if you still be ashamed of Christ's truth which you know.  
Oh Perne repent, Oh Thomson repent, Oh you Doctors, Bachelors, & Masters repent, Oh Mayor, Aldermen, & Town dwellers repent, repent, repent, that you may escape the near vengeance of the Lord. Rend your hearts, & come apace, calling on the Lord. Let us all say, Peccavimus, we have all sinned, we have done wickedly, we have not hearkened to thy voice O Lord. Deal not with us after our deserts, but be merciful to our iniquities, for they are great. Oh pardon our offences. In thine anger remember thy mercy. Turn us unto thee, O Lord God of hosts, for the glory of thy names sake. Spare us, and be merciful unto us. Let not the wicked people say: where is now their God: Oh for thine own sake, for thy name's sake, deal mercifully with us. Turn thyself unto us, and us unto thee, and we shall praise thy name for ever.  
If in this sort (my dearly beloved) in hart and mouth we come unto our father, & prostrate ourselves before the throne of his grace, then surely surely we shall find mercy. Then shall the Lord look merely upon us, for his mercy sake in Christ: then shall we hear him speak peace unto his people. 
God● mercy 〈◊〉 to Cambridge if it repent.  For he is gracious & merciful, of great pity, & compassion: he can not be chiding for ever: his anger can not last long to the penitent. Though we weep in the morning, yet at night we shall have our sorrow to cease. For he is favourable, and hath no pleasure in the death of a sinner: he rather would our conversion and turning.  
Oh turn you now, and convert yet once again I humbly beseech you, and then the kingdom of heaven shall draw nigh. The eye hath not scene, the ear hath not heard, nor the hart of man is able to conceive the joys prepared for us if we repent, amend our lives, and heartily turn to the Lord. But if we repent not, 
 but be as you were, and go on forwards with the wicked, following the fashion of the world, the Lord will lead you on with wicked doers, you shall perish in your wickedness, your blood will be upon your own heads, your part shallbe with hypocrites, where shallbe weeping & gnashing of teeth, ye shallbe cast from the face of the Lord for ever and ever, eternal shame, sorrow, woe, and misery shallbe both in body and soul to you world without end. Oh therefore right dear to me in the Lord, turn you turn you, repent you, repent you, amend, amend your lives, depart from evil, do good, follow peace and pursue it. Come out from Babylon, cast of the works of darkness, put on Christ, confess his truth, be not ashamed of his Gospel, prepare yourselves to the Cross, drink of God's cup before it come to the dregs: and then shall I with you and for you, rejoice in the day of judgement, which is at hand, and therefore prepare yourselves thereto, I heartily beseech you. And thus I take my vale in aeternum with you in this present life, mine own dear hearts in the Lord. The Lord of mercy be with us all, and give us a joyful and sure meeting in his kingdom. Amen. Amen.  
Out of prison the 11. of February. Anno. 1555. Your own in the Lord for ever, john Bradford.   

¶ To Lankeshire and Cheshire.  
TO all those that profess his name and true Religion of our saviour jesus Christ in Lankeshyre and Cheshire, 
another letter of M. Bradford to Lankeshire, Cheshire, and specially to Manchester.  and specially abiding in Manchester and thereabout john Bradford a most unworthy servant of the Lord, now not only in bounds, but also condemned for the same true religion, wisheth mercy and grace, peace and increase of all godliness from God the father of all pity, through the deserts of our Lord jesus Christ, by the working of the most mighty and lively spirit the comforter for ever. Amen.  
I heard it reported credibly, my dearly beloved in the Lord, that my heavenly father hath thought it good to provide, that as I have preached his true doctrine and Gospel amongst you by word: so I shall testify & confirm the same by deed: That is, I shall with you leave my life, which by his providence. I first received there (for in Manchester was I borne) for a seal to the doctrine I have taught with you, and amongst you so: so that if from henceforth you waver in the same, you have none excuse at all. I know the enemies of Christ, which exercise this cruelty upon me (I speak in respect of mine offence which is none to themwardes) think by killing of me amongst you, to affray you and others, lest they should attempt to teach Christ truly, or believe his doctrine hereafter. But I doubt not but my heavenly father will be my death, more confirm you in his truth for ever. And therefore I greatly rejoice to see sathan and his soldiers, supplanted in their own sapience, which is plain foolishness amongst the wise indeed, that is, amongst such as have heard God's word, and do follow it: for they only are counted wise of the wisdom of God our Saviour.  
In deed if I should simply consider my life with that which it ought to have been, 
He confesseth his sins before God.  and as God in his law requireth, than could I not but cry as I do. justus es domine & omnia judicia tua vera. i Righteous art thou O Lord, and all thy judgements are true. For I have much grieved thee, and transgressed thy holy precepts not only before my professing the Gospel, but sithen also: yea even sithen my coming into prison. I do not excuse, but accuse myself before God and all his Church, that I have grievously offended my Lord God, I have not loved his Gospel as I should have done, I have sought myself and not simply, and only his glory and my brethren's commodity, I have been to unthankful, secure, carnal, hypocritical, vainglorious. etc. All which my evils the Lord of mercy pardon me for his Christ's sake, as I hope and certainly believe he hath done for his great mercy in Christ our redeemer.  
But when I consider the cause of my condemnation, I cannot but lament, that I do no more rejoice than I do. For it is God's verity and truth: 
The Papists condemn not Bradford but Christ.  So that the condemnation is not a condemnation of Bradford simply: but rather a condemnation of Christ and his truth. Bradford is nothing else but an instrument, in whom Christ and his doctrine is condemned. And therefore my dearly beloved, rejoice, rejoice and give thanks with me and for me, that ever God did vouchsafe so great a benefit to our country, as to choose the most unworthy (I mean myself) to be one, in whom it would please him to suffer any kind of affliction: much more this violent kind of death, which I perceive is prepared for me with you for his sake. All glory and praise be given unto God our father, for his great exceeding mercy towards me, through jesus Christ our Lord. Amen.  
But perchance you will say unto me: what is the cause for the which you are condemned, we hear say that ye deny all presence of Christ in his holy Supper, and so make it a bare sign and common bread, and nothing else. My dearly beloved, what is said of me, and what will be, I cannot tell. It is told me that Pendleton is gone down to Preach with you, not as he once recanted (for you all know he hath preached contrary to that he was wont to preach afore I came amongst you) but to recant that which he hath recanted. 
D. Pendleton recanted first in K. Edward's time, and now again in Q. mary's tyme.  How he will speak of me, and report before I come, when I am come, and when I am burned, I much pass not, for he that is so uncertain, and will speak so often against himself, I can not think he will speak well of me, except it make for his purpose and profit: but of this enough.  

The causes why M. Bradford was condemned.  In deed the chief thing, which I am condemned for as an heretic, is because I deny in the sacrament of the altar (which is not Christ's supper, but a plain perverting of it, being used as the papists now use it) to be a real, natural, and corporal presence of Christ's body and blood, under the forms and accidences of bread and wine, 
Transubstantiation the devils darling, and daughter of Antichrist.  that is, because I deny transubstantiation, which is the darling of the Devil, and daughter and heir to Antichristes religion, whereby the Mass is maintained Christ's supper perverted, his sacrifice and Cross imperfited, his Priesthood destroyed, the ministry taken away repentance repelled, and all true godliness abandoned. In the supper of our Lord or sacrament of Christ's body and blood, I confess and believe, that there is a true, and very presence of whole Christ God and man, to the faith of the receiver (but not of the slander by and looker on) as there is a very true presence of bread and wine to the senses of him that is partaker thereof. This faith, this doctrine, which consenteth with the word of God, and with the true testimony of Christ's Church (which the Popish Church doth persecute will I not forsake, and therefore am I condemned as an heretic, and shall be burned. But my dearly beloved, this truth (which I have taught, and you have received, I believed, and do believe, and therein give my life) I hope in God, shall never be burned, bound, nor overcome: but shall triumph have victory, and be at liberty, maugre the head of all God's adversaries. For there is no counsel against the Lord, nor no devise of man can be able to defeat the verity in any other, than such as be children of unbelief, which have no love to the truth, and therefore are given up to believe lies. From which plague the Lord of mercies deliver you and all the realm, my dear hearts in the Lord I humbly beseech his mercy. Amen.  

M. Bradfordes farewell to the country of Lankeshire.  And to the end you might be delivered from this plague (right dear to me in the Lord I shall for my fare well with you for ever in this present life, heartily desire you all in the bowels and blood of our most merciful Saviour jesus Christ, to attend unto these things which I now shall shortly write unto you, out of the holy scriptures of the Lord.  
You know an heavy plague (or rather plagues) of God is fallen upon us, 
God's manifold plagues upon England in Q. mary's days.  in taking away our good King, God's true Religion, God's true Prophets and Ministers. etc. And setting over us, such as seek not the Lord after knowledge: whose endeavours GOD prospereth wonderfully, to the trial of many, that his people may both better know themselves, 
The cause of God's plagues is our iniquities, and not knowing the time of God's visitation.  and be known. Now the cause hereof is our iniquities and grievous sins. We did not know the time of our visitation: we were unthankful unto God: we contemned the Gospel, & carnally abused it, to serve our hypocrisy, our vainglory our viciousness, avarice, idleness, security. etc. Long did the Lord linger, and tarry to have showed mercy upon us, but we were ever longer the worse. Therefore most justly hath God dealt with us, and dealeth with us: yea yet we may see, that his justice is tempered with much mercy, whereto let us attribute that we are not utterly consumed. For if the Lord should deal with us after our deserts, alas, how could we abide it? In his anger therefore, seeing he doth remember his mercy undeserved (yea undesired on our behalf) let us take occasion the more speedily to go out to meet him, not with force of arms (for we are not so able to withstand him, much less to prevail against him) but to beseech him to merciful unto us, and according to his wont mercy to deal with us.  

Rising with David.  Let us arise with David and say: Ne intres in judicium cum servo tuo, etc. i. Enter not into judgement O Lord with thy servant, for in thy sight no flesh living shallbe justified. Let us send Ambassadors with the Centurion, 
Suing with the Centurion.  and say: Lord we are not worthy to come our selves unto thee, speak the word and we shall have peace. Let us penitently with the Publican look down on the earth, 
Repenting with the Publican.  knock our hard hearts to burst them, and cry out: Oh GOD be merciful unto us wretched sinners. Let us with the lost Son return and say: O Father, we have sinned against heaven and earth, 
Return with th● lost 〈◊〉  and before thee we are unworthy to be called thy children. Let us I say do on this sort, that is heartily repent us of our former evil life, & unthankful gospelling past, convert and turn to God with our whole hearts, hoping in his great mercy through Christ, and heartily calling upon his holy name, and then undoubtedly we shall find and feel otherwise then yet we feel, both inwardly and outwardly. Inwardly we shall feel peace of conscience between God and us which peace passeth all understanding, and outwardly we shall feel much mitigation of these miseries, if not an utter taking them away.  
Therefore my dearly beloved in the Lord, I your poorest brother now departing to the Lord, 
Bradfo●● ultimum vale.  for my vale in aeternum for this present life, pray you beseech you, and even from the very bottom of my heart, for all the mercies of God in Christ showed unto you, most earnestly beg and crave of you out of prison (as often out of your Pulpies I have done) that you will repent you, leave your wicked and evil life, be sorry for your offences, and turn to the Lord, whose arms are wide open to receive and embrace you, whose stretched out hand to strike to death, stayeth that he may show mercy upon you. For he is the Lord of mercy, and God of all comfort, he will not the death of a sinner, but rather that ye should return, convert and amend. He hath no pleasure in the destruction of men: 
The day 〈◊〉 God's 〈◊〉 at hand.  his long suffering draweth to repentance before the time of vengeance, and the day of wrath which is at hand, doth come.  
Now is the axe laid to the root of the tree, utterly to destroy the impenitente. 
Wanton Gospel Proud P●●●testantes False C●●●●stians.  Now is the fire gone out before the face of the Lord, and who is able to quench it? Oh therefore repent you, repent you. It is enough to have lived as we have done. It is enough to have pleased the wanton Gospelers, the proud Protestants, Hypocritical and false christians, as alas, we have done. Now the Lord speaketh to us in mercy and grace: Oh turn before he speaketh in wrath. Yet is there mercy with the Lord, and plenteous redemption: yet he hath not forgotten to show mercy to them that call upon him. Oh then call upon him, while he may be found. For he is rich in mercy, and plentiful to all them that call upon him. So that he that calleth on the name of the Lord shallbe saved. If your sins be as red as scarlet, the Lord sayeth, he will make them as white as snow. He hath sworn, and never will repent him thereof, that he will never remember our iniquities, but as he is good, faithful and true, so will he be our God, and we shall be his people: his law will he write in our hearts, & engraff in our minds, and never will he have in mind our unrighteousness.  
Therefore my dear hearts in the Lord, turn you, turn you to the Lord your Father, to the Lord your Saviour, to the Lord your comforter. Oh why do you stop your ears, and harden your hearts ●o day, 
Bradford prophe●● of these plagues 〈◊〉.  when you hear his voice by me your poorest brot●●●? Oh forget not how that the Lord hath showed himself true and me his true preacher, by bringing to pass th●●lagues which at my mouth you oft heard before they came to pass, specially when I entreated of noah's flood, and when I preached of the 22. chapter of Saint Mathews Gospel, on S. Stevens day the last time that I was with you. And now by me the Lord sendeth you word (dear country men) that if you will go on forwards in your impenitency, carnality, hypocrisy, idolatry, covetousness, swearing, gluttony, drunkenness, whoredom, etc. (Wherewith alas, alas our country floweth): if (I say) you will not turn and leave of seeing me now burned amongst you, to assure you on all sides how God seeketh you, 
Destruct●●● threatn●● them 〈◊〉 repent.  and is sorry to do you hurt, to plague you, to destroy you, to take vengeance upon you, oh your blood will be upon your own heads: you have been warned, and warned again by me in preaching, by me in burning.  
As I said therefore, I say again, my dear hearts and darlings in the Lord, turn you, turn you, repent you, repent you, cease from doing evil, study to do well, 
Precepts of life.  away with idolatry, fly the Romish God and service, leave of from swearing, cut of carnality, abandon avarice▪ drive away drunkenness, fly from fornication and flattery, murder and malice, destroy deceitfulness, and cast away all the works of darkness. Put on pity and godliness, serve God after his word, and not after custom, use your tongs to glorify God by prayer, thanksgiving and confession of his truth, etc. be spiritual, and by the spirit mortify carnal affections, be sober, holy, true, loving, gentle, merciful, and then shall the lords wrath cease, not for this our doings sake, but for his mercy's sake. Go to therefore good country men) take this counsel of the Lord, by me now sent unto you, as the lords counsel, and not as mine, that in the day of judgement I may rejoice with you, and for you: the which thing I heartily desire, and not to be a witness against you. 
 My blood will cry for vengeance, as against the Papists Gods enemies (whom I beseech God if it be his will, heartily to forgive, yea even them which put me to death, and are the causers thereof, for they know not what they do (so will my blood cry for vengeance against you (my dearly beloved in the Lord) if ye repent not, 
Bradfordes 〈◊〉 will against 〈…〉.  amend not, and turn unto the Lord.  
Turn unto the Lord yet once more, I heartily beseech thee thou Manchester, thou Ashton underline, thou Bolton, Bury, Wigme, Lierpoole, Mottrine, Stepport, Winsley, Eccles, Priestwich, Middleton, Radcliefe, and thou City of Westchester, where I have truly taught and preached the word of GOD. Turn, I say unto you all, and to all the inhabitors there abouts unto the Lord our God and he will turn unto you, he will say unto his Angel: It is enough, put up the sword. The which thing that he will do, I humbly beseech his goodness, for the precious bloods sake of his dear Son our Saviour jesus Christ. Ah good brethren take in good part these my last words unto every one of you. Pardon me mine offences and negligences in behaviour amongst you. The Lord of mercy pardon us all our offences, for our Saviour jesus Christ's sake, Amen. Out of Prison ready to come to you the eleventh of February. Ann. 1555.   

¶ To the Town of Walden.  

〈…〉 of M. Bradford to 〈◊〉 town 〈◊〉 Walden.  TO the faithful and such as profess the true doctrine of our Saviour jesus Christ, dwelling at Walden and thereabouts, john Bradford a most unworthy servant of the Lord, now in bands, and condemned for the same true doctrine, wisheth grace, mercy, and peace, with the increase of all godliness in knowledge and living, from GOD the Father of all comfort, through the deserts of our alone and full redeemer jesus Christ, by the mighty working of the most holy spirit, the comforter for ever. Amen.  
When I remember how that by the providence and grace of God, I have been a man, by whom it hath pleased him through my ministry to call you to repentance, and amendment of life, something effectually, as it seemed, and to sow amongst you his true doctrine and religion, lest that by my affliction, & storms now arisen to try the faithful, and to conform them like to the Image of the son of GOD, into whose company we are called, you might be faint hearted: I could not but out of prison secretly (for my keepers may not know that I have pen & ink) writ unto you a signification of the desire I have, that you should not only be more confirmed in the doctrine I have taught amongst you, which I take on my death, as I shall answer at the day of doom, I am persuaded to be Gods assured, infallible, and plain truth: 
〈…〉 answers with 〈◊〉 blood 〈◊〉 his doctrine.  but also should after your vocation avow the same by confession, profession and living. I have not taught you (my dearly beloved in the Lord) fables, tales, or untruth, but I have taught you the verity, as now by my blood gladly (praised be God therefore) I do seal the same.  
In deed to confess the truth unto you, and to all the Church of Christ, I do not think of myself, but that I have most justly deserved, not only this kind but also all kinds of death, and that eternally, 
●. Bradford 〈…〉 his 〈◊〉 life  for mine hypocrisy, vainglory, uncleanness, self love, covetousness, idleness, unthankfulness, and carnal professing of God's holy Gospel, living therein not so purely, lovingly, and painfully as I should have done. The Lord of mercy for the blood sake of Christ pardon me, as I hope, yea I certainly believe he hath done for his holy names sake thorough Christ. But my dear beloved, you and all the whole world may see, and easily perceive, that the Prelates persecute in me an other thing than mine iniquities, 
 even Christ himself, Christ's verity and truth, because I can not, dare not, nor will not confess Transubstantiation, and how that wicked men, ye Mice and Dogs eating the Sacrament, which they term of the altar, thereby overthrowing Christ's holy Supper utterly, do eat Christ's natural and real body borne of the virgin Mary.  
To believe, and confess as God's word teacheth, the primative Church believed, and all the Catholic and good holy Fathers taught five hundredth years at the least after Christ, that in the Supper of the Lord (which the Mass overthroweth, as it doth Christ's Priesthood, sacrifice, death and passion, the ministry of his word, true ●ayth repentance, and all godliness whole Christ God and man is present by grace, to the faith of the receivers, but not of the standers by, and lookers on, as bread and wine is to their senses, will not serve: and therefore I am condemned & shall be burned out of hand as an heretic. Wherefore I heartily thank my Lord God, that will and doth vouch me worthy to be an instrument, in whom he himself doth suffer. For you see my affliction and death is not simply, 
M. Bradford persecuted for confessing the truth.  because I have deserved no less, but much more at his hands and justice: but rather because I confess his verity and truth, and am not afraid through his gift that to do, that you also might be confirmed in his truth. Therefore my dearly beloved. I heartily do pray you, and so many as unfeignedly love me in God, to give with me and for me most hearty thanks to our heavenly Father, through our sweet Saviour jesus Christ, for this his exceeding great mercy towards me and you also, that your faith waver not from the doctrine I have taught, and ye have received. For what can you desire more to assure your consciences, of the verity taught by your preachers, than their own lives?  
Go to therefore my dear hearts in the Lord, waver not in Christ's religion truly taught you, and set forth in king Edward's days. Never shall the enemies be able to burn it, to prison it, and keep it in bonds. Us they may prison, 
God's truth can never be kept under by the adversaries.  they may bind and burn, as they do, and will do, so long as shall please the Lord: but our cause, religion, and doctrine which we confess, they shall never be able to vanquish and put away. Their Idolatry and Popish religion, shall never be built in the consciences of men that love God's truth. As for those that love not God's truth, that have no pleasure to walk in the ways of the Lord, in those I say the Devil shall prevail: For God will give them strong illusion to believe lies. Therefore dear brethren and sisters in the Lord, I humbly beseech you, and pray you in the bowels and blood of our Lord and Saviour Iesu● Christ, 
He exhorteth them to love God's truth and to live thereafter.  now going to the death for the testimony of jesus, as oftentimes I have done before this present out of your pulpit, that you would love the lords truth: love (I say) to love it, and frame your lives thereafter. Alas, you know the cause of all these plagues fallen up us, and of the success which Gods adversaries have daily, is for our not loving God's word.  
You know how that we were but Gospelers in lips, and not in life. We were carnal, concupiscentious, idle, 
God's Gospel abused·  unthankful, unclean, covetous, arrogant, dissemblers, crafty, subtle, malicious, false, backebiters. etc. and even glutted with God's word, yea, we loathed it, 
God's Gospel loathed.  as did the Israelites the Manna in the wilderness: and therefore as to them the lords wrath waxed hot, so doth it unto us. So that there is no remedy, but that (for it is better late to turn, than never to turn) we confess our faults, even from the bottom of our hearts, & with hearty repentance (which God work in us all for his mercies sake) we run unto the Lord our God, which is favourable, merciful, & sorry for the evil poured out upon us, and cry out unto him with Daniel saying: we have sinned, we have sinned grievously oh lord God, against thy majesty, 
He exhorteth to repentance and prayer, and to bewail our sins before the Lord our God.  we have heaped iniquity upon iniquity: the measure of our transgressions floweth over, so that just is thy vengeance and wrath fallen upon us. For we are very miserable, we have contemned thy long suffering, we have not hearkened to thy voice. When thou hast called us by Preachers, we hardened our hearts, and therefore now deserve that they send thy curse hereupon to harden our hearts also, that we should henceforth have eyes and see not, ears and hear▪ not, hearts and understand not, least we should convert and be saved. Oh be merciful unto us: spare us good Lord and all thy people, whom thou hast dearly bought. Let not thine enemy's triumph altogether, and always against thee, for than will they be puffed up. Look down and behold the pitiful complaints of the poor: let the sorrowful sighing of the simple come in thy fight, and be not angry with us for ever. Turn us oh Lord GOD of hosts unto thee, and turn thee unto us, that thou mayest be justified in thy sweet sentences, and overcome when thou are judged, as now thou art of our adversaries, For they say, where is their God? Can God deliver them now? Can their Gospel serve them? Oh Lord how long? for the glory of thy name, and for thy honours sake, in the bowels and blood of jesus Christ, we humbly beseech thee, come and help us, for we are very miserable.  
On this sort I say dearly beloved, let us publicly and privately bewail our sins: but so that hereto we join, ceasing from wilfulness & sin of purpose, for else the Lord heareth not our prayers, as Davi saith. And in S. john it is written: 
The prayers o● sinners be not heard.  The impenitent sinners God heareth not. Now, impenitent are they which purpose not to amend their lives. As for example: not only such which follow still their pleasures▪ uncleanness, carnality: but those also which for fear or favour of men, do against their conscience to consent to the Romish rags, and resort to the rotten Religion, 
Romish rages & rotten religion.  communicating in Service & ceremonies with the Papists, thereby declaring themselves to love more the world than God, to fear man more than Christ, to dread more the loss of temporal things, then of spiritual: in whom it is evident, the love of God abideth not. For he that loveth the world, hath not God's love abiding in him saith Saint john: therefore my dear hearts, and dear again in the Lord remember what you have professed, Christ's Religion and name, and the renouncing of the Devil, Sin and the world.  
Remember that before ye learned A. B. C. your lesson was Christ's cross. Forget not that Christ will have no Disciples, but such as will promise to deny themselves▪ & take up their cross (mark, 
The A. B. C. of the Christians beginneth with Christ's Crosse.  take it up) and follow him: and not the multitude, custom. etc. Consider for God's sake, that if we gather not with Christ, we scatter abroad. What should it profit a man to win the whole world, and lose his own soul? We must not forget that this life is a wilderness, and not a Paradise: here is not our home, we are now in warfare: we must needs fight, or else be taken prisoners. Of all things we have in this life, we shall carry nothing with us. If Christ be our Captain, we must follow him as soldiers. If we keep company with him in affliction, we shallbe sure of his society in glory. If we forsake not him, he will never forsake us. If we confess him, he will confess us: but if we deny him, he will deny us. If we be ashamed of him he will be ashamed of us. Wherefore as he forsook his father, and heaven, & all things to come to us, 
They never lose that follow Christ.  so let us forsake all things and come to him, being sure and most certain, that we shall not lose thereby. Your children shall find and feel it double, yea triple, whatsoever you lose for the lords sake: and you shall find and feel peace of conscience, and friendship with God which is more worth than all the goods of the world.  
My dearly be loved, therefore for the lords sake, consider these things which now I writ unto you of love, for my Vale, & last farewell for ever in this present life. Turn to the Lord: repent you your evil and unthankful life, declare repentance by the fruits: take time while you have it: come to the Lord whiles he calleth you: run into his lap whiles his arms be open to embrace you: seek him whiles he may be found: call upon him whiles time is convenient: forsake and fly from all evil, both in religion, 
He exhorteth to amendment in religion, and conwersation.  and in the rest of your life and conversation. Let your light so shine before men, that they may see your works, and praise God in the day of his visitation. Oh come again, come again you strange children, and I will receive you sayeth the Lord. Convert and turn to me, and I will turn unto you. Why? will ye needs perish? As sure as I live (sweareth the Lord) I will not your death: turn therefore unto me. Can a woman forget the child of her womb? If she should, yet will I not forget you, saith the Lod your God. I am he, I am he which put away your sins for mine own sake.  

The Lord watcheth to perform his word doublewise.  O then dear friends, turn I say unto your dearest father. Cast not these his sweet and loving words to the ground, and at your tail, for the Lord watcheth on his word to perform it: which is in two sorts: to them that lay it up in their hearts, and believe it, will he pay all, and eternal joy and comfort. But to them that cast it at their backs, and will forget it, to them (I say) will he pour out indignation and eternal shame. Wherefore I heartily yet once more beseech and pray you, and every of you, not to contemn this poor and simple exhortation, which now out of prison I make unto you, or rather the Lord by me. Loth would I be a witness against you in the last day: 
Bradford must be a witness in the last day to them that reject his counsel.  as of truth I must be, if ye repent not, if ye love not God's Gospel, yea, if ye love it not.  
Therefore to conclude, repent, love God's Gospel, live in it all your conversation so shall God's name be praised, his plagues be mitigated, his people comforted, and his enemies ashamed. Grant all this thou gracious lord god to every one of us for thy dear sons sake, our Saviour jesus Christ: To whom with thee and the holy Ghost, be eternal glory for ever and ever. Amen.  
The 12. of February. 1555. By the bondman of the Lord, and your afflicted poor brother, john Bradford.   

* To my loving brethren B. C. etc. their Wives and whole families, I. Bradford.  
I Beseech the everliving God, to grant you all, my good brethren and sisters, 
another letter of M. Bradford to certain friends of his, whom for danger of that time he would not name.  the comfort of the holy spirit, and the continual sense of his mercy in Christ our Lord, now and for ever amen.  
The world my brethren seemeth to have the upper hand, iniquity overfloweth, the truth and verity seemeth to be suppressed, and they which take part therewith, are unjustly entreated: as they which love the truth lament to see and hear, as they do. The cause of all this is God's anger, and mercy: his anger, because we have grievously sinned against him: his mercy, because he here punisheth us, and as a Father nurtureth us. We have been unthankful for his word: We have contemned his kindness: 

God's anger and mercy both together upon his Church.  
The contempt of God and his Gospel punished.   We have been negligent in prayer: We have been so carnal, covetous, licentious. etc. We have not hastened to heaven ward, but rather to hellwarde. We were fallen almost into an open contempt of God, and all his good ordinances: so that of his justice he could no longer forbear, but make us feel his anger: as now he hath done, in taking his word and true service from us, and permitted Satan to serve us with Antichristian religion, and that in such sort, that if we will not yield to it, and seem to allow in deed an outward fact, our bodies are like to be laid in prison, and our goods given we can not tell to whom.  
This should we look upon as a sign of God's anger, procured by our sins: which my good brethren, every of us should now call to our memories oftentimes, so particularly as we can, that we might heartily lament them, 
Exhort●● to rep●●●tance 〈…〉  repent them, hate them, ask earnestly mercy for them, and submit ourselves to bear in this li●e any kind of punishment, which God will lay upon us for them. This should we do, in consideration of God's anger in this time. Now his mercy in this time of wrath is seen, and should be seen in us my dearly beloved, in this, that God doth vouchsafe to punish us in this present life. If he should not have punished us, 
God's 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 why we punished here.  do not you think that we would have continued in the evils we were in? Yes verily, we would have been worse, and have gone forwards in hardening our hearts by impenitency, and negligence of God & true godliness. And then if death had come, should not we have perished both soul and body into eternal fire and perdition? Alas, what misery should we have fallen into, if God should have suffered us to have gone on forward in our evils? No greater sign of damnation there is, then to lie in evil and sin unpunished of God, as now the Papists (my dearly beloved) are cast into jezabels' bed of security which of all plagues is the grievousest plague that can be. They are bastards and not sons, for they are not under God's rod of correction.  
A great mercy it is therefore that GOD doth punish us: For if he loved us not, he would not punish us. 
Iesabe● bed of 〈◊〉. Apoc. ●▪ Heb. 1●▪ 1. Cor. ● 1. Pet. ● The 〈…〉 Gods 〈◊〉 be 〈◊〉 in th●● world. Philip. ●  Now doth he chastise us, that we should not be damned with the world. Now doth he nurture us, because he favoureth us. Now may we think ourselves God's house and children, because he beginneth his chastising at us: Now calleth he us to remember our sins past. Wherefore? that we might repent and ask mercy. And why? That he might forgive us, pardon us, justify us, and make us his children, and so begin to make us here like unto Christ, that we might be like unto him elsewhere, even in heaven where already we are set by faith with Christ, and at his coming in very deed, we shall then most joyfully enjoy, when our sinful and vile bodies shall be made like to Christ's glorious body, according to the power whereby he is able to make all things subject to himself.  
Therefore my brethren, let us in respect hereof not lament, but land God, not to be sorry, but be merry, not weep, but rejoice and be glad, that God doth vouchsafe to offer us his Cross, 
Rom. ●.  thereby to come to him to endless joys and comforts. For if we suffer, we shall reign, 
2. Tim. ●  if we confess him before men, he will confess us before his father in heaven: if we be not ashamed of his Gospel now, 
Math. ●●  he will not be ashamed of us in the last day, but will be glorified in us, crowning us with crowns of glory and endless felicity: 
Math. ●.  For blessed are they that suffer persecution for righteousness sake, for theirs is the kingdom of heaven: Be glad (saith Peter) for the spirit of God resteth upon you. After that you are a little afflicted, God will comfort, 
1. 〈…〉  strengthen, and confirm you. 
1. 〈…〉  And therefore my good brethren, be not discouraged for Cross, for prison, or loss of goods, for confession of Christ's Gospel and truth, 
He 〈…〉 to tak● comfort the 〈◊〉 Math. ●  which ye have believed, and lively was taught amongst you in the days of our late good King, and most holy Prince King Edward. This is most certain, if you lose any thing for Christ's fake, and for contemning the Antichristian service, set up again amongst us: as you for your parts, even in prison shall find Gods great and rich mercy, far passing all worldly wealth: so shall your wives and children in this present life, find and feel God's providence, more plentifully than tongue can tell. For he will show merciful kindness on thousands of them that love him. 
Psalms ●  The good man's seed shall not go a begging his bread. You are good men, so many as suffer for Christ's sake.  
I trust you all, my dearly beloved, 
God's 〈◊〉 seen 〈◊〉 Crosse.  will consider this gear with yourselves, & in the cross see God's mercy, which is more sweet, and to be set by, than life itself, much more than any Muck or Pelf of this world. This mercy of God should make you merry and cheerful: for the afflictions of this life, 
Rom, ●.  are not to be compared to the joys of the life prepared for you. You know the way to heaven is not the wide way of the world, 
Math. ●  which windeth to the devil, but it is a straight way which few walk in. For few live Godly in Christ jesus, 
2. Tim ● 2. Cor. ● Math. ●  few regard the life to come, few remember the day of judgement, few remember how Christ will deny them before his father, that do deny him here, few consider that Christ will be ashamed of them in the last day, which are ashamed of his truth and true service, few cast their accounts, what will be laid to their charge in the day of vengeance, 
 few regard the condemnation of their own consciences, in doing that which inwardly they disallow, few love god better than their goods.  
But I trust yet you are of this few, my dearly beloved, I trust you be of that little flock, which shall inherit the kingdom of heaven, I trust you are the mourners and lamenters, 
〈◊〉. 10.  which shallbe comforted with comfort, which never shall be taken from you, if you now repent your former evils, if now you strive against the evils that are in you, if now you continue to call upon God, if now you defile not your bodies with any Idolatrous service, 
〈◊〉. 4.  used in the Antichristian Churches, if you molest not the good spirit of God, which is given you as a gage of eternal redemption, a counsellor and Master to lead you into all truth, which good spirit I beseech the Father of mercy to give to us all, for his dear sons sake jesus Christ our Lord: to whom I commend you all, and to the word of his grace, 
Acts. 10.  which is able to help you all, and save you all that believe it follow it, and serve GOD thereafter.  
And of this I would ye were all certain, that all the hears of your heads are numbered, 
Math. 10. Math. span●. 1. Psalm. 1●4. Psalm. 31. Pet. 5.  so that not one of them shall perish, neither shall any man or devil be able to attempt any thing, much less to do any thing to you, or any of you, before your heavenly father, which loveth you most tenderly, shall give them leave: and when he hath given them leave, they shall go no further than he will, nor keep you in trouble any longer than he will. Therefore cast on him all your care, for he is careful for you. Only study to please him, and to keep your consciences clean, & your bodies pure from the Idolatrous service, which now every where is used, and GOD will marvelously and mercifully defend and comfort you: which thing he do for his holy names sake in Christ our Lord. Amen.   

* To his dearly beloved in Christ, Erkinalde Rawlins, and his wife.  
GOd our dear and most merciful Father through Christ, 
 be with you my good Brother and Sister, as with his children for ever, and in all things so guide you with his holy spirit, the leader of his people, as may be to his glory, and your own everlasting joy and comfort in him. Amen. Because I have oftentimes received from either of you, comfort corporal (for the which I beseech the Lord, as to make me thankful, so to recompense you both now & eternally) I can not but go about (Lord help hereto for thy mercies sake) to write some thing for your comfort spiritually.  
My dearly beloved, look not upon these days and the afflictions of the same here with us, 
〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 godly 〈◊〉 joyful: the 〈…〉.  simply as they seem unto you, that is, as dismal days, and days of God's vengeance, but rather as lucky days, and days of Gods fatherly kindness towards you, and such as you be, that is, toward such as repent their sins, and evil life paste, and earnestly purpose to amend, walking not after the will of the world, and most part of men, for the preservation of their pelf, which will they nill they, they shall leave sooner or later, and to whom or how it shall be used, they know not. In deed to such as walk in their wickedness, and wind on with the world, this time is a time of wrath and vengeance, and their beginning of sorrow is but now, because they contemn the Physic of their father, which by this purging time and cleansing days, would work their weal, which they will nor: 
Cleansing days.  and because they will not have God's blessing, which both ways he hath offered unto them by prosperity and adversity: 
God's 〈◊〉 not to 〈◊〉 refused.  therefore it shall be kept far enough from them. As when the sick man will no kind of Physic at the hands of the Physician, he is left alone, and so the malady increaseth, and destroyeth him at the length. To such men in deed, these days are and should be doleful days, days of woe and weeping, because their damnation draweth nigh.  
But unto such as be penitent, and are desirous to live after the Lords will (among whom I do not only count you, but as far as a man may judge, I know ye are) unto such I say, 
〈…〉 recea●ed with 〈◊〉.  this time is and should be comfortable. For first now your father chastiseth you and me for our sins: for the which if he would have destroyed us, than would he have let us alone, and left us to ourselves, in nothing to take to hart his fatherly visitation, which here it pleaseth him to work presently, because else where he will not remember our transgressions, as Paul writeth: He chastiseth us in this world, lest with the world we should perish. Therefore my dear hearts, call to mind your sins to lament them, 
God punisheth not twice for one thing.  and to ask mercy for them in his sight, and withal undoubtedly believe to obtain pardon and assured forgiveness of the same, for twice the Lord punisheth not for one thing.  
So that I say, first we have cause to rejoice for these days, because our father suffereth us not to lie in jesabels' bed, sleeping in our own sins and security, but as mindful on us, doth correct us as his children. Whereby we may be certain, that we be no bastards, but children: for he chastiseth every child whom he receiveth. 
Difference between bastards and children.  So that they which are not partakers of his chastising, or that contemn it, declare themselves to be bastards, and not children: as I know ye are, which as ye are chastised, so do ye take it to hart accordingly. And therefore be glad my dear hearts and folks, knowing certainly even by these visitations of the Lord, that ye are his dear elect children, whose faults your father doth visit with the rod of correction, but his mercy will he never take away from us. Amen.  
Secondly, ye have cause to rejoice for these days, because they are days of trial, wherein not only ye yourselves, but also the world shall know that ye be none of his, but the Lords dearelinges. Before these days came, Lord God, how many thought of themselves, they had been in God's bosom, and so were taken, and would be taken of the world? But now we see whose they are. 
Trouble trieth who be of God, & who be not.  For to whom we obey, his servants we are. If we obey the world (which god forbidden, and hitherto ye have not done it) then are we the worlds: but if we obey God, then are we Gods. Which thing (I mean that ye are Gods) these days have declared both to you, to me, & to all other that know you, better than ever we knew it. Therefore ye have no cause to sorrow, but rather to sing, in seeing yourselves to be God's babes, and in seeing that all God's children do so count you.  
What though the world repine thereat? What though he kick? What though he seek to trouble and molest you? 
A true lover of the world is declared by hi● life.  My dear hearts, he doth but his kind, he cannot love the Lord, which liveth not in the Lord, he can not brook the child, that hateth the Father, he can not mind the servant, that careth not for the Master. If ye were of the world, the world would love you, ye should dwell quietly, there would be no grief, no molestation. If the Devil dwelled in you (which the Lord forbidden) he would not stir up his knights to besiege your house, to snatch your goods, or suffer his friends to enter into your Hogs. 
The devil never entereth into his own hogs.  But because Christ dwelleth in you (as he doth by faith) therefore stirreth he up his first begotten son the world, to seek how to disquiet you, to rob you, to spoil you, to destroy you: and perchance your dear Father, to try, and to make known unto you, and to the world, that ye are destinate to an other dwelling the● here on earth, to an other City than man's eyes have seen at any time: hath given, or will give power to Satan, and to the world, to take from you the things, 
The Lord giveth power to Satan sometimes over his Servants, and to what end. God useth to try his.  which he hath lent you, and by taking them away, to try your fidelity, obedience, and love towards him (for ye may not love them above him) as by giving that ye have, and keeping it, he hath declared his love towards you.  
Satan perchance telleth GOD (as he did of job) that ye love GOD for your goods sake. What now then, if the Lord do try you with job, shall give him power on your goods and body accordingly, should ye be dismayed? should ye despair? should ye be faint hearted? should ye not rather rejoice, as did the Apostles, that they were counted worthy, to suffer any thing for the lords sake? Oh forget not the end that happened to job: for as it happened to him, so shall it happen unto you. For GOD is the same God, and can not long forget to show mercy, to them that look and long for it, as I know ye do, and I pray you so to do still. For the Lord loveth you, and never can nor will forget to show, and pour out his mercy upon you. After a little while that he hath afflicted & tried you (saith Peter) he will visit, comfort and confirm you. 
jacob must teach us to wrestle.  As to jacob wrestling with the Angel, at the length morning came, and the son arose: so dear hearts, doubtless it will happen unto you. Howbeit do ye as job and jacob did, that is (order and dispose your things that God hath lent you, as ye may and whiles ye have time. Who knoweth whether God hath given you power this long even to that end.  
Go to therefore, dispose your goods, prepare your selves to trial, that either ye may stand to it like God's Champions, or else if ye feel such infirmity in your selves, that ye be not able, give place to violence, and go where ye may with free and safe conscience serve the Lord. Think not this counsel to come by chance, 
This Erkinald and his wife following this counsel, did fly both beyond sea.  or fortune, but to come from the Lord. Other Oracles we may not look for now. As God told joseph in a dream by an Angel, that he should fly: so if you feel such infirmity in yourselves, as should turn to God's dishonour and your own destruction withal: know that at this present I am as God's Angel, to admonish you to take time whiles ye have it, and to see that in no case God's name by you might be dishonoured. joseph might have objected the omission of his vocation, as perchance ye will do. But dear hearts, let vocations and all things else give place to God's name, and the sanctifying thereof.  
This I speak, not as though I would not have you rather to tarry, und to stand to it: but I speak it in respect of your infirmity, which if you feel to be so great in you that ye are not certain of this hope, that God will never tempt you above your ability: fly and get you hence, and know that thereby GOD will have you tried to yourselves, and to others. For by it you shall know how to take this world, and your home here is no home, but that ye look for an other, and so give occasion to others less to love this world, and perchance to some to doubt of their Religion. Wherein though they be earnest, yet would they not lose so much, as ye do for your Religion, which ye do confirm to me and others, by your giving place to violence.  
Last of all, ye have cause to rejoice over these our days, because they be the days of conformation, in the which and by which, GOD our heavenly Father maketh us like unto Christ's Image here, 
Tribulation doth conform us to the Image of Christ.  that we may be like unto him elsewhere. For if that we suffer with him, than we shall reign also with him: if we be buried with him, than we shall rise with him again, if that we company with him in all troubles and afflictions, than we shall rejoice with him in glory: if we now sow with him in tears, we shall reap with him in gladness: if we confess him before men, he will confess us before his father in heaven: if we take his part, he will take ours: if we lose aught for his name's sake, he will give us all things for his truths sake. So that we ought to rejoice and be glad: for it is not given to every one, to suffer loss of country, life, goods, house. etc. for the lords sake. What can God the father do more unto us, than to call us into the camp with his son? What may Christ our Saviour do more for us, than to make us his Warriors? What can the holy Ghost do to us above this, to mark us with the cognisance of the Lord of hosts?  
This cognisance of the Lord, standeth not in forked caps, 
The lords cognisance standeth not in forked caps. etc. but in suffering for the lords sake.  typettes, shaven crowns, or such other baggage and Antichristian pelf, but in suffering for the lords sake. The world shall hate you, saith Christ. Lo, ●here is the cognisance and Badge of God's children: The world shall hate you. Rejoice therefore my dearly beloved, rejoice, that God doth thus vouchsafe to begin to conform you, and make you like to Christ. By the trial of these days ye are occasioned more to repent, more to pray, more to contemn this world, more to desire life everlasting, more to be holy (for holy is the end wherefore God doth afflict us) and so to come to God's company. Which thing because we can not do, as long as this body is as it is, therefore by the door of death we must enter with Christ into eternal life, and immortality of soul and body: which God of his mercy send shortly for our Saviour jesus Christ's sake. Amen.   

¶ To master A. Worcup.  
THe everlasting peace of Christ be more and more lively felt in our hearts, 
Another letter of M. Bradford to Mistress Warcup.  by the operation of the holy ghost, now and for ever. Amen.  
Although I know it be more than needeth to write any thing unto you (good Sister) being, as I doubt not you be, diligently exercised in reading of the Scriptures in meditating of the same, and in hearty prayer to GOD, for the help of his holy Spirit, to have the sense and feeling, especially of the comforts you read in God's sweet book: yet having such opportunity, and knowing not whether hereafter, I shall ever have the like (as this bringer can declare) I thought good in few words to take my farewell in writing, because otherwise I can not. And now me thinks I have done it. For what else can I, or should I say unto you (my dearly beloved in the Lord) but farewell? Farewell dear Sister, farewell: howbeit in the Lord, our Lord (I say) farewell. In him shall you farewell, 
Bradford 〈◊〉 farewell Mistress' Warcup.  & so much the better, by how much in yourself you far evil, and shall far evil.  
When I speak of yourself, I mean also this world, this life, and all things properly pertaining to this life. In them, as you look not for your welfare, so be not dismayed, when accordingly you shall not feel it. To the Lord our GOD, to the Lamb our Christ, which hath borne our sins on his back, & is our Mediator for ever, do I send you. In him look for welfare, and that without all wavering, because of his own goodness and truth, which our evils and untruth can not take away: Not that therefore I would have you to flatter yourself in any evil or unbelief, but that I would comfort you, that they should not dismay you. Yours is our Christ wholly, 
Christ is wholly 〈◊〉 with all that ever hath.  yours I say he is, with all that ever he hath. Is not this welfare trow you▪ Mountains shall move, and the earth shall fall before you find it otherwise, say that liar Satan what he list.  
Therefore good Sister farewell, and be merry in the Lord be merry I say, for you have good cause. If your welfare, joy, and salvation hanged upon any other thing then only God's mercy & truth, then might you well be sad, heavy, and stand in a doubt: but in that it hangeth only upon these two, tell Satan he lieth, 
How to answer Satan, when he moveth us to doub●● God's 〈◊〉 How to look vpo● Christ. How to look 〈◊〉 our selue● In case o● iustificati●● let no 〈◊〉 look vpo● himself, 〈◊〉 only vp●● the good●●● of God i● Christ.  when he would you to stand in a mammering, by causing you to cast your eyes (which only in this case should be set on Christ your sweet Saviour) on yourself. In some part in deed look on yourself, on your faith, on your love, obedience. etc. to wake you up from security, to stir you up to diligence, in doing the things appertaining to your vocation: but when you would be at peace with God, and have true consolation in your conscience, altogether look upon the goodness of God in Christ. Think on this commandment which precedeth all other: that you must have no other Gods but the Lord jehovah, which is your Lord & God: the which he could not be, if that he did not pardon your sins in very deed. Remember that Christ commandeth you to call him father for the same intent. And hereto call to mind all the benefits of God, hitherto showed upon you: and so shall you feel in very deed, that which I wish unto you now, and pray you to wish unto me. Farewell, or welfare in the Lord jesus, with whom he grant us shortly to meet as his children, for his name and mercy's sake, to our eternal welfare. Amen.   

¶ To mine own dear brother M. Laurence Saunders, prisoner in the Marshalsee.  
MY good brother, I beseech our good and gracious Father, always to continued his gracious favour & love towards us, & by us, as by instruments of his grace, to work his glory &, the confusion of his adversaries. 
A letter of M. Bradford to M. Sau●●ders.  Ex ore infantium & lactentium fundet laudem ad destruendum inimicum. etc. Amen. 1. Out of the mouth of infants and babes, he will show forth his praise to destroy the enemy. etc.  
I have perused your letters to myself, and have read them to others. For answer whereof, if I should write what Doctor Taylor, and Master Philpot do think, then must I say that they think, the Salt sent unto us by your 
* This frie●● moved 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 to the Pa●pistes art●●cles with this cond●●tion: so 〈◊〉 as they 〈◊〉 against God's word being in deed clean contrary to 〈◊〉 and yet shortly 〈◊〉 he valiantly suffered death for refusing 〈◊〉 same. Psal. 54. Psalm. 36▪ Psalm. 3●. Math. 10. 1. Cor 10▪ 2. Pet. 1. Nahum. ●.  friend is unseasonable. And in deed I think they both will declare it heartily, if they should come before them. As form, if you would know what I think (my good and most dear brother Laurence) because I am so sinful and so conspurcate (the Lord knoweth I lie not) with many grievous sins (which I hope are washed away Sanguine Christi nostri) I neither can nor would be consulted withal, but as a sypher in Agrime. How be it, to tell you how and what I mind, take this for a sum: I pray GOD in no case I may seek myself, and in deed (I thanks GOD therefore) I purpose it not. Quod reliquum est Domino Deo meo committo, & spero in illum, quod ipse faciet juxta hoc: jacta in Dominum curam▪ etc. Omnis cura vestra coniecta sit in illum. etc. Revela Domino viam tuam & spera. etc. Sperantem in Domino misericordia circundabit. i. That which remaineth, I commit to my Lord God: and I trust in him, that he will do according to this: Cast thy care on the Lord. etc. Cast all your care upon him. etc. Reveal unto the Lord thy way, and trust. etc. Who that trusteth in the Lord, mercy shall compass him about. I did not, nor do not know, but by your Letters, quod cras we shall come, coram nobis. Mine own heart, stick still to dabitur vobis. Fidelis enim est Dominus, dabit in tentatione eventum quo possumus sufferre. Novit Dominus pios é tentatione ●ripere. etc. O utinam pius ego essem. Novit Dominus in die tribulationis sperantes in se. etc. i. It shall be given you etc. For the Lord is faithful. He will in tentation make away that ye may be able to bear it. The Lord knoweth how to rid out of tentation the godly. etc. O would God I were godly. The Lord knoweth how to deliver out of tentation such as trust in him. etc. I can no● think that they will offer any kind of indifferent, or mean conditions: for if we will not adorare bestiam, we never shallbe delivered, but against their will, think I, God our father & gracious Lord, make perfect the good he hath begun in us. Faciet mi●●●ter, charissime frater, quem in intimis visceribus habeo ad convivendum & commoriendum. O si tecum essem. He will do it my brother, my dear brother, whom I have in my inward bowels to live and die with. O if I were with you. Pray for me mine own hart root in the Lord.  
For ever your own, john Bradford.   

¶ An other Letter to Master Laurence Saunders.  
GOds sweet peace in Christ be with you, my good brother in the Lord jesus, 
 and with all your concaptives. Amen.  
I was letted this morning from musing on that, which I was purposed to have thought on by reason of you, against whom I saw myself guilty of negligence, even in this point that I would not write, I should say, that I had not written unto you as yet: therefore out of hand in manner I prepared myself, to purge myself hereof, not that I will go about to excuse my fault (for that were more to load me) but by ask both GOD and you pardon, to get it no more laid to my charge. Now then as I was thus purposing, and partly doing, cometh there one with a letter from you, for the which as I have cause to thank GOD and you (howbeit not so that you should think, I give not the whole to God) so I see myself more blame worthy, for this long holding my peace. Howbeit good brother, in this I have given a demonstration to you, to behold my negligence in all other things, and especially in praying for you, 
M. Bradford 〈…〉.  and for the Church of GOD, which for my sins and hypocrisy (hypocrisy in deed even in this writing, GOD deliver me ●rom it) have deserved to be punished. Just is God, for we have deserved all kinds of plagues at his hands: but yet merciful is he that will on this wise chastise us with this world, ne cum mundo condemnemur. i. That we should not be condemned with the world. He might otherwise have punished us, I mean, he might have for other causes cast us in prison, me especially, then for his Gospel and words sake. Praised therefore be his name, which voucheth us worthy this honour. Ah good GOD forgive us our sins, and work by this thy fatherly correction on us, on me especially, affectually to love thee and thy Christ: and with joyfulness unto the end, to carry thy Cross through thick and thin. Always set before our eyes, not this gallows on earth, if we will stick to thee, but the gallows in Hell if we deny thee, and serve from that we have professed.  
Ah good Brother, if I could always have GOD, his Majesty, mercy, heaven, hell. etc. before mine eyes then should I obdurare, as Paul writeth of Moses. Heb. 11. Obduravit inquit, perinde quasi vidisset eum qui est invisibilis. i. He endured (saith he) as he that saw him which is invisible. Pray for me, as I know you do, and give thanks also, for In Domino spero: 
〈◊〉. 22.  non nutabo Si ambulavero per vallem umbrae mortis, non tim●bo quia tu Domine mecum es. etc. Amen. i. In the Lord I trust: I shall not waver. If I walk by the valley of the shadow of death, I will not fear, for thou art with me O Lord. I think we shall be shortly called forth, for now legem habent, & secundum legem. etc. otherwise will they not reason with us: and I think their shootanker will be, to have us to subscribe. The which thing if we do though with this condition: (so far as the thing subscribed to, repugneth not against God's word) yet this will be offensive. Therefore let us vadere planè and so sanè, I mean, let us all confess that we are no changelings, but reipsa are the same we were in religion, and therefore can not subscribe, except we will dissemble both with God, ourselves and the world. Haec tibi scribo frater mi charissime in Domino. jam legam tuam Epistolam. i. These things I writ to you dear brother in the Lord. Now I will read your Epistle. 
1. john. 13.  Ah brother that I had practicam tecum scientiam in vite illa quam pingis: roga Dominum ut ita verè sentiam. Amen. i. The practical understanding with you in that vine which you describe. Pray the Lord that I may so think in deed. God make me thankful for you. Salutant te omnes concaptivi & gratias Domino pro te agun●: idem tu facies pro nobis & oars. ut. etc. i. All our fellow prisoners salute you, & give thanks to God for you. The same do you for us, & pray that. etc.  
Your brother in the Lord jesus, to live and die with you, john Bradford.   

¶ To my dear Fathers, D. Cranmer, D. Ridley, and D. Latimer.  
jesus Emanuel. My dear fathers in the Lord, I beseech GOD our sweet Father through Christ, 
another letter of M. Bradford to D. Cranmer, D. Ridley and D. Latimer.  to make perfect the good he hath begun in us all. Amen.  
I had thought that every of your staves had stand next the door, but now it is otherwise perceived. Our dear Brother Rogers hath broken the ise valiantly, and as this day (I think) or to morrow at the uttermost, hearty Hooper, sincere Saunders, and trusty Tailor end their course, and receive their crown. The next am I, which hourly look for the porter to open me the gates after them, to enter into the desired rest. GOD forgive me mine unthankfulness for this exceeding great mercy, that amongst so many thousands, it pleaseth his mercy to choose me to be one, in whom he will suffer. For although it be most true, that just patior. i. I justly suffer (for I have been a great hypocrite, and a grievous sinner, the Lord pardon me, yea he hath done it, he hath done it in deed) yet, hic autem quid mali fecit? i. What evil hath he done? Christ, whom the Prelates persecute, his verity which they hate in me, hath done no evil, nor deserveth death. Therefore ought I most heartily to rejoice of this dignation and tender kindness of the Lord towards me, 
This is a singular mercy of God, to have death, which is a due punishment for sin, ● turned into a demonstration, & testification, of the lords truche. 4. Reg. 2.  which useth the remedy for my sin as a testimonial of his Testament, to his glory, to my everlasting comfort, to the edifying of his Church, and to the overthrowing of Antichrist and his kingdom. O what am I Lord, that thou shouldest thus magnify me so vile a man and miser, as always I have been? Is this thy wont to send for such a wretch and an hypocrite as I have been, in a fiery Chariot, as thou didst for Helias? Oh dear Fathers, be thankful for me, and pray for me, that I still may be found worthy in whom the Lord would sanctify his holy name. And for your part, make you ready, for we are but your gentlemen hushers. Nuptiae agni paratae sunt, venite ad nuptias. 1. The marriage of the Lamb is prepared, come unto the marriage. I now go to leave my flesh there, where I received it. 
He meaneth that he should be conveyed by the Queen's Guard into Lankeshire to be burnt, as the adversaries had once determined: like as Ignatius was by a company of soldiers conveyed to Rome and cast to the Leopards.  I shall be conveyed thither, as Ignatius was at Rome, to Leopardis: by whose evil I hope to be made better. God grant, if it be his will that I ask, it may make them better by me. Amen.  
For my farewell therefore, I writ and send this unto you, trusting shortly to see you where we shall never be separated. In the mean season I will not cease, as I have done, to commend you to our father of heaven. And that you would so do by me, I most heartily pray every one of you. You know now I have most need. But fidelis Deus, qui nunquam sinet nos tenta●i supra id quòd possumus. i. faithful is God, which will not suffer us to be tempted above our strength. He never did it hitherto, nor now, I am assured, he will never do. Amen. A dextris est mihi, non movebor. Propter hoc laetabitur cor meum, quia non derelinquet animam meam in inferno, nec dabit me sanctum suum per gratiam in C●risto, videre corruptionem. E carcere raptim, expectens omni momento carnificem. i. He is on my right hand, therefore I shall not fall. Wherefore my hart shall rejoice, 
Psalm. 16.  for he shall not leave my soul in hell, neither shall suffer me his holy one by his grace in Christ, to see corruption. Out of prison in haste, looking for the Tormentor.  
The 8. of February. Ann. 1555. john Bradford▪   

* To the honourable Lord russel, now Earl of Bedford, being then in trouble for the verity of God's Gospel.  
THe everlasting and most gracious God and Father of our Saviour jesus Christ, 
A letter of M. Bradford to the Lord russel, now Earl of Bedford.  ●lesse your good Lordship with all manner of heavenly blessings in the same christ our only comfort and hope. Amen.  
Praised be God our Father which hath vouched you worthy, as of faith in his Christ, so of his Cross for the same. magnified be his holy name, who as he hath delivered you from one cross, so he hath made you willing (I trust) and ready to bear another when he shall see his time to lay it upon you: for these are the most singular gifts of God given as to few, 
The excellency of faith, and what it worketh.  so to none else but to these few which are most dear in his sight. Faith is reckoned, and worthily, among the greatest gifts of GOD, yea it is the greatest itself that we enjoy, for by it, as we be justified and made Gods children, so are we temples and possessors of the holy spirit, yea of Christ also. Eph. 4. And of the Father himself. john. 14. By faith we drive the Devil away▪ 1. Peter. 5. We overcome the world. 1. joh. And are already Citttizens of heaven and fellows with God's dear Saints. But who is able to reckon the riches that this faith bringeth with her unto the soul she sitteth upon? No man or Angel. And therefore (as I said) of all God's gifts, she may be set in the top and have the upmost seat. The which thing if men considered (in that she cometh alonely from Gods own mercy seat, 
Faith cometh by hearing the word and not by hearing Mass.  by the hearing, not of Mass or Mattyns, Dyriges or such drasse, but of the word of God in such a tongue as we can and do understand) as they would be diligent and take great heed for doing or seeing any thing which might cast her down (for then they fall also) so would they with no less care read and hear Gods holy word, joining thereto most earnest and often prayer, aswell for the more and better understanding, as for the loving, living and confessing of the same, maugre the head of the devil, the world, our flesh, reason, goods, possessions, carnal friends, wife, children, and very life here: if they should pull us back to hearken to the voice and counsel, for more quiet, sure, and longer use of them.  

Philip. 1.  Now, notwithstanding this excellency of faith in that we read the Apostle to match therewith, yea (as it were) to prefer suffering persecution for Christ's sake, I trow no man will be so fond as to think otherwise, but that I and all Gods children have cause to glorify and praise God, which hath vouched you worthy so great a blessing. 
The efficacy of the cross, and what it worketh in God's children.  For though the reason or wisdom of the world think of the Cross according to their reach and according to their present sense, and therefore flieth from it as from a most great ignominy and shame: Yet God's Scholars have learned otherwise to think of the Cross, that is the frame house in the which God frameth his children like to his son Christ: the Furnace that fineth God's gold: the high way to Heaven: the Suit and Livery that God's servants are served withal: the earnest and beginning of all consolation and glory. For they (I mean God's scholars, as your Lordship is, I trust) do enter into God's sanctuary, 
Psalm. 72.  lest their foot slip. They look not as beasts do, on things present only, but on things to come, and so have they as present to faith, the judgement and glorious coming of Christ, like as the wicked have now their worldly wealth wherein they wallow and will wallow till they tumble headlong into Hell, where are torments too terrible and endless. 
The end of prosperity.  Now they follow the Fiend as the Bear doth the train of Honey and the Sow the swillinges, till they be brought into the slaughter house, and then they know that their prosperity hath brought them to perdition. Then cry they woe, woe. We went the wrong way: 
Sapience. 5.  we counted these men (I mean such as you be that suffer for God's sake loss of goods, friends and life, whom they shall see endued with rich robes of righteousness, crowns of most pure precious gold, and Palms of conquest in the goodly glorious palace of the Lamb, where is eternal joy, felicity, etc.) We counted (will they then say) these men but fools and mad men, we took their conditions to be but curiosity. etc. But then will it be to late, than the time will be turned, laughing shall be turned into weeping, and weeping into rejoicing, Read Sapien. 2.3.4.5.  
Therefore (as before I have said) great cause have I to thank God which hath vouched you worthy of this most bountiful blessing: 
Few noble men called to Christ's kingdom.  much more than you have cause (my good Lord) so to be, I mean thankful. For look upon your vocation I pray you, and tell me how many noble men, Earls sons, Lords, Knights, and men of estimation hath God in this Realm of England dealt thus withal? I dare say you think not that you have deserved this. Only God's mercy in his christ hath wrought this on you, as he did in jeremyes' time on Abimelech, in Achabs' time on Abdias, in Christ's time on joseph of Arimathia, in the Apostles time on Sergius Paulus, and the Queen of Candaces chamberlain. Only now be thankful and continue, continue, continue (my good Lord) continue to confess Christ. Be not ashamed of him before men, for than will not he be ashamed of you. Now will he try you: stick fast unto him and he will stick fast by you: he will be with you in trouble and deliver you. But then must you cry unto him, for so it proceedeth: 
Psalm. 91.  He cried unto me and I heard him: I was with him in trouble. etc.  
Remember lots wife which looked back. Remember Frances Spira. Remember that none is crowned but he that striveth lawfully. Remember that all you have, is at Christ's commandment. Remember he lost more for you then you can lose for him. Remember you lose not that which is lost for his sake, 
Godly remembrances.  for you shall find much more here and elsewhere. Remember you shall die, and when, where, and how, ye can not tell. Remember the death of sinners is most terrible. Remember the death of God's Saints is precious in his sight. Remember the multitude goeth the wide way which windeth to woe. Remember that the strait gate which leadeth to glory hath but few travelers. Remember, Christ biddeth you strive to enter in thereat. Remember, he that trusteth in the Lord shall receive strength to stand against all the assaults of his enemies. Be certain all the hearers of your head are numbered. Be certain your good Father hath pointed bounds over the which the devil dare not look. Commit yourself to him: he is, hath been, and will be your Keeper. Cast your care on him and he will care for you. Let Christ be your scope and mark to prick at: let him be your patron to work by: let him be your ensample to follow: give him as your hart so your hand, 
Christ 〈◊〉 must 〈◊〉 both 〈◊〉 and hand●▪  as your mind so your tongue, as your faith so your feet, and let his word be your candle to go before you in all matters of Religion. Blessed is he that walketh not to these Popish prayers, nor standeth at them nor sitteth at them: glorify God in both soul and body. 
Psalm. ● 2 Cor. 6.  He that gathereth not with Christ: scattereth abroad. Use prayer, look for Gods help, which is at hand to them that ask and hope thereafter assuredly. In which prayer I heartily desire your Lordship to remember us, who as we are going with you right gladly (God therefore be praised) so we look to go before you, hoping that you will follow, if God so will, according to your daily prayer: Thy will be done on earth. etc. The good spirit of God always guide your Lordship unto the end. Amen.  
Your Lordships own for ever, john Bradford.   

* To M. Warcup and his Wife, Mistress Wilkenson and others of his godly friends with their families.  
THe same peace our Saviour Christ left with his people, 
A pithy 〈◊〉 effectual letter of 〈◊〉 Bradford M. War●●● and 〈◊〉 Wilkins●.  which is not without war with the world, almighty God work plentifully in your hearts now and for ever, Amen.  
The time I perceive is come, wherein the lords ground will be known, I mean it will now shortly appear who have received God's Gospel into their hearts in deed, to the taking of good root therein, for such will not for a little heat or sunburning, wither, but stiffly will stand and grow on maugre the malice of all burning showers and tempests. And for as much as (my beloved in the Lord) I am persuaded of you, that ye be in deed the children of GOD, God's good ground, which groweth and will grow on (by God's grace) bringing forth fruit to God's glory after your vocations, as occasion shall be offered (burn the Sun never so hot) therefore I can not but so signify unto you, and heartily pray you and every one of you, accordingly to go on forwards after your Master Christ, not sticking at the foul way and stormy weather, which you are come into and are like so to do, of this being most certain, that the end of your journey shall be pleasant and joy full in such a perpetual rest and blissfulness as can not but swallow up the showers that ye now feel and are soussed in, if ye often set it before your eyes after Paul's counsel in the latter end of the 4. and beginning of the 5. chapter of the second Epistle to the Corinthians. Read it I pray you, and remember it often, as a Restorative to refresh you, least ye faint in the way.  
And besides this, set before you also, that though the weather be foul and storms grow apace, yet go not ye alone, but other your brothers and sister's pad the same path, as Saint Peter telleth us, and therefore company should cause you to be the more courageous and cheerful. But if ye had no company at all to go presently with you, I pray you tell me, if even from the beginning the best of God's friends have found any fairer weather and way to the place whether ye are going (I mean heaven) than ye now find and are like to do, 
Fowl 〈◊〉 and foul● weather the kingdom of heaven.  except ye will with the worldlings, which have their portion in this life, 〈◊〉 still by the way till the storms be overpast, and then either night will so approach that ye can not travel, either the doors will be sparred before ye come, and so ye shall lodge without in wonderful evil lodgings. Read Apocal. 22. Begin at Abel, & come from him to Noah, Abraham, Isaac, jacob, joseph, the patriarchs, Moses, David, Daniel, and all the Saints in the old testament, and tell me whether ever any of them found any fairer way than ye now find.  
If the old Testament will not serve, 
The 〈◊〉 of all 〈◊〉 Saincte● both in old and new tes●●●ment, 〈◊〉 been tho●rough a●●fliction.  I pray you come to the new, and begin with Mary and joseph, and come from them to Zachary, Elizabeth, john Baptist, and every one of the Apostles and Evangelists, and search whether they all found any other way into the City we travail towards, then by many tribulations. Besides these, if ye should call to remembrance the primative Church, Lord GOD, ye should see many to have given cheerfully their bodies to most grievous torments, rather than they would be stopped in their journey, that there is no day in the year, but (I dare say) a thousand was the fewest that with great joy lost their homes here, 
Read th● story of primiti●● Church labove 〈◊〉.  but in the City they went unto, have found other manner of homes than man's mind is able to conceive. But if none of all these were, if ye had no company now to go with you, as ye have me your poor brother and bondman of the Lord, with many other, I trust in GOD: if ye had none other of the Fathers, patriarchs, Kings, Prophets, Apostles Evangelists, Martyrs, and other holy saints and children of God, that in their journey to heavenward, found as ye now find and are like to find if ye go on forward as I trust ye will: yet ye have your Master and your Captain jesus christ, the dear darling and only begotten and beloved son of God, 
Christ Ie●●s the 〈◊〉 leader ●f all Gods 〈…〉.  in whom was all the father's pleasure, joy, & delectation ye have him to go before you, no fairer way but much fouler, into this our City of jerusalem. I need not (I trust) to rehearse what manner of way he found. Begin at his birth, and till ye come at his burial, ye shall find that every foot and strided of his journey, was no better, but much worse than yours is now.  
Wherefore (my dearly beloved in the Lord) be not so dainty as to look for that at God's hands your dear father, which the Fathers, 
 patriarchs, Prophets, Apostles, Evangelists, Martyrs, Saints▪ and his own son jesus Christ did not find Hitherto we have had fair way (I trow) and fair weather also▪ now because we have loitered by the way, and not made the speed we should have done, our loving Lord and sweet father hath overcast the weather, and stirred up storms and tempests, that we might with more haste run out our race before night come, and the doors be sparred. The Devil standeth now at every Inn door in his City and Country of this world crying unto us to tarry and lodge in this or that place till the storms be overpast: not that he would not have us wet to the skin, but that the time might over pass us to our utter destruction. Therefore beware of his enticements. Cast not your eyes on things that be present, how this man doth, and how that man doth: But cast your eyes on the gleve ye run at, or else ye will lose the game. Ye know that he which runneth at the gleve, doth not look on other that stand by, and go this way or that way, but altogether he looketh on the gleve, and on them that run with him, 
 that those which be behind overtake him not, and that he may overtake them which be before: even so should we do, leave of looking on those which will not run the race to heaven bliss by the path of persecution with us, and cast our eyes on the end of our race, and on them that go before us, that we may overtake them, and on them which come after us, that we may provoke them to come the faster after.  
He that shooteth, will not cast his eyes in his shooting on them that stand by, 
To look to the mark.  or ride by the ways (I trow) but rather at the mark he shooteth at, for else he were like to win the wrong way: Even so my dearly beloved let your eyes be set on the mark ye shoot at, even Christ jesus, who for the joy set before him, did joyfully carry his Cross, contemning the shame and therefore he now sitteth on the right hand of the throne of God. 
 Let us follow him, for this did he that we should not be fainthearted. For we may be most assured, that if we suffer with him, we shall undoubtedly reign with him, but if we deny him, surely he will deny us: for he that is ashamed of me (saith Christ) and of my Gospel, in this faithless generation, I will be ashamed of him before the Angels of God in heaven. Oh how heavy a sentence is this to all such as know the Mass to be an abominable idol, 
〈…〉 to the 〈…〉 mass.  full of idolatry, blasphemy, and sacrilege against God and his Christ (as undoubtedly it is) and yet for fear of men, for loss of life or goods, yea, some for advantage and gain, will honest it with their presence, dissembling both with God and man, as their own heart and conscience doth accuse them? Better it were that such had never known the truth, then thus wittingly, and for the fear or favour of man, whose breath is in his nosethrels, to dissemble it, or rather (as in deeede it is) to deny it. The end of such is like to be worse than their beginning. Such had need to take heed of the two terrible places to the Hebrews in the sixth and tenth chapters, 
〈◊〉 2. 〈◊〉 2. ●eb. 6 10.  least by so doing they fall therein. Let them beware they play not wily beguile themselves, as some do, I fear me, which go to Mass, and because they worship not, nor kneel not, nor knock not as others do, but sit still in their pues, therefore they think they rather do good to others then hurt.  

 But (alas) if these men would look into their own consciences, there should they see they are very dissemblers and in seeking to deceive others (for by this means the Magistrates think them of their sort) they deceive themselves. They think at the elevation time, all men's eyes are set upon them, to mark how they do. They think others hearing of such men going to Mass, do see, o● inquire of their behaviour there. Oh if there were in those men that are so present at the Mass, either love to God, or to their brethren, then would they for the one or both, openly take God's part, and admonish their people of their idolatry. 
 They fear man more than him, which hath power to cast both soul and body to hell fire: they halt on both knees: they serve two masters. God have mercy upon such and open their eyes with his eye salve, that they may see, that they which take no part with God, are against God, and that they which gather not with Christ, do scatter abroad. Oh that they would read what S. john saith, will be done to the fearful. 
 The counsel given to the Church of Laodicea, is good counsel for such.  
But to return to you again (dearly beloved) be not ye ashamed of God's Gospel, It is the power of God to salvation, to all those that do believe it. 
2. Timothy. 1. Romans. 1.  Be therefore partakers of the afflictions, as God shall make you able, knowing for certain, that he will never tempt you farther than he will make you able to bear: 
1. Corinth. 10. Philip. 1. 1. Peter. 3. Math. 5.  and think it no small grace of God to suffer persecution for God's truth, for the spirit of God resteth upon you, and ye are happy, as one day ye shall see. Read 2. Thess. 1. Heb. 12. As the fire hurteth not gold but maketh it finer, so shall ye be more pure by suffering with Christ. 1. Pet 1. The flail and wind hurteth not the wheat, but cleanseth it from the chaff And ye dearly beloved are God's wheat▪ fear not therefore the flail, fear not the fanning wind, fear not the millstone, fear not the oven, 
Persecution compared to the flail which hurteth not but cleanseth the wheat.  for all these make you more meet for the Lords own tooth. Soap, though it be black, soileth not the cloth, but rather at the length maketh it more clean: so doth the black Cross help us to more whiteness, if God strike with his battledore. Because ye are God's sheep, prepare yourselves to the slaughter, always knoing that in the sight of the Lord, our death shall be precious. The souls under the altar look for us to fill up their number: 
Romans. 8. 1. Peter. 5. Matthew. 10.  happy are we if God have so appointed us. How soever it be (dearly beloved) cast yourselves wholly upon the Lord with whom all the hears of your heads are numbered, so that not one of them shall perish. Will we nill we, we must drink God's cup, if he have appointed it for us. Drink it willingly then, 
Psalm 75. 1. Pet. 4.  and at the first when it is full, lest peradventure if we linger, we shall drink at the length of the dregs with the wicked, if at the beginning we drink not with his children: for with them his judgement beginneth, and when he hath wrought his will on mount Zion, then will he visit the nations round about.  
Submit yourselves therefore under the mighty hand of the Lord. 
1. Peter. 5. Romans. 8.  No man shall touch you without his knowledge When they touch you therefore, know it is your weal. God thereby will work to make you like unto Christ here, that ye may be also like unto him else where. Acknowledge your unthankfulness and sin, and bless God that correcteth you in the world, 
1. Cor. 11.  because ye shall not be damned with the world. Otherwise might he correct us, then in making us to suffer for righteousness sake: but this he doth because we are not of the world Call upon his name through Christ for his help, as he commandeth us. Believe that he is merciful to you, heareth you, and helpeth you: 
Psalm. 50. Psalm. 22.  I am with him in trouble, and will deliver him, saith he. Know that God hath appointed bounds over the which the Devil, and all the world shall not pass. If all things seem to be against you, yet say with job: If he will kill me, I will hope in him. Read the 91. Psalm, and pray for me your poor brother, and fellow sufferer for God's Gospels sake: his name therefore be praised, and of his mercy he make me & you worthy to suffer with good conscience, for his name's sake Die once we must, and when we know not: 
Happy is that death which seeing once it must needs be paid, is bestowed upon the Lord.  happy are they whom God giveth to pay Nature's debt: I mean to die for his sake.  
Here is not our home, therefore let us accordingly consider things, always having before our eyes the heavenly jerusalem Heb. 12. Apoc. 21 22 the way thither to be by persecutions: the dear friends of God, how they have gone it after the example of our saviour jesus Christ, whose footsteps let us follow even to the gallows, if God so will, not doubting but that as he within three days rose again immortal: even so we shall do in our time: that is, when the trump shall blow, and the Angel shall shoot, and the son of man shall appear in the clouds, with innumerable saints and Angels in majesty and great glory: then shall the dead arise, and we shall be caught up into the clouds to meet the Lord, and so be always with him. Comfort yourselves with these words, and pray for me for God's sake.  
E carcere. 19 novemb. 1553. john Bradford.   

* To sir james Hales Knight, than prisoner in the Counter in Bredstreate.  
THe God of mercy and father of all comfort, plentifully pour out upon you and in you his mercy, 
Another letter of M. Bradford to Sir james Hales Knight.  and with his consolations comfort and strengthen you to the end, for his and our Christ's sake, Amen.  
Although, right worshipful sir, many causes might move me to be content, with crying for you to your God and my God, that he would give you grace to persevere well, as he hath right notably begun to the great glory of his name, and comfort of all such as fear him, as lack of learning, of familiarity, yea, acquaintance (for I think I am unknown to you, both by face and name) and other such like things: yet I cannot content myself, but presuming something to scribble unto you, not that I think my scribbling can do you good, but that I might declare my 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and compassion, love, and effection I bear towards your mastership, which is contented, yea desirous with us poor misers, and to confess Christ's Gospel, in these perilous times and days of trial. Oh Lord God how good art thou, which dost thus glean out grapes, I mean children for thyself, and brethren for Christ? Look good M. Hales on your vocation: not many judges, 
How God gleaneth out his people.  not many knights, not myny landed men, not many rich men: and wealthy to ●iue as you are, hath God chosen to suffer for his sake, as he hath now done you. Certainly I dare say you think not so of yourself, as though God were bound to prefer you, or had need of you: but rather attribute this, as all good things, unto his free mercy in Christ. Again, I dare say, that you being a wise man, do judge of things wisely, that is, concerning this your Cross, 
The world, people, and worldly wisdom are evil judges of things spiritual.  you judge of it not after the world and people, which is magnus erro●is magister, nor after the judgement of reason and worldly wisdom, which is foolishness to faith, nor after the present sense, to the which none videtur gaudij sed molesti●e, i. it seemeth not to be joyous but grievous, as Paul writeth: but after the word of God, which reacheth your Cross to be, in respect of yourself between God and you, 
Heb. 12.  Gods chastising and your father's correction, nurture, school, trial, patheway to heaven, 
Praise of the Crosse.  glory and felicity, and the furnace to consume the dross, and mortify the relics of old Adam which yet remain, yea even the framehouse to fashion you like to the dearest saints of God here, yea Christ to the Son of GOD, that elsewhere you might be like unto him.  
Now, concerning your cross in respect of the world between the world and you, 
The Cross maketh us witnesses to God, wherein and in what things.  God's word teacheth it to be a testimonial of God's truth, of his providence, of his power, of his justice, of his wisdom, of his anger against sin, of his goodness, of his judgement, of your faith and religion: so that by it you are to the world, a witness of god one of his testes that he is true, he ruleth all things, he is just, wise, and at the length will judge the world, and cast the wicked into perdition, but the godly he will take & receive into his eternal habitation. I know you judge of things after faiths fetch, and the effects or ends of things, and so you see aeternum pondus gloriae. i. An eterweight of glory, which this Cross shall bring unto you dum non spectas ea quae videntur, 
1. Cor. 4.  sed ea quae non videntur. i. While you look not on things which are seen, but on the things which are not seen. Let the worldlings way things, 
Subscribing to K. Edward's will.  and look upon the affairs of men with their worldly and corporal eyes, as did many in subscription of the kings last will, and therefore they did that, for the which, they beshrewed themselves: but let us look on things with other manner of eyes, as God be praised you did, in not doing that which you were desired, and driven at to have done. You than beheld things not as a man, but as a man of God, and so you do now in Religion, at the lest hitherto you have done, and that you might do so still, I humbly beseech and pray you, say with David: Defecerunt oculi mei in eloquium tuum, 
Psalm. 119.  quando consolaberis me? i. Mine eyes fail for thy word, saying: when wilt thou comfort me? Though you be as uter in fumo. i. like a bottle in the smoke: (for I hear you want health) yet ne obliviscaris iustificationes Dei. i. Do not forget the statutes of the Lord: but cry out, quot sunt dies servi tui● quando facies de persequentibus me judicium? i. How many are the days o● thy servant? when wilt thou execute judgement on them that persecute me? And be certain quòd Dominus veniens veniet & non tardabit. 
Aba. 2. Psalm. 30.  Si moram fecerit, expecta illum. i. The Lord will surely come, and not stay: though he tarry, wait for him: for he is but ad momentum in ira sua, & vita in voluntate eius, Ad vesperam demorabitur fletus, & ad matutinum laetitia. i. He is but a while in his anger, but in his favour is life, weeping may abide at evening, but joy cometh in the morning, Fellow therefore Isaiah'S counsel: Abscondere ad modicum, 
Esay. 26.  ad momentum, donec pertranseat indignatio eius, i. Hid thyself for a very little while, until the indignation pass over, which is not indignatio in deed, but to our sense, and therefore in the 26. chapter of Esay God saith of his Church and people, 
Esay. 26.  that as he keepeth night and day, so non est indignatio mihi. i. There is no anger in me, (saith he.)  
The mother sometime beateth the child, but yet her hart melteth upon it even in the very beating, 
God's love in our corrections.  and therefore she casteth the rod into the fire, and culleth the child giveth it an apple, and dandleth it most motherly. And to say the truth, the love of mothers to their children is but a trace to train us to behold the love of God towards us, 
Esay. 49.  and therefore saith he: can a mother forget the child of her womb? As who say, no: but if she should so do, yet will not I forget thee, saith the Lord of hosts. Ah comfortable saying: I will not forget thee, saith the Lord. In deed the children of God think oftentimes that God hath forgotten them, and therefore they cry: Ne abscondas faciem tuam â me. etc. i. Hid not thy face from me. etc. Ne de●elinquas me Domine. etc. i. Leave me not O Lord. etc. Whereas in very truth it is not so but to their present sense, 
Psalm. 25.  and therefore David said: Ego dixi in excessu meo, proiectus sum â facie tua. i. I said in my agony, I was clean cast away from thy face. But was it so? Nay verily. Read his Psalm and you shall see. 
Psalm. 90▪ 98.37. & ●● Psalm. 31. Psalm. ●2.  So writeth he also in other places very often, especially in the person of Christ, as when he saith: Deus meus, Deus meus, ut quid derequisti me. i. My God, my God, why hast thou forsaken me? he saith not, ut quid derelinquis? i. Why dost thou forsake me? or, derelinques? i. Why wilt thou forsake me? but, ut quid dereliquisti? Why hast thou forsaken me? Where in deed God had not left him but that it was so to his sense, & that this Psalm telleth full well: which Psalm I pray you now and then read, it is the 22. and thereto join the 30. and the 116. with divers other. The same we read in the Prophet Esay in his 40. chapter, where he reproveth Israel for saying, God had forgotten them. Nunquid nescis (saith he?) i. Knowest thou not? An non audivisti? etc. i. Hast thou not heard? etc. 
Esay. 40.  Qui sperant in Domino mutabunt fortitudinem. i. They that trust in the Lord shall renew their strength. And in his 54. chapter: Noli timere. etc. Ad punctum enim, in modico dereliqui te & in miserationibus magnis congregabo te. In momento indignationis obscondi faciem meam parumper â te, & in miserecordia sempiterna misertus sum tui, di xit redemptor tuus dominus. Nam istud erit mihi sicut aquae Noe. Vt enim iuravi ne porro aquae Noe pertransirent terram, sic iuravi ut non irascar tibi & non increpem te. Montes enim comovebuntur & colles contremiscent, miserecordia autem mea non recedet à te, & foedus pacis meae non movebitur, dixit miserator tuus Dominus. i. Fear not. etc. For a little while I have forsaken thee, but with great compassion will I gather thee. For a moment in mine anger I hid my face from thee, for a little season: but in everlasting mercy have I had compassion on thee, saith the Lord thy redeemer. For this is unto me, as the waters of Noe. For as I have sworn that the waters of No should no more go over the earth, so have I sworn that I would not be angry with thee, nor rebuke thee. For the mountains shall remove, and hills shall fall down, but my mercy shall not depart from thee, neither shall the covenant of my peace fall away, saith the Lord, that hath compassion on thee.  
But the scriptures are full of such sweet places to them that will portare iram domini & expectare salutem & auxilium eius. i. Bear the wrath of the Lord, 
Math. ●.  and way for his health and help. As of all temptations this is the greatest, that God hath forgotten, or will not help us through the pikes, as they say: so of all services of God, this liketh him the best, to hope assuredly on him & for his help always, which is adiutor in tribulationibus. i. An helper in tribulations, 
1. Cor. ●● Psalm. 1●  and doth more gloriously show his power by such as be weak, and feel themselves so. For quo infirmiores sumus, eo sumus in illo robustiores. Sic oculi domini. i. The weaker we are, the more strong we are in him. Thus the eyes of the Lord be on them that tremble and fear. Voluntatem eorum faciet: i. he will accomplish their desire: he is with them in their trouble, he will deliver them. Antequam clamaverint exaudit eos. i. before they cry, he heareth them, as all the scriptures teach us. To the reading whereof and hearty prayer, I heartily commend you, beseeching almighty God, that of his eternal mercies he would make perfect the good he hath begun in you, and strengthen you to the end, that you might have no less hope, but much more, of his help to your comfort now against your enemies, than already he hath given you against. N. for not subscrybing to the kings will.  
Be certain, be certain good M. Hales, that all the hears of your head your dear father hath numbered, so that one of them shall not pearish: your name is written in the book of life. Therefore upon God cast all your care which will comfort you with his eternal consolations, and make you able to go through the fire (if need be) which is nothing to be compared to the fire where into our enemies shall fall and lie for ever: from the which the Lord deliver us, though it be through temporal fire, which must be construed according to the end and profit that cometh after it: so shall it then not much dear us to suffer it for our master Christ's cause, the which the Lord grant for his mercy's sake. Amen.  
From the king's Bench. Your humble john Bradford.   

❧ To my very friend in the Lord Doctor Hill Physician.  
THe God of mercy and father of all comfort, at this present and for ever engraff in your heart the sense of his mercy in Christ, 
●etter to 〈◊〉 Hill 〈◊〉.  and for the continuance of his consolation, which cannot but enable you to carry with joy, whatsoever cross he shall lay upon you, Amen.  
Hitherto I could have no such liberty as to write unto you, as I think you know: but now in that through God's providence I have no such restraint, I cannot but something write, as well to purge me of this suspicion of unthankfulness towards you as also to signify my carefulness for you in these perilous days, lest you should wax cold in God's cause (which God forbidden) or suffer the light of the Lord once kindled in your heart to be quenched, and so become as you were before, after the example of the world and of many other, which would have been accounted otherwise in our days, and yet still beguile themselves, still would be so accounted, although by their outward life they declare the contrary, in that they think it enough to keep the heart pure, notwithstanding that the outward man doth curry favour.  
In which doing, as they deny God to be jealous, and therefore requireth the whole man as well body as soul, being both create, as to immortality and society with him, so redeemed by the blood of jesus Christ, and now sanctified by the holy spirit to be the temple of GOD, and member of his son, as (I say) by their parting stake to give God the heart, 
●●rting 〈◊〉 between God and the world. 〈◊〉 with 〈◊〉 church.  and the world the body, they deny God to be jealous (for else they would give him both, as the wife would do to her husband whether he be jealous or Noah, if she be honest,) so they play the dissemblers with the Church of GOD by their fact, offending the godly, whom either they provoke to fall with them, or make more careless and consciencelesse if they be fallen, and occasioning the wicked and obstinate to triumph against God, and the more vehemently to prosecute their malice against such as will not defile themselves in body or soul with the romish rags now revived amongst us. Because of this, I mean lest you my dear Master and brother in the Lord, should do as many of our Gospelers do for fear of man, whose breath is in his nostrils, and hath power but of the body, 
gospel 〈◊〉. ●say. 2.  not fearing the Lord which hath power both of soul and body, and that not only temporally, but also eternally: I could not but write something unto you, aswell because duty deserveth it (for many benefits I have received of God by your hands, for the which he reward you, for I cannot, as also because charity and love compelleth me: not that I think you have any need (for as I may rather learn of you, so I doubt not but you have hitherto kept yourself upright from halting) but that I might both quiet my conscience calling upon me hereabout, 
●. Hill M. ●radfordes physician. Maiden's. Sorts of ●biectes. Ways. Kingdoms.  and signify unto you by some thing my carefulness for your soul, as painful and often you have done for my body.  
Therefore I pray you call to mind that there be but two masters, two kinds of people, two ways, and two mansion places. The masters by Christ and Satan: the people be servitures to either of these, the ways be straight and wide: the mansions be Heaven and Hell, Again, consider that this world is the place of trial of God's people and the devils servants for as the one will follow his master what soever cometh of it, so will the other. For a time it is hard to discern who pertaineth to God and who to the Devil: as in the calm and peace, 
affliction ●●eth who 〈◊〉 with God, and who go with the Devil.  who is a good shipman and warrior, and who is not. But as when the storm ariseth, the expert mariner is known, and as in war the good soldier is seen, so in affliction and the Cross, easily Gods children are known from Satan's servants: for then as the good servant will follow his master, so will the godly follow their captain, come what come will, where as the wicked and hypocrites will bid adieu, and desire less of Christ'S acquaintance. For which cause the Cross is called a probation and trial, because it trieth who will go with God and who will forsake him. 
●hristes 〈◊〉 the ●●aller, and 〈◊〉.  And now in England we see how small a company Christ hath in comparison of Satan's soldiers. Let no man deceive himself, for he that gathereth not wy●h christ, scattereth abroad. No man can serve two masters: the Lord abhorreth double hearts: the luke warm, that is, such as are both hot and cold, he spiteth out of his mouth. None that halt on both knees doth GOD take for his servants. The way of christ is the straight way, and so strait, that as a few find it and few walk in it, so no man can halt in it but must needs go upright: for as the straightness will suffer no reeling to this side or that side: so if any man halt, he is like to fall of the bridge into the pit of eternal perdition.  
Strive therefore good master Doctor, now you have found it, to enter into it: and if you should be called or pulled back, look not on this side or that side, or behind you as Lot's wife did: but straight forwards on the end which is set before you (though it be to come) as even now present: like as you do and will your pacientes to do in purgations and other your ministrations, 
A wise man will ever consider the end.  to consider the effect that will ensue, where through the bitterness and loathsomeness of the purgation is so overcome, and the painfulness in abiding the working of that is ministered, is so eased, that it maketh the patient willingly and joyfully to receive that is to be received, although it be never so unpleasant: so (I say) set before you the end of this straight way, and then doubtless, as Paul saith, aeternum pondus gloriae pariet. i. It shall bring with it an eternal weight of glory, whilst we look not on the thing which is seen, for that is temporal, but on the thing which is not seen, which is eternal. So doth the husbandman in ploughing and tilling, set before him the harvest time: so doth the fisher consider the draft of his net, rather than the casting in: so doth the Merchant the return of his merchandise: and so should we in these stormy days set before us not the loss of our goods, liberty and very life, but the reaping time, the coming of our saviour Christ to judgement, the fire that shall burn the wicked and disobedient to GOD'S Gospel, the blast of the Trump, the exceeding glory prepared for us in heaven eternally, such as the eye hath not seen, the ear hath not heard, not the hart of man can conceive. The more we lose here, 
The glorious recompense of such as suffer for the Lord.  the greater joy shall we have there. The more we suffer, the greater triumph. For corruptible dross, we shall find incorruptible treasures: for gold, glory: for silver, solace without end: for riches, robes royal: for earthly houses, eternal palaces: mirth without measure, pleasure without pain, felicity endless: Summa we shall have God the father, the son and the holy Ghost.  
Oh happy place, oh that this day would come. Then shall the end of the wicked be lamentable, then shall they receive the just reward of God's vengeance, then shall they cry woe, woe, that ever they did as they have done. Read Sapien. 2.3.4.5. Read Matthew. 25. Read 1 Corinthians 15. 2. Corrinthians 5. and by faith (which GOD increase in us) consider the thing there set forth. And for your comfort, read Hebrews 11. to see what faith hath done, always considering the way to heaven to be by many tribulations, and that all they which will live godly in Christ jesus, must suffer persecution. You know this is our Alphabet: He that will be my Disciple, 
The way to heaven is by tribulations.  saith christ must deny himself, and take up his Cross and follow me not this Bishop, nor that Doctor, not this Emperor, nor that King, but me, saith Christ: For he that loveth father, mother, wife, children, or very life better than me, is not worthy of me. Remember that the same Lord saith: He that will save his life shall lose it. Comfort yourself with this, 
Math. 8.  that as the Devils had no power over the Porkets or over jobs goods without God's leave, so shall they have man over you. Remember also that all the hears of your head are numbered with God. The Devil may make one believe he will drown him, as the Sea in his surges threateneth to the land: but as the Lord hath appointed bounds for the one, over the which he can not pass: so hath he done for the other.  
On God therefore cast your care, love him, serve him after his word, fear him, trust in him, hope at his hand for all help, and always pray, looking for the Cross, and whensoever it cometh, be assured the Lord, as he is faithful, so he will never tempt you further than he will make you able to bear, but in the midst of the temptation will make such an evasion, as shall be most to his glory, and your eternal comfort. GOD for his mercy in Christ with his holy spirit endue you, comfort you, under the wings of his mercy shadow you, and as his dear child guide you for evermore. To whose mercfull tuition, as I do with my hearty prayer commit you: so I doubt not but you pray for me also, & so I beseech you to do still. My brother P. telleth me you would have the last part of S. Hieromes works, to have the use thereof for a fortenight. I cannot for these three days well forbear it, but yet on Thursday next I will send it you if God let me not, and use me and that I have, as your own. The LORD for his mercy in christ direct our ways to his glory,  
Out of prison by yours to command john Bradford.   

¶ To Mistress M. H a godly gentlewoman, comforting her in that common heaviness and godly sorrow: which the feeling and sense of sin worketh in God's children.  
I Humbly and heartily pray the everlasting good God and Father of mercy, 
another ghostly letter of M. Bradford to Mistress M. H.  to bless and keep your heart and mind in the knowledge and love of his truth, and of his Christ, through the inspiration and working of the holy spirit, Amen.  

Anno 1555. july.  Although I have no doubt, but that you prosper and go forwards daily in the way of godliness, more and more drawing towards perfection, and have no need of any thing that I can write, yet because my desire is that you might be more fervent and persever to the end, I could not but write something unto you, beseeching you both often and diligently to call unto your mind, as a mean to stir you hereunto, yea as a thing which God most straightly requireth you to believe, that you are beloved of God, and that he is your dear father, in, through, and for Christ and his deaths sake. This love and tender kindness of God towards us in Christ, is abundantly herein declared, and that he hath to the Godly work of creation of this world, made us after his image, redeemed us being lost, called us into his Church, sealed us with his mark and sign manuel of Baptism, kept and conserved us all the days of our life, 
God's benefits to be declared.  fed, nourished, defended and most fatherly chastised us, and now hath kindled in our hearts the sparkles of his ●eare, faith, love, and knowledge of his Christ and truth, and therefore we lament because we lament no more our unthankfulness, our frailness, our diffidence and wavering in things, wherein we should be most certain.  
All these things we should use as means to confirm our faith of this, that God is our God and father & to assure us that he loveth us as our father in Christ: to this end (I say) we should use the things before touched especially in that of all things GOD requireth this faith and fatherly persuasion of his fatherly goodness, 
The chiefest service of God is to think well of his fatherly goodness in Christ.  as his chiefest service. For before he ask any thing of us, he saith: I am the Lord thy God, giving himself, and then all he hath to us to be our own. And this he doth in respect of himself, of his own mercy and and truth, and not in respect of us, for than were grace no grace. In consideration whereof, when he saith: Thou shalt have none other Gods but me, thou shalt love me with all thy heart. etc. though of duty we are bound to accomplish all that he requireth, and are culpable and guilty, if we do not the same, yet he requireth not these things further of us, then to make us more in love and more certain of this his covenant, that he is our Lord and GOD. In certainty whereof, as he hath given this whole world to serve to our need and commodity: so hath he given his son christ jesus, and in Christ, himself to be a pledge and gauge: whereof the holy Ghost doth now and then give us some taste and sweet smell to our our eternal joy.  

Where feeling faileth: yet obedience is required.  Therefore (as I said) because God is your father in Christ, and requireth of you straightly to believe it, give yourself to obedience, although you do it not with such feeling as you desire. First must faith go before, and then feeling will follow. If our imperfection, frailty, and many evils should be occasions whereby Satan would have us to doubt, as much as we can, let us abhor that suggestion, 
Let no suggestion make us doubt of God's favour in Christ.  as of all others most pernicious: for so in deed it is. For when we stand in a doubt, whether God be our Father, we cannot be thankful to God, we can not heartily pray or think any thing we do acceptable to God, we can not love our neighbours and give over ourselves to care for them, and do for them as we should do, and therefore Satan is most subtle hereaboutes, knowing full well that if we doubt of God's eternal mercies towards us through Christ, we cannot please God, or do any thing as we should do to man. Continually casteth he into our memories our imperfection, frailty, falls and offences, that we should doubt of God's mercy, and favour towards us.  
Therefore my good sister, we must not be sluggish herein, 
To stay upon God's promise to Christ's blood.  but as Satan laboureth to loosen our faith: so must we labour to fasten it by thinking on the promises and covenant of God in Christ's blood, namely that God is our God with all that ever he hath: which covenant dependeth and hangeth upon Gods own goodness, mercy and truth only, and not on our obedience or worthiness in any point, for than should we never be certain. In deed God requireth of us obedience and worthiness, but not that thereby we might be his children and he our father, 
Obedience giveth not to us to 〈◊〉 Godschildrens but God's children giveth obedience.  but because he is our father and we his children through his own goodness in Christ, therefore requireth he faith and obedience. Now if we want this obedience & worthiness which he requireth, should we doubt whether he be our father? Nay, that were to make our obedience and worthiness the cause, and so to put Christ out of place, for whose sake God is our father: But rather because he is our father, and we feel ourselves to want such things as he requireth, we should be stirred up to a shamefastness and blushing, because we are not as we should be: and thereupon should we take occasion to go to our father in prayer on this manner:  
Dear father, thou of thine own mercy in jesus christ hast chosen me to be thy child, and therefore thou wouldst I should be brought into thy Church and faithful company of thy children: wherein thou hast kept me hitherto, 
How a 〈◊〉 should 〈◊〉 when feeling of God's comfort lacketh.  thy name therefore be praised. Now I see myself to want faith, hope, love. etc. which thy children have and thou requirest of me, wherethrough the devil would have me to doubt, yea utterly to despair of thy fatherly goodness, favour and mercy. Therefore I come to thee as to my merciful father through thy dear son jesus Christ, and pray thee to help me good Lord: help me, and give me faith hope, love, etc. and grant that thy holy spirit may be with me for ever, and more and more to assure me that thou art my father: that this merciful covenant that thou madest with them respect of thy grace in Christ, and for Christ and not in respect of any my worthiness, is always to me. etc.  
On this sort (I say) you must pray and use your cogitations, when Satan would have you to doubt of salvation. He doth all he can to prevail herein. 
Hope beyond hope▪ Faith goeth before feeling.  Do you all you can to prevail herein against him. Though you feel not as you would, yet doubt not, but hope beyond all hope, as Abraham did. For always (as I said) goeth faith before feeling. As certain as God is almighty, as certain as God is merciful, as certain as God is true, as certain as jesus Christ was crucified, is risen, and sitteth on the right hand of the Father, as certain as this is GOD'S commandment: I am the Lord thy God. etc. so certain ought you to be that God is your father. As you are bound to have no other Gods but him, so are ye no less bound to believe that God is your God. What profit should 〈◊〉 be to you to believe this to be true: I am the Lord thy God to others, if you should not believe that this is true to yourself? The devil believeth on this sort. And whatsoever it be that would move you to doubt of this, 
Doubting cometh of the devil.  whether God be your God through Christ, that same cometh undoubtedly of the devil. Wherefore did God make you, but because he loved you? Might not he have made you blind dumb, deaf, lame, frantic. etc. Might not he have made you a jew, a Turk, a Papist. & c? And why hath he not done so? verily because he loved you? And why did he love you? What was there in you to move him to love you? Surely nothing moved him to love you, and therefore to make you, and so hitherto to keep you, but his own goodness in Christ. 
Eccle. 1.  Now then in that his goodness in christ still remaineth as much as it was, that is, even as great as himself, for it cannot be lessoned: how should it be but that he is your God and father? Believe this, believe this, my good sister, for God is no changeling: them whom he loveth, he loveth to the end.  
Cast therefore yourself wholly upon him, and think without all wavering, that you are God's child, that you are a citizen of heaven, that you are the daughter of God, the temple of the holy Ghost. etc. If hereof you be assured as you ought to be, then shall your conscience be quieted, then shall you lament more & more that you want many things which God loveth: 
faith & assured hope of God's savour, is the fountain of all well doing.  then shall you labour to be holy in soul and body: then shall you go about that God's glory may shine in all your words and works: then shall you not be afraid what man can do unto you: then shall you have such wisdom to answer your adversaries, as shall serve to their shame, and your comfort: then shall you be certain that no man can touch one hear of your head further than shall please your good father, to your everlasting joy: then shall you be most certain, that God as your good father, will be more careful for your Children, and make better provision for them, if all you have were gone than you can: then shall you (being assured I say of god's favour towards you) give over yourself wholly to help and care for others that be in need: then shall you contemn this life, and desire to be at home with your good and sweet father, then shall you labour to mortify all things that would spot either soul or body. All these things spring out of this certain persuasion and faith, that God is our father, and we are his children by Christ jesus. All things should help our faith herein: but Satan goeth about in all things to hinder us.  
Therefore let us use earnest and hearty prayer: let us often remember this covenant: I am the Lord thy God: let us look upon Christ and his precious blood shed for the obsignation and confirmation of his covenant: 
Consideration of God's promises and benefits.  let us remember all the free promises of the Gospel: let us set before us Gods benefits generally in making this world, in ruling it, in governing it, in calling and keeping his Church. etc. let us set before us Gods benefits particularly, how he hath made his creatures after his image, how he made us of perfect limbs, form, beauty, memory, etc. how he hath made us as Christians, and given us a right judgement in his religion: how he hath ever sithen we were b●rne, blessed, kept, nourished, and defended us: how he hath often beaten, chastised, and fatherly corrected us: how he hath spared us & doth now spare us, giving us time, space, place, grace. This if you do & use earnest prayer, and so flee from all things which might wound your conscience, giving yourself to diligence in your vocation, you shall find at the length that (which God grant to me with you) a sure certainty of salvation, without all such doubt as may trouble the peace of conscience, to your eternal joy, and comfort. Amen. Amen.  
Yours to use in Christ, john Bradford.   

¶ An other letter full of Godly comfort, written to the same person.  
THe good spirit of God which guideth his children, be with you my good sister in the Lord, for ever. Amen.  
Although, as I to you, so you unto me in person are unknown, 
 yet to him whom we desire to please, we are not only in persons, but also in hearts known and thoroughly seen: and therefore as for his sake you would by that you sent, of me be perceived how that in God you bear to me a good will: so, that I to you might be seen in God to bear you the like, I sand to you these few words in writing, wishing that in all your doings and speech, yea even in your very thoughts, you would labour to feel that they are all present and open before the sight of God, be they good or bad. This cogitation often had in mind and prayer made to God for the working of his spirit, thereby, as a mean, you shall at the length feel more comfort and commodity, than any man can know, but such as be exercised there in. Howbeit, this is to be added, that in thinking yourself, & all that you have and do, to be in the sight of God: this (I say) is to be added, 
 that you think his sight is the fight, not only of a Lord, but rather of a father, which tendereth more your infirmities, than you can tender the infirmities of any your Children. Yea when in yourself you see a motherly affection to your little one that is weak, let the same be unto you a trace to train you to see the unspeakable kind affection of God your father towards you.  
And therefore upon the consideration of your infirmities and natural evils, which continually cleave unto us, take occasion to go to God, 
 as your father through Christ, and before his merciful heart, lay open your infirmities and evils, with desire of pardon and help, after his good will and pleasure, but in his time, and not when you will, and by what means he will, not by that way you would: in the mean season hang on hope of his fatherly goodness, and surely you shall never be ashamed. For if a woman that is natural, cannot finally forget the Child of her womb, be ●ure God which is a father supernatural, 
Esay. ●9.  cannot, nor will not forget you. Yea if a woman could be so forgetful, yet God himself saith, he will not be so.  
This opinion, yea rather certain persuasion of God our father through Christ, see that you cherish and by all means, as well by diligent consideration of his benefits, 
 as of his loving corrections, whether they be inward or outward, see that you nourish: knowing for certain, that as the devil goeth about nothing so much as to bring you in a doubt whether ye be God's child, or no: so what soever shall move you to admit that dubitation, be assured the same to come from the Devil. If you feel in yourself not only the want of good things, but also plenty of evil, do not therefore doubt whether you be God's child in Christ, or no.  
For if for your goodness or illness sake, which you feel or feel not, 
 ye should believe or doubt, then should you make Christ jesus for whose sake only God is your father, either nothing, or else but half Christ.  
But rather take occasion of your wants in good, and of your plenty in evil, to go to God as to your father, and to pray to him, that in as much as he commandeth you to believe that he is your God and father: so he would give you his good spirit, that you might feel the same, and live as his child, to his glory: and cease not upon such prayers to look for comfort God's good time, still hoping the best, and rejecting all dubitation, and so all evil works, words and cogitations, as the Lord shall enable you by his good spirit and grace, which I beseech him to give unto you, my good sister, for ever. And further I pray you, that as he hath made you to be an helper unto your husband, so you would endeavour yourself therein to show the same as well in soul as body: and beg grace of God, that your endeavour may be effectual to both your comforts in Christ. Amen.  
john Bradford.   


 To my well-beloved in the Lord, W. P.  
GRace and peace from God the father, through our Lord jesus christ. Amen.  
Dear brother, God most justly hath cast me down into a dungeon, but much better than I deserve: wherein I see no man but my keeper, nor can see any except they borne to me Something in the earth my lodging is: which as an example and memorial of my earthly affections (which God I trust will mortify) and of my sepulchre, whereunto I trust my Lord God will bring me in peace in his good time. In the mean season he give me patience, lively hope, and his good spirit. I pray you pray for me, for the prayer of the godly, if it be effectual, 
This disease was a rheum with a feebleness of stomach▪ wherewith he was much troubled whiles he was at liberty.  worketh much with God. I thank God my common disease doth less trouble me, than when I was abroad, which doth teach me the merciful providence of God towards me. Use true and hearty prayer, and you shall perceive GOD at length will declare himself to see, where now many think he sleepeth.  
Out of the Tower, by the lords prisoner, john Bradford.   

A letter which he wrote to a faithful woman in her heaviness and trouble: most comfortable for all those to read that are afflicted and broken hearted for their sins.  
GOd our good father for his mercy's sake in Christ with his eternal consolation so comfort you, 
A letter of M. Bradford to a faithful woman inwardly afflicted.  as I desire to be comforted of him in my most need: Yea, he will comfort you, my dear sister, only cast your care upon him, and he never can nor will forsake you. For his calling and gifts be such, that he can never repent him of them. Whom he loveth, he loveth to the end: none of his chosen can perish. 
Romans. 11.  Of which number I know you are my dearly beloved sister: God increase the faith thereof daily more and more in you, he give unto you to hang wholly on him and on his providence and protection. For who so dwelleth under 
* God's providence and protection. Psalm. 31.90. Gene. 19  that secret thing, and help of the Lord, he shall be cock sure for evermore. He that dwelleth I say: for if we be flitters and not dwellers: as was Loath a flitter from Segor, where God promised him protection, if he had dwelled there still, we shall remove to our loss, as he did into the mountains.  
Dwell therefore, that is, trust, and that finally unto the end, in the Lord (my dear sister) and you shallbe as Mount Zion. As Mountains compass jerusalem: so doth the Lord all his people. How then can he forget you, which are as the apple of his eye, for his dear sons sake. Ah dear heart, that I were now but one half hour with you, to be a Simon to help to carry your cross with you. God send you some good Simon to be with you, and help you.  
You complain in your letters of the blindness of your mind, and the troubles you feel. My dearly beloved, God make you thankful for that which God hath given unto you: he open your eyes to see what and how great benefits you have received, that you may be less covetous, or rather impatient, for so (I fear me) it should be called, and more thankful. Have not you received at his hands, sight to see your blindness, and thereto a desirous and seeking heart to see where he lieth in the midday, as his dear Spouse speaketh of herself in the Canticles? Oh joice, my good joice, what a gift is this? Many have some sight, but none this sobbing and sighing none this seeking which you have, I know, but such as he hath married unto him in his mercies. You are not content to kiss his feet with the Magdalen, but you would be kissed even with the kiss of his mouth. Cant. 1. You would see his face with Moses, forgetting how he biddeth us seek his face, Psalm. 27. yea, and that for ever. psalm 105. which signifieth no such sight as you desire, to be in this present life, which would see God now face to face, where as he cannot be seen, but covered under something yea sometime in that which is (as you would say) clean contrary to God: as to see his mercy in his anger. In bringing us to hell, faith seeth him bring us to heaven: in darkness it beholdeth brightness: 
God cannot be seen but covered under something.  in hiding his face from us, it beholdeth his merry countenance. How did job see God, but as (you would say) under Satan's clock? For who cast the fire from heaven upon his goods? Who overthrow his house, 
How faith seethe God, where flesh seethe hell.  and stirred up men to take away his cattle, but Satan? And yet job pearcey through all these, and saw God's work saying: The Lord hath given the Lord hath taken away. etc.  
In reading of the Psalms, how often do you see that David in the shadow of death, saw Gods sweet love? And so (my dearly beloved) I see that you in your darkness and dimness, by faith do see clarity and brightness: by faith (I say) because faith is of things absent, of things hoped for, of things which I appeal to your conscience, whether you desire not. And can you desire any thing which you know not? And is there of heavenly things any other true knowledge then by faith?  
Therefore, my dear heart, be thankful, for (before God I writ it) you have great cause. Ah my joice, how happy is the state wherein you are? 
The state of God's children described.  verily you are even in the blessed state of God's children: for they mourn, and do not you so? And that not for worldly weal, but for spiritual riches, faith, hope, charity. etc. Do you not hunger and thirst for righteousness? 
Math. 5.  And I pray you saith not Christ, who cannot lie, that happy are such? How should God wipe away the tears from your eyes in heaven, if now on earth ye shed no tears? How could heaven be a place of rest, if on earth you did find it? How could you desire to be at home, if in your journey ye found no grief? How could you so often call upon God, and talk with him, as I know you do, if your enemy should sleep all day long? How should you elsewhere be made like unto Christ, I mean in joy, if in sorrow you sobbed not with him? 
The way to heaven is to go through hell.  If you will have joy & felicity, you must first needs feel sorrow and misery. If you will go to heaven, you must sail by hell. If you will embrace Christ in his robes you must not think scorn of him in his rags. If you will sit at Christ's table in his kingdom, you must first abide with him in his temptations. If you will drink of his cup of glory, forsake not his cup of ignominy.  
Can the head corner stone be rejected, and the other more base stones in gods building be in this world set by? You are one of his lively stones: be content therefore to be hewn and snagged at, that you might be made more meet to be joined to your fellows which suffer with you Satan's snatches, the worlds wounds, contempt of conscience, 
threats of the flesh.  and freattes of the flesh, where through they are enforced to cry, Oh wretches that we are, who shall deliver us? You are of God's corn, fear not therefore the Flail, the Fan, Millstone, nor Oven. You are one of Christ's Lambs, 
Romans. 6.  look therefore to be fleeced, hailed at, and even slain.  
If you were a market sheep, you should go in more fat and grassy pasture. If you were for the Fair, you should be stalfed and want no weal: 
God's sheep must feed on the bare common: where the devils cattle are stal●ed. john. 21.  but because you are for Gods own occupying, therefore you must pasture on the bare Common. abiding the storms and tempests that will fall. Happy and twice happy are you (my dear sister) that God now haileth you whither you would not, that you might come whither you would. Suffer a little and be still. Let Satan rage against you, let the world cry out, let your conscience accuse you, let the law load you press you down, yet shall they not prevail, for Christ is Emanuel, 
Romans. ●.  that is, God with us. If God be with us, who can be against us? The Lord is with you, your Father cannot forget you: your Spouse loveth you. If the waves and surges arise, 
Math. 8.  cry with Peter: Lord I pearish, and he will put out his hand and help you. Cast out your anchor of hope, and it will not cease for all the stormy surges, till it take hold on the rock of God's truth and mercy.  

Philip. 1. Desire of spiritual comfort, though it be lacking, is a great gift of God.  Think not that he which hath given you so many things corporally, as inductions of spiritual and heavenly mercies, and that without your deserts or desire, can deny you any spiritual comfort desiring it. For if he give to desire, he will give you to have and enjoy the thing desired. The desire to have, and the going about to ask, aught to certify your conscience, that they be his earnest of the thing which you ask he will give you, yea before you ask, and whilst you are about to ask he will grant the same (as Esay saith) to his glory and your eternal consolation. He that spared not his own son for you will not nor cannot think any thing to good for you, my heartily beloved.  
If he had not chosen you, (as most certainly he hath) he would not have so called you: 
Romans. 8.  he would never have justified you: he would never have so glorified you with his gracious gifts, which I know, praised be his name therefore: he would never have so exercised your faith with temptations, as he hath done and doth: if (I say) he had not chosen you. 
Exercise of temptations a great token of election.  If he have chosen you (as doubtless dear heart, he hath done in Christ, for in you I have seen his earnest, and before me and to me you could not deny it, I know both where and when) if I say, he have chosen you then neither can you, nor ever shall you pearishe. For if you fall, he putteth under his hand: you shall not lie still: so careful is Christ your keeper over you. Never was mother so mindful over her child, as he is over you. And hath not he always been so?  
Speak woman, when did he finally forget you? And will he now trow you in your most need do otherwise, 
Romans. 11.  you calling upon him, and desiring to please him? Ah my joice, think you God to be mutable? Is he a changeling? Doth not he love to the end them whom he loveth? 
Every lying spirit 〈◊〉 to be 〈◊〉 unto.  Are not his gifts and calling such, that he cannot repent him of them, for else were he no God. If you should perish, than wanted he power: for I am certain his will towards you, is not to be doubted of. Hath not the spirit which is the spirit of truth, told you so? 
Satan se●●keth to bring 〈◊〉 conscienc●● to doubting but God's promise in Christ sta●●deth sure for ever.  And will you now hearken with Eve to the lying spirit which would have you now to despair, (no he goeth more craftily to work, howbeit to that end, if you should give ear unto it, which God forbidden) but to doubt and stand in a mammering, and so should you never truly love God, but serve him of a servile fear, lest he should cast you off for your unworthiness and unthankfulness: as though your thankfulness or worthiness were any causes with God, why he hath chosen you, or will finally keep you.  
Ah mine own dear heart, Christ only, Christ only, and his mercy & truth. In him is the cause of your election. This Christ, this mercy, 
All ou● election is 〈◊〉 and for Christ only  this truth of God remaineth for ever, is certain for ever, I say for ever. If an angel from heaven should tell you contrary, accursed be he. Your thankfulness and worthiness are fruits and effects of your election, they are no causes. These fruits and effects shallbe so much more fruitful and effectual, by how much you waver not.  
Therefore (my dearly beloved) arise, and remember from whence you are fallen. 
Psalm. 120.  You have a shepherd which neither slumbereth nor sleepeth: No man nor devil can pull you out of his hands. Night and day he commandeth his Angels to keep you. Have you forgotten what I read to you out of the Psalm: 
Psalm 23.  The Lord is my shepherd I can want nothing? Do you not know that god sparred No in the Ark on the out side, so that he could not get out? 
Psalm. 90.  So hath he done to you my good sister, so hath he done to you. Ten thousand shall fall on your right hand, and twenty thousand on your left hand, yet no evil shall touch you. Say boldly therefore: 
Psal. 125.  Many a time from my youth up they have fought against me, but they have not prevailed, no, nor never shall prevail, for the Lord is round about his people. And who are the people of God, but such as hope in him? Happy are they that hope in the Lord: and you are one of those, my dear heart, 
Though feeling fail, yet hope hol● fast.  for I am assured you have hoped in the Lord: I have your words to show most manifestly, and I know they were written unfeignedly. I need not to say, that even before God you have simply confessed to me, and that oftentimes, no less. And once if you had this hope, as you doubtless had it, though now you seel it not, yet shall you feel it again: for the anger of the Lord lasteth but a moment, but his mercy lasteth for ever. Tell me my dear heart, who hath so weakened you? 
The eye of faith must look vpo● nothing 〈◊〉 but only 〈◊〉 Christ cr●●cified.  Surely not a persuasion which came from him that called you. For why should ye waver? Why should ye waver, and be so heavy hearted? Whom look you on? On yourself? on your worthiness? on your thankfulness? on that which God requireth of you, as faith, hope, love, fear, joy. etc. Then can you not but waver in deed: for what have you as God requireth? Believe you, hope you, love you etc. as much as ye should do? No, no, nor never can in this life. Ah my dearly beloved, have you so soon forgotten that which ever should be had in memory? namely, that when you would & should be certain and quiet in conscience, then should your faith burst throughout all things not only that you have in you, or else are in heaven, earth▪ or hell, until it come to Christ crucified, and the eternal sweet mercies and goodness of God in Christ? Here here is the resting place, here is your Spouses bed: creep into it, and in your arms of faith embrace him, bewail your weakness, your unworthiness, your diffidence. etc. and you shall see he will turn to you. What said I, you shall ●ee● Nay I should have said, You shall feel he will turn to you. You know that Moses, when he went to the mount to talk with God, he entered into a dark cloud, and Helias had his face covered when God passed by. Both these dear friends of God, heard God, but they saw him not, but you would be preferred before them. See now my dear hart, how covetous you are. Ah be thankful, be thankful. But God be praised your covetousness is Moses' covetousness. Well, with him you shallbe satisfied. But when? Forsooth, when he shall appear. Here is not the time of seeing, but as it were in a glass. Isaac was deceived because he was not content with hearing only. 
Psalm. 16.   
Therefore to make an end of these many words, wherewith I fear me I do but trouble you from better exercises: in as much as you are in deed the child of God elect in Christ before the beginning of all times: in as much as you are given to the custody of Christ, as one of Gods most precious jewels? in as much as Christ is faithful, & hitherto hath all power, so that you shall never perish, no, on● hear of your head shall not be lost: I beseech you, I pray you, I desire you, I crave at your hands with all my very heart, I ask of you with hand, pen, tongue, and mind, in Christ, through Christ, for Christ, for his name, blood, mercies, 
 power, and truths sake (my most entirely beloved sister) that you admit no doubting of God's final mercies towards you, how so ever you feel yourself: but complain to God, and crave of him as of your tender and dear father, all things, and in that time which shallbe most opportune, you shall find and feel far above that your heart or the heart of any creature can conceive, to your eternal joy. Amen, Amen, Amen.  
The good spirit of God always keep us as his dear children: he comfort you, as I desire to be comforted (my dearly beloved) for evermore. Amen.  
I break up thus abruptly, because our common prayer time calleth me. The peace of Christ dwell in both our hearts for ever. Amen.  
As for the report of W. Po. if it be as you hear, you must prepare to bear it. 
The 〈…〉 upon 〈…〉.  It is written on heavens door: Do well, and hear evil. Be content therefore to hear what soever the enemy shall imagine to blot you withal. God's holy spirit always comfort and keep you. Amen, Amen. This 8. of August, by him that in the Lord desireth to you as well and as much felicity, as to his own heart.  
john Bradford.  
Hear followeth an other letter of his, written to the good Lady Uane, wherein he resolveth certain questions which she demanded. This Lady Uane was a special Nurse, 
Commen●●tion of 〈◊〉 ●ady ●ane.  and a great supporter, to her power, of the godly Saints, which were imprisoned in Queen Mary's time. Unto whom, divers Letters I have both of M. Philpot, Careless, Traherne, Thomas Rose, and of other more, wherein they render unto her most grateful thanks for her exceeding goodness extended toward them, with their singular commendation and testimony also of her Christian zeal toward God's afflicted prisoners, and to the verity of his Gospel. She departed of late at Holborn. Anno 1568. whose end was more like a sleep, than any death: 
●ote how God commonly 〈…〉 helpers 〈…〉 his 〈◊〉.  so quietly and meekly she deceased and departed hence in the Lord.  
Amongst other which wrote unto her, M. Bradforde also sent these letters to the said Lady: the tenor whereof here followeth.   

To my good Lady Vane.  
THe true sense and sweet feeling of God's eternal mercies in Christ jesus, be ever more and more lively wrought in your heart by the holy Ghost. 
● letter of B●a●ford ●ritten to 〈◊〉 good 〈◊〉 Vane, 〈…〉 he 〈…〉.  Amen.  
I most hearty thank you (good Madam) for your comfortable Letters: and whereas you would be advertised what were best to be done on your behalf, concerning your three questions: the truth is, that the questions are never well seen nor answered, until the thing whereof they arise, be well considered, I mean, until it be seen how great an evil the thing is. If it be once in deed in your heart perceived upon probable & pithy places gathered out of God's book, that there was never thing upon the earth so great, and so much an adversary to God's true Service, to Christ's Death, Passion, Priesthood, Sacrifice, and kingdom, to the ministery of God's word and sacraments, to the church of God, to repentance, faith, and all true godliness of life, as that is whereof the questions arise (as most assuredly it is in deed) then can not a Christian heart, but so much the more abhor it, and all things that in any point might seem to allow it, or any thing pertaining to the same, by how much it hath the name of God's service.  
Again, your Ladyship doth know, that as all is to be discommended and avoided, which is followed or fled from in respect of ourselves, in respect of avoiding Christ's Cross: so the end of all our doings should be to God-wards, to his glory, to our neighbours, to edification and good example, whereof none can be given in allowing any of the three questions by you propounded. But because this which I writ now is brief, and needeth the more consideration or explication: as I doubt not of the one in you, so from me by God's grace, you shall receive the other shortly. For I have already written a little book of it, which I will send unto you, in the which you shall have your questions fully answered and satisfied, 
 and therefore I omit to write any more hereaboutes presently: beseeching God our good Father to guide you as his dear child with his spirit of wisdom, power, and comfort unto eternal ly●e, that you may be strong, and rejoice in him and with his Church, to carry Christ's cross, if he shall so think it need. 1. Peter 1. Which is a thing to be desired, wished and embraced, if we looked on things after the judgement of God's word, and tried them by that touchstone.  
If you be accustomed to think on the brevity, vanity, and misery of this life, and on the eternity, truth, and felicity of everlasting life: if you look on things after their ends, and not after their present appearance only: if you use yourself to set God's presence, power, and mercy always before your eyes, to see them as God by every creature would you should: I doubt not but you shall find such strength and comfort in the Lord, as you shall not be shaken with all the power of Satan. God's mercy in Christ be with you, and his good spirit guide you for ever. Amen.   

another letter to the Lady Vane.  
AS to mine own soul, I wish to your Ladyship, 
another letter of M. Bradford to the foresaid Lady Vane.  grace and mercy from God our dear father in Christ our Lord and Saviour.  
I thank God that something he hath eased you, and mitigated his fatherly correction in us both: I would to God he had done so much in the behalf of the grief of the body to you, as he hath done to me. For as for the soul, I trust you feel that which I pray God increase in you, I mean his fatherly love, and grant that I may with you feel the same in such degree as may please him: I will not say, as you feel, lest I should seem to ask too much at one time. God doth often much more plentifully visit with the sense of his mercy, them that humble themselves under his mighty hand, and are sore exercised (as you long have been) then others, which to the face of the world have a more show and appearance.  
Therefore I wish as I do, and that not only for mine own commodity, but also that I might occasion you to the consideration of the goodness of God, which I by your letters do well esp●e, which is in deed the high way, whereby as God increaseth his gifts, so showeth he more lively his salvation. Psalm. 50.107. I have received God's blessing from you, the which I have partly distributed unto my three fellow prisoners, Master Farrar, Master Tailor, Master Philpot, and the residue I will bestow upon four poor souls which are imprisonned in the common Jail, for Religion also. As for mine own part, if I had need, I would have served my turn also. But because I had not, nor (I thank God) have not, I have been and will be your Almoner in such sort as I have already advertised you. God reward you, and give you to find it spiritually and corporally. Because otherwise I can not talk with you, therefore on this sort, as occasion and opportunity will serve, I am ready to show my good will and desire of your help and furtherance in the Lord to everlasting life, whereunto God bring us shortly, for his mercy's sake. Amen.  
Good Madam be thankful to God, as I hope you be: be earnest in prayer, continue in reading and hearing God's word, and if God's further Cross come, as therein God doth serve his providence (for else it shall not come unto you) so be certain the same shall turn to your eternal joy and comfort. Amen.  
john Bradford.   

To my dear friends and brethren, R. and E. with their wives and families.  
THe comfort of Christ felt commonly of his children in their Cross for his sake, 
another letter of M. Bradford to 2. faithful friends of his, on● Royden, and El●ing.  the everlasting God work in both your hearts, my good brethren, and in the hearts of both your yokefelows, especially of good Mary my good sister in the Lord. Amen.  
If I had not something heard of the hazard which you are in for the Gospel's sake, if you continue the profession & confession thereof, as I trust you do & will do, and that unto the end, God enabling you, as he will doubtless for his mercy's sake, if you hope in him (for this binedeth him, as David in Christ's person witnesseth: Our Fathers hoped in thee, and thou deliveredst them. etc. Psal. 22.) yet by conjectures I could not but suppose, (though not so certainly) the time of your suffering and probation to be at hand. For now is the power of darkness fully come upon this realm most justly for o●r sins, and abusing the light lent us of the Lord, to the setting forth of ourselves more then of God's glory, that as well we might be brought into the better knowledge of our evils, and so hearty repent (which God grant us to do) as also we might have more feeling and sense of our sweet saviour jesus Christ, by the humbling and dejecting of us, thereby to make us, as more desirous of him, so him more sweet and pleasant unto us: the which thing the good spirit of God work sensibly in all our hearts, for God's holy names sake.  
For this cause I thought it my duty, being now where I have some liberty to write (the Lord be praised) and hearing of you as I hear: to do that which I should have done, if I had heard nothing at all: that is, to desire you to be of good cheer and comfort in the Lord (although in the world you see cause rather to the contrary) and to go on forwards in the way of God whereinto you are entered, considering that the same cannot but so much more and more wax straight to the outward man, by how much you draw nearer to the end of it: Even as in the travail of a woman, 
The nearer we come to our journeys end, travailing to heaven, the straiter is the way.  the nearer she draweth to her delivery, the more her pains increase: so it goeth with us in the Lords way, the nearer we draw to our deliverance by death to eternal felicity.  
Example whereof we have, I will not say, in the holy Prophets and Apostles of God, which when they were young, girded themselves, and went in manner whether they would, 
Example of the travel of a woman. john 21.  but when they waxed old, they went girded of others, whither they would not, concerning the outward man: but rather and most lively in our Saviour jesus Christ, whose life & way was much more painful to him towards the end, than it was at the beginning. And no marvel, 
Example of Christ and his Apostles.  for Satan cane something abide a man to begin well & set forewards, but rather than he should go on to the end, he will vomit his gorge, and cast floods to overflow him, before he will suffer that to come to pass.  
Therefore as we should not be dismayed now at this world, 
The malice of the devil no new thing.  as though some strange thing were happened unto us, in that it is but as it was wont to be to the godly, in that the Devil declareth himself after his old wont, in that we have professed no less but to forsake the world and the devil as God's very enemy, in that we learned no less at the first when we came to God's school, then to deny ourselves, and take up our cross and follow our master, which leadeth us none other way than he himself hath gone before us: as (I say) we should not be dismayed: so we should with patience and joy go forewards, if we set before us as present, the time to come, like as the wife in her travail, doth the deliverance of her child, and as the saints of God did, but especially our saviour and pattern jesus Christ: for the Apostle sayeth: 
Heb. 12.  He set before him the joy and glory to come, and therefore contemned the shame & sorrow of the cross: so if we did, we should find at the length as they found. For whom would it grieve which hath a long journey to go, to go through a piece of foul way, if he knew that after that the way should be most pleasant, yea the journey should be ended, 
Godly counsel stirring us to the contempt of this transitory life.  and he at his resting place most happy? Who wiil be afeard, or loath to leave a little pelf for a little time, if he knew he should shortly after receive most plentiful riches? Who will be unwilling for a little while to forsake his wife, children, or friends. etc. when he knoweth he shall shortly after be associated unto them inseparably, even after his own hearts desire? Who will be sorry to forsake this life, which can not but be most certain of eternal life? Who loveth the shadow better than the body? Who can love this life, but they that regard not the life to come? Who can desire the dross of this world but such as be ignorant of the treasures of the everlasting joy in heaven? 
Matthew. 19  I mean, who is afeard to die, but such as hope not to live eternally? Christ hath promised pleasures, richesses, joy, 
1. Peter. 2.  felicity, and all good things to them that for his sake lose any thing, or suffer any sorrow. And is he not true? How can he but be true, for guile was never found in his mouth.  
Alas then, why are we so slack and slow, yea hard of heart to believe him, promising us thus plentifully eternal blissfulness, and are so ready to believe the world promising us many things, and paying us nothing? If we will curry favour now and hal●e on both parts, than it promiseth us peace, 
The flatte●ing promises of this world ill favoredly performed.  quietness, and many things else. But how doth it pay this gear? or if it pay it, with what quietness of conscience? Or if so: how long I pray you? Do not we see before our eyes men to die shamefully, I mean, as Rebels and other malefactors, which refuse to die for God's cause? What way is so sure a way to heaven, as to suffer in Christ's cause? If there be any way on horseback to heaven, surely this is the way: By many troubles (sayeth the Apostle) we must enter into heaven. 
Acts. 14.  All that will live godly in Christ jesus, must suffer persecution. For the world can not love them that are of God: 
2. Timothy. 3.  the devil can not love his enemies: the world will love none but his own: you are Christ's, therefore look for no love here. Should we look for fire to quench our thirst? And as soon shall God's true servants find peace and favour in Antichrists regiment.  
Therefore my dearly beloved, be stout in the Lord, and in the power of his might. Put on you his armour: stand in the liberty of Christ which you have learned: rejoice that you may be counted worthy to suffer any thing for God's cause: to all men this is not given. Your reward is great in heaven, though in earth you find nothing. The journey is almost past: you are almost in the haven: halt on a pace I beseech you, and merrily ho●se up your sails. 
To 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 with coverage.  Cast you selves on Christ, who careth for you. Keep company with him now still to the end: he is faithful and will never leave you, nor tempt you further than he will make you able to bear: yea in the midst of the temptation he will make an outscape. Now pray unto him heartily, be thankful of his indignation, rejoice in hope of the health you shall receive, and be mindful of us which are in the vaward, and by God's grace trust in Christ to be made able to break the Ice before you, that you following, may find the way more easy. God grant it may so be. Amen, Amen.  
Out of prison by your brother in Christ, john Bradford.   

To Mistress Wilkenson.  
ALmighty God our most loving father increase in your heart (my good mother & dear mistress in the Lord) his true knowledge and love in Christ, 
A letter M. Bradf●●● to 〈◊〉 Wilkins●●▪  to the encouraging and comforting of your faith in these stormy days: as necessary unto us, so profitable if we persist unto the end, which thing God grant to us. Amen.  
My right dearly beloved, I know not what other thing to write unto you, then to desire you to be thankful unto the Lord, in that amongst thee not many of your calling and state, it pleaseth him to give you his rare blessing, I mean to keep you from all the filth wherewith on●e Country is horribly defiled. This blessing assuredly is rare, as you see. But now if he shall bless you with an other blessing which is more rare, I mean to call you forth as a Martyr, and a witness against this filth, I hope you will become double thankful. For a greater token commonly we have not to judge of our election and salvation, next to Christ and faith in him, than the cross, especially when it is so glorious, as on this sort to suffer any thing, 
The 〈◊〉 a great of Elect●●●▪  but chief loss of this life, which in deed is never found till it be so lost: except the grain of wheat fall and be dead, it remaineth fruitless.  
You know how that he which was rapt into the third heaven, and did know what he wrote, doth say: That as the corn liveth not except it be dead, and cast into the earth, 
1. Cor. ●●  so truly our bodies. And therefore the cross should so little fear us, that even death itself should altogether be desired of us, as the Tailor which putteth off our rags, and araieth us with the Royal Robes of immortality, incorruption, and glory. Great shame it should be for us, 
●om. 8.  that all the whole creatures of God should desire, yea, groan in their kind for our liberty, and we ourselves to loathe it: as doubtless we do, if for the cross, yea for death itself, we with joy swallow not up all sorrow that might let us from following the Lords calling, and obtaining the lords providence: whereby doubtless all crosses, and death itself doth come, and not by hap or chance. In consideration whereof (right dear Mother) that this providence stretcheth itself so unto us, and for us, that even the hair of our heads are numbered with God, not one of them to fall to our hurt: surely we declare ourselves very faint in faith, if we receive not such comfort, that we can willingly offer ourselves to the Lord, and cast our whole care upon his back, honouring him with this honour, that he is and ever will be careful for us, and all we have, as for his dear children. Be therefore of good cheer even in the midst of these miseries, be thankful to the Lord, and prepare yourself for a further trial, which if God send you, as I hope, so do you believe, that God therein will help & comfort you, and make you able to bear whatsoever shall happen. And thus much, having this opportunity, I thought good to write, praying God our father to recompense into your bosom, all the good that ever you have done, to me especially, and to many others, both in this time of trouble, and always heretofore.  
Your own in the Lord, john Bradford.   

another letter written to certain godly persons, 
 encouraging them to prepare themselves with patience to the cross.  
Gracious God and most merciful Father, for jesus Christ's sake thy dearly beloved son, grant us thy mercy, grace, wisdom, and holy spirit, to counsel, comfort, and guide us in all our cogitations, words, and works, to thy glory, and our everlasting joy and peace for ever. Amen.  
In my last letter you might perceive my conjecturing to be no less towards you, than now I have learned. But (my dearly beloved) I have learned none other thing, then before I have told you would come to pass, 
 if ye cast not away that which ye have learned. I do appeal to both your consciences, whether herein I speak truth, as well of my telling (though not so often as I might and should, God forgive me) as also of your learning. Now God will try you, to make others to learn by you, that which ye have learned by others: and by them which suffered this day ye might learn, (if already ye had not learned) that life and honour is not to be set by more than God's commandment. 
 They in no point for all that ever their ghostly fathers could do, having doctor Death to take their part, would consent or seem to consent to the popish mass and papistical God, otherwise then in the days of our late king they had received. And this their faith they have confessed with their deaths, to their great glory, and all our comforts, if we follow them: but to our confusion, if we star back from the same. Wherefore I beseech you to consider it, as well to praise God for them, as to go the same way with them, if God so will.  
Consider not the things of this life, which is a very prison to all God's children: but the things of everlasting life, which is our very home. But to the beholding of this gear, 
●●ample of 〈…〉 go with 〈…〉  ye must open the eyes of your mind, of faith I should have said, as Moses did, which set more by trouble with God's people, then by the riches of Egypt, and pharao's Court. Your house, home and goods, yea life and all that ever ye have, God hath given you as love tokens, to admonish you of his love, & to win your love to him again. Now will he try your love, whether ye set more by him then by his tokens, 
 or no. If ye for his token's sake, that is, for your home, house, goods, yea life, will go with the world, lest ye should lose them, then be assured your love, as he can not but espy it to be a strumpet's love, 
● strumpet 〈◊〉 more her 〈◊〉 then by ●ouer.  so will he cast it away with the world. Remember that he which will save his life, shall lose it, if Christ be true: but he which adventureth, yea looseth his life for the Gospel's sake, the same shallbe sure to find it eternally. Do not ye know that the way to salvation is not the broad way, which many run in, but the strait way, which few now walk in.  
Before persecution came, men might partly have stand in a doubt by the outward estate of the world with us (although by God's word it was plain) whether was the high way, 
king Ed●●rd● time 〈◊〉 high 〈◊〉 could 〈◊〉 be knoten.  (for there was as many that pretended the gospel, as popery) but now the sun is risen, & the wind bloweth, so that the corn which hath not taken fast root, can not nor will not abide: and therefore easily ye may see the strait way by the small number that passeth thorough it. Who will now adventure their goods and life for Christ's sake, which yet gave his life for our sakes? We are now become Gergesites, 
〈◊〉. 8. ●●●gesites 〈◊〉 more by 〈…〉.  that would rather lose Christ, than our Porkets. A faithful wife is never tried so to be, but when she rejecteth and withstandeth wooers. A faithful Christian is then found so to be, when his faith is assaulted.  
If we be not able, I mean, if we will not forsake this world for God's glory and Gospel's sake, trow ye that God will make us able, or give us a will to forsake it for nature's sake? Die ye must once, and leave all ye have (God knoweth how soon and when) will ye, or will ye not, and seeing perforce ye must do this, will ye not willingly now do it for God's sake?  
If ye go to Mass, and do as the most part doth, then may ye live at rest & quietly: but if ye deny to go to it, then shall ye go to prison, lose your goods, leave your children comfortless, yea lose your life also. But my dearly beloved, open the eyes of your faith, & see how short a thing this life is, even a very shadow and smoke. Again, see how intolerable the punishment of hell fire is, and that endless. Last of all, look on the joys incomprehensible, which God hath prepared for all them world without end, which lose either lands or goods for his name's sake. 
 And then do ye reason thus: If we go to Mass, the greatest enemy that Christ hath, though for a little time we shall live in quiet, and leave to our children that they may live hereafter, yet shall we displease God, fall into his hands (which is horrible to hypocrites) and be in wonderful hazard of falling from eternal joy into eternal misery, first of soul, and then of body, with the Devil and all Idolaters.  
Again, we shall want peace of conscience, which surmounteth all the riches of the world: and for our children, who knoweth whether God will visit our Idolatry on them in this life: yea our house and goods are in danger of losing, as our lives be, through many casualties, & when God is angry with us, he can send always when he will, one mean or an other to take all from us for our sins, and to cast us into care for our own sakes, which will not come into some little trouble for his sake.  
On this sort reason with yourselves, and then doubtless God will work otherwise with you and in you, than ye are ware of. Where now ye think yourselves unable to abide persecution, be most assured, if so be ye purpose not to forsake God, that God will make you so able to bear his Cross, that therein you shall rejoice. Faithful is God, 
1. Cor. 10. God will give ability, not 〈◊〉 to bear his Cross but al●o to rejoice in bearing.  (saith Paul) which will not tempt you further than he will make you able to bear, yea he will give you an outscape in the Cross, which shallbe to your comfort. Think how great a benefit it is, if God will vouch you worthy this honour, to suffer loss of any thing for his sake. He might justly cast most grievous plagues upon you, and yet now he will correct you with that rod whereby you shallbe made like to his Christ, that for ever ye may reign with him. Suffer yourselves therefore now to be made like to Christ, for else ye shall never be made like unto him. The Devil would gladly have you now to overthrow that which godly ye have of long time professed. Oh how would he triumph, if he could win his purpose? Oh how would the Papists triumph against God's gospel in you? Oh how would you confirm them in their wicked Popery? Oh how would the poor children of God be discomforted, if now ye should go to mass and other idolatrous service, and do as the world doth?  
Hath God delivered you from the Sweat to serve him so? Hath God miraculously restored you to health from your grievous Agewes for such a purpose? Hath God given you such blessings in this world and good things all the days of your life hitherto, and now of equity will ye not receive at his hands, and for his sake, some evil? God forbidden: I hope better of you. Use prayer, and cast your care upon God: commit your children into his hands: give to God your goods, bodies, and lives as he hath given them or rather sent them unto you. Say with job: God hath given, and God hath taken away, his name be praised for ever. Cast your care upon him (I say) for he is careful for you: 
A great blessing of God to suffer for his sake.  and take it amongst the greatest blessings of God to suffer for his sake. I trust he hath kept you hitherto to that end.  
And I beseech thee, O merciful Father for jesus Christ's sake, that thou wouldst be merciful unto us, comfort us with thy grace, and strengthen us in thy truth, that in heart we may believe, and in tongue boldly confess thy Gospel, to thy glory, and our eternal salvation. Amen. Pray for me, and I by God's grace will do the same for you.  
john Bradford.   

An admonition to certain professors of the Gospel, to beware they fall not from it in consenting to the Romish religion, by the example of other halting and double faced Gospelers.  
THe peace of Christ which is the true effect of God's Gospel believed (my dearly beloved) be more and more plentifully perceived of you, 
another letter or admonition of M. Bradford to certain godly professors of God's truth.  through the grace of our dear father, by the mighty working of the holy spirit our comforter. Amen.  
Though I have many lets presently to hinder me from writing unto you, yet being desired, I could not but something signify my ready good will in this behalf, so much as I may, when I can not so much as I would.  
You hear and see how Satan bestirreth him, raging as a roaring Lion to devour us. You see and feel partly what storms he hath raised up to drown the poor Boat of Christ, I mean his Church. You see how terribly he traineth his soldiers to give a fierce onset on vanward of God's battle. You see how he hath received power of God, to molest God's children, and to begin at his house. By reason whereof consider two things: one, the cause on our behalf: the other, what will be the sequel on strangers.  
For the first, if we be not blind, we can not but well see that our sins are the cause of all this misery: 
2. Things to be considered in the persecution of god's people▪  our sins I say, which I would that every one of us would apply to ourselves after the example of jonas and David, turning over the wallet, that other men's offences might lie behind, and our own before. Not that I would excuse other men, which exteriorly have walked much more grossly than many of you have done: but that I would provoke you all as myself to more hearty repentance and prayer. Let us more and more increase to know and lament our doubting of God, of his presence, power, anger, mercy. etc.  
Let us better feel and hate our self-love, security, negligence, unthankfulness, unbelief, impatience. etc. and then doubtless the cross shall be less careful, yea it shallbe comfortable, and Christ most dear and pleasant: death then shallbe desired, 
Earnest repentance maketh the Cross more pleasant.  as the dispatcher of us ou● of all misery, and entrance into eternal felicity and joy unspeakable: the which is so much the more longed for, by how much we feel in deed the serpent's bits wherewith he woundeth our heels, that is, our outward Adam and senses. If we had, I say, a lively and true feeling of his poison, we could not but as rejoice over our captain that hath bruised his head, 
Coloss. 1.  so be desirous to follow his example, that is, to give our lives with him and for him, and so to fill up his passions, that he might conquer and overcome in us and by us, to his glory and comfort of his children.  

If God's judgements be so sharp to his children, what will it be to his enemies.  Now the second (I mean the sequel, or that which will follow on the strangers) my dearly beloved, let us well look upon. For if so be that God justly do thus give to sathan and his seed, to vex and molest Christ and his penitent people: Oh what and how justly may he and will he give to Satan to entreat the reckless and impenitent sinners? If judgement begin thus at God's house, what will follow on them that be without, if they repent not? Certainly for them is reserved the dregs of God's cup, that is, brimstone, fire, and tempest intolerable. Now are they unwilling to drink of God's cup of afflictions which he offereth common with his son Christ our Lord, 
Math. 8.  lest they should lose their pigs with the Gergelites. They are unwilling to come into the way that bringeth to heaven, 
The doings & ways of the wicked described, and what is the end thereof.  even afflictions: they in their hearts cry, Let us cast his yoke from us: they walk two ways, that is, they seek to serve God & Mammon, which is unpossible, they will not come nigh the strait way that bringeth to life: they open their eyes to behold present things only: they judge of Religion after reason, and not after God's word: they follow the more part, and not the better: they profess God with their mouths, but in their hearts they deny him, or else they would sanctify him by serving him more than men: they part stake with God, which would have all, giving part to the world, to the Romish rout, and Antichristian Idolatry now set abroad amongst us publicly: they will have Christ, but none of his cross, which will not be: they will be counted to live godly in Christ, but yet they will suffer no persecution: they love this world, wherethrough the love of God is driven forth of them: they savour of those things that be of men, and not that be of God: Summa, they love God in their lips, but in their hearts, yea and in their deeds deny him, as well by not repenting their evils passed, as by continuing in evil still, by doing as the world, the flesh and the devil willeth, and yet still perchance they will pray or rather prate: Thy will be done in earth, which is generally that every one should take up his cross and follow Christ. But this is a hard saying: who is able to abide it? Therefore Christ must be prayed to departed, lest all their pigs be drowned. The devil shall have his dwelling again in themselves, rather than in their pigs, and therefore to the Devil shall they go, and dwell with him in eternal perdition and damnation, even in hell fire a torment endless, and above all cogitations incomprehensible, if they repent not.  
Wherefore by them (my dearly beloved) be admonished to remember your profession, how that in Baptism you made a solemn vow to forsake the Devil, the world. etc. You promised to fight under Christ's standard. You learned Christ's Cross afore you begun with A. B. C. Go to then, pay your vow to the Lord: fight like mend, and valiant men under Christ's standard: take up your Cross and follow your master, as your brethren M. Hoper, 
He doth embolden them to take up Christ's Cross and to follow him  Rogers, Tailor, and Sanders have done, and as now your brethren M. Cranmer, Latimer, Ridley, Farrar, Bradford, Hawks. etc. be ready to do. The Ice is broken before you, therefore be not afraid, but be content to die for the Lord. You have no cause to waver or doubt of the doctrine thus declared by the blood of the pastors. Remember that Christ sayeth: He that will save his life, shall lose it. And what should it profit you to win the whole world, much less a little quietness, your goods. etc. and to lose your own souls? Render to the Lord that he hath lent you, by such means as he would have you render it, and not as you would. Forget not, Christ's disciples must deny themselves, as well concerning their will, as concerning their wisdom. Have in mind, that as it is no small mercy to believe in the Lord, 
Blessed be they that die in the Lord: but more ●●●ssed be they that die for the Lord.  so it is no small kindness of God towards you to suffer any thing, much more death for the Lord. If they be blessed that die in the Lord, how shall they be that die for the Lord? Oh what a blessing is it to have death due for our sins, diverted into a demonstration and testification of the lords truth? 
The end riches 〈◊〉 follow 〈◊〉 Cross.  Oh that we had a little of Moses faith to look upon the end of the Cross, to look upon the reward, to see continually with Christ and his people, greater richesses than the richesse of Egypt. Oh let us pray that God would open our eyes to see his hi● Manna, heavenly jerusalem, the congregation of the first borne, the melody of the Saints the tabernacle of God dwelling with men: then should we run and become violent men, and so take the kingdom o● heaven as it were by force. God our father give us for his Christ's sake, to see a little, what and how great joy he hath prepared for us, he hath called us unto, & most assuredly giveth us for his own goodness and truths sake. Amen.  
My dearly beloved, repent, be sober and watch in prayer, be obedient, and after your vocations show your obedience to the higher powers in all things that are not against God's word, therein acknowledging the sovereign power of the Lord: howbeit, so that ye be no rebels or rebellers for no cause: but because with good conscience you can not obey, be patient sufferers, and the glory and good spirit of God shall dwell upon us. I pray you remember us your afflicted brethren, being in the lords bonds for the testimony of Christ, and abiding the gracious hour of our dear and most merciful father. The Lord for Christ's sake, give us merry hearts to drink lustily of his sweet cup, which daily we groan and sigh for, lamenting that the time is thus prolonged. The Lord jesus give us grace to be thankful, and to abide patiently the provident hour of his most gracious good will. Amen. Amen.  
From the Counter in the Poultry. Yours in Christ john Bradford.   

To my good brother john Careless, prisoner in the king's Bench.  
THe father of mercy and God of all comfort, visit us with his eternal consolation, according to his great mercies in jesus Christ our Saviour. Amen. 
A lette● 〈◊〉 M. Brad●●●● to I Ca●●●les.   
My very dear brother, if I shall report the truth unto you, I can not but signify that sithen I came into prison, I never received so much consolation as I did by your last letter, the name of God be most heartily praised therefore. But if I shall report the truth unto you, and as I have begun, speak still the verity, I must confess that for mine unthankfulness to you wards, and to God especially, I have more need of God's merciful tidings, than I had ever heretofore. Ah that Satan envieth us so greatly. Ah that our Lord would tread his head under our feet shortly. Ah that I might for ever, both myself beware, and be a godly example to you and others to beware of unthankfulness. Good brother Careless, 
After a lightning take 〈◊〉 of a 〈◊〉  we had more need to take heed after a lightning, of a foil then before. God therefore is to be praised even when he hideth, and that not of long, a cheerful countenance from us, lest we being not expert how to use it as we should do, do hurt more ourselves thereby, so great is our ignorance and corruption. This my good brother & right dear to my very heart, I write unto you as to one whom in the Lord I embrace, and I thank God that you do me in like manner. God our father more and more give us both his good spirit, that as by faith we may feel ourselves united unto him in Christ, so by love we may feel ourselves linked in the same Christ one to an other, I to you, and you to me, we to all the children of God, and all the children of God to us, Amen. Amen.  
Commend me to our good brother Skelthrop, for whom I heartily praise my God, 
 which hath given him to see his truth at the length, and to give place to it. I doubt not, but that he will be so heedy in all his conversation, that his old acquaintance may ever thereby think themselves astray. Woe and woe again should be unto us, if we by our example should make men to stumble at the truth. Forget not salutations in Christ, as you shall think good to True, and his fellows. The Lord hath his time (I hope) for them also, although we perchance think otherwise. A drop maketh the stone hollow, not with once, 
 but with often dropping: so if with hearty prayer for them and good example, you still and drop upon them as you can, you shall see God's work at the length. I beseech God to make perfect all the good he hath begun in us all, Amen. I desire you all to pray for me the most unworthy prisoner of the Lord.  
Your brother john Bradford.   

To M. john Hall and his wife, prisoners in Newgate for the testimony of the Gospel.  
Almighty God our heavenly Father through jesus Christ, be with you both my dearly beloved, as with his dear children for ever, & so he bless you with his holy spirit, that you may in this your cross (for his cause doubtless) rejoice, and gladly take it up to bear it so long as he shall think good. I have heard (my good brother & sister) how that god hath brought you both into his schoolhouse, (whereas you were both purposed by his leave to have pla●ed the trewands) that thereby you might see his carefulness & love toward you. 
 For if it be a token of a loving and careful father for his children, to prevent the purpose, and disappoint the intent of his children, purposing to departed a while from the school for fear of beating, (which thing they would not do if they did as much consider the commodity of learning which there they might get): how should you take this work of the Lord preventing your purpose, but as an evident sign of love and fatherly carefulness that he beareth towards you? If he should have winked at your wills, than would you have escaped beating: I mean the cross, but then should you have lost the commodity of learning, which your father will now have you to learn and feel, and therefore hath he sent to you his cross. He I say, hath brought you where you be: and though your reason and wit will tell you, it is by chance or fortune, or otherwise, yet (my dearly beloved) know for certain that what so ever was the mean, 
 God your father was the worker hereof, and that for your weal, although otherwise your old Adam doth tell you, & you feel: yet I say of truth that your duty is to think of this cross, that as it is of Gods sending, and cometh from him: so although your deserts be otherwise, it is of love & fatherly affection for your weal and commodities sake.  
What commodity is hereby, you will perchance object. You are now kept in close prison you will say: your family and children be without good overseers: your substance diminisheth by these means: poverty will approach: and perchance more peari●s also, yea and loss of life too. These are no commodities but discommodities, and that no small ones: so that justly you would be glad to know what commodity can come to you by this cross, whereby cometh so great discommodities,  
To these things I answer, that in deed it is true you ●ay of your bodies, families, children, substance, poverty, life. etc. Which things, if you would consider a while with inward eyes, as you behold them with outward, then perhaps you should find more ease. 
 Do not you now by the inward sense perceive that you must part from all these and all other commodities in the world? Tell me then, have not you this commodity by your cross, to learn to loath and leave the world, and to long for and desire an other world, where is perpetuity? You ought of your own head and free will to have (according to your profession in baptism) forsaken the world and all earthly things, using the world, as though you used it not, Your hart only set upon your hourde in heaven, 
 or else you could never be Christ's true disciples, that is be saved, and be where he is. And trow you (my good hearts in the Lord) trow you I say, that this is no commodity, by this cross to be compelled hereto, that you might assuredly enjoy with the Lord endless glory? How now doth God (as it were) fatherly pull you by the ears to remember your former offences concerning these things & all other things, that repentance and remission might ensue? How doth God now compel you to call upon him, and to be earnest in prayer? Are these no commodities? 
 Doth not the scripture say, that God doth correct us in the world because we shall not be damned with the world? That God chasteneth every one whom he loveth? that the end of this correction shall be joy and holiness? Doth not the Scripture say, That they are happy that suffer for righteousness sake, as you now do, that the glory and spirit of God is upon them? that, as you are now made like unto Christ in suffering, so shall you be made like him in reigning? Doth not the Scripture say that you are now going the high and right way to heaven? that your suffering is Christ's suffering? My dearly beloved, what greater commodities than these, can a godly heart desire?  
Therefore ye are commanded to rejoice and be glad when ye suffer, as now ye do: for through the goodness of God, great shallbe your reward: Where? Forsooth on earth first for your children: for now they are in God's mere and immediate protection. Never was father so careful for his children, as Gods is for yours presently. God's blessing which is more worth than all the world, you leave in deed to your children. Though all your providence for them should be pulled away: yet God is not poor, he hath promised to provide for them most fatherly. 
〈◊〉. 55.  Cast thy burden upon me (saith he) and I will bear it. Do you therefore cast them and commend them unto God your father, and doubt not that he will die in your debt. He never yet was found unfaithful, 
〈◊〉. 37.  and he will not now begin with you. The good man's seed shall not go a begging his bread: for he will show mercy upon thousands of the posterity of them that fear him. 
Care of children to be left to God's providence.  Therefore as I said, God's reward first upon earth shallbe felt by your children even corporally, and so also upon you if God see it more for your commodity, at the least inwardly you shall feel it by quietness and comfort of conscience: and secondly after this life, you shall find it so plentifully, as the eye hath not seen, the ear hath not hard, the heart cannot conceive how great & glorious God's reward will be upon your bodies, much more upon your souls. God open our eyes to see and feel this in deed. Then shall we think the cross which is a mean hereto, to be commodious. Then shall we thank God that he would chastise us. Then shall we say with David: Happy am I that thou hast punished me, for before I went astray, but now I keep thy laws.  
This that we may do in deed my dearly beloved, let us first know that our cross cometh from God: Secondly, 
4 Things to be considered of all men that be under the cross.  that it cometh from God as a father, that is, to our weal and good. Therefore let us thirdly call to mind our sins and ask pardon. Whereto let us four look for help certainly at God's hand in his good time: help I ●ay, such as shall make most to God's glory, and to the comfort and commodity of our souls & bodies eternally. This if we certainly conceive, then will there issue out of us hearty thanks giving, which God requireth as a most precious sacrifice. That we may all through Christ offer this, let us use earnest prayer to our God and dear father, who bless us, keep us, and comfort us under his sweet cross for ever. Amen. Amen.  
My dear hearts, if I could any way comfort you, you should be sure thereof, though my life lay thereon, but now I must do as I may, because I cannot as I would. Oh that it would please our dear father shortly to bring us where we should never departed, but enjoy continually the blessed fruition of his heavenly presence: pray, pray, that it may speedily come to pass, pray. To morrow I will send unto you to know your estate, send me word what are the chiefest things they charge you withal. From the Counter.  
By your brother in the Lord, john Bradford.   

¶ To Mistress Hall prisoner in Newgate and ready to make answer before her adversaries.  
Our most merciful God and father through Christ jesus our Lord and Saviour be merciful unto us, 
another letter of M. Bradford to Mistress Hall. Math. 5.  and make perfect the good he hath begun in us unto the end. Amen.  
My dear Sister rejoice in the Lord, rejoice: be glad (I say) be merry and thankful, not only because Christ so commandeth us, but also because our state wherein we are presently, requireth no less, for we are the lords witnesses. God the father hath vouched safe to choose us amongst many, to witness and testify, that Christ his son is king, & that his word is true. Christ our Saviour for his loves sake towards us, will have us to bear record that he is no usurper nor deceiver of the people, but god's Ambassador, Prophet, and Messiah: so that of all dignities upon earth▪ this is the highest. Greater honour had not his Prophets, Apostles, 
The blood of Martyrs standeth for the verity of Christ against the world & Sa●hā, who would suppress the same.  nor dearest friends then to bear witness with Christ as we now do. The world following the counsel of their Sire Satan, would gladly condemn Christ and his verity: but lo the Lord hath chosen us to be his champions to let this. As stout soldiers therefore let us stand to our master, who is with us and standeth on our right hand that we shall not be much moved, if we hope and hang on his me●cy: he is so faithful and true, that he will never tempt us further than he will make us able to bear.  
Therefore be not careful (for I hear say this day you shall be called forth) what you shall answer. 
The Lord promiseth and will give them that stand in his defence, how and what to answer.  The Lord which is true and cannot lie, hath promised and will never fail nor forget it, that you shall have both what and how to answer, so as shall make his shameless adversaries ashamed. Hang therefore on this promise of God, who is an helper at a pinch and a most present remedy to them that hope in him Never was it heard of or shall be, that any hoping in the Lord was put to foil.  
Therefore as I said, I say again, Dear Sister be not only not careful for your answering, but also be joyful for your cause. Confess Christ and be not ashamed, and he will confess you & never be ashamed of you. Though loss of goods and life be like here to ensue. 
A blessed thing seeing a man must needs die, to die for the Lord.  Yet if Christ be true (as he is most true) it is otherwise in deed: For he that looseth his life (saith he) winneth it, but he that saveth it, looseth it. Our sins have deserved many deaths. Now if God so deal with us that he will make our deserved death a demonstration of his grace, a testimonial of his verity, a confirmation of his people, and overthrow of his adversaries: What great cause have we to be thankful? Be thankful therefore good Sister, be thankful. Rejoice and be merry in the Lord, be stout in his cause & quarrel, be not faint hearted, but run out your race, and set your captain Christ before your eyes. Behold how great your a small congregation?  
But be it so that Peter had as much given to him as they do affirme· Who yet will grant that Peter had a patrimony given for his heirs? He hath left (say the Papists) to his successors the self ●ame right which he received. 
 Oh Lord God, then must his successor be a Satan: for he received that title of Christ himself. I would gladly have the Papists to show me one place of succession mentioned in the Scriptures I am sure that when Paul purposely painteth out the whole administration of the church, he neither maketh one head, nor any inheritable Primacy, & yet he is altogether in commendation of unity. After he hath made mention of one God the father▪ of one Christ, of one spirit, of one body of the Church, of one faith, and of one Baptism, than he describeth the mean and manner how unity is to be kept: namely, because unto every pastor is grace given after the measure wherewith Christ hath endued them Where I pray you is now any title of Plenitudinis potestatis, of fullness of power? When he calleth home every one unto a certain measure, why did he not forthwith say one Pope? Which thing he could not have forgotten, if the thing had been as the Papists make it.  
But let us grant that perpetuity of the primacy in the church was established in Peter: I would gladly learn why the seat of the Primacy should be rather at Rome then elsewhere. Marry say they, because Peter's chair was at Rome. This is even like to this, that because Moses the greatest Prophet, and Aaron the first Priest exercised their offices unto their death in the desert, therefore the principallest place of the jewish Church, should be in the wilderness. But grant them their reason that it is good. What should Antioch claim? For Peter's chair was there also, wherein Paul gave him a check, which was unseemly and unmannerly done of Paul, that would not give place to his Precedent and better.  
No say the Papists, Rome must have this authority because Peter died there But what if a man should by probable conjectures show, that it is but a fable, which is feigned of Peter's Bishopric at Rome? Read how Paul doth salute very many private persons when he writeth to the Romans. Three years after his Epistle made, he was brought to Rome prisoner. Luke telleth that he was received of the brethren, 
 and yet in all these, is no mention at all of Peter, which then by their stories was at Rome. Belike he was proud as the Pope and Prelates be, or else he would have visited Paul. Paul being in prison in Rome, did write divers Epistles, in which he expresseth the names of many which were in comparison of Peter, but rascal personages, but of Peter he speaketh never a word Surely, if Peter had been there, this silence of him had been suspicious. 
 In the 2. Epistle to Tim. Paul complaineth that no man was with him in his defence, but all had left him. 
 If Peter had been then at Rome, as they writ, then either Paul had belied him, or Peter had played his Peter's part. Luke. 23. In another place, how doth he blame all that were with h●m, only Timothy excepted? Therefore we may well doubt whether Peter was at Rome B. as they prate: for all this time & long before, they say that Peter was bishop there.  
But I will not stir up coals in this matter. If Rome be the chief seat because Peter died there, why should not Antioch be the second? Why should not james & john which were taken with Peter to be as pillars. 
 Why (I say) should not their seats have honour next to Peter's seat? Is not this gear preposterous, that Alexandria where Mark (which was but one of the disciples) was bishop, should be preferred before Ephesus where john the Evangelist taught and was bishop, and before jerusalem, where not only james taught and died bishop, but also Christ jesus our Lord & high priest for ever, by whom being Master (I hope) honour should be given to his chair, 
 more them to the chair of his Chaplains.  
I need to speak nothing how that Paul telleth Peter's Apostleship to concern rather circumcision or the jews, & therefore properly pertaineth not to us. Neither do I need to bring in Gregorius the first bishop of Rome, which was about the year of our lord 
 600. who plainly in his works doth write, that this title of Primacy, & to be head over all churches under Christ, is a title meet and agreeing only to Antichrist, and therefore he calleth it a profane, a mischievous and an horrible title. Whom should we believe now, if we will neither believe Apostle nor Pope.  

 If I should go about to tell how this name was first gotten by Phocas, I should be too long. I purpose God willing to set it forth at large in a work which I have begun of Antichrist, if God for his mercy's sake give me life to finish it. For this present therefore I shall desire your Ladyship to take this in good part. If they will needs have the B. of Rome to be acknowledged for the head of the Church, then will I urge them that they shall give us a bishop. But they obtrude unto us a butcher rather, or a bitesheepe, than a Bishop. They brag of Peter's succession, of Christ's vicar, this is always in their mouth. But alas, how can we call him Christ's Vicar that resisteth Christ, oppugneth his verity, persecuteth his people, and like a Prelate preferreth himself above God and man? How, or wherein doth the Pope and Christ agree? How supplieth he Peter's ministry, that boasteth of his succession?  
Therefore to begin withal, which I will use presently for a conclusion, 
The Bishop of Rome seemeth in deed rather a Butcher then a Bishop.  if the Papists will have the B. of Rome supreme head of the Church of Christ in earth, they must afore they attain this, g●ue us a Bishop in deed, and not in name. For whosoever he be that will make this the bond of unity, whatsoever the Bishop of Rome be, surely this must needs follow, that they do nothing else but teach a most wicked defection, and departing from Christ.  
But of this (if God lend me life) I purpose to speak more at large hereafter. Now will I betake your Ladyship unto the tuition of God our father, and Christ our only head pastor & keeper, to whom see that you cleave by true faith which dependeth only upon the word of God, which if you do follow as a lantern to your feet, and a light to your steps, you shall them avoid darkness, and the dangerous deeps whereinto the Papists are fallen by the just judgement of God, and seek to bring us into the same dungeon with them, that the blind following the blind they both mayfall into the ditch: out of the which God deliver them according to his good will, and preserve us for his name's sake, that we being in his light, may continue therein, and walk in it whilst it is day: so shall the night never overpress us, we going from light to light, from virtue to virtue, from faith to faith, from glory to glory, by the governance of God's good spirit, which God our father give unto us all for ever and ever. Amen.  
Your brother in bonds for the testimony of jesus Christ, joh. Bradford.  
Here followeth another letter of M. Bradford, to one Richard Hopkins, sheriff sometimes of Coventry, 
He wrote also an other fruitful letter to this Richard Hopkins▪ which you may read in the book of letters of the Martyrs.  & yet being (as I hear say) alive. This Hopkins whom M. Bradford commendeth so much in this letter, during the time of his shiri●ealtie, was detected and accused by certain malignant adversaries, of matter pertaing to religion. What matter it was, I am not yet certainly informed, unless it were for sending and lending unto a thief being then in prison ready to be hanged, a certain English book of scripture for his spiritual comfort.  
Whereupon, or else upon some such like matter, he being maliciously accused, was sent for and committed to the Fleet, and there endured a sufficient time, not without great peril of life. notwithstanding, the said Hopkins being at length delivered out of prison, following this counsel of M. Bradford, and minding to keep his conscience pure from Idolatry, was driven with his wife and 8. young children, to avoid the realm, and so leaving all other worldly respects, with his great loss and damage went into high Germany, where he contived in the City of basil, till the death of Queen Mary, being like a good Tobias, to his power a friendly helper, and a comfortable reliever of other English exiles there about him: Gods holy blessing so working with him therefore, that in those far countries, neither he fell in any great decay, neither any one of all his household, during all that time there miscarried, but so many as he brought out, so many he recaried home again, yea & that with advantage, and gods plenty withal upon him. Now the letter written to this Richard Hopkins by M. Bradford, is this.   

¶ A Letter to Master Richard Hopkins, than Sheriff of Coventry, and prisoner in the Fleet, for the faithful and constant confessing of God's holy Gospel.  
dearly beloved in the Lord, I wish unto you, as unto mine own brother, yea as to mine own hart root, 
A letter of M. Bradford to Richard Hopkins prisoner the same time for his conscience.  God's mercy & the feeling of the same plentifully in Christ our sweet saviour, who gave himself a ransom for our sins, and price for our redemption, praised therefore be his holy name for ever and ever. Amen.  
I will not go about to excuse myself for not sending unto you hitherto, suffering for the lords sake as you do, to the comfort of me and of all that love you in the truth: but rather accuse myself both before God and you, desiring you of forgiveness, and with me to pray to God for pardon of this my unkind forgetting you, and all other my sins, which I beseech the Lord in his mercy, to do away for his Christ's sake. Amen.  
Now to make amends to you ward, I would be glad if I could, but because I cannot, I shall heartily desire you to accept that will, and this which I shall now write unto you, there after: I mean, after my will and not after the deed, to accept and take it. At this present my dear hart in the Lord, you are in a blessed state, although it seem otherwise to you, or rather unto your old Adam, the which I dare now be so bold as to discern from you, because you would have him not only discerned, but also utterly destroyed. For if God be true, then is his word true.  
Now his word pronounceth of your state that it is happy, therefore it must needs be so. To prove this I think it need not: for you know that the holy ghost saith, That they are happy which suffer for righteousness sake, and that God's glory and spirit resteth on them which suffer for conscience to God. Now this you cannot but know, that this your suffering is for righteousness sake, and for conscience to Godwards, for else you might be out of trouble even out of hand. I know in very deed that you have felt and do feel your unthankfulness to God and other sins, to witness to you, that you have deserved this prisonment and lack of liberty, 
Martyrs persecuted not for their sins, but for Christ only & the Gospel.  betwixt God and yourself, and I would you so would confess unto God in your prayers, with petition for pardon and thanks giving, for his correcting you here. But you know that the Magistrates do not persecute in you your sins, your unthankfulness. etc. But they persecute in you Christ himself, his righteousness, his verity, and therefore happy be you that have found such favour with God your father, as to account you worthy to suffer for his sake in the sight of man: surely you shall rejoice therefore one day with a joy unspeakable, in the sight of man also.  
You may think yourself borne in a blessed time, that have found this grace with God, to be a vessel of honour to suffer with his Saints, yea with his son. My beloved, God hath not done so with many. The Apostle saith: Not many noble, 
1. Cor. 1.  not many rich, not many wise in the world, hath the Lord God chosen. Oh than what cause have you to rejoice, that amongst the not many, he hath chosen you to be one? For that cause hath God placed you in your office, that therefore ye might the more see his special dignation and love towards you. It had not been so great a thing for M. Hopkins to have suffered as M. Hopkins, as it is for M. Hopkins also to suffer as M. Sheriff. Oh happy day that you were made sheriff, by the which as God in this world would promote you to a more honourable degree, so by suffering in this room he hath exalted you in heaven, and in the sight of his church & children, to a much more excellent glory. When was it read, that a sheriff of a city hath suffered for the lords sake? Where read we of any Sheriff that hath been cast in prison for conscience to Godward? How could God have dealt more lovingly with you, than herein he hath done? To the end of the world it shall be written for a memorial to your praise, that Rich. Hopkins sheriff of Coventry, for conscience to do his office before God, was cast in the Fleet, and there kept prisoner a long tyme. Happy, & twice happy are you, if herefore you may give your life. Never could you have attained to this promotion on this sort out of that office. How do you preach now, not only to all men, but specially to magistrates in this realm? Who would ever have thought that you should have been the first magistrate that for Christ's sake should have lost any thing? 
R. Hopkins the first Magistrate that suffered for his conscience.  As I said before, therefore I say again, that your state is happy. Good brother, before God I writ the truth unto you, my conscience bearing me witness, that you are in a most happy state with the Lord, and before his sight.  
Be thankful therefore, rejoice in your trouble, pray for patience, persevere to the end, let patience have her perfect work. 
jacob. 1.  If you want this wisdom and power, ask it of God, who will give it to you in his good tyme. Hope still in him, yea if he should slay you, yet trust in him with job, and you shall perceive that the end will be to find him merciful & full of compassion: for he will not break promise with you, which hitherto did never so with any. He is with you in trouble, he heareth you calling upon him, yea before you call, your desires are not only known, but accepted through Christ. If now and then he hide his face from you, it is but to provoke your appetite, to make you the more to long for him. This is most true: He is a coming, and will come, he will not be long. But if for a time he seem to tarry, yet stand you still, and you shall see the wonderful works of the Lord. Oh beloved, wherefore should you be heavy? Is not Christ Emanuel, God with us? Shall you not find that as he is true in saying: In the world you shall have trouble: 
1. Cor. 1.  so is he in saying: In me you shall have comfort? He doth not swear only that trouble will come, but with all he sweareth that comfort shall ensue. And what comfort? such a comfort as the eye hath not seen, the ear hath not heard, nor the hart of man can conceive. Oh great comfort: who shall have this? Forsooth they that suffer for the Lord. And are not you one of them? Yea verily are you. Then (as I said) happy, happy, and happy again are you my dearly beloved in the Lord. You now suffer with the Lord, surely you shall be glorified with him. Call upon God therefore in your trouble, and he will hear you, yea deliver you in such sort, as most shall make both to his & your glory also. And in this calling, I heartily pray you to pray for me your fellow in affliction. Now we be both going in the high way to heaven, for by many afflictions must we enter in thither, whether God bring us for his mercy's sake, Amen. Amen.  
Your fellow in affliction, john Bradford.   

¶ To my good Sister Mistress Elizabeth Browne.  
GOod sister, God our Father make perfect the good he hath begun in you unto the end. 
A lette● 〈◊〉 M Brad●●●● to Mist●●● Brow●● now 〈◊〉 Mistress Rushbrough.   
I am afraid to write unto you because you so overcharge yourself at all times, even when so ever I do but send to you commendations. I would be more bold on you then many others, and therefore you might suspend so great tokens till I should write unto you of my need: which thing doubtless I would do if it urged me. Dear sister, I see your unfeigned love to me wards in God, and have done of long time, the which I do recompense with the like, and will do by god's grace so long as I live, & therefore I hope not to forget you, but in my poor prayers to have you in remembrance, as I hope you have me. 
2. Tim. ●.  Otherwise I can do you no service, except it be now and then by my writing to let you from better exercise, where yet the end of my writing is to excite and stir up your hart more earnestly to go on forwards in your well begun enterprise. For you know none shallbe crowned, but such as strive lawfully, & none receiveth the gleve, but those that run to the appointed mark. 
Heb. 10.  None shall be saved but such as persist and continue to the very end.  
Therefore (dear Sister) remember that we have need of patience, that when we have done the good will of God, we may receive the promise. Patience and perseverance be the proper notes whereby Gods children are known from counterfeits. They that persevere not, were always but hypocrites. Many make godly beginnings, yea their progress seemeth marvelous but yet after in the end they fail. These were never of us saith S. john: for if they had been of us, they would have continued unto the very end.  
Go to now therefore mine own beloved in the Lord: 
Wholesome lessons of life.  as you have well begun, and well gone forward, so well persist and happily end, and then all is yours. Though this be sharp and sour, yet it is not tedious or long. Do all that ever you do, simply for God, and as to God, so shall never unkindness nor any other thing make you to leave of from well doing, so long as you may do well. Accustom yourself now to see God continually, that he may be all in all unto you. In good things behold his mercy, and apply it unto yourself. In evil things and plagues behold his judgements, where through learn to fear him. Beware of sin, as the serpent of the soul which spoileth us of all our o● nature and seemly apparel in God's sight. Let Christ crucified be your book to study on, and that both night and day▪ Mark your vocation, and be diligent in the works thereof. Use hearty & earnest prayer, and that in spirit. In all things give thanks to God our father through Christ. Labour to have here life everlasting begun in you: for else it will not be elsewhere enjoyed. Set Gods judgement often before your eyes, that now examining yourself, you may make diligent suit, and obtain never to come into judgement. Uncover your evils to God, that he may cover them. Beware of this Antichristian trash: defile not yourself in soul or body therewith, but accomplish holiness in the fear of God, & bear no yoke with unbelievers. Look for the coming of the Lord which is at hand: by earnest prayer and godly 〈…〉 it. God our father accomplish his good work in you. Am●. Commend me to my good mother mistress Wilkinson, & to my very dear sister mistress Warcuppe▪ I shall daily commend you all to God, and I pray you do the like for me.  
john Bradford.   

¶ To a friend of his, instructing him how he should answer his adversaries.  
MY good brother, our merciful God and dear Father through christ, open your eyes effectually to see, 
another letter 〈◊〉 Bradf●●● his fri●●● with i●●structi●● how ●●●swere 〈◊〉 aduers●●●●●  & your heart ardently to desire the everlasting joy which he hath prepared for his slaughter sheep, that is, for such as shrink not from his truth for any such storms sake. Amen.  
When you shall come before the Magistrates to give an answer of the hope which is in you, do it with all reverence and simplicity. And because you may be something afraid by the power of the Magistrates & cruelty which they will threaten against you, I would you set before you the good father Moses to follow his example: 
Example Moses answering ●●●fore king Pharaoh.  for he set the invisible God before his eyes of faith, and with them looked upon God and his glorious Majesty and power, as with his corporal eyes he saw Pharaoh and all his fearful terrors. So do you my dearly beloved: let your inward eyes give such light unto you, that as you know you ar● before the magistrates, so and much more, you & they also are present before the face of God, which will give such wisdom to you, fearing him and seeking his praise, as the enemies shall wonder at, and further, he will so order their hearts and doings, that they shall, will they, ●ill they, serve God's providence towards you (which you can not avoid though you would) as shall be most to his glory, and your everlasting comfort.  
Therefore my good brother, let your whole study be only to please God: put him always before your eyes, for he is on your right hand lest you should be moved, he is faithful, and never will suffer you to be tempted above that he will make you able to bear. Yea every hair of your head he hath numbered, so that one of them shall not perish without his good will, which cannot be, but be good unto you, in that he is become your father▪ through Christ, and therefore as he hath given you to believe in him (God increase this belief in us all) so doth he now graciously give unto you to suffer for his name's sake: the which you ought with all thankfulness to receive, in that you are made worthy to drink of the self same cup, which not only the very sons of God have drunk of before you, but even the very natural son of God himself hath brought you good luck. Oh he of his mercy make us thankful to pledge him again. Amen.  
Because the chiefest matter they will trouble you and go about to deceive you withal, is the Sacrament, not of Christ's body and blood, 
 but of the altar (as they call it) thereby destroying the Sacrament which Christ instituted: I would you noted these two things: First, that the Sacrament of the altar which the Priest offereth in the Mass, and eateth privately with himself, is not the Sacrament of Christ's body add blood instituted by him, as Christ's institution plainly written and set forth in the scriptures, being compared to their using of it, plainly doth declare.  
Again, if they talk with you of Christ's Sacrament instituted by him, whether it be Christ's body or no: answer them, that as to the eyes of your reason, to your taste and corporal senses it is bread and wine, and therefore the Scripture calleth it after the consecration so: even so to the eyes, taste, and senses of your faith, which ascendeth to the right hand of God in heaven, where Christ sitteth, it is in very deed Christ's body and blood, which spiritually your soul feedeth on to everlasting life in faith and by faith, even as your body presently feedeth on the sacramental bread and sacramental wine.  
By this means as you shall not allow transubstantiation, nor none of their popish opinions: so shall you declare the Sacrament to be a matter of faith, and not of reason, as the Papists make it. For they deny God's omnipotency, in that they say Christ is not there, if bread be there: 
 but faith looketh on the omnipotency of God, joined with this promise, and doubteth not but that Christ is able to give that he promiseth us spiritually by faith, the bread still remaining in substance, as well as if the substance of bread were taken away: for Christ saith not in any place this is no bread. But of this gear God shall instruct you, if you hang on his promise, and pray for the power & wisdom of his spirit, which undoubtedly as you are bound to look for, praying for it, so he hath bound himself by his promise to give it: the which thing grant unto us both, and to all his people, for his name's sake, through Christ our Lord, Amen.  
john Bradford.   

¶ To certain godly men, whom he exhorteth to be patient under the cross, and constant in the true doctrine which they had professed.  
MY dearly beloved in the Lord, as in him I wish you well to far, 
 so I pray God I and you may continue in his true service, that perpetually we may enjoy the same welfare, as here in hope so in heaven in deed, and eternally.  
You know this world is not your home, but a pilgrimage & place wherein God trieth his children, and therefore as it knoweth you not, nor can know you: so I trust you know not it, that is, you allow it not, nor in any point will seem so to do, although by many you be occasioned thereto. For this hot sun which now shineth, burneth so sore, that the corn which is sown upon sand and stony ground, beginneth to whither: that is, many which before times were taken for hearty Gospelers, begin now for the fear of afflictions to relent, yea to turn to their vomit again, thereby declaring that though they go from amongst us, yet were they never of us▪ for else they would have still tarried with us, and neither for gain nor loss, have left us either in word or deed As for their hart (which undoubtedly is double and therefore in danger to God's curse) we have as much with us, as the Papists have with them, 
Backsliding of Gospelers.  and more too by their own judgement. For they playing wily beguile themselves, think it enough inwardly to favour the truth, though outwardly they curry favour▪ What though with my body (say they) I do this or that▪ God knoweth my hart is whole with him.  
Ah brother, if thy hart be whole with God, why dost not thou confess & declare thyself accordingly by word and fact? Either that which thou sayest thou believest in thy heart is good or no. If it be good, why art thou ashamed of it? If it be evil, why dost thou keep it in thy hart? Is not God able to defend thee, 
Mistrusters' of God. Paul. 33.  adventuring thyself for his cause? Or will he not defend his worshippers? Doth not the Scripture say that the eyes of the Lord are on them that fear him, and trust in his mercy? And whereto? Forsooth to deliver their souls from death, and to feed them in the time of hunger.  
If this be true (as it is most true) why are we afraid of death, as though God could not comfort or deliver us, or would not, contrary to his promise? Why are we afraid of the loss of our goods, as though God would leave them that fear him, destitute of all good things, and so do against his most ample promises? Ah faith, faith, how few feel thee now a day? 
Luke 18. Lack of faith.  Full tru●ly said Christ, that he should scarcely find faith when he came, on earth. For if men believed the●e promises, they would never do any thing outwardly, which inwardly they disallow. No example of men, how many soever they be, or how learned soever they be, can prevail in this behalf: for the pattern which we must follow, is Christ himself, and not the more company or custom. His word is the lantern to lighten our steps, 
Psal. 118.  and not learned men. Company and custom are to be considered according to the thing they allow. 
Learning to be followed, so far as it concurreth with God's word.  Learned men are to be listened to and followed according to God's lore and law, for else the more part goeth to the devil. As custom causeth error and blindness, so learning, if it be not according to the light of God's word, is poison, and learned men most pernicious. The Devil is called Daemon for his cunning, and the children of this world are much wiser than the children of light in their generation: and I know the Devil and his dearlyng have always for the most part, 
Luke 16.  more helps in this life than Christ's Church and her children. They (the devil and his Synagogue I mean) have custom, multitude unity, antiquity, learning, power, riches, honour, 
The Synagogue of the devil more furnished with worldly helps then the Church of Christ.  dignity & promotion plenty, as always they have had, and shall have commonly and for the most part, until Christ's coming, much more than the true church hath presently, heretofore hath had, or hereafter shall have. For her glory, riches, and honour is not here, her trial, cross, and warfare is here.  
And therefore (my dear hearts in the Lord) consider these things accordingly. Consider what you be, not worldlings, 
What we be. Where we be. Amongst whom we be.  but God's children. Consider where you be, not at home, but in a strange country. Consider among whom ye are conversant, even in the midst of your enemies, and of a wicked generation, and then I trust you will not much muse at affliction. Which you cannot be without, being as you be, God's children, 
Affliction no strange thing amongst God● children.  in a strange country, and in the midst of your enemies, except you would leave your captain Christ, and follow Satan for the muck of this mould, rest, and quietness, which he may promise you, & you in deed think you shall receive it by doing as he would have you to do (my sweet hearts) he is not able to pay that he promiseth. Peace and war come from God, riches and poverty, wealth & wo. The Devil hath no power but by God's permission. If then God permit him a little on your goods, body or life, I pray you tell me what can much hurt you (as Peter saith) you being followers of godliness? 
1. Pet. 3.  Think you that God will not remember you in his time, as most shall be to your comfort? Can a woman forget the child of her womb? And if she should, 
Esay 49.  yet will not I forget thee (saith the lord) Look upon Abraham in his exile & misery, look upon jacob, joseph, Moses, David, the Prophets, 
Examples of Patriarches and Prophets afflicted in this world.  Apostles, and all the godly from the beginning: and my good brethren, is not God the same God? Is he a changeling? You have heard of the patience of job, (saith S james) and you have seen the end how that God is merciful, patient and long suffering: even so I say unto you that you shall find accordingly, if so be you be patient, that is, if so be you fear him, 
jacob. 5.  set his word before you, serve him thereafter, and if he lay his cross on you, you bear it with patience: the which you shall do when you consider it not according to the present sense, but according to the end. Heb. 12. 2. Cor. 4.  
Therefore I heartily beseech you, & out of my bonds which I suffer for your sake, pray you (mine own sweet hearts in the Lord) that you would cleave in hart and humble obedience to the doctrine taught you by me, and many other my brethren. For we have taught you no fables nor tales of men, or our own fantasies, but the very word of GOD, which we are ready with our lives (God so inhabling us, as we trust he will) to confirm, and by the shedding of our bloods in all patience and humble obedience to the superior powers, to testify and seal up, as well that you might be more certain of the doctrine, as that you might be ready to confess the same before this wicked world, knowing that if we confess Christ and his truth before men, he will confess us before his father in heaven: if so be we be ashamed hereof for loss of life friends or goods, he will be ashamed of us before his father, and his holy Angels in heaven.  

He exhorteth to come from the Mass.  Therefore take heed, for the lords sake take heed, take heed, and defile not your bodies or souls with this Romish and Antichristian religion set up amongst us again: but come away, come away, as the Angel crieth from amongst them in their idolatrous service, 
Apoca. 18.  lest you be partakers of their iniquity. hearken to your preachers as the Thessalonians did to Paul: that is, confer their sayings with the scriptures, & if they sound not thereafter, the morning light shall not shine upon them.  

Esay. 8.  Use much and hearty prayer for the spirit of wisdom, knowledge, humbleness, meekness, sobriety, and repentance: which we have great need of, because our sins have thus provoked the lords anger against us: but let us bear his anger, and acknowledge our faults with bitter tears, and sorrowful sighs, and doubtless he will be merciful to us after his wont mercy. The which thing he vouchsafe to do for his holy names sake, in Christ jesus our Lord, to whom with the father and the holy ghost, be all honour, glory, praise, and everlasting thanks from this time forth for evermore. Amen.  
Out of prison by yours in the Lord to command. john Bradford.   

¶ A letter to M. George Eton.  
ALmighty God our heavenly Father, recompense abundantly into your bosom (my dearly beloved) here and eternally, 
A letter a● M. Bradford to M. George Eton.  the good which from him by you I have continually received sithen my coming into prison. Otherwise can I never be able to requite your loving kindness here then by praying for you, and after this life, by witnessing your faith declared to me by your fruits, when we shall come and appear together before the throne of our Saviour jesus Christ, whether (I thank God) I am even now a going, ever looking when officers will come, & satisfy the precept of the Prelates, whereof though I can not complain, because I have justly deserved an hundredth thousand deaths at gods hands by reason of my sins, yet I may and must rejoice, because the Prelate's do not persecute in me mine iniquities, but Christ jesus & his verity: so that they persecute not me, they hate not me, but they persecute Christ, they hate Christ.  
And because they can do him no hurt (for he sitteth in heaven, 
The Prelates persecute and hate the Martyrs not for their iniquities, but for hatred of Christ & of his verity in them.  and laugheth them and their devices to scorn, as one day they shall feel, therefore they turn their rage upon his poor sheep, as Herode their father did upon the infants. Math. 2. Great cause therefore have I to rejoice, that my dear Saviour Christ will vouchsafe amongst many, to choose me to be a vessel of grace to suffer in me (which have deserved so often & justly to suffer for my sins) that I might be most assured I shall be a vessel of honour, in whom he will be glorified.  
Therefore (my right dear brother in the Lord) rejoice with me, give thanks for me, and cease not to pray, that God for his mercy's sake would make perfect the good he hath begun in me. And as for the doctrine which I have professed and preached, I do confess unto you in writing, as to the whole world I shortly shall by god's grace in suffering, 
john Bradford giveth testimony of his doctrine.  that it is the very true doctrine of jesus Christ, of his Church, of his Prophets, Apostles and all good men: so that if an Angel should come from heaven and preach otherwise, the same were accursed.  
Therefore waver not (dear hart in the Lord) but be confirmed in it, and as your vocation requireth, when God so will, confess it, though it be perilous so to do. The end shall evidently show an other manner of pleasure for so doing, than tongue can tell. Be diligent in prayer, and watch therein. Use reverent reading of God's word. Set the shortness of this time before your eyes, and let not the eternity that is to come, depart out of your memory. Practise in doing that you learn, by reading and hearing. Decline from evil, and pursue good. Remember them that be in bonds, especially for the lords cause, as members of your body, and fellow heirs of grace. Forget not the afflictions of Zion, and the oppression of jerusalem: and God our Father shall give you his continual blessing through Christ our Lord, who guide us as his dear children for ever, Amen. And thus I take my Vale and farewell with you (dear brother) for ever in this present life, till we shall meet in eternal bliss: whether our good God and Father bring us shortly, Amen. God bless all your babes for ever, Amen.  
Out of prison this viii. of February. Your afflicted brother for the lords cause. john Bradford.   

¶ An other Letter to Mistress Anne Warcuppe.  
ALmighty God our heavenly father for his Christ's sake, increase in us faith, 
An 〈◊〉 letter Mistress Anne 〈◊〉.  by which we may more & more see what glory and honour is reposed and safely kept in heaven, for all them that believe with the hart, and confess Christ & his truth with the mouth. Amen.  
My dearly beloved, I remember that once heretofore I wrote unto you a Vale or a farewell upon conjecture: but now I writ my farewell to you in this life in deed, upon certain knowledge. My staff standeth at the door, I continually look for the sheriff to come for me, and I thank God I am ready for him. Now go I to practise that which I have preached. Now am I climbing up the hill, it will cause me to puff and blow before I come to the cliff. The hill is steep and high, my breath is short, and my strength is feeble: pray therefore to the Lord for me, that as I have now through his goodness, even almost come to the top, I may by his grace, be strengthened, not to rest till I come where I should be. Oh loving Lord, put out thy hand, and draw me unto thee: for no man cometh, but he whom the father draweth. See (my dearly beloved) Gods loving mercy: he knoweth my short breath & great weakness. As he sent for Helias in a fiery chariot, so sendeth he for me: for by fire, my dross must be purified, that I may be fine gold in his sight. Oh unthankful wretch that I am: Lord do thou forgive me mine unthankfulness. In deed I confess (right dear to me in the Lord) that my sins have deserved hell fire, much more than this fire. But lo, so loving is my Lord, 
God 〈◊〉 the ●●●serued 〈◊〉 death of his to a glo●●●ous testi●●●niall of his truth.  that he converteth the remedy for my sins, the punishment for my transgressions, into a testimonial of his truth, and a testification of his verity, which the Prelates do persecute in me, & not my sins: therefore they persecute not me but Christ in me, which, I doubt not, will take my part unto the very end. Amen.  
Oh that I had so open an hart, as could so receive as I should do, this great benefit and unspeakable dignity, which God my father offereth to me. Now pray for me, my dearly beloved: pray for me that I never shrink. I shall never shrink I hope, I trust in the Lord I shall never shrink: for he that always hath taken my part, I am assured will not leave me when I have most need, for his truth and mercy's sake. Oh Lord help me: Into thy hands I commend me wholly. In the Lord is my trust, I care not what man can do unto me. Amen. My dearly beloved, say you Amen also, and come after if so God call you. Be not ashamed of the Gospel of Christ, but keep company with him still. He will never leave you, but in the midst of temptation will give you an outscape, to make you able to bear the brunt. Use hearty prayer, reverently read and hear God's word, put it in practice, look for the cross, lift up your heads, for your redemption draweth nigh: know that the death of God's saints is precious in his sight: Be merry in the Lord, pray for the mitigation of God's heavy displeasure upon our country. God keep us for ever, God bless us with his spiritual blessings in Christ. And thus I bid you farewell for ever in this present life. Pray for me, pray for me, for God's sake, pray for me. God make perfect his good work begun in me. Amen.  
Out of prison this seven. of February. Yours in the Lord. john Bradford.  
In the story of M. Bradford it was above rehearsed, how a certain Gentlewoman being in trouble by her father and mother for not coming to Mass, sent her servant to visit M. Bradford in prison. Who tendering the woeful case of the Gentlewoman, to the intent partly to confirm her with counsel, partly to relieve her oppressed mind with some comfort, directed this letter unto her: the contents whereof are these.   

¶ To a certain godly Gentlewoman, troubled and afflicted by her friends, for not coming to the Mass.  
I Wish unto you right worshipful, and my dearly beloved sister in the Lord, as to myself, 
another letter of M. Bradford a godly gentlewoman Rom. 1.  the continual grace and comfort of Christ and of his holy word through the operation of the holy spirit, who strengthen your inward man with the strength of God, that you may continue to the end, in the faithful obedience of God's gospel, whereto you are called, Amen.  
I perceived by yourself the last day when you were with me, how that you are in the schoolhouse, and trial parlour of the Lord, 
1. Cor. 1.  which to me is (as the least it should be) a great comfort, to see the number of gods elect by you increased, which is in that state whereof God hath not called many, as Paul saith. And as it is a comfort to me, 
1. Cor. 1. and 10.  so should it be a confirmation unto me, that the Lord for his faithfulness sake, will make perfect and finish the good he hath begun in you to the end.  
If then your cross be to me a comfort or token of your election, and a confirmation of God's continual favour (my ●earely beloved): how much more ought it to be so unto you? Unto whom he hath not only given to believe but also to come into the trace of suffering for his sake, and that not commonly of common enemies, 
 but even of your own father, mother, and all your friend's, I mean kinsfolks as you told me. By which I see Christ's words to be true: How that he came to give his children such a peace with him, as the Devil might not, nor may abide, & therefore stirreth up father and mother, 
 sister and brother, rather than it should continue. But (my dear sister) if you cry with David to the Lord, and complain to him: how that for conscience to him, your father and mother have forsaken you, you shall hear him speak in your heart, that he hath received you, and by this would have you to see, how that he maketh you here like to Christ, 
 that elsewhere in heaven you might be like unto him whereof you ought to be most assured, knowing that in time, even when Christ shall appear, you shallbe like unto him. For he will make your body which now you defile not with Idolatrical service in going to Mass, 
john. 3. 〈◊〉. 3. 〈◊〉. 10. 〈…〉 ● Tim. 2  like unto his own glorious and immortal body, according to the power whereby he is able to do all things. He will confess you before his father, which do not deny his verity in word nor deed before your father: he will make you to reign with him, that now suffer for him and with him: he will not leave you comfortless, that seek no comfort but at his hand, though for a little time you be afflicted, yet therein will he comfort and strength you, and at the length make you to be merry with him, in such joy as is infinite and endless. He will wipe all the tears from your eyes: he will embrace you as your dear husband: he will after he hath proved you, crown you with a crown of glory and immortality, such as the hart of man shall never be able to conceive in such sort as the thing is. He now beholdeth your steadfastness, and striving to do his good will: and shortly will he show you how steadfast he is, and will be ready to do your will, after that you have fully resigned it to his will.  

 Pledge him in his cup of the cross, & you shall pledge him in the cup of his glory. Desire to drink it before it come to the dregs, whereof the wicked shall drink, and all those that for fear of the cross and pledging the Lord, do walk with the wicked in betraying in fact and deed, that which their hart embraceth for verity. The which thing if you should do (which God forbidden) than my dear Mistress and Sister in the Lord, you should not only lose all that I have before spoken, and much more infinitely of eternal joy and glory, but also be a cast away, and partaker of gods most heavy displeasure in hell fire eternally: and so for a little ease, 
●●ke. 11.  which you cannot tell how long it will last, to lose for ever and ever, all ease and comfort. For he that gathereth not with me (saith Christ, 
Cor ●. 〈◊〉. 12. Cor 10.  as no Mass Gospeller doth) scattere●h abroad. According to that we do in this body, we shall receive, be it good or bad. If of our words we shall be judged to condemnation or salvation: 
〈…〉. Cor. 6.  much more than of our facts and deeds. You cannot be partaker of God's religion and Antichrists service, whereof the Mass is most principal. You cannot be a member of Christ's Church, and a member of the Pope's Church. You must glorify God not only in soul and hart, but also in body and deed. You may not think that God requireth less of you his wife now, than your husband did of you. I● both hart and body your husband would have, shall Christ have less (trow you) which hath so bitterly & dearly bought it? If your husband could not admit an excuse how your hart is his only if he should have taken your body in bed with another: do you think that Christ will allow your body at Mass, although your heart consent not to it? 
●sal. 125.   
God esteemeth his children, not only of their hearts, but of their pure hands and works, 
Reg 19 〈…〉.  and therefore in Helias time, he counted none to be his servants and people, but such as had not bowed their knees to Baal: as now he doth not in England account any other to be his derlings, which know the truth in hart, and deny it in their deeds, as do our Mass Gospelers.  
We ought to desire above all things the sanctifying of God's holy name, and the coming of his kingdom, and shall we then see his name blasphemed so horribly as it is at Mass, by making it a sacrifice propitiatory, and setting forth a false Christ of the Priests and bakers making, to be worshipped as GOD, 
 and say nothing? The jews rend their clothes asunder in seeing or hearing any thing blasphemously done or spoken against God, and shall we yet come to Church where Mass is, and be mute? Paul and Barnabas rend their clothes to see the people of Lycaonia to offer sacrifice unto them, and shall we see sacrifice and gods service done to an inanimate creature and be mum? What thing helpeth more or so much Antichrists kingdom as doth the Mass? 
The Mass destroyeth p●eaching and the kingdom of Christ.  And what destroyeth preaching and the kingdom of Christ upon earth more than it doth? And how can we then say: Let thy kingdom come, and go to Mass? How can we pray before God: Thy will be done on earth, when we will do our own will, and the will of our father or friends? How pray we: Deliver us from evil: which knowing the Mass to be evil, do come to it?  
But what go I about to light a candle in the Noon day, that is, to tell you that we may not go to Mass, or to the congregation where it is, except it be to reprove it, in that all men in so doing, do but dissemble both with God and man? And is dissembling now to be allowed? How long will men yet halt on both knees (saith God)? Halting (sayeth Paul) bringeth out of the way, that is to say, out of Christ, which is the way: so that he which is not in him shall whither away, and be cast into hell fire. For Christ will be ashamed of them before his father, which be now ashamed of his truth before this wicked generation. 
He dissuadeth her from the Mass.   
Therefore my good mistress take good heed: for it had been better for you never to have known the truth, and there through to have escaped from papistical uncleanness, than now to return to it, making eftsoons your members, being members of righteousness, members of unrighteousness, as you do, if you do but go to the Church where Mass is. Be pure therefore, and keep yourself from all filth of the spirit, and of the flesh. Abstain not only from all evil, but from all appearance of evil.  
And so the God of peace shall be with you, the glory of God shall govern you, the spirit of God shall sanctify you, and be with you for ever, to keep you from all evil, and to comfort you in all your distress and trouble, which is but short if you consider the eternity you shall enjoy in glory and felicity in the Lord, which undoubtedly you shall not fail but inherit for ever, if so be you, as the elect child of God, put your trust in his mercy, call upon his name unfeignedly, and yield not over to the wicked world, but stick still against it unto the end. God for his holy names sake, which is properly the God of the Widows, be your good and dear Father for ever, and help you always as I myself would be helped at his hands in all things, and especially in this his own cause, Amen, Amen.  
john Bradford.   

¶ To one by whom he had received much comfort and relief in his trouble and imprisonment.  
THe mercy of God in Christ peculiar to his children, 
A letter of thanks to a good benefactor of his.  be evermore felt of you, my dearly beloved in the Lord, Amen.  
When I consider with myself the benefits which God hath showed unto me by your means, if I had so good and thankful a hart as I would I had, I could not with dry eyes give him thanks? for certainly they are very many and great. And now being yet still the Lords prisoner, I perceive from him more benefits by you. For the which I think myself so much bound to you my good brother (although you were but the instrument by whom God wrought and blessed me) that I look not to come out of your debt by any pleasure or service that I shall ever be able to do you in this life. I shall heartily pray unto God therefore to requite you the good you have done to me for his sake: for I know that which you have done, you have done it simply in respect of God & his word. He therefore give you daily more and more to be confirmed in his truth and word, and so plentifully pour upon you the riches of his holy spirit and heavenly treasures laid up in store for you, that your corporal and earthly riches may be used of you as Sacraments and significations thereof: the more to desire the one, that is, the heavenly, & the less to esteem the other, that is, the earthly. For Satan's solicitation is, so to set before you the earthly, that therein and thereby you should not have access to the consideration of the heavenly, but as one bewitched should utterly forget them, & altogether become a lover and worshipper of the earthly Mammon, and so to fall to covetousness, 
Ch●ist forsaken of many for the preserving of worldly pelf.  and a desire to be rich, by that means to bring you into many noisome and hurtful lusts: as now a days I hear of many which have utterly forsaken God and all his heavenly riches, for Antichrists pleasure, and the preserving of their worldly pelf, which they imagine to leave to their posterity, whereof they are uncertain, as they may be most certain they leave to them God's wrath and vengeance, in his time to be sent by visitation, if they in time heartily repent not, & prevent not the same by earnest prayer. Wherein my good brother, if you be diligent, hearty, and persevere, I am sure God will preserve you from evil, and from yielding yourself to do as the world now doth, by allowing in bodily fact in the Romish service, that which the inward cogitation and mind doth disallow. But if you be cold in prayer, and come into consideration of earthly & present things simply, then shall you fall into faithless follies and wounding of your conscience: from which God evermore preserve you with your good wife, and your babe Leonard & all your family, to the which I wish the blessing of God now and for ever, through Christ our Lord, Amen.  
I pray you give thanks for me to your old bedfellow for his great friendship for your sake showed to me when I was in the Tower.  
john Bradford.   

¶ To a faithful friend of his, and his wife, resolving their doubt why they ought not to come to auricular confession.  

another letter of M. Bradford disproving auricular confession.  THe merciful God, and father of our Saviour jesus Christ, which loveth us as a most dear Father, and hath put upon him towards us the affection of a most tender mother towards her children, so that he can no less think upon us (although of ourselves we be most unworthy, and deserve nothing less) than she can think on her only begotten child in his distress, yea if she should forget her child, as some unnatural mother will do, yet will he never forget us, although for a time he seem to sleep that we might be occasioned to call loud and awake him: this good God keep you, my dear brother 
* Note that this nathanael was not his proper name, but was so called for his unfeigned simplicity & truth.  nathanael, and your good yoke-fellow, my heartily beloved Sister in the Lord, in all things now and for ever, to his glory and your eternal comfort: and also of his goodness he grant you both the feeling of that hope, which undoubtedly he hath laid up in store for you both, far passing the store and provision, not only which you have made but all the world is able to make, as I trust already he hath wrought it in you, but I beseech him to increase it more & more and kindle in you a hearty longing for the enjoying of the same, the which once felt & had in deed, than the means by the which we come thereto, cannot be so greatly dread, as most men do dread them, because either they want this feeling (I mean it of altogether) or else because the sense of this present time & things therein, are as a mist to the hiding of those things from our sight, lest we should run and embrace them by hearty prayer: the spirit whereof God grant us, and in deed we should attain enough in this behalf, if we continued therein.  
For auricular confession, wherein you desire my advise for your good yoke-fellow and family (my most dear brother) I am as ready to give it, as you to desire it, yea more glad, for as much as half a suspicion was in me (at the least touching my dear sister your wife) of a loathing of my advise, that to much had been given, where in deed I should lament my too little feeding you spiritually, as both you out of prison and in prison have fed me corporally. But as I always thought of her, so I yet think that she is the child of God, whom God dearly loveth, and will in his good time to her eternal comfort, give her her hearts desire in sure feeling and sensible believing of this, which I would she had often in her mind: namely, that he is her God & father through Christ jesus our dear Lord and Saviour. A greater service to God she cannot give, 
What to do if Satan charge our conscience with unbelief.  then to believe this. If Satan say she believeth not, to answer, not him but the Lord, and to say, yea Lord help my unbelief, and increase my poor faith, which Satan faith is no faith: make him a liar Lord, as always he hath been, is, and shall be. Undoubtedly, sooner or later God will graciously hear her groans, and keep all her tears in his bottle, yea writ them in his counting book, for he is a righteous God, and hath no pleasure in the death of his creature: he loveth mercy, he will return and show her his mercy. he will cast all her sins and iniquities into the bottom of the sea: and the longer that he tarrieth (as he doth it but to prove her) so the more liberally will he recompense her long looking, which no less pleaseth him, than it grieveth now her outward Adam. For the mortification whereof, God useth this cross, and therefore if she desire to bear the same, 
The Lord the longer he tarrieth, the more liberally he recompenseth at his coming.  doubtless God will make her able to bear it: & in presumption of his goodness and strength, let her cast herself wholly upon him: for he is faithful, and will assuredly confirm, and bring to a happy end that good which graciously he hath begun in her. The which thing I desire him to do for his own glory & names sake. Amen. Amen.  


Confession auricular to what end it was first instituted.  
Auricular confession, as it is abused, is to be rejected, as unlawful & wicked for 8. causes.   And now to the matter. Confession auricular, as it was first used and instituted (which was by the way of counsel asking) I take to be amongst those traditions which are indifferent, that is, neither unlawful, nor necessarily binding us, except the offence of the weak could not be avoided. But to consider it, as it is now used (I writ to you but as I think, and what my mind is, the which follow no further, then good men by God's word do allow it) to consider it I say, as it is now used, me thinks it is plainly unlawful and wicked, and that for these causes.  
First, because they make it a service of God & a thing which pleaseth God of itself, I will not say meritorious, this bringer my brother can tell you at large how great evil this is.  
Secondly, because they make it of necessity, 
 so that he or she that useth it not, is not taken for a good Christian.  
Thirdly, because it requireth of itself an impossibility, that is, the numbering and telling of all our sins, which no man perceiveth, much less can utter.  
Fourthly, because it establisheth and confirmeth, at the least alloweth praying to Saints, Precor Sanctam Mariam: you must say or the Priest for you.  
Fifthly, 
 because it is very injurious to the liberty of the Gospel, the which to affirm in example and fact, I take to be a good work, and dear in God's sight,  
Sixtly, because (as it is used) it is a note, yea a very sinow of the Popish church: and therefore we should be so far from allowing the same, that we should think ourselves happy to lose any thing in bearing witness there against.  
seventhly, because in stead of counsel, thereat you should receive poison, or if you refuse it under sir john's Benedicite, you should no less there be wound in the briars.  
Eightly, because the end and purpose why we go thither, is for the avoiding of the cross, that is, for our own cause, and not for Christ's cause, or for our brethren's commodity. For in that they make it so necessary a thing, and a worshipping of God, it cannot but be against Christ, and the freedom of his Gospel: and the same thing teacheth us, that it is against the commodity of our brethren, which either be weak, either be strong, either be ignorant, either be obstinate. If they be weak by your resorting to it, they be made more weak. If they be strong, you do what you can to infirm their strength If they be ignorant, therein you help to keep them by your fact. If they be obstinate, your resorting to it cannot but rock them a sleep in their obstinate error of the necessity of this rite and ceremony. These causes recited do show you what I think in this: but my thinking must no further bind you then a man's thought should do, except the same be grounded upon God's word which bindeth in deed, as I think they do. I doubt not but you weighing these causes, and especially two of the first and the last, if you pray to God for his spirit to direct you, and thereto ask the advise of this my good brother and other godly learned men, I doubt not (I say) but you should be guided to do that which is best in god's sight, although in the sight of the world perhaps you should be counted foolish and precise. But be at a point with yourselves as the disciples of Christ, which had forsaken themselves, to follow not your will, but Gods will, as you daily pray in the lords prayer.  
The cross of Christ be willing to carry, lest you carry the cross of the world, the flesh or the devil. 
4. Cros●●● whereof 〈◊〉 bringeth 〈◊〉 hell.  One of these 4. crosses you must carry. Three of them bringeth to hell, and therefore the more part goeth that way, which is a broad way. Only the fourth bringeth to heaven, but few go that way, as well because the way is strait, as also because few walk in it. Howbeit, 
Why th● more 〈◊〉 go that 〈◊〉 that l●●●deth to ●●●dition.  though it be strait, it is but short, and the few are many, if you consider the godly, as the patriarchs, Prophets, Apostles, Martyrs, Confessors and Christ jesus, with all his guard and train. Think not scorn to come after them which are gone before you, and after them which now go before you, in whose number I trust I am appointed to be one, and I beseech you pray for me, that God would vouch me worthy that honour. Our sins deserve plagues, prison, and the loss of all that ever we have: therefore if God remove our sins out of sight, and send us prison, or loss of goods and living for his name's sake, Oh how happy are we? My dear hearts in the Lord, consider this gear and be assured that he which looseth any thing for Christ's sake, the same in his posterity shall find it here, and in heaven elsewhere. As for unableness to answer for your faith: it shall be enough to will them to dispute with your teachers. Faith standeth not in disputing. I think few if it came to disputing, could defend the godhead of Christ and many other articles: I speak it for the simple sort. Pray for me. Lack of paper maketh this end. Commend me to my good brother R. B. and my good sister his wife. I pray them to pray for me. I trust by this bearer to hear how you do.  
john Bradford.   

¶ Another letter to N. and his wife.  
GOds mercy in Christ I wish you to feel, 
another letter of Bradford a dear● friend 〈◊〉 his wy●●  my dear brother, with my faithful sister your wife, now and for ever, Amen.  
Having this occasion, I could not but write something as well to put myself in remembrance of my duty to godwards for you both, in thankfulness and prayer, as to put you in remembrance of me and your duty towards God for me, in praying for me: for I dare not say in thankfulness for me: nor that I would have you to give no thanks to God for his wonderful great and sweet mercies towards me, and upon me in Christ his son: but because I have not deserved it at either of your hands. For ye both know right well, at least my conscience doth accuse me, how that I have not only not exhorted & taught you, (as both my vocation and your deserts required) to walk worthy of that vocation which god hath made you worthy of, and with trembling and fear to work out your salvation, that is, in the fear of God to give yourselves to great vigilancy in prayer for the increase of faith, and to a wary circumspection in all your conversation, not only in works and words, but also in thoughts, because God is a searcher of the heart, and out of the heart it cometh, that defileth us in God's sight: I have (I say) not only not done this, but also have given you example of negligence in prayer, watching, fasting, talking and doing, so that woe to me for giving such offence. Partly for this cause dear brother and sister, God hath cast me here that I might repent me and turn to him, and that ye might also by this correction upon me, be more diligent to redress these things and others if they in your conscience do accuse you.  
My dearly beloved, heavy is God's anger fallen upon us all: doleful is this day. Now hath Antichrist all his power again. 
 Now is Christ's gospel trodden under foot. Now is God's people a derision and pray for the wicked. Now is the greatest plague of all plagues fallen, the want of God's word: and all these we have, yea I alone have justly deserved. Oh that as I write (I alone) I could with David▪ 1. Par. 21. and with jonas in heart say so. But I do not, 
 I do not I see not how grievously I have sinned, & how great a misery is fallen for mine unthankfulness for God's word, for mine hypocrisy in professing, preaching, hearing, and speaking of God's word, for my not praying to God for the continuance of it, for my not loving of it thoroughly as it requireth. etc. I will speak nothing of my manifest evils, for they are known to you well enough.  

 Dear brother and sister, with me say ye the like for your own parts, and with me join your hearts, and let us go to our heavenly father, and for his Christ's sake beseech him to be merciful unto us, and to pardon us: Oh good father it is we that have deserved the taking away of thy word, 
 it is we that have deserved these thy just plagues fallen upon us, we have done amiss, we have dealt unjustly with thy Gospel, we have procured thy wrath, and therefore just art thou in punishing us, just art thou in plaguing us, for we are very miserable. But good Lord and dear father of mercy, whose justice is such, that thou wilt not punish the poor souls of this realm, which yet have not thus sinned against thee, as we have done (for many yet never heard thy word) for our trespasses, and whose mercy is so great, that thou wilt put our iniquities out of thy remembrance for thy Christ's sake, if we repent and believe: grant us we beseech thee, true repentance & faith, that we having obtained pardon for our sins, may through thy Christ get deliverance from the tyranny of Antichrist now oppressing us.  
Oh good Father, which haste said that the Sceptre of the wicked should not long lie upon and over the just, 
〈◊〉. 125.  lest they put forth their hands to iniquity also: make us just, we pray thee in Christ's name, and cut a sunder the cords of them that hate Zion: let not the wicked people say, where is their God? Thou our God art in heaven, and dost whatsoever it pleaseth thee upon earth.  
Oh that thou wouldst in the mean while, before thou do deliver us, that (I say) thou wouldst open our eyes to see all these plagues to come from thee, & all other that shall come, what so ever they be, public or private, that they come not by chance nor by fortune, but that they come even from thy hand, and that justly and mercifully: justly because we have & do deserve them, not only by our birth poison still sticking and working in us, but also by our former evil life past, which by this punishment and all other punishments, thou wouldst have us to call to our remembrance and to set before us, that thou mightest put them from before thee, where as they stand so long as they are not in our remembrance, to put them away by repentance. Mercifully oh Lord God dost thou punish, in that thou dost not correct to kill, but to amend, that we might repent our sins, ask mercy, obtain it freely in Christ, and begin to suffer for righteousness sake: to be part of thy house, whereat thy judgement beginneth: to be partakers of the afflictions of thy Church, and thy Christ, that we might be partakers of the glory of the same: to weep here, that we might rejoice else where: to be judged in this world, that we might with thy Saints judge here after the world: to suffer with Christ, that we might reign with him: to be like to Christ in shame, that we might be like to him in glory: to receive our evils here, that we might with poor Lazarus find rest else where: rest (I say) and such a rest as the eye hath not seen, the ear hath not heard, nor the heart of man is able to conceive.  
Oh that our eyes were open to see this, 
The Cross sent from God, and to what end.  that the cross cometh from thee to declare thy justice & thy mercy, and hereto, that we might see how short a time the time of suffering is: how long a time the time of rejoicing is to them that suffer here: but to them that will not, how long and miserable a time is appointed and prepared: a time without time in eternal woe and perdition, too horrible to be thought upon. From the which keep us dear father, and give more sight in soul to see this gear, and how that all thy dearest children have carried the cross of grievous affliction in this life: in whose company do thou place us, and such a cross lay upon us as thou wilt make us able to bear to thy glory and our salvation in Christ, for whose sake we pray thee to shorten the days of this our great misery fallen upon us most justly, and in the mean season give us patience, repentance, faith, and thy eternal consolation. Amen. Amen. Amen.  
And thus dear hearts I have talked (me thinks) a little while with you, or rather we have all talked with God. Oh that God would give us his spirit of grace and prayer. My dea●ly beloved, pray for it, as for yourselves, so for me, and that God would vouchsafe to make me worthy to suffer with a good conscience for his name's sake. Pray for me, and I shall do the like for you. This 20. of December, by him whom by this bringer ye shall learn. I pray you give me commendations to all that love me in the Lord. Be merry in Christ, for one day in heaven we shall meet and rejoice together for evermore. Amen.   

To my good brother Augustine Barneher.  
MIne own good Augustine, the Lord of mercy bless thee my dear brother for ever. 
This Austen being a Dutchman, was Latimers' servant, & a faithful minister in the time of K. Edward, and in Q. mary's time a diligent attendant upon the lords prisoners. Mich. 6.  I have good hope that if you come late at night, I shall speak with you, but come as secretly as you can: Howbeit, in the mean season if you can, and as you can, learn what master G. hath spoken to Doctor Story and others. The cause of all this trouble both to my keeper and me, is thought to come by him. It is said that I shallbe burned in Smithfield, and that shortly. Domini voluntas fiat. Ecce ego Domine, mitte me. i The Lords will be done. Behold here I am Lord, send me. Ah mine own sweet friend, I am now alone, least I should make you and others worse. If I should live, I would more warily use the company of God's children, than ever I have done. Iram Domini portabo, quoniam peccavi ei. i. I will bear the Lords anger, because I have sinned against him. Commend me to my most dear Sister, for whom my heart bleedeth, the Lord comfort her, and strengthen her unto the end. I think I have taken my leave of her for ever in this life, but in eternal life we shall most surely meet and praise the Lord continually. I have now taken a more certain answer of death, than ever I did: and yet not so certain as I think I should do. I am now as a sheep appointed to the slaughter. Ah my God, the hour is come, glorify thy most unworthy child, I have glorified thee, sayeth this my sweet father, and I will glorify thee, Amen. Ah mine own bowels, praise God for me, and pray for me: for I am his I hope: I hope he will never forsake me, though I have above all other most deserved it. I am the most singular example of his mercy: praised be his name therefore for ever. 'Cause Mistress Perpoint to learn of the Sheriff Master Chester, what they purpose to do with me, and know if you can, whether there be any wryt forth for me. Factus sum sicut nicticorax in domicilio, & passer solitarius in tecto. i. I am like to an Owl in the house, 
Psal. 101.  and as a sparrow alone in the house top Ah my Augustine, how long shall God's enemies thus triumph? I have sent you this of the Baptism of children to write out: when this is done, you shall have other things. Pray, pray mine own dear heart, on whom I am bold. The keeper telleth me that it is death for any to speak with me, but yet I trust that I shall speak with you.  
john Bradford.  
To these letters of M. Bradforde above specified, here is also adjoined an other Letter of the said Bradforde, written to certain of his faithful friends, worthy of all Christians to be read: wherein is described a lively comparison between the Old man and the New: Also between the Law and the Gospel, containing much fruitful matter of divinity, necessary for Christian consciences to read and understand.   

A letter of M. Bradford, describing a comparison between the old man and the new. etc.  
A Man that is regenerate and borne of God (the which thing that every one of us be, 
A comparison between the old man, and the new, by M. Bradford.  our baptism the Sacrament of regeneration doth require under pain of damnation, and therefore let every one of us with the virgin Mary say: be it unto me O Lord, according to thy word, according to thy Sacrament of baptism, wherein thou hast declared our adoption: and let us lament the doubting hereof in us, striving against it, as we shallbe made able of the Lord): a man, I say, that is regenerate, consisteth of two men (as a man may say) namely of the old man, and o● the new man. 
The old man. The new man.  The old man is like to a mighty Giant, such a one as was Goliath, ●or his birth is now perfect. But the new man is like unto a little child, such a one as was David, for his birth is not perfect until the day of his general resurrection.  
The old man therefore is more stronger, lusty, and stirring then is the new man, 
Why the old man is stronger than the new.  because the birth of the new man is but begun now, and the old man is perfectly born. And as the old man is more stirring, lusty and stronger than the new man: so is the nature of him clean contrary to the nature of the new man, 
In what respect one man is both an old man and also a n●w man.  as being earthly and corrupt with Satan's seed, the nature of the new man being heavenly and blessed with the celestial seed of God. So that one man, in as much as he is corrupt with the seed of the Serpent, is an old man: and in as much as he is blessed with the seed of God from above, he is a new man. And as, in as much as he is an old man, he is a sinner and an enemy to God: so in as much as he is regenerate, he is righteous & holy, and a friend to God, the seed of God preserving him from sin, so that he cannot sin, as the seed of the Serpent, wherewith he is corrupt even from his conception, inclineth him, yea enforceth him to sin, and nothing else but to sin: So that the best part in man before regeneration in God's sight, is not only an enemy but enmity itself.  

How one man may be called always sinful, and always just.  One man therefore, which is regenerate, well may be called always just, and always sinful: just in respect of God's seed, and his regeneration: sinful in respect of Satan's seed and his first birth. Betwixt these two men therefore, there is continual conflict, and war most deadly. The flesh and old man by reason of his birth that is perfect, 
Why the old man oftentimes prevaileth against the new man.  doth often for a time, prevail against the new man (being but a child in comparison) and that in such sort, as not only other, but even the children of God themselves think that they be nothing else but old, and that the spirit & seed of God is lost and gone away, where yet notwithstanding, the truth is otherwise, the spirit and the seed of God at the length appearing again, 
The old man so mightily prevaileth sometimes against the new in the children of God that the spirit & seed of God seemeth to be utterly taken from them: whereas in deed, it is not so, as afterwards to their great comfort, they find and feel.  and dispelling away the clouds which cover the son of God's seed from shining as the clouds in the air do the corporal Sun: so that sometimes a man cannot tell by any sense, that there is any Sun, the clouds and winds so hiding it from our sight: Even so our cecitie or blindness, and corrupt affections do often shadow the sight of God's seed in God's children, as though they were plain reprobates. Whereof it cometh, that they praying according to their sense, but not according to the truth, desire of God to give them again his spirit, as though they had lost it, and he had taken it away. Which thing God nor doth in deed, although he make us to think so for a time: for always he holdeth his hand under his children in their falls, that they lie not still as other do which are not regenerate. And this is the difference betwixt God's children which are generate and elect before all times in Christ, and the wicked cast aways, that the elect lie not still continually in their sin, as do the wicked, but at the length do return again by reason of God's seed, which is in them hid as a sparkle of fire in the ashes: as we may see in Peter, David, Paul, Mary Magdalene, and others. For these (I mean God's children) God hath made all things in Christ jesus, to whom he hath given this dignity, that they should be his inheritance and spouses.  
This our inheritor Christ jesus, God with God, light of light, coeternal and consubstantial with the Father and with the holy Ghost, to the end that he might become our husband (because the husband and the wife must be one body and flesh) hath taken our nature upon him, communicating with it and by it in his own person, to us all his children, 
1. Peter. 1.  his divine majesty (as Peter saith) and so is become flesh of our flesh, and bone of our bones substantially: 
As the wife is no suitable person, but the husband: so Christ being our husband, let him enter the Action for our sins.  as we are become flesh of his flesh, and bone of his bones spiritually, all that ever we have pertaining to him, yea even our sins: as all that ever he hath, pertaineth unto us, even his whole glory. So that if Satan should summon us to answer for our debts or sins, in that the wife is no suitable person but the husband, we may well bid him enter his action against our husband Christ, and he will make him a sufficient answer.  
For this end (I mean that we might be coupled and married thus to Christ, and so be certain of salvation, and at godly peace with God in our consciences) God hath given his holy word, which hath two parts (as now the children of God do consist of two men): one part of God's word being proper to the old man, 
 & the other part of god's word being proper to the new man. The part properly pertaining to the old man, is the law: the part properly pertaining to the new man, is the Gospel.  
The law is a doctrine which commandeth and forbiddeth, requiring doing and avoiding. Under it therefore are contained all precepts, threatenings, promises upon conditions of our doing and avoiding. etc. The Gospel is a doctrine which always offereth and giveth, requiring on our behalf, not as of worthiness or as a cause, 
What 〈◊〉 law 〈◊〉.  but as a certificate unto us, and therefore under it are contained all the free and sweet promises of God: as, I am the Lord thy God. etc.  
In those that be of years of discretion, it requireth faith, not as a cause, but as an instrument whereby we ourselves may be certain of our good husband Christ and of his glory: and therefore when the conscience feeleth it sel●e disquieted for fear of God's judgement against sin, 
What 〈◊〉 Gospels The 〈…〉 and 〈◊〉 down 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 of God● iudgeme●● against sin 〈◊〉 not 〈◊〉 upon the law, 〈◊〉 to the 〈◊〉 for 〈…〉 comfort john ●. To the 〈…〉 and peace 〈◊〉 God, the law 〈◊〉 only to keep 〈◊〉 the old man. Num. 25.  she may in no wise look upon the doctrine pertaining to the old man, but on the doctrine only that pertaineth to the new man, in it not looking for that which it requireth, that is faith, because we never believe as we should: but only on it which it offereth, and which it giveth, that is, on God's grace and eternal mercy and peace in Christ. So shall she be in quiet, when she looketh for it altogether out of herself, in God's mercy in Christ jesus: in whose lap if she lay her head with S. john, then is she happy, and shall find quietness in deed. When she feeleth herself quiet, than (in God's name) let her look on the law, and upon such things as it requireth, thereby to bridle and keep down the old Adam, to slay that Goliath: from whom she must needs keep the sweet promises, being the bed wherein her spouse and she meet and lie together. For as the wife will keep her bed only for her husband, although in other things she is contented to have fellowship with others, as to speak, sit, eat, drink, go. etc. so our consciences, which are Christ's wives, must needs keep the bed, that is, God's sweet promises, alonely for ourselves and our husband, there to meet together, to embrace and laugh together, and to be joyful together. If sin, the law, the Devil, or any thing would creep into the bed and lie there, then complain to thy husband Christ, and forthwith thou shalt see him play Phinees part. Thus my dearly beloved, I have given you in few words, a sum of all the Divinity which a Christian conscience can not want.   

A letter written to his Mother, as a farewell, when he thought he should have suffered shortly after.  
THe Lord of life and saviour of the world jesus Christ, 
another letter o● leave 〈◊〉 to his mo●ther, sup●posing 〈◊〉 he 〈◊〉 have 〈…〉  bless you and comfort you, my good and dear mother, with his heavenly comfort, consolation, grace and spirit, now and for ever. Amen.  
If I thought that daily, yea almost hourly you did not cry upon God the father through jesus Christ, that he would give me his blessing, even the blessing of his children: then would I write more hereabouts. But for as much as herein I am certain you are diligent, and so I beseech you good Mother to continue: I think it good to write something, whereby this your crying might be furthered. Furthered it will be, 
He meane●● the 〈◊〉 of more strait 〈◊〉 prisonment that might hereby 〈◊〉 low.  if those things which hinder it, be taken away. Among the which, in that I think my imprisonment is the greatest and chiefest, I will there about spend this Letter, and that briefly lest it might increase the let, as my good brother this bringer can tell you. You shall know therefore good mother, that for my body, though it be in an house, out of the which I can not come when I will, yet in that I have conformed my will to gods will, I find herein liberty enough, I thank God. And for my lodging, bedding, meat, drink, godly and learned company, books and all other necessaries for mine ease, comfort, and commodity, I am in much better case than I could wish, & Gods merciful providence here is far above my worthiness. Worthiness, quoth▪ Alas I am worthy of nothing but damnation.  
But besides all this, for my soul I find much more commodity. For God is my Father, I now perceive: through Christ: therefore in prisonning me for his Gospel, he maketh me like to the Image of his son jesus Christ here, that when he cometh to judgement, I might then be like unto him, as my trust & hope is I shallbe. Now maketh he me like to his friends the Prophets, Apostles, the holy Martyrs and Confessors. Which of them did not suffer, at the least, imprisonment or banishment for his Gospel and word?  
Now Mother, how far am I unmeet to be compared to them? I (I say) which always have been, and am so vile an hypocrite and grievous a sinner? God might have caused me long before this time to have been cast into prison as a thief, a blasphemer, an unclean liver, and an heinous offender of the laws of the Realm, but dear Mother, his mercy is so great upon both you and all that love me, that I should be cast into prison as none of these, or for any such vices: but only for his Christ's sake, for his Gospels sake, for his Church's sake, that hereby, as I might learn to lament and bewail my ingratitude & sins: so I might rejoice in his mercy, be thankful, look for eternal joy with Christ, for whose sake (praised be his name for it) I now suffer, and therefore should be merry and glad. And in deed good mother, so I am, as ever I was, yea never so merry and glad was I, as now I should be, if I could get you to be merry with me, to thank God for me, & to pray on this sort: Ah good father which dost vouchsafe that my son being a grievous sinner in thy sight, should find this favour with thee, 
〈…〉 in behalf.  to be one of thy sons captains and men of war to fight and suffer for his Gospel's sake, I thank thee and pray thee in Christ's name that thou wouldst forgive him his sins and unthankfulness, and make perfect in him that good which thou hast begun: yea Lord I pray thee make him worthy to suffer, not only imprisonment, but even very death for thy truth, religion, and Gospel's sake. As Anna did apply and give her first child Samuel unto thee▪ so do I dear father, beseeching thee for Christ's sake, to accept this my gift, and give my son john Bradforde grace always truly to serve thee and thy people, as Samuel did. Amen. Amen.  
If on this sort good Mother, from your heart you would pray, as I should be the most merriest man that ever was: so am I certain the lets of your prayer for my imprisonment, would be taken away. Good Mother, therefore mark what I have written, and learn this Prayer by heart, to say it daily, and then I shall be merry, and you shall rejoice if that you continue, as I trust you do, in God's true Religion, even the same I have taught you, and my father Traves (I trust) will put you in remembrance of: 
〈◊〉 letter 〈◊〉 not to 〈◊〉 hands.  my brother Roger also I trust doth so daily. Go to therefore and learn apace, Although the devil cast divers lets in the way. God, in whom you trust, will cast them away for his Christ's sake, if you will call upon him: and never will he suffer you to be tempted above that he will make you able to bear. But how you should do herein, the other Letter which I have written herewith, shall teach you, which I would none should read till my father Traves have read it, & he will give you by God's grace, some instructions.  
Now therefore will I make an end, praying you good Mother, to look for no more Letters: for if it were known that I have pen and ink, and did write, than should I want all the foresaid commodities I have spoken of concerning my body, and be cast into some dungeon in fetters of iron: which thing I know would grieve you, and therefore for God's sake, see that these be burned when this little prayer in it, is copied out by my brother Roger: for perchance your house may be searched for such gear, when you think little of it, and look for no more, sweet Mother, till either God shall deliver me and send me out, either you and I shall meet together in heaven, where we shall never part asunder. Amen.  
I require you Elizabeth and Margarete my sisters, that you will fear God, use Prayer, love your husbands, be obedient unto them, 
 as God willeth you: bring up your children in God's fear: and be good housewives, God bless you both, with both your husbands, my good brethren, whom to do good, because I now can not, I will pray for them and you. Commend me to my sister Anne, mother Pike, T. Sorrocolde and his wife, R. Shalcrosse & his wife, R Bolton, I. Wild, M. Vicar, the Parson of Mottrom, Sir Laurence Hall, with all that love, & (I trust) live in the Gospel: and God turn Sir Thomas his heart, Amen. I will daily pray for him. I need not to set my name, you know it well enough.  
Because you should give my Letters to my father Traves to be burned, I have written here a Prayer for you to learn to pray for me good mother, and an other for all your house in your evening Prayer to pray with my brother. These Prayers are written with mine own hand: keep them still, but the letters give to father Traves to burn, and give father Traves a copy of the latter Prayer.   

another Letter to his Mother, as his last farewell unto her in this world, a little before he was burned.  
GOds mercy and peace in Christ, be more and more perceived of us, 
 Amen.  
My most dear Mother, in the bowels of Christ I heartily pray and beseech you to be thankful for me unto God, which thus now taketh me unto himself, I die not, my good mother, as a thief, a murderer, an adulterer. etc. but I die as a witness of Christ, his Gospel and verity, which hitherto I have confessed (I thank God) as well by preaching, as by prisonment, and now even presently I shall most willingly confirm the same by fire. I knowledge that God most justly might take me hence simply for my sins (which are many, great, & grievous: but the Lord for his mercy in Christ, hath pardoned them all I hope): but now dear Mother, he taketh me hence by this death, as a Confessor and witness, that the Religion taught by Christ jesus, the Prophets, 
Bradford perecuted of the prelate's not for his sins but for the truth of Christ.  and the Apostles, is God's truth. The Prelates do persecute in me Christ whom they hate, and his truth which they may not abide, because their works are evil, and may not abide the truth and light, least men should see their darkness. Therefore my good and most dear Mother, give thanks for me to God, that he hath made the fruit of your womb to be a witness of his glory, & attend to the truth (which I thank God for it) I have truly taught out of the Pulpit of Manchester. Use often and continual Prayer to God the Father through Christ. Harken, as you may, to the scriptures: serve God after his word, and not after custom: beware of the Romish religion in England, defile not yourself with it: carry Christ's Cross as he shall lay it upon your back: forgive them that kill me: pray for them, for they know not what they do: commit my cause to God our father: be mindful of both your daughters to help them as you can.  
I send all my writings to you by my brother Roger, do with them as you will, because I cannot as I would, he can tell you more of my mind. I have nothing to give you, or to leave behind me for you: only I pray God my father for his Christ's sake, to bless you and keep you from evil. He give you patience, he make you thankful, as for me, so for yourself, that will take the fruit of your womb to witness his verity: wherein I confess to the whole world I die and departed this life in hope of a much better: which I look for at the hands of God my father through the merits of his dear son jesus Christ.  
Thus my dear Mother, I take my last farewell of you in this life, beseeching the almighty and eternal father by Christ, to grant us to meet in the life to come, where we shall give him continual thanks and praise for ever and ever, Amen.  
Out of prison the 24. of june. 1555. Your son in the Lord, john Bradford.   

A letter sent with a supplication to Queen Mary, her Counsel, and the whole Parliament.  
IN most humble wise complaineth unto your Majesty and honours, a poor subject persecuted for the confession of Christ's verity: 
A letter of M. Bradford joined with a supplication, sent to Q. Ma●y her Counsel, and the Parliament.  the which verity deserveth at your hands to be maintained and defended, as the thing, by the which you reign and have your honour and authorities. Although we that be professors, and through the grace of God, the constant confessors of the same, are (as it were) the outsweeping of the world: yet (I say) the verity itself is a thing not unworthy for your ears to hear, for your eyes to see, and for your hands to handle, help, & succour, according to that the Lord hath made you able, and placed you where you are, for the same purpose. Your highness and honours ought to know, that there is no innocency in words or deeds, where it is enough and sufficeth only to accuse. It behoveth Kings, Queens, and all that be in authority, to know that in the administration of their kingdoms, they are Gods Ministers. It behoveth them to know, 
Difference between kings and Tyrants.  that they are no Kings but plain tyrants, which reign not to this end, that they may serve and set forth God's glory after true knowledge: and therefore it is required of them, that they would be wise, and suffer themselves to be taught, to submit themselves to the Lords discipline, and to kiss their Sovereign, lest they pearish: as all those Potentates with their principalities and dominions can not long prosper but pearish in deed, if they and their kingdoms be not ruled with the Sceptre of God, that is, with his word: which, who so honoureth not, honoureth not God, and they that honour not the Lord, the Lord will not honour them, 
Good warning to Q. Mary.  but bring them into contempt, and at the length take his own cause, which he hath most chiefly committed unto them to care for, into his own hands, and so overthrow them, and set up his truth gloriously: the people also pearishinge with the Princes, where the word of Prophecy is wanting, much more is suppressed, as it is now in this Realm of England: over which the eyes of the Lord are set to destroy it, 
Princes made slaves to Antichrist.  your highness and all your honours, if in time you look not better to your office and duties herein, and not suffer yourselves to be slaves & hangmen to antichrist and his Prelates, which have brought your highness and honours already to let Barrabas lose, and to hang up Christ: as by the grace and help of God I shall make apparante, if first it would please your excellent majesty and all your honours, to take to heart God's doctrine, which rather through the malice of the pharisees, I mean the Bishops and Prelates, than your consciences, is oppressed: and not for our contemptible and execrable state in the sight of the world, to pass the less of it. For it (the doctrine I mean) is higher and of more honour and Majesty, than all the whole world. It standeth invincible above all power, 
〈…〉 ordained 〈…〉 dominion over all  being not our doctrine, but the doctrine of the everliving God and of his Christ, whom the father hath ordained king, to have dominion from sea to sea, and from the river unto the ends of the world. And truly so doth he and will he reign, that he will shake all the whole earth with his iron and brazen power, with his golden and silverie brightness, only by the rod of his mouth, to shivers, in such sort, as though they were pots of clay, according to that which the Prophets do write of the magnificence of his kingdom. And thus much for the thing, I mean the doctrine, and your duties to hearken, to propagate, and defend the same.  

Christ's Martyrs falsely belied of the prelate's for heretics, and schismatics.  But now will our adversaries mainly cry out against us, because no man may be admitted once to whist against them, that we pretend falsely the doctrine and word of God, calling us the most wicked contemners of it, and heretics, Schismatics traitors etc. All which their sayings, how malicious and false they are, though I might make report to that which is written by those men whose works they have condemned, and all that retain any of them, publicly by proclamation: yet here will I occasion your majesty and honours by this my writing, to see that it is far otherwise then they report of us. God our father, for his holy names sake, direct my pen to be his instrument to put into your eyes, ears, and hearts, that which most may make to his glory, to the safeguard of your souls and bodies, and preservation of the whole Realm. Amen.  
john Bradford.   

To certain his friends, N.S. and R.C.  

A letter of M. Bradford to certain persons being at that time not thoroughly instructed in the doctrine of God's election.  I Wish to you my good brethren, the same grace of God in Christ, which I wish and pray the father of mercies to give me for his holy names sake. Amen.  
Your letter though I have not read myself, because I would not alienate my mind from conceived things to write to others, yet I have heard the sum of it, that it is of God's election: wherein I will briefly write to you my faith, and how I think it good and meet for a Christian man to wade in it. I believe, that man made after the Image of God, did fall from that blessed state, to the condemnation of himself and all his posterity. I believe that Christ for man being thus fallen, did oppose himself to the justice of God a Mediator, paying the ransom and price of redemption for Adame and his whole posterity that refuse it not finally. 
True faith. Exod. 14.  I believe that all that believe in Christ, I speak of such as be of years of discretion, are partakers of Christ and all his merits. I believe that faith, and to believe in Christ (I speak not now of Faith that men have by reason of miracles. john 2.11. Acts 8. or by reason of earthly commodity. Matthew 13. custom and authority of men, which is commonly seen, the hearts of them that so believe, being not right and simple before God: but I speak of that faith which in deed is the true faith, 
* 
M.B. For the certainty of this faith search your hearts. 〈◊〉 you have it. praise the Lord: for 〈…〉 happy, and 〈…〉 cannot 〈◊〉 p●●ishe: for 〈◊〉 happiness were not happiness, if it 〈…〉. When you 〈◊〉 the Lord 〈…〉 his hand that you s●all not lie 〈◊〉. But if ye 〈◊〉 not this s●yth, then know that pr●destimation is to 〈…〉 matter for you to be disPuters of, until you have ●eene better scholars in the school● 〈◊〉 of repentance & justification▪ which is th● Grammar school wherein we mu●● be conversant and learned, before we go to th● university of Gods most holy predestination and providence.  
Of this matter he writeth more at large in the book of letters of the Martyrs. Fol. 391.   the justifying and regenerating faith:) I believe, I say, that this faith and belief in Christ, is the work and gift of God, given to none other then to those which be the children of God, that is, to those whom God the Father before the beginning of the world hath predestinate in Christ unto eternal life.  
Thus do I wade in Predestination, in such sort as God hath pacified and opened it. Though in God it be the first, yet to us it is last opened. And therefore I begin with creation, from whence I come to redemption, so to justification, and so to election. On this sort I am sure, that warily and wisely a man may walk in it easily by the light of God's spirit, in and by his word, seeing this Faith not to be given to all men. 2. Thes. 3. but to such as are borne of God, Predestinate before the world was made, after the purpose and good will of God: which will we may not call into disputation, but in trembling and fear submit ourselves to it as to that which can will none otherwise then that which is holy, right and good, how far soever otherwise it seem to the judgement of reason, which must needs be beaten down to be more careful for God's glory, then for man's salvation, which dependeth only thereon, as all God's children full well see: for they seek not the glory which cometh of men, but the glory which cometh of God. jeremy 9 John 5. They know God to be a God which doth on earth, not only mercy, but also judgement, which is his justice and most justice, although our foolish reason cannot see it. And in this knowledge they glory and rejoice, though others through vain curiosity, grudge & murmur there against. Thus briefly I have sent you my mind and meaning concerning this matter. Hereafter you shall have (I think) your letter particularly answered by M. Philpot: as also if I have time, and so you require it, I will do.  
john Bradford.   

Notes upon the same Epistle, and to the matter of election appertaining.  
AS touching the doctrine of Election (whereof this letter of M. Bradforde, 
Notes this 〈◊〉 added.  and many other his letters more do much entreat) three things must be considered.  
1 first, what Gods election is, and what is the cause thereof.  
2 Secondly, how God's election proceedeth in working our salvation.  
3 Thirdly, to whom God's election pertaineth, and how a man may be certain thereof.  
Between Predestination and Election, 
Differ●●●● between predestination and Election.  this difference there is. Predestination is as well to the reprobate, as to the Elect. Election only pertaineth to them that be saved.  
Predestination, in that it respecteth the Reprobate, is called Reprobation: in that it respecteth the saved, is called Election, and is thus defined.  
Predestination is the eternal decreement of God, 
Definition of pred●●●●●nation.  purposed before in himself, what shall befall on all men, either to salvation, or damnation.  
Election is the free mercy & grace of God in his own will, through faith in Christ his son, 
Election defined▪  choosing and preferring to life, such as pleaseth him.  
In this definition of Election, first goeth before (the mercy and grace of God) as the causes thereof, whereby are excluded all works of the law and merits of deserving, whether they go before faith, or come after. So was jacob chosen, and Esau refused, 
The 〈◊〉 of the de●●●nition examined. Mercy and grace.  before either of them began to work. etc.  
Secondly, in that this mercy and grace of God in this definition is said to be (free) thereby is to be noted the proceeding and working of God not to be bound to any ordinary place, or to any succession of chair, nor to state and dignity of person, nor to worthiness of blood. 
Free me●●● and grace▪  etc. but all goeth by the mere will of his own purpose, as it is written: Spiritus ubi vult, spirat. etc. And thus was the outward race and stock of Abraham after flesh refused (which seemed to have the pre-eminence) and an other seed after the spirit raised up to Abraham of the stones, that is, of the Gentiles. So was the outward Temple of Jerusalem and chair of Moses, which seemed to be of price, forsaken, and God's chair advanced in other nations. So was tall Saul refused, and little David accepted: the rich, the proud, the wise of this world rejected, and the word of salvation daily opened to the poor and miserable abjects: the high mountains cast under, and the low valleys exalted. etc.  
Thirdly, where it is added (in his own will) by this falleth down the free will & purpose of man, 
The free mercy and grace of God in his own will. Rom. 9  with all his actions, counsels, & strength of nature: according as it is written: Non est volentis, neque currentis, sed miserentis Dei. etc. i. It is not in him that willeth, nor in him that runneth, but in God that showeth mercy. So we see how Israel run long, & yet got nothing. The Gentiles uneath begun to set out, and yet got the game. So they which came at the first hour did labour more, & yet they which came last, were rewarded with the first. Math. 20. The working will of the pharisee seemed better: 
Math. 20.  but yet the Lords will was rather to justify the Publican. Luke 18. 
Luke. 18.  The elder son had a better will to tarry by his father, and so did in deed: and yet the fat Calf was given to the younger son that ran away. Luk. 15. Whereby we have to understand, 
Luke. 15.  how the matter goeth not by the will of man, but by the will of God, as it pleaseth him to accept, according as it is written: 
john. 1. God's mercy in 〈◊〉 the elect▪ 〈◊〉 includeth the condition 〈◊〉 faith in Christ. The free mercy and grace of God in 〈◊〉 own 〈◊〉 will through 〈◊〉 in Chri●● his son●● our Lor●●▪  Non ex voluntate carnis, neque ex voluntate viri, sed ex Deo nati sunt etc. i. Which are borne, not of the will of the flesh, nor yet of the will of man, but of God. Furthermore, as all than goeth by the will of God only, and not by the will of man: so again here is to be noted, that this will of God never goeth with out faith in Christ jesus his son.  
And therefore four is this clause added in the definition (through faith in Christ his son.) Which faith in Christ to us ward maketh altogether. For first it certifieth us of God's election. As this Epistle of M. Bradforde doth well express. For whosoever will be certain of his election in God, let him first begin with his faith in Christ: which if he find in him to stand firm, he may be sure and nothing doubt, but that he is one of the number of Gods elect. Secondly, the said faith and nothing else, is the only condition and means whereupon God's mercy, grace, election, vocation, and all God's promises to salvation do stay, according to the words of S. Paul: 
 Si permanseritis in fide. etc. i. If ye abide in the faith. Colos. 1. Thirdly, this faith also is the immediate and next cause of our justification simply, without any other condition annexed. For as the mercy of God, his grace, election, vocation, and other precedent causes do save and justify us upon condition, if we believe in Christ: so this faith only in Christ without condition, is the next and immediate cause which by God's promise worketh our justification: according as it is written: Crede in Dominum jesum, & saluus eris tu & domus tua. i. Believe in the Lord jesus, 
 and thou shalt be saved, thou and thy whole house. Acts. 16. And thus much touching the definition of Election, with the causes thereof declared. Which you see now to be no merits nor works of man▪ whether they go before, or come after faith, but only the mere mercy of God through faith. For like as all they that be borne of Adam, do taste of his malediction, though they tasted not his apple: so all they that be borne of Christ, (which is by faith) take part of the obedience of Christ, although they never did that obedience themselves, which was in him. Rom. 5.  
Now to the second consideration: let us see likewise, how, 
The second consideration.  and in what order this election of God proceedeth in choosing and electing them which he ordaineth to salvation: which order is this. In them that be chosen to life, first God's mercy and free grace bringeth forth election: Election worketh vocation or Gods holy calling, which vocation, thorough hearing bringeth knowledge and faith of Christ, 

Grace, Election, ●ocation, Faith, ●u●●ificatiō, Glorification.  
Man's freewill, Blind ●ortune, Man wisdom▪ Man's Learning, Ma●s 〈◊〉, Wor●es of the law, excluded from the causes of our salvation in Chri●t.   Faith through promise obtaineth justification, justification thorough hope waiteth for glorification.  
Election is before time. Uocation and faith cometh in time. justification and glorification is without end.  
Election depending upon God's free grace and will, excludeth all man's will, blind fortune, chance, and all peradventures.  
Uocation standing upon God's election, excludeth all man's wisdom, cunning, learning, intention, power and presumption.  
Faith in Christ proceeding by the gift of the holy Ghost, and freely justifying man by God's promise, excludeth all other merits of men, all condition of deserving, and all works of the law, both God's law and man's law, with all other outward means what soever.  
justification coming freely by Faith, standeth sure by promise, without doubt, fear, or wavering in this life.  
Glorification pertaining only to the life to come, by hope is looked for.  
Grace and mercy preventeth.  
Election ordaineth.  
Uocation prepareth and receiveth the word, whereby cometh faith.  
Faith justifieth.  
justification bringeth glory.  
Election is the immediate and next cause of vocation.  
Uocation (which is the working of God's spirit by the word) is the immediate and next cause of faith.  
Faith is the immediate and next cause of justification.  
And this order and connexion of causes is diligently to be observed, 
Papists 〈◊〉, and the doctrine 〈…〉.  because of the Papists, which have miserably confounded and inverted this doctrine, thus teaching, that almighty God so far forth as he forseeth man's merits before to come, so doth he dispense his election. Dominus pro ut cuiusque merita fore praevidet, ita dispensat electionis gratiam. And again, Nullis praecedentibus meritis Dominum rependere electionis gratiam, futuris tamen concedere: That is, That the Lord recompenseth the grace of election, not to any merits preceding: but yet granteth the same to the merits which follow after: As though we had our election by our holiness that followeth after, & not rather have our holiness by God's election going before.  
But we following the scripture, say otherwise, that the cause only of God's election, 
Election.  is his own free mercy: and the cause only of our justification is our faith in Christ, and nothing else. As for example: first, concerning Election, if the question be asked why was Abraham chosen, and not Nachor? Why was jacob chosen, & not Esau? Why was Moses elected, and Pharaoh hardened? Why David accepted, and Saul refused? Why few be chosen, and the most forsaken? It can not be answered otherwise, but thus: because it was so the good will of God.  

 In like manner touching vocation and also faith, if the question be asked, why this vocation & gift of faith was given to Cornelius the Gentil, and not to Tertullius the jew? Why to the poor, to the babes, and little ones of this world, (of whom Christ speaketh: I thank thee Father, which haste hid this from the wise. etc. Matthew 11. Why to the unwise, 
Vocation bringeth faith.  the simple abjects and outcasts in this world? Of whom speaketh S. Paul. 1. Cor. 1. Ye see your calling, my brethren, how not many of you. etc. Why to the sinners, and not to the just? Why the beggars by the high ways were called, and the bidden gests excluded? We can go to no other cause, but to God's purpose & election, and say with Christ our Saviour: Quia pater sic complacitum est ante te. i. Yea father, for so it seemed good in thy sight. Luke 18.  
And so for justification likewise, if the question be asked why the Publican was justified, 
justification by faith only.  and not the Pharisey? Luke 18. Why Marry the sinner, and not Simon the inviter? Luke 11. Why harlots and Publicans go before the Scribes and Pharisees in the kingdom? Mat. 21. Why the son of the free woman was received, and the bond woman's son being his elder, rejected? Genes. 21. Why Israel which so long sought for righteousness, found it not: and the Gentiles which sought not for it, found it? Rom. 9 We have no other cause hereof to render, but to say with S. Paul, because they sought for it by works of the Law, and not by Faith: which faith as it cometh not by man's will (as the Papist falsely pretendeth) but only by the election and free gift of God: so it is only the immediate cause whereunto the promise of our salvation is annexed, according as we read: And therefore of faith is the inheritance given, as after grace, that the promise might stand sure to every seed. Rom. 4. Item in the same chap. Faith believing in him which justifieth the wicked, is imputed to righteousness.  
And thus concerning the cause of our salvation, ye see how faith in Christ, only and immediately without any condition doth justify us, 
How faith and election are linked together in the act of justifying.  being so linked with God's mercy and election, that where so ever election goeth before, there faith in Christ must needs follow after. And again, whosoever believeth in Christ jesus, through the vocation of God, he must needs be partaker of God's election.  
Whereupon resulteth now the third note or consideration: which is to consider, whether a man in this life may be certain of his election. To answer to which question, this first is to be understand: 
The third consideration.  that although our election and vocation simply in deed be known to God only in himself, à priore: yet notwithstanding it may be known to every particular faithful man, à posteriore, 
Election known to God simply, Election known to man by means.  that is, by means, which means is faith in Christ jesus crucified. For so much as by his faith in Christ, a man is justified, and thereby made the child of salvation, reason must needs lead the same to be then the child of election, chosen of God unto everlasting life. For how can a man be justified, but he must needs be saved? and how can a man be saved, but by consequence it followeth, that he must also be elected?  
And therefore of Election it is truly said: De electione judicandum est à posteriore: that is to say, 
Faith is the means whereby we be certified of our Election.  we must judge of election by that which cometh after, that is, by our faith and belief in Christ: which faith although in time it followeth after election, yet is it the proper and immediate cause assigned by the scripture, which not only justifieth us, but also certifieth us of this election of God.  
Whereunto likewise well agreeth this present letter of M. Bradford, wherein he sayeth: Election, albeit in God it be the first, yet to us it is the last opened. And therefore beginning first (saith he) with creation, 
De electione judicandum est a poster●ore. Election fi●st known to God and last opened to man.  I come from thence to the redemption and justification by faith, and so to election. Not that faith is the cause efficient of election, being rather the effect thereof, but is to us the cause certificatory, or the cause of our certification, whereby we are brought to the feeling and knowledge of our election in Christ. For all be it that election first be certain in the knowledge of God: yet in our knowledge, Faith only that we have in Christ, is the thing that giveth to us our certificate and comfort of this election.  
Wherefore, who soever desireth to be assured that he is one of the elect number of God, let him not climb up to heaven to know, but let him descend into himself, and there search his Faith in Christ the son of God: which if he find in him not feigned by the working of God's holy spirit accordingly: thereupon let him stay, 
Every man to stay himself upon God's general promise.  and so wrap himself wholly both body and soul under God's general promise, and cumber his head with no further speculations: knowing this, that who so ever believeth in him, shall not perish. Ihon. 3. shall not be confounded. Ro. 9 shall not see death. Ih. 8. shall not enter into judgement. Ih. 5. shall have everlasting life. I●. 3.7. shall be saved. Mat. 28. Act. 16. shall have remission of all his sins. Act. 10. shallbe justified. Rom. 3. Ga. 2. shall have floods flowing out of him of water of life. john. 7. shall never die. john 11. shallbe raised in the last day. john 6▪ shall find rest to his soul, and shallbe refreshed. Math. 11.  
Now then for so much as we see faith to be the ground whereupon dependeth the whole condition of our justifying, let us discuss in like manner what is this faith whereof the scripture so much speaketh, 
What faith is. divers kinds of faith.  for the more plain understanding of the simple. For many kinds there be of faith: as a man may believe every thing that is true, yet not every truth doth save, neither doth the believing of every truth justify a man. 
Every truth hath his faith, but every truth justifieth not, no more doth every faith.  He that believeth that God created all things of nought, believeth truly. He that believeth that God is a just God, that he is omnipotent, that he is merciful, that he is true of promise, believeth well and holdeth the truth. So he that believeth that God hath his election from the beginning, and that he also is one of the same elect & predestinate, hath a good belief, and thinketh well: but yet this belief alone, except it be seasoned with an other thing, will not serve to salvation: as it availed not the old jews, which so thought of themselves, and yet think to this day to be only Gods elect people.  

faith the action: Christ the object of faith. faith & Christ correlatives.  Only the faith which availeth to salvation is that, whose object is the body and passion of jesus Christ crucified. So that in the act of justifying these two, faith and Christ have a mutual relation, and must always concur together, faith as the action which apprehendeth: Christ as the object which is apprehended.  
For neither doth the passion of Christ save without faith, 
Christ without faith saveth not. faith without Christ helpeth not.  neither doth faith help, except it be in Christ: As we see the body of man sustained by bread & drink, not except the same be received and conveyed into the stomach: and yet neither doth the receiving of every thing sustain man's body, except it be meat and drink, which have power to give nourishment. In like sort it is with faith: for neither doth the believing of every thing save, but only faith in the blood of Christ: neither again doth the same blood of Christ profit us, except by faith it be received. And as the sun being the cause of all light, shineth not but to them only which have eyes to see: nor yet to them neither, unless they will open their eyes to receive the light: so the Passion of Christ is the efficient cause of salvation, but faith is the condition whereby the said passion is to us effectual.  


Grace, Election, Vocation, Christ's death causes extern of our salvation. faith the only intern cause of man's salvation. Faith is an action in man, but not of man. Virtues and works of charity though they be good gifts of God in man, yet they serve not to justification. Faith taketh his dignity of his object.  
Looking up to the brazen Serpent, and believing upon the body of Christ compared.  
The error of the Papists perverting the mind of God's testament, how and wherein.   And that is the cause, why we say with the Scripture, that faith only justifieth us, not excluding thereby all other extern causes that go before faith, as grace, mercy, election, vocation, the death of Christ. etc. all which be extern causes working our salvation through faith. But when we say that faith only justifieth us, the meaning thereof is this: that of all internal actions, motions, or operations in man, given to him of God, there is none other that contenteth & pleaseth God, or standeth before his judgement, or can help any thing to the justifying of man before him, but only this one action of faith in jesus Christ the son of God.  
For although the action of praying, fasting, alms, patience, charity, repentance, the fear and love of God be high gifts in man, and not of man, given of God to man, yet be none of all these actions in man, imputed of God to salvation, but only this one action of faith in man upon Christ jesus the son of God. Not that the action itself of believing, as it is a quality in man, doth so deserve, but because it taketh that dignity of the object. For as I said, in the act of justifying, faith, as it is an action in man, is not to be considered alone, but must ever go with his object, and taketh his virtue thereof. Like as the looking up of the old Israelites did not of itself procure any health unto them, but the promise made in the object, which was the brazen serpent, whereupon they looked, gave them health by their looking up. Even so after like sort are we saved by our faith and spiritual looking up to the body of Christ crucified. Which faith to define is this:  
To believe jesus Christ to be the son of the living God sent into this world, by his death to satisfy for our sins, and so to receive the same.  
And thus much touching election and Faith, with the order and explication of the causes necessary to be considered in our salvation. Whereby may appear how far the pretenced catholics do swarm from the right mind of the scriptures. For where the scriptures in declaring the causes of salvation, do send us only to faith, as the only condition whereby these causes have their working, these catholics do quite leave out faith, and in stead thereof place in other conditions of doings, merits, will works, pardons, masses, and especially auricular confession, with penance and satisfaction for our sins. etc.  
And besides these letters above specified of M. john Bradforde, there hath come to our hands certain other letters of his not long a go, sent by a certain old friend of the said john Bradforde unto us. Which letters being written of him in former times, before his trouble, as they have not been yet printed nor seen abroad, so I thought it not amiss, to communicate the same to the ch●istian reader, for the worthiness of the matter, and the goodness of the man, which may redound I trust, to no small fruit to him, that with godly eyes shall advise the same.   

A letter of M. Bradford, to father Travers Minister of Blackeley.  
THe abundant grace and rich mercy of God in Christ our only saviour and high bishop, be increased in your heart, thorough the lively worker of all goodness, the holy spirit, until the day of the Lord. etc.  
I have received your two letters (good father Travers) sithen that I did write any unto you, whereof though honesty willeth to make an excuse, yet truth biddeth me otherwise, and sayeth it is better with shame to confess the fault (for therein is, as a man might say, half a deserving of pardon) then without shame to lie. I might have written unto you twice (notwithstanding in deed some business, wherein I have some thing been occupied) but yet I have not. Now the cause is, because I would not. And why would I not? But because I could not, I mean because my canning is taken away by sin, for my sins do forbid goodness unto me. In deed if my sinning were of infirmity, there were good hope of recovery of that, which I have lost: But seeing, both willing and knowing I have too much yielded, and yet do yield to my infirmities, justly I do deserve that, because I have cast away, and rejected the word of the Lord behind my back, that the Lord should reject me. And because I would not have blessing, I am worthy (as David sayeth) that it be taken away from me. I have now at length experience, that to bring a man forth of God's favour, is sooner seen when a man hath received all things abundantly, then when need or the cross pincheth. Afore it pleased God to work the restitution (you know what I mean) and afore it pleased God to provide for me, as he hath done, so that I can say in nothing where any want is, as pertaining to my body: I was an other manner of man, than now I am, and yet God's deserts have otherwise bounden me: But the scripture is true, I have advanced my children, 
Deut. 32.  and nourished them, but they have contemned me, I have fed them that they were fat and gross, and they spurned against me. Perchance you will ask me wherein. Oh father Travers, I warrant you, this my style in carnal, and not in spiritual writing, doth some thing show unto you, but as for it, in comparison of other things is nothing. For where the life of man is such, that either it paireth or amendeth, as Paul sayeth: the outward man is corrupted day by day, and therefore except the inward man be renewed, the shoe goeth awry: every building in Christ, doth grow to a holy temple, as the wicked, on the contrary part shall proceed to worse. 2. Tim. 3. 
2. Tim. 3.  I have made a change far otherwise in going back, than I think by letters I can persuade you: wherein, will you say? For the first, second and third, and to be brief in all things: As for an example. God's true fear is flown away from me, love to my brethren is exiled from me, faith is utterly taken away. In stead whereof is distrust, & doubtfulness bearing rule. Contempt of God's honour, & of my brethren reigning, & in stead of true fear, an imagined fear, according to my brain holding the principality. For I extenuate sin, and I do not consider that in sin, which a Christian ought to consider: that sin being not forgiven, is such a thing, for the which God casteth his creature away, as examples not only of Saul, of judas, of the Israelites (which were beloved in deed, & yet for sin are rejected) but also of others, on whom lately for my warning, God hath showed the same, do admonish me. But it is but my pen which writes this, for the wicked, saith Solomon, when they come into the depth of their sins, than they grow in security, 
Proverb. 18.  I am I cannot tell what, I fear, but it is but blindly, or else would I awake otherwise then I do, 
2. Tim. 2  I fear me I say that I am entangled of the devil, after his desire. Pray for me that the Lord would give me repentance, that I may escape out of his snares. Alas the spirit of prayer, which before I have felt plentifully, is taken clean away from me. The Lord be merciful unto me. I am sold under sin, I am the bondslave of sin, for whom I obey, his servant I am. I am ashamed to speak oft, no I shame not at all, for I have forgot to blush, I have given over to weep. And truly I obey, I obey I say mine own concupiscences: namely in eating, in drinking, in jangling and idleness, I will not speak of vain glory, envy, disdain, hypocrisy, desire of estimation, self-love, and who can tell all? Is this the reward thou renderest to GOD, O Bradforde? It is true, yea to true, thou know'st it O Lord, for thy mercy's sake pardon me. In your letters you touch me home, how that there is no man's hart, but that considering the ingratitude of this world, this belly cheer (wherein you even take me by the nose) etc. his eyes would tumble out great gushes of tears. The Lord be praised which worketh so in you, for it is with me, as with them of whom you complain. In deed it may be so again, but oh it is very unlikely, for my enemies are become old, & are made by custom more than familiar, for they are as it were converted into nature in me. Yet I am not grieved therefore, although I cannot persuade myself that God will help me. O Lord be merciful unto me for thy Christ's sake. This day I received the lords supper, but how I have welcomed him, this night (which I have spent in lasciviousness, in wantonness and in prodigality, obeying my flesh and belly) doth so declare, that what to say or write any more, I know not, sleep doth aggravate mine eyes, and to pray I am altogether unapt. All this is come through the occasion of making this bringer a Supper in my chamber, the Lord pardon me, I trust no more to be so far overseen. But this I writ not that the anger of god which I have deserved, so feareth me, thou knowest it O Lord. But of this perchance too much.  
For God's sake pray for me good Father Traves, and write unto me as you may by your weakness, your letters do me good. By this which I have now written, you may consider more, touch me therefore home in your letters, and the Lord (I trust) shall, and will reward you. If God lend me life, of which I am most unworthy, I will more trouble you with my letters than I have done, but bear with me, I do it not of any evil will, the Lord I take to judge, there is none whose company and talk I more desire than yours, I speak it before God. Prove my Mother's mind how she can bear it, if when I shall come down I shall show myself an other man outwardly, but alas feignedly, then before I have done. Marry when my coming will be, I know not. In deed two things move me sore, the one for my mother's cause, concerning her better instruction, if the Lord would thereto use me his instrument, the other is to talk with you, and eftsoons to trouble you, as I have hitherto ever done, but always to my profit. For God's sake pray for me, for I had never so much need.  
This Sunday at night, following S. Andrew's day, at Pembroke hall. The most miserable hard hearted unthankful sinner. john Bradford.   

¶ An other letter of M. Bradford to Sir Thomas Hall and Father Traves of Blakeley.  
THe grace of God our most merciful father, keep your mind and soul in Christ jesus, who alone is our full sufficient Saviour, for in him we be complete, being made through his death and one only oblation made and offered by himself upon the cross the children of God & fellow heirs with him of the celestial kingdom which is the free gift of God, and cometh not of merits, but of the mere grace of God given to none that putteth any manner of hope or trust in any other thing visible or invisible, then in that oblation of sweet savour which Christ himself did offer upon good Friday (as we call it) which oblation is always recent and new in the sight of God the father, and maketh intercession for us: us I mean, which think that only sacrifice then offered, to be sufficient as it is, hath been, and ever shall be for all the faithful, by the which sacrifice (if we believe) we have free pardon of all our sins. To him therefore which was both the offerer & offering, be all honour and praise, with the father and the holy ghost, blessed for ever, Amen.  
Sir Thomas, the occasion of this my long silence, mine old friend john Traues shall declare unto you: upon the knowledge whereof, I doubt not of your pardon. I have sent unto you an English and a Latin Testament both in one print and volume, the which though it be not so beautiful without as I could have sent you, yet no less beautiful within, and more I think for your profit, and better for your eyes, your eyes I mean of the body. For undoubtedly, it giveth light unto the soul, if she be not dead. Whereof, take this for an argument & a true proof, If your soul be not delighted in it, if your soul do not hunger for it (I mean not the book, but the doctrine in the book) surely your soul is sore sick: for as the body abhorring meat, is not well, even so must the soul be, for other meat hath she none. Christ whom you must believe afore all men, affirmeth this to be true in the 4. of Math. Not only in bread, but in every word of God the soul doth live. Mark well he saith not, one or two words, as an Epistle, or a Gospel, but he saith, every word. Take heed, believe Christ better than any man be he never so holy. For he that is of God (joh. 8.) heareth the word of God. Will you have a more plain badge, whether you are the elect child of God or no, than this text. Christ saith, He that is of God, heareth the word of God, but other word of God have we none, then in the Canon of the Bible, and all things written therein, are written for our learning, (saith Paul) whereby he proveth, seeing that it is a learning, yea our learning, that we must learn it. Therefore woe be to all them which either persuade men, that there is other doctrine of like authority, or that dissuade men from embracing this word, this word of God, or that think this word, especially the new Testament, is not above all other to be loved, to be red, to be chewed. This is the precious stone which in the Gospel Christ saith: When a man hath found, he selleth all that ever he hath, and buyeth it. Mark now how necessary and precious Christ maketh that which great learned men (nay devils but no men) think not necessary God help them. Christ bade his Disciples sell their coats and buy a sword, which is none other thing than the word of God: for so S. Paul calleth it, the sword of the spirit. Nay, say our great learned men, (I lie, they have said so, now they are ashamed) fetch fire and burn it.  
This I say Sir Thomas to the intent no ungodly hypocrite should persuade you or dissuade you from reading the holy word of God the gospel of jesus Christ. Fellow you S. Paul's lesson: Attend reading, and the word of God dwell in you. How much plentifully saith he, and to what end, To feed the flock of Christ even as much as in you is, saith Peter, not once a year or once a quarter as a Strawberry, but so much as in you is. This word of God trieth all doctrine, for we ought to have our conscience charged with nothing as touching religion, except the word of God in the Canon of the Bible set it out, I mean not only in allegories, but even in plain words. For no other foundation can any man lay, besides that which is laid. S. Paul saith, the groundwork is laid already. Even so saith he to the Ephesians: We be his workmanship to do good works, which God hath create that we should walk in them. He saith they were not to be made, but they are made already. What shall we think than in such works as man's wit hath founded, which yet seem most holy, let God's word be judge. Read the same diligently and reverently with prayer (I mean not Latin service not understood, but with true hearty prayer) and mark what the law requireth, even that which we cannot give, the whole heart and more, if it were possible. But to this end, that we seeing our abominable uncleanness and inability, might despair in ourselves, trembling at the justice of God, and his anger which we continually procure, and so amplect Christ, in whom God the father is well pleased. Which Christ is the end of the law to justify all that believeth, and continue not in their popish ignorance, justifying themselves and treading Christ's blood under their feet, denying the Lord that bought them. All such be they never so well learned, never so holy, be nothing but hypocrites, and plain Antichrists, which may not abide the sword of God's mouth. For the trumpets of the army (I mean still God's word) when they blow, the high walls of jericho, the figure of hypocrisy falleth down. Embrace therefore God's holy word, and be not only a Reader, but a doer: for your calling requireth you to be apt to teach such proud hypocritical arrogant babblers, as I am now (which if I may use this term beshit God's word) God forgive me, and pray you for me, & give God thanks for me, that spareth me thus Luciferlike, not of a true zeal, but of a foolish bragging which prate of God's holy word. I wots not what I do to confess it. So it is. I have sent to you other books which I pray you read, I have written your name in them. The holy Ghost keep you with your brother George, his wife and children, and with your brother james, etc. Sir Laurence, etc.  
This 20. of March. A very painted hypocrite john Bradford. Yours in Christ for ever.  
Pray for me, pray for me, give God thank for me, and take john Traves help to read this letter written in haste.  
If any thing but good be chanced to john Traves (which God forbidden) I pray you burn my letters out of hand.   

¶ An other letter of Master Bradford, to father Traves.  
Gratia misericordia & pax a Deo patre nostro, & Domino jesu Christo Domino nostro.  
IF mine heart were not altogether Adamantine, your kind letters to me unkind miser, would cause me from the bottom of the same, to confess mine ingratitude towards you upon your behalf anempst me so much deserved, but as I am to do, so show I myself to write, and as I am unable in the one, so am I foolish in the other, in all those unkyndnesses, rudeness, etc. whereof you accuse yourself. I am enforced to acknowledge myself most justly condemned, not so feignedly by me confessed, as most truly by you experienced. In your letters as in a glass, I may learn by you in dejecting yourself, to espy my nakedness which tofore I thought clothed duplici vestitu, now only but with fig leaves hypocritishly gilded, of which dejection wrought in you by the holy ghost, be not proud: For what have you that ye have not received? but be thankful to the Lord, not only therefore, but also for those surges which you feel now through the cares accompanying marriages, now through education and bringing up of your children and family, now through that cross of the common accustomed trade of living: for Multas tribulationes oportet ingredi regnum Dei. Through many tribulations we must enter into the kingdom of heaven, ye they be the cognisances of God's election. The letter Thau the instruments which work suspiria aeternae vitae, & therefore to be embraced. Believe me it is the most excellent gift of God a man to deject and humble himself, and to feel the crosses of Christ as crosses. But I most hypocritical wretch, not worthy that this earth should bear me, am even a going to bed with jesabel, and such as commit fornication with her, which is afflictio maxima, Oh Lord help me and deliver me for jesus sake, anoint mine eyes with ointment that I may see, oh give me not over into a lewd mind and reprobate sense, but awake my sleeping soul that Christ may shine in me. You know the cross, the fatherly cross the loving Lord hath laid upon me, but I, but I am little or nothing moved therewith. I work therein (yet not I but God's spirit) not of a repentant faithful mind, but (I cannot tell how) of a slothful blind reckless intent. Oh Lord forgive me for saying so (it is thy gift) forgive me mine unthankfulness for jesus sake, and grant me as herein I blasphemed and dishonested thy holy name, so do thou by thy holy spirit glorify by me the same. So be it, So be it.  
Sithence my coming to London, I was with M. Latymer, whose counsel is as you shall hear, which I purpose by God's grace to obey (if it be thy will oh Lord, fiat.) He willed me (as I have done) to write to my master who is in the country, and to show him that if within a certain time which I appointed xiv. days, he do not go about to make restitution, that I will submit myself to my L. Protector and the king's majesties counsel to confess the fault and ask pardon. This life is uncertain and frail, and when time is it must not be deferred. And what should it profit me to win the whole world, & to lose mine own soul. If as I justly have deserved, I be put to death for it, Gods will be done. At the jest, slander, reproach, rebuke, loss of worldly friends, loss of living etc. shall ensue. What than? Lord thy will be done, thine I am, if death come, welcome be it, if slander, etc. Even as thou wilt Lord▪ So be it. Only grant me a penitent loving obedient hart, & of mere love to go forwards herein, and not to shrink, to stand and not to fall, that thy name only be praised herein, Amen. Pray, pray for me, cry for me, and when you shall hear any thing, comfort my mother, to whom for that this bringer hath not given me an hours warning of his departure, I have not only written nothing, but also have thus prattled to you, who (as no man else would) I think you will bear with me. For as God knoweth, to whose grace I commit you & your bedfellow with all your children and family. The shortness of time, and this said bringers importance is only the let I neither send you spectacles, the price of the Paraphrases, nor thanks for your cheese, as by the next that cometh▪ I will God willing send the premises to you, and a goodly Testament for Sir Thomas Hall which is at the binding. But be not acknown that I have now written to you, for so I have prayed this bringer. God be with us and pray for me, and abhor not my rude scribbling, which if it were as well written, as it is meant, would deserve pardon. Thus make I an end, imputing to the hastiness of this bringer all blame which you may lay unto me. From the Temple this Sunday, immediately after M. Latimers' famous Sermon, which this bringer as he saith did hear.  
By your poorest friend, john Bradford.  
It shall not be long God willing, but you shall both have and hear from me. Keep with you Melancthons' Common places, for I have an other.   

¶ Another letter of Master Bradford, to father Traves.  
GRace, mercy, and peace from God the father, through our Lord jesus Christ, with increase of all manner godly knowledge and living, be with you and all your household, now and ever, Amen.  
To excuse this my long silence, within v. or vj. days after my (like foolish) letters written to you by joh. M●sse it pleased God to send my M. hither to London, whom (as I lately tofore had advertised by letters) I moved, (you know wherein) and prayed him to discharge the same, or else I would submit myself, etc. Whereunto he answered, that if the books would declare it, he would satisfy, etc. The books I showed, whereupon he promised as much as I could ask. But being herein something more moved than he had cause (God be praised therefore, which of his mere good pleasure wrought it) at times as I could, I desired to know how and in what time he would discharge us both. He thinking me to be over curious herein, was not therewith contented, and hearing me to allege the uncertainty of time, and the fear of God's justice (which oh gracious Lord grant me to feel in deed as much as thou knowest good for me) he answered me to be scrupulous and of a superstitious conscience (for animalis homo non percipit ea quae sunt Dei) and plainly said further that I should not know, nor (by these words) have his head so under my girdle. And when I showed him that (God witnessed with me) I went about no such thing. He said that there was no godly conscience, seeing he promised afore the face of God to discharge me, and to pay the thing, but it ought so to be quieted. And thus at divers & sundry times, moving eftsoons to know of him the way and time of discharging the debt, and having none other answers then tofore, I doubting worldly wisdom, (which useth delays) to reign in him with this Mammon (the which oh merciful God eradicate out of his hart mind, and all others) I was something more sharp, and told him (non ego tamen sed gratia tua Domine) I would obey God more than man, the which he lightly regarding (as seemed) I departed and went to M. Latimer to have had him to have brought me to my L. Protector (whose grace than was purposed shortly to take his journey to visit the Ports) M. Latimer I say willed me to stay until his return, which will be not long tofore Easter. In this mean time I bade my bedfellow my masters son whom my M. had used as his instrument, to move me carnally (for my M. discharged him of his exhibition, telling him that he could not be able to keep either house or child, for I purposed to undo both him and all his (untruly thou knowest good Lord) and bade him to take that as a warning, that both he and his brethren should provide for themselves as they could) I bade I say my said bedfellow to show my M. (as of himself) my further purpose, which thing when he knew, so moved & feared him, that he began something to relent, & then made fair promises, that look what I would devise, that would he do. I devised, but my devices pleased him not. And thus, but not vainly I trust (as I now do with you, but I know your gentleness which ever hath borne with me) I spended the time in which I have been silent to write, nay babble to you. And he departing out of London tofore I knew did send me word by an other of his said sons, not so given to the Gospel, and a life according as my bedfellow, and therefore more to be suspected (for though pietas non est suspiciosa, as I should think myself rather impius, yet Christ bade us to be prudentes sicut serpents) this other brother I say told me that my M. would do all things only his fame and ability preserved (& quid prodest totum mundum lucrari animae vero iacturam facere.) And with the said brother my M. sent me a little billet also, wherein he confessed that he was contented within 12. months to deliver to my hands the whole money, which bill I thinking not so good as it might have been, have devised an other, and have sent it down to him in the country, with request that he will seal and sign it. For thus M. Latymer thinketh sufficient, but as yet I hear not of it, doubting worldly wisdom, which was the whore that overcame Samson, that moved David to slay Urias, that brought wise Solomon to idolatry, that crucified Christ, the which moved me to perpetrate hoc facinus, the which worketh in my masters hart, having higher place there than Timor D●mini. What say I there, ye, ye, with me, it sitteth in the holy place (the Lord deliver us) doubting I say worldly wisdom, I remain in that same state now for this matter (though in worse for my soul, which is more lamented, pray therefore I beseech you, pray with me and for me, that I may do so earnestly) than I was in at my last writing unto you. And as I than was purposed, so I doubt not (grant it Lord) but that I shall persevere, if in the mean season I shall not hear from my M. accordingly. Thus I have (like myself) foolishly, but truly declared unto you in many babbling words, which wit (if I had it) would have shortly and briefly comprehended. Arrogant, nay Gods working unthankful wretch, my working in this matter, which is, and was, the only cause (as I now do) I troubled you not afore, to the intent I might advertise you some certainty in this thing. And though silence had been much better than this foolish prating, yet your fatherly kindness ever towards me in expecting from you a correction, as I have herein given cause, may though not to you, yet to me, be profitable. In hope whereof, I proceed in requiring you to continue your remembrance of me a most unkind wretch to God and you, in your prayers with the almighty merciful Lord, that I may more regard his will and pleasure herein, than all honour or shame in this life. But I must confess unto you that my working in this matter is not of love as I should do, nor of fear of God's justice (mine unthankfulness, mine unthankfulness, if nothing else were, hath not only deserved it, but doth deserve more than everlasting damnation, oh Lord be merciful to me) I do not so repent it as I should do. Why say I So, as though this So were any thing, oh hypocritical wretch that I am. Alas father Traves (let me so call you) I am hard hearted, there was never any so obstinate, so unkind, against so loving, so merciful, so gracious, so good, so beneficial a Lord, yea a father, as I wretch and most miserable sinner am. This I speak but not of humility, but of hypocrisy, yet I speak truly. I pray thee good father for Christ's sake, I may think it truly as I writ it, even of arrogancy, so it is. Therefore pray and cry for me. Here be such goodly, godly, and learned Sermons, which these uncircumcised ears of mine heareth at the lest thrice a week, which were able (the great loving mercy of God offered to me in them I mean) to burst any man's hart, to relent, to repent, to believe, to love and to fear that omnipotent gracious Lord: but my adamantine, obstinate, most unkind, ingrate, unthankful hart, hearing my Lord, which is Lord over all Lords, so graciously, so lovingly, vouchsafe by so many his instruments, to speak, to call, to cry unto me, now by his law, now by his threats, now by his gospel, now by his promises, now by all his creatures to come, to come even to himself, but I hide me with Adam in the garden, I play not only Samuel running to Hely, but I play jonas running to the sea, and there I sleep upon the hatches tumbling in jesabels' bed, quod est afflict●o maxima, until it please God to anoint mine eyes collyrio, until it please him to raise up a tempest to turn and look upon me, as Luke saith he did on Peter. For oh Lord it is thy gift, and cometh of thee and of thy mere grace it cometh not of man, it cometh not of works to repent, to believe, to fear and to love. Work thou therefore in me for jesus Christ's sake which am thy creature and most unthankful hypocritical servant, not when I will, nor as I will, but when thou wilt, even that which may be most to the glory of thy name, Amen. What should I write, nay why do I not pluck these same words and paper in pieces, for I writ altogether of hypocrisy and arrogant presumption I will confess it, (thou wicked spirit the Lord judge thee) I will confess it, it is most true john Traves, I writ it but only, for it is not I, it is hypocrisy. Scientia (if I had it) inflaret, oh Lord grant me thy grace, & leave me not to mine own judgement and reason. Hypocrisy, arrogancy, and obstinate security environ me, yet I feel them not, the Lord deliver me. Pray, pray for me. give God thanks for me, Oh Lord, even tua fiat voluntas, Unlock this, mine hart thou which hast the key of David, which openest only, that I may desire to have the desire of the glory of thy name, of repentance, faith, etc. Pray for me and be thankful for me, oh father Traves, and write to me. Your letters I desire more to see, than any man's living. Let me have them therefore as you may, but your prayer at all times, that God would open mine heart to feed and taste of these comfortable places of Scripture (which to me are locked) memento jesum Christum resurrexisse ex mortuis. This text is a text of most comfort (as it is in deed, and when God will, I shall feed on it) Did Paul send to Tymothie to be his comfort in all places? For our salvation (this day of resurrection) is nearer now than when we believed. Therefore qui perseveraverit saluus erit. For consummabitur praevaricatio (saith Daniel) finem accipiet peccatum delebitur iniquitas & adducetur justitia sempiterna. Deus enim ipse veniet & saluabit nos. Veniens veniet, & non tardabit & quandocunque manifestatus fuerit vita nostra Christus tunc & nos manifestabimur cum illo in gloria. Semel enim oblatus est ut multorum peccata tolleret rursus absque peccato conspicietur ijs qui illum expectant in salutem. Sic semper cum Domino erimus proinde consolemini vos invicem mutuo sermonibus hijs. Oh Lord open mine eyes which see nothing of the great comforts in these thy most rich words, open mine eyes good Lord ne nunquam obdormiam in morte, Pray for me, and commend me to your good bedfellow, & omnibus in Christo fratribus osculo sancto. Thus I make an end (for it is time you may say) and I pray you still water sir Thomas Hal, unto whom I have sent a fair Testament both in English and Latin, if this bringer will carry it. And I have herewith sent you a letter which first peruse and read, and when you have so done, abhor not me but my wickedness, & pray for me. And as you can see a meet time, seal it, and deliver it to Sir Nicholas Wolston●ros by such policy as you can think by God's grace through prayer. I confess unto you, God is my witness, to my knowledge, I never in my being in the country this Winter at any time called it to remembrance, the Lord forgive me. I would by some occasion if any could be had, afore the delivery of the letter by some story or communication that he did know, that abomination to be sin, for I fear me he thinketh it to be no sin. The Lord open our eyes and forgive us, Amen. The peace of God be with you, Amen.  
From the Temple this 22. of March. 1547. Yours in Christ, most bounden. john Bradford.  
I have sent you three pair of good spectacles I trow and other such books as have your name written in them, which take in good worth and pray for me, & give thanks for me.   

¶ Another letter of Master Bradford, to father Traves.  
Gratia misericordia, & pax, etc.  
MY chance is not by this bringer to have any warning in manner of his farewell, so that I am constrained time coarcting me, to write not so much of things (which I will omit) as my desire was. Concerning the great matter you know of, it hath pleased god to bring it to this end, that I have a bill of my M. hand, wherein he is bound to pay the sum afore Candlemas next coming. This thinks M. Latimer to be sufficient. Therefore I pray you to give that gracious Lord thanks, and thanks, & thanks upon it for me a most wretched ingrate sinner, which have also in other things no less cause to praise God's name, As for that I have and sustain my M. sore displeasure, the which hath borough me (God I should say through it) unto a more contempt of worldly things, through the sequestration of such his business, as tofore I had ado withal. I call it a contempt, well, take the word even as it is, hypocritically and vain gloriously spoken: for the which fault amongst my others innumerable, I trust you remember in your prayers, whereof I have (I would I knew) how much need. There is yet another thing whereof I will advertise you even to this end, that you might pray if it be Gods will, that as I trust shortly to begin, so he may vouchsafe to confirm that he hath begun, as (if I be not deceived) I believe it is his working. If the thing seem by God's spirit in you that I presume, then for the Lords sake advertise me: for I am much given to that disease, the Lord deliver me. I have moved my M. therein already by letters, to see if I shall have any living of him as hitherto I have had, but I have thereof no answer, nor as our natural speech is any likelihood of any grant. Yet that I have already I trust, be able for me for 3. years, you look what my purpose meaneth, I am so long afore I come to it. Therefore I do it, because my long babbling should be less tedious. Now shall you have it. If Gods will be (whereunto pray I may be obedient) I am minded afore Midsummer to leave London to go to my book at Cambridge, and if God shall give me grace, to be a minister of his word. Thus you have of a ●lie an Elephant. Well, take it in good part though you see my etiam non, and not etiam, etiam. A tumbling stone gathereth no moss, so therefore pray for me. Perchance I do foolishly to forsake so good a living as I have. I will say no more hereof, but pray for me. I trust as I said, for three years study, I have sufficient, if my Master take all from me: and when this is spent, God will send more. I do not write this that you should think me to be in need of worldly help. And therefore as Friars were wont secretly to beg. No in the Lords name I require you not to take it so: for I had rather never send letter, afore I should be herein a cross to you, for sufficit sua diei afflictio, we are more set by then many sparrows. But if my Mother, or Sir Thomas Hall murmur at it, or be offended with me, as you can, remedy it with your counsel. Howbeit, as yet I will not write to them of it, until such time as I be going. I am something fickle minded and unconstant, therefore pray for me, that my hand being put to the plough (presumptuously spoken) I look not back. You may gather by my words in this letter the Herodicall heart which lieth in me.  
I have sent you a book of Bucer against Winchester in English, lately translated, which I never red, therefore I cannot praise it. And as I call to remembrance, I did send you with the other books more than you received, at the least one of them I remember, which is called, The Common places or the Declaration of the faith by Urbanus Rhegius. Ask for it, or send me word in whom the default is, you have it not. Hereafter, and that shortly by God grace, I will send you primitiae laborum meorum, a work or two which I have translated into English, so soon as they be printed, which will be afore Whitsuntide. Pray for me good father Traves, and God send you health of soul and body, as I would mine own or any man's living. But yet to warn you of that you know not in writing your letters to me, you hit me home, and give me that I look for. You are deceived and so is all that knoweth me, I never came to any point of mortification, therefore a little tickling sets me a float, God help me, and give God thanks for me, as all men be most bounden. Thus when jones begin to write to you, I run as the Priest saith Matins, for I think I may be bold on you. The holy Ghost preserve you, your wife and family, and persevere his grace in you unto the end. I pray you pray for me a most (what should I call me) miserable and blasphemous sinner. The peace of God be with us. From the Temple this xii. of May, 1548.  
Sir Thomas Hall hath deceived me, but himself most. I desire to speak with him, as this Winter it may chance if I discharge not myself of mine office to see him. Pray for him and for me.  
A very hypocrite, john Bradford.   

¶ An other letter of Master Bradford, to father Traves.  
THe perseverance of God's grace, with the knowledge of his good will, increase with you unto the end. To declare myself as I am a carnal man which understandeth not the things that be of the spirit. These my letters though I counterfeit and meddle amongst them the spiritual words as the Devil did in his temptations to Christ, will declare no less. For I begin with carnal things in effect, and no marvel if I so end, for how can a man gather figs of briars. These words as they seem so they are spoken for a cloak to make you think otherwise, but father Traves you can not think so evil of me, as I am to the matter. This present day by God's grace, I take my journey towards Cambridge, where I pray God, and so earnestly pray you to pray for me, that I may circumspectly redeem this time which God hath appointed (to me unknown) to lend me: for alas, I have spent most wickedly the time past, for the which I must account even for every hair breadth as they say: for God hath not given here time to sine. But if I considered this as I do nothing less, custom of sin and pleasing myself hath so hardened my hart) I should then come to the feeling of myself, than should I hate sin which I now love, than should I fear God's wrath, which I now contemn, them should I cry out and weep, and continually pray, as now I am as dry as a stone, as dumb as a nail, as far from p●aying, as he that never knew any taste of it. Which thing once I felt (thanks to the Lord) but now for mine unthankfulness I am almost (but most worthily) deprived. I fear me God will take his grace from me I am so unthankful. Alas, why do I lie in saying I fear me, nay God grant I may do so, for than should I pray and pray, but seeing I can not, speak you for me, pray for me, that the Lord would remember his old compassions towards me, for his mercy's sake draw me, ye compel me to serve, to fear, and to love him. Thus may you see how I presume, for mine intent was to have been a Minister of God's word, to have been his instrument to call from, as I have called to sin, but you see how that God punisheth mine arrogancy. Alas, what shall I do. I am an unprofitable and an idle member, I thought I should have been therein profitable, but medice cura teipsum. How should I, or what should I do? I cannot labour with my hands. Well, I trust God will give me grace and knowledge to translate nothing I fear me, yea, I distrust me that I shall never be minister of God's word, yea, if arrogancy were not in me, how should I of all wretches the greatest, think me to look to the highest room and vocation, that is upon earth. Therefore eftsoons I desire you to pray for me, that Gods will may be done in me whether I live or die, so that his name be honoured. My master which was, hath denied me all his benefisence, but I have for this life more than enough thanks be to God. As this Winter I intend by God's favour to declare more unto you. This book which I have sent, take it in good part, it is the first, I trust it shall not be the last God hath appointed me to translate. The print is very false▪ I am sorry for it. I pray you be not offended at my babbling in the Prologues, etc.  
john Bradford.  
I will lie God willing this Summer at Katherine's hall in Cambridge, writ to me.   

¶ Another letter of Master Bradford, to father Traves.  
THe loving kindness and abundant mercy of God the father, poured plentifully upon all the faithful, in the blood of that meek Lamb jesus Christ our only satisfaction and mediator, through the working of the most holy spirit, be increased and perceived in you daily more and more, to the glory of God, etc.  
Because I stand both in doubt of the reading and delivery of such letters as I writ and send unto you (dearly beloved father Traves) I am constrained to leave of such griefs and spiritual wants, as thanks unto the Lord I unwillingly feel, for the flesh as you know, loveth nothing so much as security of all enemies most perilous, and not a little familiar with me, from the which, with vain glory, hypocrisy, etc. and wordliness, the Lord deliver me. I had not thought to have written thus much, but these I cannot keep, but commit them to your prayers. And to the intent I would you should not think any ingratitude in me, as also that I might give you occasion to write to me again, as heretofore I have done, even so do I enterturbe & trouble you with my babbling, but yet having this commodity, that I babble not so much as I was wont to do. The cause I have declared, which had almost been the cause I had not written at all. I did write unto you from London when I came hither, send me word what letters you have received, for from you I have received but two, and both by john Moss, and in the latter I perceived that the Lord had visited you with sickness, his fatherly rod, whereby he declareth his love upon you, and that he careth for you ut in tempore supremo exultes nunc ad breve tempus afflictus quo exploratio fidei multo praeciosior auro quod perit & tamen probatur, etc. Siquidem in hoc vocatus es ut cum Christo patiaris nam & illo glorificabe●is. Certus enim sermo est si sufferimus & conregnabimus. You know that Christ etsi filius Dei erat tamen ex his quae pastus est didicit obedientiam. Patientia opus perfectum habeat ut sitis perfecti, & integri nullaque in part diminuti, and doth not patientia come of probatio, the one than you had, so that you were going a school to learn the other, with learned what want you: the end of all Gods proving, is as Paul saith, ut impartiat nobis sanctimoniam: igitur gratias age Deo patri qui idoneum te fecit ad participationem sortis sanctorum in lumine, etc. Nam qui te parumper afflixit idem instauret te fulciet roboret stabiliat. And the Lord knoweth how eripere pios è testatione, and that in tempore oportuno even shortly, for haud tardat qui promisit nam modicum tempus & videbitis me veniens enim veniet non tardabit. Itaque qui consortes estis crucis Christi gaudete saith Peter, ut in revelatione quoque gloriae eius gaudeatis exultantes. O how doth my will over run my wit. Why Bradford whom writest thou unto? Thou showest thyself. Thus father Traves you may see my rashness to rabble out the scriptures without purpose, rhyme, or reason. I will not blot it out as I had thought to have done, for that hereby you shall see my need of your prayer. Well, I look for a watchword from you. Writ for God's sake, and pray for me that I may be in something profitable to the lords congregation, that I may be no stumbling block, ut non confundantur in me qui illum expectant. Send me such counsel as the lords spirit shall move you, how to study. My desire is in something to be profitable if it were the Lords will, for to be Minister verbi. Alas I am unmeet, and my time, my time, yea the lords time, I have hitherto evil, ye most wickedly misspent it, etc. Thus will I end. The Lord be with you, and your bedfellow, to whom have me heartily commended, & to all your children and family, the which I beseech the Lord to lighten his countenance over, and grant you his peace, pray for me. I long for Winter to speak with you. Rescribe ora. Pray for me.  
This assumption day in Katherine's hall in Cambridge. Yours with all I have and can. john Bradford.   

¶ Another letter of Master Bradford, to father Traves.  
THe plentiful grace of God the father, through our only master and Lord jesus Christ, increase in us daily to the glory of his name, Amen.  
Forasmuch as I have often written to you good father Traves, and yet have not once heard from you sithence Pentecost. I can not now be so bold either in writing much or often as I would have been: Howbeit, this I say, that I much marvel, that I hear not from you: but not so, for I am so wretched a sinner, that the lords spirit I am certain doth not move you to write to me, yet for God's sake pray for me, and in the lords name I desire you give thanks to God for me. And when it may please God to move you writ to me, though it be but two words, and counsel me how to study the word of life, the ministery whereof, I desire if it be the lords pleasure to profess, and that I may do it both in living and learning, pray for me. Herus meus omnibus rebus suis me abdicavit & quae prius concesserat, iam solvere renuit, & mihi prorsus factus & inimicus. I know not when I shall see you in body, therefore let me hear from you. I writ not this that you should think me in aegestate aut angustijs esse. No father, the Lord giveth me omnia affatim and will do. I trust I shall shortly here have a fellowship, I am so promised, and therefore I have taken the degree of master of Art, which else I could not have attained. If I get a fellowship, I shall not need de crastino sollicitum esse, as here after I shall more write to you by God's grace. I pray you writ again, and often yray for me. In haste as appeareth, the 22. of October. Ne sciat matter mea quod herus meus adeo duriter mecum egit, etc.  
Miserrimus peccator. john Bradford.   

Another letter of Master Bradford to father Traves.  
THe peace and plenteous mercy of God our heavenly father, in his Christ our only Lord and Saviour, be ever increased in you by the holy spirit, qui efficit omnia in omnibus, Amen.  
Father Traves though I might think myself more happy, if you would often write unto me, yet because I ought to have respect to your pains, which now that old man cannot so well sustain as it might, I had rather lose my happiness in that behalf, then will your grief, forasmuch as it can be no happiness unto me which turneth to your pain, yet because pain is not painful when it is joined with gain, I therefore desire you for God's sake o pray often for me, for if I shall not be worthy of your prayer, as the Lord who knoweth all things doth right well see it, and so my conscience witnesseth, yet your good prayer shall return into your own bosom. And know this, that who so converteth a sinner by prayer, whether it be by prayer, preaching, or writing letters, etc. the same hath saved a soul. Use therefore, for God's sake I ask it, that pains whereunto is joined profit, I mean prayer to God for me a miserable and most wretched sinner, and as for the gaynelesse pain in writing to me, use it yet as you may, and surely God for whose sake you do it, in that he will reward a cup of cold water, will in some thing requite you. And I know certainly, that if you did see what spiritual profit I receive by your letters, I am certain you would not think all your labour lost. For Christ's sake therefore begin again to write unto me, and reprove me sharply for my horrible unthankfulness to GOD. You know how that God hath exonerated the laden conscience of the great weighty burden, for so I did write to you, yea the Lord hath in manner unburdened me of the lesser burden also: for I have an assurance of the payment of the same by Candlemas. Lo thus you see what a good God the Lord is unto me. Oh father Traves give thanks for me, and pray God to forgive me my unthankfulness. But what should I rehearse the benefit of God towards me. Alas I cannot, I am to little for all his mercies, yea I am not only unthankful, but I am to far contumelious against God. For where you know the Son, the Moon, and the seven stars did forsake me, & would not shine upon me, you know what I mean per herum & heriles amicos, yet the Lord hath given me here in the University as good a living as I would have wished. For I am now a fellow of Pembroke hall, of the which I nor any other for me did ever make any suit: yea there was a contention betwixt the M. of Katherine's hall, and the bishop of Rochester, who is M. of Pembroke hall, whether should have me, sit hoc tibi dictum. Thus you may see the lords carefulness for me. My fellowship here is worth 7. pound a year, for I have allowed me 18. pence a week, and as good as xxxiij. shillings four pence a year in money, besides my Chamber, Launder, Barbour, etc. and I am bound to nothing but once or twice a year to keep a Problem. Thus you see what a good Lord, God is unto me. But I pray you what do I now to God for all this, I will not speak of the great mercies he showeth upon my soul. Surely father Traves I have cleave forgotten God, I am all secure, idle, proud, hard hearted, utterly void of brotherly love, I am envious and disdain others, I am a very stark hypocrite, not only in my words and works, but even in these my letters to you. I am all sensual without the true fear of God, an other manner of man than I have been sithence my call. Alas father Traves I write this to put myself in remembrance, but I am without all sense, I do but only write it. For God's sake pray for me which am only in name a christian, in very deed a very worldling, & to say to you the very truth, a most worldling of all other. I pray you exhort my mother now & then with my sister Margaret to fear the Lord, and if my mother had not sold the Fox fur which was in my father's gown, I would she would send it me, she must have your counsel in a piece of cloth.  
Yours for ever, I. Bradford.   

Another letter of M. Bradford to father Traves.  
THe self same mercy, grace and peace, which heretofore I have felt plenteously, though now through mine unthankfulness & wilful obedience, to the pleasure of this outward man, I neither feel, neither can be persuaded that I possess, yea if I shall truly write, I in manner pass not upon the same, so far am I fallen the Lord help me: the same mercy, etc. I say, I wish unto you as I can with all increase of godliness. hypocritically with my pen and mouth, beseeching you in your earnest prayers to God to be an earnest suitor unto God for me which am fallen into such a security, & even an hardness of hart, that neither I sorrow my state, neither with any grief or fear of God's abjection do write this: before the Lord which knoweth the hearts of all men I lie not. Consider for Christ's sake, therefore good father Traves, my necessity though I myself do it not, & pray for me, that God cast me not of as I deserve most justly. For where I ought to have well proceeded in God's school, by reason of the time, I confess it to my shame, I am so far gone back, as alas if shame were in me I might be ashamed to write it, but much more to write it, & to think it not, such is the reward of unthankfulness. For where God wrought the restitution of the great thing you know of, the which benefit should bind me to all obedience. Alas father Traves I am to unthankful, I find no will in hart (though by my writing it will be hard to persuade you either to be thankful, either to begin a new life in all things to mortify this outward man, and heartily to be well content to serve the lord in spirit & verity, & withstand mine affections, & especially my beastly sensuality in meat & drink, wherewith I was troubled at my being with you, but now through my licentious obeying that affect, I am fallen so, that a whole legion of spirituum malorum possesseth me. The Lord whom I only with mouth (my hart still abiding both in hardness & wilfulness) call upon, deliver me and help me. And for God's sake give you hearty thanks for the great benefit of restitution Pray to the Lord that at the length I may once return to the obedience of his good will, Amen. I thank you for your cheese, & so doth father Latymer as unknown, for I did give it him, & he saith he did never eat better cheese, and so I dare lay he did not. I thank him I am as familiar with him, as with you, yea God so moveth him against me, that his desire is to have me come & dwell with him when so ever I will, and welcome. This do I write yet once more to occasion you to be thankful for me to that Lord, which by all means showeth nothing but most high love to me. And I again a very obstinate rebellion. Pray therefore for me in haste.  
The sinful. I. Bradford.     

¶ William Minge.  

William Minge died in prison.  THe next day after M. Bradford & I. leaf did suffer in Smithfield, Wil Minge priest died in prison, at Maid stone, being there in bonds for religion, & like to have suffered also, if he had continued the fury of his adversaries, whose nature was to spare & favour none that favoured Christ's pure gospel: which W. Minge with as great constancy & boldness, yielded up his life in prison, as if it had pleased God to have called him to suffer by the fire, as the other good and godly men had done at the stake, and as he himself was ready also so to do, if it had pleased God to have called him thereunto.   

¶ james Trevisam buried in the fields.  
Upon the 3. of july, 1555. died one james Trevisam in the parish of s. Margaret in Lothbury, 
The story of james Trevisam, buried in the fields, and summoned after his death.  upon a sunday, who being impotent & lame, kept his bed, for he could not rise out of it a long time. This Trevisam had a servant one I Small, which red on the Bible, & as he was in reading, Beard the Promoter came to the house, & would needs go up the stairs, where he found 4, persons besides him and his wife: to wit, the young man that red, & two men & a woman. All which folks, the said Beard the Promoter there being, apprehended, & carried to the Counter, where they remained about a fortnight, for all the friends they could make. Moreover, the said Beard would have had also ja. the lame man himself to Newgate in a cart (& brought the cart to the door) but for neighbours. Nevertheless the poor man was feign to put in two sureties for his forth coming for he could not go out of his bed, being not only impotent, but also very sick the same time. So within a few days, the said james lying in extremes, the person of the church named M. Farthing, came to him & had communication with him, 
M. Farthing person of Saint Margaret's in Lothbery, accuser of james.  & agreed well, & so departed. It happened after the priest was come down into the street, there met him one Toller a Founder. Yea saith he, be ye agreed? I will accuse you, for he denieth the sacrament of the altar. Upon that the person went to him again, & then the priest & he could not agree. And so the parson went to the B. of London & told him. The B. answered, that he should be burnt, and if he were dead, he should be buried in a ditch. And so when he died, the parson was against his wife as much as he could, neither would let her have the coffin to put him in, nor any thing else, but was feign to bear him upon a table to More field, & there was he buried. The same night the body was cast up above the ground, & his sheet taken from him, and he left naked. After this the owner of the field seeing him, buried him again, & a fortnight after, the Sumner came to his grave, and summoned him to appear at Paul's, before his Ordinary, to answer to such things as should be laid against him. But what more befell upon him, I have not certainly to say.   

❧ The history of M. john Bland, Preacher, and Martyr, constantly suffering for the Gospel of jesus Christ.  
THe 12. of july, I. Bland, I. Frankesh, Nich. Sheterden, & Humphrey Middleton, were all 4. burned at Cant. together, 
july. 12. john Bland, john Frankesh, Martyrs.  for one cause, of the which number, Frankesh & Bland, were ministers, & preachers of the word of God. The one being parson of Adesham, the other the vicar of Roluindon. This M. Bland was a man so little borne for his own commodity, that no part of his life was separated from the common & public utility of all men. For his first doings were there employed to the bringing up of children in learning & virtue. Under whom were trained divers towardly young men, which even at this present do handsomely flourish. 
M. Bland schoolmaster to D. Sands sometimes B. of Worceter, now Archb. of York.  In the number of whom is D. Sands, a man of singular learning & worthiness, as may well beseem a scholar meet for such a schoolmaster, whom I here gladly name, for his singular gifts of virtue and erudition.  
After this he coming to the ministry in the church of god, or rather being called thereto, was inflamed with incredible desire to profit the congregation, which may appear by this: that where as he was cast into Cant. prison for the preaching of the gospel, & delivered once or twice from thence at the suit of his friends: yet would he needs preach the gospel again, as soon as he was delivered. Whereupon he being the third time apprehended, 
M. Bla●● offered his 〈◊〉 to be discovered 〈◊〉.  when his friends yet once again would have found the means to have delivered him if he would have promised to abstain from preaching: he stood in it earnestly, that he would admit no such condition, notably well expressing unto us the manner & example which we read in the apostle Paul: Who shall separate us from the love of Christ? tribulation, or anguish, or hunger, or nakedness, o● danger, or persecution, or the sword. etc. But to express the whole life & doings of this godly Martyr, seeing we have his own testimony concerning the same: it shall be best to refer the reader to his own report, writing to his father of the whole discourse of his troubles, from the beginning almost to the latter end, in order & manner as ye shall hear.  

¶ A discourse of the whole process and doings of M. Bland, written and reported by himself to his father in his own letter as followeth.  
dearly beloved father in Christ jesus, I thank you for your gentle letters. And to satisfy your mind, as concerning the troubles whereof you have heard, these shall both declare unto you all my vexations that have chanced me since ye were with me, and also since I received your last letters. God keep you ever.  
Your son, john Bland.  
FIrst, the 3. of Sept. being Sunday, after service ended, 

Declaration of the troubles of M. Bland 〈◊〉 and by who he was apprehended & brought to his condemnation. john Austen persecutor. john Austen offended with the Communion table. Note the uncharitable spirit of this Papist and so commonly of them all. M. Isaac ● good justice.  
The Com●munion t●●●ble set up orgayne.   ere I had put of my surplice, john Austen came to the table (commonly called the Lords table) & laid both his hands upon it, saying: Who set this here again? Now they say they took the table down the sunday before, which I knew not, neither do I know who set it up again. The Clerk answered, that he knew not. Then Austen said, he is a knave that set it here. I was then going down the church, marvelling what he meant, and said: Good man Austen, the Queen's highness hath set forth a proclamation▪ that ye may move no sedition. And ere I could speak any more, he said, thou art a knave. And I said, well goodman Austen, that I have said, I have said. By god's soul quoth he, thou art a very knave. Then my clerk spoke to him, but what I am not sure. But he said, ye are both heretic knaves, & have deceived us with this fashion too long▪ & if he say any service here again, I will lay the table on his face: & in that rage he with other took up the table & laid it on a chest in the Chancel, & set the trestles by it. Wherefore I road by & by to M. Isaac, & showed him the cause, both how seditiously he had spoken, & performed it with a like deed. M. Isaac directed a warrant to the Constable or Bosholder, which was incontinently served, so that he was brought before him the same night, & was bound by recognizance, with sureties, to appear if he were called. But we agreed so well then, that it was never called for, the table was brought down, and I was permitted, as before.  
The 26. of November being sunday, Rich. Austen and his brother Thomas came to the foresaid Table after the communion was done, & as I was going by them, Richard said unto me, M. parson, we have to speak to you. And I said, what is your will? And he said, you know that you took down the tabernacle or ceiling wherein the rood did hang, & such other things: we would know what recompense you will make us. For the Queen's proceedings are (as you know) that such must up again.  
Quoth I, I know no such proceedings as yet: & as for all that I did, I did it by commandment.  
No, said Tho. Austen, ye will not know the Queen's proceed.  
Yes, said I, I refuse not to know them.  
Then said Rich. ye are against the Queen's proceed: for you say, 
Thomas Austen and Richcard Au●●ē pick● matter against M. Bland.  that there are abominable uses & devilishness in the mass.  
Goodman Austen said I, if I so said, I will say it again and God willing, stand to the proof of it.  
Masters all quoth Rich. Austen, bear record of these words, and went his way.  
Quoth Tho. Austen, 
M Bland charged fo● spea●ing against the Mass.  thou wilt as soon eat this book as stand to them. No quoth I, not so soon. Tell us quoth he, what that devilishness is, that is in the mass.  
I have often preached it unto you said I, & ye have not believed it, nor borne it away, nor will now neither, though I should tell you.  
Thou quoth he hast told us always like an heretic, as thou art. Now ye lie goodman Austen quoth I, by your leave. Marry quoth he, thou liest. And I said, and you lie: for I have taught you Christ and his truth.  
Quoth he, thou art an heretic, and hast taught us nothing but heresy: for thou canst say nothing that is true.  
Yes, goodman Austen, I can say that God is in heaven, & ye will say (I trow) that it is true, & so have I taught you truly.  
Quoth he, thou hast taught us like an heretic, & hast said, that there is no devil in hell.  

 Well said I, lie on: me think ye can say little truth. Many other taunts he gave, too long to write. And at the last he said, ye pulled down the altar: will ye build it again? No (quoth I) except I be commanded: for I was commanded to do that I did.  
Well, if you will not, said he, then will I. For I am Churchwarden.  
I charge you, said I, that you do not, except you have authority. I will, said he, not let for your charge. For we will have a mass here on sunday, and a preacher that shall prove thee an heretic, 
 if thou dare abide his coming.  
Yes, quoth I, God willing, I will abide & hear him: for sure I am, that he can not disprove any doctrine that I have preached.  
Yes quoth he, and that thou shalt hear, if thou run not away ere then.  
No, good man Austen, I will not run away.  
Marry, quoth he, I cannot tell: thou art as like, yea, as nay: with many other words, we came out of the Church door, and so departed.  
When the sunday came, I looked for our preacher, & at the time of morning prayer I said to the clerk: why do ye not ring: ye forget that we shall have a sermon to day? No quoth he, M. Mils servant hath been here this morning, & said, his master hath letters from my L. Chancellor, that he must go to London, & can not come. That day I did preach to them a sermon in his stead. Now have they slandered me that I had prepared a company from divers places to have troubled him: 
〈◊〉 slander against ●. Bland.  but they agreed not in their lie. For some said, I had them at Adesham, & that Richard Austen had knowledge, & sent for the king's Constable to see the peace kept, which is found a lie. Other said, I had them lying in wait for him between Canterbury & Adesham: other said I had them in both places, that if the one mist, the other should not. God forgive them all. Now upon these two matters they crack, that they sent two bills of complaint to the counsel. Wherefore by the counsel of friends, I made this testimony, and sent it up by master Wiseman.   

¶ The behaviour of john Bland Parson of Adesham in the County of Kent, the sunday, the 3. day of December last passed, containing the words which he there spoke unto the people.  

M. Bland Parson of Ade●ham ●ea●eth ●im●e●fe of the slander.  WHereas upon certain communication had between the said parson & Rich. Austen, & Tho. Austen in the presence of all that parish of Adeshan, the sunday before S. Andrew's day last, the said Austen them declared, that the said parson had taught there in times past great heresies, which to confounded they would prepare a preacher against the next sunday following, if so be the said parson would abide, & not run away. Upon which rumour, divers & sundry persons resorted out of the country unto the said parish church, at the said same day appointed, there to hear the preacher: and at the time in which the sermon ought to be made, no man appeareth there to preach. But it was reported unto the parson, that the preacher appointed, had urgent business, & could not come. So that the multitude being now come together, the same parson perceiving that the people's expectation was defrauded, said: Forasmuch as you are come willingly to hear some good advertisement of the preacher, which now can not be present, I think it not convenient to permit you to departed without some exhortation for your edifying. And so further declaring that he had no licence to preach, 
M. Bland 〈◊〉 ●he pe●ple 〈◊〉 love and 〈◊〉.  said, that he would not meddle with any matter in controversy. And then he began the Epistle of the day, desiring his audience to mark three or four places in the same Epistle, which touched quietness & love one to an other: & there briefly reading the Epistle, he noted the same places, & so making an end thereof, desired all men to departed quietly & in peace, as they did, without any manner of disturbance, or token of evil.  
Witnesses they under named, with divers others.  

Edmond Mores.  
Richard randal.  
john hills.  
William Forstall.  
Thomas Gooding.    

* An other matter of trouble wrought against john Bland, as appeareth by his own narration.  

 Upon the Innocents day, being the 28. day of Decemb. they had procured the priest of Stodmarsh to say them mass: he had nigh made an end of matins, ere I came: and when he had made an end of matins, he said to me: master parson, your neighbours have desired me to say matins, and mass: I trust ye will not be against the queen's proceedings. No, quoth I, 
A popish Mass Priest brought to say Mass 〈◊〉 Adesham.  I will offend none of the Queen's majesties laws, God willing. What say ye, quoth he, and made as he had not heard? And I spoke the same words to him again, with an higher voice: but he would not hear, when all in the chancel heard: So I cried the third time (that all in the Church heard) that I would not offend the Queen's laws: and then he went to mass: and when he was reading the Epistle, I called the clerk unto me, with the becking of my finger, and said unto him: I pray you desire the priest, when the Gospel is done, to tarry a little: I have something to say to the people: and the Clerk did so.  
And the priest came down into the stall, where he sat: & I stood up in the chancel door, and spoke to the people of the great goodness of god, always showed unto his people, 
M. Bland against exhorteth the people in his Parish Church.  unto the time of Christ's coming: and in him & his coming, what benefit they passed, we present, & our successors have: and among other benefits, I spoke of the great and comfortable sacrament of his body and blood. And after I had declared briefly the institution, the promise of life to the good, & damnation to the wicked▪ I spoke of the bread & wine, 

Bland speaketh of the right institution of the Sacrament of the Lords· Supper.  
He speaketh of the abuse of the Sacrament in the Mass. He declareth how the Mass was patched & peeced together, and by what Pope's M. Bland violently plucked down in his Sermon by the Churchwarden.   affirming them to be bread & wine alter the consecration, as yonder Mass book doth, saying: Panem sanctum vitae aeternae, & calicem salutis perpetuae. etc. Holy bread of eternal life, and the cup of perpetual salvation. So that like as our bodily mouths eat the sacramental bread & wine, so doth the mouth of our souls (which is our faith) eat Christ's flew and blood. And when I had made an end of that, I spoke of the misuse of the sacrament in the mass: so that I judged it in that use no sacrament, and showed how Christ bade us all eat & drink: and one only in the Mass eateth & drinketh, & the rest kneel, knock, & worship: and after these things ended, as briefly as I could, I spoke of the benefactors of the mass, & began to declare what men made the Mass, and recited every man's name, & the patch that he put to the mass: & ere I had rehearsed them all, the church warden and the Bosholder his son in law violently came upon me, and took my book from me, and pulled me down, and thrust me into the Chancel, with an exceeding roar and cry. Some cried. Thou heretic: some thou traitor: some thou rebel: and when every man had said his pleasure, and the rage was something passed: be quiet good neighbours said I, and let me speak to you quietly. If I have offended any law, I will make answer before them that are in authority to correct me. But they would not hear me, and pulled, one on this side, & an other on that, & began again.  
Then Richard Austen said: Peace, Masters, no more till Mass be done: and they ceased. Then said I to the church warden and the Bosholder, either holding me by the arm: Masters, let me go into the Church yard till your Mass be done. No, quoth the Churchwarden, thou shalt tarry here till Mass be done. I will not, quoth I, but against my wil And they said: Thou shalt tarry, for if thou go out, thou wilt run away. Then said I to the Bosholder: Say me in the stocks, & then ye shall be sure of me, & turned my back to the altar. By that time Richard Austen had devised what to do with me, and called to the Bosholder and the Churchwarden, 

M. Bland thrust in a side Chapel till the mass was done.  
M. Blandes' dagger taken from him.   & bade them put me into a side Chapel, and shut the door to me, & there they made me tarry till mass was ended. When the mass was ended, they came into the chapel to me, and searched what I had about me, and found a dagger, and took it from me. Then said Tho. Austen Churchwarden, after many brabblings that they made with me: Thou keepest a wife here amongst us against God's law and the Queens. Ye lie, good man Austen, said I: it is not against God's law, nor, as I suppose against the Queens.  
Thus they brought me out of the Church, 
Ramsey apprehended by Tho. Austen.  & without the door they railed on me, without pity or mercy: but anon the priest came out of the Church, and Ramsy that of late was Clerk, said unto him: Sir, where dwell you? And therewith Thomas Austen took him by the arm, & said: 
john Grace of Wingham troubled for a word speaking.  Come on sirrah, you are of his opinion, and took his dagger from him, & said, he should go with him. I am content, said he, and a little mocked them in their envious talk. By this time there came in at the Church style one john Grace of Wingham, servant to john Smith, 
M. Bland and Ramsy carried to Canterbury.  and seeing them hold Ramsy by the arms, said to him: How now Ramsy, have you offended the Queen's laws? No, quoth he, Then there is no transgression. Therewith Thomas Austen took him, & said: Ye are one of their opinion, 

M. Hardes justice. M. Oxenden justice.  
M. Spilman, M. Tutsam gentlemen against Bland.   ye shall go to them for company, and took his dagger from him, & then demanded what he did there? But after (I think) for very shame they let him go again. But they carried me and Ramsy to Canterbury, with 18. people weaponed. A sheet of paper will not hold the talk that we had that night with M. Hardes' justice, M. Oxenden, M. Spilman, and M. Tutsam.  
The next day they made a Bill against me, but it served not their purpose: which was, that they would have had me to prison. But james Chapman and Bartholmewe joys were bound in twenty pounds either of them for my appearance at the next general Sessions, 

james Chapman and Bartholomew joys, Sureties for M. Bland.  
Hogeking and Simon Barrat sureties for Ramsy M. Bland taken from his sureties  
Sir Tho. Moils commandeth M. Bland to Canterbury castle.   or in the mean time, to appear, if I were sent for before the Queen's majesties Counsel, or any other Cammissioners sent by the Queen's authority. And Ramsye was bound to the peace, and to be of good behaviour till the next Sessions. His sureties were Thomas Hogeking, and Simon Barrat.  
Now the 23. or 24. of February, Sir Thomas finch knight, and M. Hardes' sent for me and my sureties to M. Finches place, and took me from my sureties, and sent me to the Castle of Caunterbury, by sir Thomas Moils commandment (they said) where I lay ten weeks, & then was bailed, and bound to appear at the next Sessions holden at Canterbury: but after they changed it to be at Ashford on the Thursday in Whitsun week, being the nineteen. of May: but in the mean time the matter was exhibited to the spiritual Court.   

¶ The first examination of M. john Bland in the spiritual Court, before D. Harpsfield Archdeacon of Canterbury, and M. Collins Commissary.  
THe xviij. day of May, M. Harpsfield Archdeacon of Canterbury, 
M. Bland brought before M. Harpsfield and M. Collins. M. Bland M of Art of Cambridge.  made the majors Sergeant to bring me before him and M. Collins commissary, into Christ's Church, & they went with me into a chamber in the Su●fragan of Dovers' house. Then the Archdeacon said: art thou a priest? And I said, I was one. And he said: Art thou any graduate of any university? And I said, Yea. What degree (said he) hast thou taken? The degree, quoth I, of a master of Art. The more pity quoth he, that thou shouldest behave thyself as thou hast done. Thou hast been a common preacher licensed, hast thou not? And I said, I have been so. Marry, quoth he, so I understand.  
What hast thou preached?  
And I said, God's word, to the edifying (I trust) of his people.  
No, no, quoth he, to the destroying of their souls and thine both, except the mercy of God be all the greater. I pray thee, what hast thou preached? tell me.  
I told you, quoth I, what I have preached.  
Nay but tell me, quoth he, what one matter hast thou, preached to the edifying of the people, as thou sayest? I will tell you no particular matter: for I perceive you would have some matter against me.  
No by my faith quoth he, but the only I would win thee from heresies that thou art bewrapt in, and hast infected other withal. 
Note how these Papists seek for matter, to suck the blood of poor men.  For thou hast preached, as I am informed, that the blessed Sacrament of the Altar is not the very body and blood of jesus Christ after the consecration. Tell me, hast thou not thus preached? and is not this thine opinion?  
Sir, quoth I, I perceive (as I said) that ye seek matter against me. But seeing that I am bound in the Sessions to my good behaviour for preaching, which may be broken with words, and well I know not with what words: and also both mine authority to preach, and my living are taken from me, I think I am not bound to make you an answer.  Collins. 
M. Bland, do you not remember, that S. Peter biddeth you make answer to every man that asketh you a reason of the faith that is in you?  Bland. 


A man not bound to answer such as ask of purpose to bring him into trouble.  
M. Bland upon promise talketh with them of the Sacrament.   I know that, & am content so to answer as that text biddeth: but I know that master Archdeacon doth not ask me after that manner, but rather to bring me into trouble. Then they said, No: ye shall not be troubled for any thing that ye say here.  Bland. 
I am content for knowledge sake to common with you in any matter, but not otherwise. And so they fell in reasoning more than the space of an hour, of the sacrament, both against me. At the last M. Collins said: M. Bland will ye come, and take in hand to answer such matter on monday next, as shallbe laid to you?  Bland. 
Sir, ye said I should not be troubled for any thing that should be said here for learning's sake. 
Mark what fidelity is in the promise of these men.  And they said, ye shall not, but it is for other matters.  Bland. 
Sir, I am bound to appear, as some tell me, on Thursday next, at Ashforde, I am in doubt whether I am or no: yet I have purposed to be there, & so to go to London to M. Wiseman, for an Obligation, that he hath, whereby I should receive certain money to pay my debts with all. Then said M. Archdeacon, I will write to M. Wiseman, that ye shall sustain no loss.  Bland. 
That shall not need: for I can sustain no great loss, if I go not. But I pray you to let me have a longer day. No, quoth he.  Bland. 
Sir, I cannot well come on monday.  Harps. 
Wilt thou not come, when he so gently speaketh to thee, where he may command thee? 
M. Bla●● warne● appear●●●gayne ●●●fore 〈◊〉▪   Bland. 
I do not deny to come, but I desire a longer day.  Harps. 

* Note 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 dealing 〈◊〉 these pr●●tensed C●●tholickes.  Thou shalt have no other day: I charge thee to come on monday.  Bland. 
Sir, I perceive it shallbe for this, or like matters, will it please you, or master Collins, for God's sake, to confer scriptures privately with me in this matter, seeing ye say ye would so gladly win me?  Harps. 
With all my hart will I take the pains, & I will also borrow my Lord of Dovers' Library, to have what books thou wilt, and thus they departed.  
Now the xvij. of May, at Ashford I could not be released, although I was called to the spiritual Court for the same matter, but was bound to appear at the Sessions holden at Crambroke, the third day of july.   

¶ An other appearance of M. Bland before the Archdeacon, and his fellows.  
THe 21. day of may I appeared in the Chapter house, where was a great multitude of people, 
The second appearance of M. Bland▪  unlooked for of me: & M. Archdeacon said thus to me. Ye are come here, according as ye were appointed: and the cause is, that it hath pleased the queens highness, here to place me, to see gods holy word set forth, & to reform those that are here fallen in to great & heinous errors, to the great displeasure of god, & the decay of Christ's sacraments, 
M. Har●●●fieldes worde●▪ M. Blan●.  & contrary to the faith of the catholic church, whereof thou art notably known to be one, that is sore poisoned with the same, & hast infected & deceived many with thy evil preaching, which if thou wilt renounce & come home again to the catholic church, both I and many other more would be very glad: and I for my part shallbe right glad to show you the favour that lieth in me, as I said unto you when you were appointed hither, because ye then refused to satisfy again the people that ye had deceived. And whereas it is feigned by you, that I should openly dispute the matter with you this day, 
False surmise 〈…〉 M. Bla●●▪  although I did neither to intent nor appoint, yet I am content to dispute the matter with thee, if thou wilt not without disputation help to heal the souls that are brought to helwarde by thee? What sayest thou?  Bland. 
I do protest before God & you all that neither is my conscience guilty of any error or heresy, 
The a●●●swere o● Bland 〈◊〉 words.  neither that I ever taught any error or heresy willingly. And where your mastership saith, that I have feigned an open disputation with you, it is not true, as I can thus approve: upon saturday I was at Ugdens, & there M. Binghan laid it to my charge, that such an open disputation as ye have here offered, should be this day between you & me: whereat I much marveled, & said to him, 
M. Bland cleareth himself o● the false r●●port of M. Harpsfield▪  that before that present I never heard any such word: neither would I answer nor dispute: & to this can master Uaghan, master Oxenden, master Seth of Ouerland, and master Ugden witness: and further I said to them, that I never spoke to you of any disputation, nor you to me. Now if your mastership have any thing to say to me by the law, I will make answer to it.  Harps. 
Hear ye what he saith? his conscience is clear. I pray thee whereon groundest thou thy conscience: let me hear what thy faith is.  Bland. 
I know not why ye should more ask me a reason of my faith, than any other man in this open audience?  Harps. 
Why thou heretic, art thou ashamed of thy faith? if it were a christian belief, thou needest not to be ashamed of it.  Bland. 
I am not ashamed of my faith. 
To 〈◊〉 12. 〈◊〉 of our 〈…〉 never 〈◊〉 well 〈◊〉 not 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉▪  For I believe in god the father almighty, maker of heaven & earth, and in jesus Christ his only son our Lord. etc. withal the other articles of the Creed: and I do believe all the holy scriptures of God to be most certain and true.  Harps. 
Wilt thou declare no more than this?  Bland. 
No.  Harps. 
Well, I will tell thee whereon I ground my faith▪ I do believe & ground my faith & conscience upon all the articles of the Creed, & upon all the holy scriptures, sacraments, 
The 〈◊〉 faith 〈…〉  & holy doctors of the church, & upon all the general counsels that ever were since the apostles time. lo hereupon ground I my faith: with many words more, which I well remember not. And when he could get no other answer of me, than I had said before, he called for a Scribe to make an act against me. And after much communication I said: by what law and authority will ye proceed against me? M. Collins said: By the Canon law.  Bland. 
I doubt whether it be in strength, or no. 
M. Bla●● requir●● have hi● Counse●●  Yet I pray you let me have a Counsellor in the law, and I will make answer according to the law.  Harps. 
Why thou heretic, thou wilt not confess thy faith to me, that have authority to demand it of thee, and yet I have confessed my faith to thee before all this audience. As concerning the blessed sacrament of the altar, thou hast taught that after the consecration it is bread and wine and not the body and blood of our Saviour jesus Christ. How sayest thou? 
The papists 〈◊〉 false 〈◊〉 promise.  hast thou not thus taught?  Bland. 
Sir, as concerning this matter of the Sacrament, when I was with you and master Collins, ye said than it was for other matters that I should come hither for: and further, that ye would be content, at my desire, to confer scriptures with me, to see if ye could win me: and ye said, ye would borrow my Lord of Dovers' library, that I should have what book I would: and now ye require me thus to answer, contrary to your promise, ere any conference be had, & seek rather to bring me into trouble, then to win me.  Harps. 
I will, as God shall help me, do the best to thee that I can, if thou wilt be any thing conformable: and I trust to dissolve all thy doubts, if thou be willing to hear. And I also will desire these two worshipful men, my Lord of Dover, and master Collins to hear us.  Bland. 
No, ye shall pardon me of that: there shallbe no such witness. But when we agree, set to our hands. Hereat made the people a noise against me, for refusing the witness: and here had we many more words, than I can rehearse. But at the last I said: sir will ye give me leave to ask you one question? And he said, yea, with all my hart. For in that thou askest any thing, there is some hope that thou mayest be won. 
  Bland. 
Sir, when it pleased almighty God to send his angel unto the virgin Mary to salute her, & said: Hail full of grace. etc. came any substance from God our father into the virgin's womb to become man? whereat as well M. Archdeacon, as my Lord of Dover, and master Collins stayed. But my Lord spoke the first, and said: the holy ghost came to her: and ere he had brought out his sentence, master Syriac Peter's said: Virtus altissimi obumbravit. Truth, said master Archdeacon: it was the power of God, sent by the holy Ghost. They had forgotten, that genitus fuit ex substantia patris: Or else they perceived whereunto this question tended: 

another question of M. Bland to D. Ha●ps●●eld.  
●he answer of D. 〈◊〉 ●o the question.   and so both I and they left it: by what words I can not tell, but I said: sir, shall I ask one other? And he said, yea. Is there in the sacrament, after the consecration, Christ's natural body, with all the qualities of a natural body, or no.  Harps. 
Hark, said master Archdeacon: hear ye this heretic? He thinks it an absurdity to grant all the quantities of Christ's natural body to be in the sacrament. But it is no absurdity. For even that natural body that was borne of the virgin Mary, is glorified, and that same body is in the Sacrament after the consecration. But perceive ye not the arrogancy of this heretic, that will put me to answer him, and he will not answer me? he thought to put me to a pinch with his question: for I tell you it is a learned question.  Blade. 
Sir, if ye be so much discontented with me, I will say no more: yet I would all men heard, that ye say the glorified body of Christ is in the Sacrament, after the consecration.  Harps. 

 I may call thee gross ignorant. Thou gross ignorant, is not the same body glorified, that was borne of the virgin Mary? is it then any absurdity, to grant that to be in the sacrament? And whiles he spoke many other words, I said to master Petit, that the Sacrament was instituted, delivered, and received of his apostles, before Christ's body was crucified: and it was crucified before it was glorified: which saying master Petit partly recited to master Archdeacon.  Harps. 
Thou art without all learning. Was not Christ's body given to his Apostles, as in a glorified act? and yet no inconvenience, although his natural body was not crucified: for when he was borne of the virgin Mary without pain, was not that the act of a glorified body? And when he walked on the water, and when he came into the house to his apostles, the doors being shut fast, were not these acts of a glorified body?  Dover. 
Then my Lord of Dover helped him to a better place, and said: when Christ was in Mount Thabor, he was there glorified in his apostles sight.  Harps. 
Ye say truth, my Lord, he was glorified in the sight of three of his apostles.  Bland. 

 This me think is new doctrine.  Harps. 
Well, seeing he will by no other way be reform, let the people come in and prove these matters against him. And therewith the Archdeacon brought forth a copy of the Bill of complaint that was put against me at Christmas: and about that we talked a little. And then Master Archdeacon rose up, and said: see ye good people, 
Thomas Austen chargeth M. Bland wit● an other untruth.  that know this matter, that ye come in, and prove it against him. Whereunto answered Thomas Austen: I pray you (said he) let us be no more troubled with him. And then spoke john Austen, and Heath with one eye, and began to accuse me: but no answer they could have of me, but do to me what ye can by law, and I will answer it. Then said Thomas Austen, Bland, ye were once abjured.  Bland. 
Ye say not truly, goodman Austen, I was never abjured. Either, said he, ye were abjured, or else ye had the kings pardon. Neither of both: ye speak this of malice: with many other brabbling words more. Then M. Archdeacon departed, and le●t master Collins to command me to appear the next day. Howbeit for certain other urgent business that I had, I did not appear, but wrote a letter to M. Commissary, desiring him to respite the matter till my coming home again: and if he would not, I would be content to submit myself to the law when I came home.  
Now about the xxviij. day of june I came to master Commissary, to show him of my return, and offered myself to satisfy the law, if it were proceeded against me, before M. Cocks of Sturray, and Marks the Apparitor: but M. Commissary said gently, he had done nothing against me. 
M. Bland appearing at Sessions in Crambroke.  And so appointed me to appear before him the friday seven-night after. Now in the mean time was the Sessions holden at Crambroke, where I was bound to appear: and carrying surety with me, to he bound again (for I looked for none other) did appear the third day of july. 

Sir john Bakers talk with M. Bland.  
M. Bland brought up by D. Lupton Provost of Eton College. Sir Thomas Moils words. M. Bland laid in Maydstone jail.  
M. Bland carried to the Assize at Rochester.    
And sir john Baker said: Bland ye are, as we hear say, a Scot: where were ye borne and brought up? And I said, I was borne in England. And he said, where? And I said, in Sedber, and brought up by one Doct. Lupton, Provost of Eton College. Well, said he, I know him well. Remain in your bond till after noon.  
Then said sir Thomas moil, Ah Bland, thou art a stiff hearted fellow. Thou wilt not obey the law, nor answer when thou art called. No will, quoth sir john Baker? Master Sheriff, take him to your ward: and the Bailiff set me in the stocks, with other and would not hear me speak one word: & so we remained in the jail of Maidston, till a fortnight before Michaelmas, or thereabout: & then we were carried to Rochester to Assize holden there, where we were among the prisoners two days: & when we were called, & the judges of Assize asked our causes, when my cause was rehearsed, M. Barrow Clerk of peace said, that I was an excommunicate person.  
Then M. Roper of Linsted talked with the judges, but what, I am not able to say. But the judge of Assize said. Take them to Maidston again, 

M. Bland carried again to Maydstone Castle.  
M. Bland appeareth at Sessions in Greenwich.   and bring them to the Session that shallbe holden next at the town of Maldin: howbeit, the Sheriff did not send for us, so that we tarried at Maydstone till the Sessions holden at Greenwich the xviij. and nineteen. of Februarye, I and other being within the Bar amongst the felons, and irons upon our arms, were called out the latter day by the Gaoler & Bailiffs, and eased of our irons, and carried by them into the town, to sir john Baker, master Petit, master Webbe, & other two, whom I know not.   

¶ An other examination of Master Bland before Sir john Baker.  BAker. 
Bland, wherefore were ye cast into prison?  Bland. 
I can not well tell. Your mastership cast me in.  Baker. 
Ye, but wherefore were ye in before that time?  Bland. 
For an unjust complaint put upon me.  Baker. 
What was the complaint?  Band. 
I told him as truly and briefly as I could.  Baker. 
Let me see thy book: and I took him a Latin Testament.  Baker. 
Will ye go to the Church, and obey and follow the queen's proceedings, and do as an honest man should do?  Bland. 
I trust in God to do no otherwise but as an honest man should do.  Baker. 
Will ye do as I said?  Bland. 
Will it please your mastership to give me leave to ask you a question? 
A question propounded to Sir john Bake●▪   Baker. 
Yea.  Bland. 
Sir, may a man do any thing, that his conscience is not satisfied in to be good?  Baker. 
Away, away, and threw down the Book, and said: It is no Testament. And I said. Yes. And master Webbe took it up, and said unto me marvelous gently: master Bland, I knew you when ye were not of this opinion. I would to God ye would reform yourself: with better words than I will write. And I said: If ye have known me of an other opinion, than I am of now, it was for lack of knowledge.  Baker. 
Yea, sayest thou so? by S. Mary, and thou hold thee there, I will give six faggots to burn thee withal, or thou shouldest be unburned, 
Hasty judgement of a justice.  Hence knave, hence. And so were we reprieved into our place again, within the Bar. And at night when judgement of felons, and all was done, we were called, 
M. Bland and his fellows sent to the Ordinary by Sir john Baker.  and the judge said to the Gaoler. Take them with you, and deliver them to the Ordinary, & if they will not be reform, let them be delivered to us again, & they shall have judgement & execution. And one of our company said: My Lord, if we be killed at your hands for Christ's sake, we shall live with him for ever.   

* An other appearance of M. Bland in the Spiritual Court.  
THen came we to the Castle of Caunterbury, & there we remained, till the second day of march, at which day we were brought into the Chapterhouse of Crechurch where were set the Suffragan of Canterbury, 
M. Bland brought again to the castle of Canterbury. Th● B. of Dover M. Collins, M. mills, with others.  master Collins, master Mylles, with other: and then went to them master Oxenden, master Petit, and master Webbe, master Hardes' justices. And when I was called, master Webbe said: Here we present this man unto you, as one vehemently suspect of heresy.  Bland. 
And I said: Master Webbe, ye have no cause to suspect me of heresy. I have been a prisoner this whole year, and no matter proved against me. I pray you wherefore I been so long kept in prison?  Webbe. 
Leave your arrogant ask of questions, & answer to that that is laid to your charge.  Bland. 
I do so: for I say you have no cause to suspect me of heresy. 
The answers of M. Bland first to the justices.   Webbe. 
Yes: ye denied to Sir john Baker, to be conformable to the Queen's proceedings.  Bland. 
Is it a just cause to suspect me of heresy, for ask a question with leave? So we had more words there then I well remember.  
Then stood up master Petit, and said: Ye were cast in to prison, because ye fled away from your Ordinary.  Bland. 
Then have I had wrong. For I never fled, nor disobeyed mine Ordinary, nor did any thing contrary to the law. Let them now say of I did: but they said nothing. And when I saw they held their peace, I said M. Commissary have you been the cause of this mine imprisomment? No, quoth he: ye know that when ye went from me, ye were appointed to appear the friday after the Sessions. Here I was suffered to speak no more, but shut up in a corner till my companions were likewise presented, and then we were sent to Westgate into Prison, and were put in several close holds, that never one of us could speak to an other, nor no man was permitted to come to us. We were four times at this appearance. 
Cornwall a Tanner dispatched in secret prison.  But one they dispatched, by what means I can not tell: whose name was Cornwall a Tanner.  
And thus hitherto passed the talk between Blande and the justices, and certain Gentlemen of the shire. Now followeth the order of the reasoning between him & the Clergy men before whom he was exmained. But for as much as the chiefest doer and judge against him was the B. of Dover or Suffragan of Caunterbury called D. Richard Thornton, to the intent it may appear what little truth or constancy is in these catholic persecutors, I thought here to exhibit by the way a certain popish letter, written of a papist unto him. Wherein is declared what a gospeler the said Rich. Thornton was in K. Ed. time, which now turning with the world showeth himself such a bitter persecuter against God's servants in Q. mary's tyme. The copy of this letter here followeth.   

* A copy of a popish letter written to the Bishop of Dover by one Thomas Goldwell a priest, declaring what a professor he was in king Edwardes tyme.  
RIght reverend and my good Lord, after my hearty thanks for your good cheer at my last being with your Lordship, this shallbe to certify you, that as soon as I arrived with my Lord's Grace, I gave him your letters, but I had much work to obtain any thing of him for you. 
He meaneth of the arrival of Cardinal Poole.  For there hath been given very evil informations of you, and it hath been said, that you have concurred with all manner of evil proceedings, the which hath these years passed been in England, as well against the holy sacrament of the altar, and against the supreme authority of Christ's vicar in earth, 
Thorn●● B. of 〈◊〉 a grea● against Pope 〈◊〉 Sacrament of the 〈◊〉 in king 〈◊〉  as with the use of the abominable late Communion, and with the marriage of priests, as well religious, as secular: and that you have given orders to (I can not tell how many) base, unlearned, & evil disposed people, by reason of the which they have taken upon them to preach, and to do much hurt in Kent. So that men think that yet if any new mutation (the which God forbid) should chance, you would be as ready to change, as any other. And in deed it maketh me to fear the same, by reason that notwithstanding it hath pleased almighty God to provide, that your absolution was sent unto you (not looking, I dare say, for any such thing) of all manner of matters, past, yet your Lordship (more regarding the vanity of the world, them the offence of God, the which he only knoweth how much it grieves me, for the due love I bear unto you) presumed to sing Mass in Pontificalibus, the holy days immediately following, and also to ministrate to children the sacrament of Confirmation, because that one (being a member of the Devil) did somewhat comfort you so to do.  
Oh my Lord, what honour should it have been both to God and yourself, and also edefication to all good people, (though all worldly men & heretics would therefore have laughed you to scorn) if you considering your great offences toward God, and his goodness again toward you, would like as you have offended in the face of the world, to the damnation of many, likewise have showed yourself penitent in the face of the world, to the edefication of many▪ & not only to have celebrated for vanity Pontifical●ter, but also for a time to have abstained for reverence totaliter from the altar, according to the old custom of the Church. The which I have also seen observed of some honest men, not being thereto enjoined of any man. But that which is past can not be called again. And I thought it not my part to leave your Lordship mine old friend and master in the mire. Wherefore I ceased not to solicit your cause with my lords Grace, till at the last I obtained of his Grace for your lordship all the faculties, 
Powe● give 〈…〉 to 〈◊〉 B. of 〈◊〉 from 〈…〉  of the which I send you a copy here enclosed, partly for your own consolation, & partly for other, desiring your Lordship so to use them to the honour of God, that there come to me thereof no rebuke: not publishing them to any person, but to such that you know will gladly receive them. For hitherto there is never a bishop in England who hath granted him so great authority concerning those the which be under his cure. Only M. Archdeacon hath the like, & in one thing more greater than be these your Lordships. Wherefore your Lordship shall do well to remit unto him all such Priests as have cure of soul, whether they be beneficed men, or parish priests. For he hath not only authority to absolve them as you have, but also to give them authority to absolve such as be underneath their cures. And thus I commit your Lordship to the protection of almighty God.  
Written at brussel the 16. of june. 1554. Your Lordship's beadman, Thomas Goldwell.  
And thus much concerning the Bishop of Dover, by way of digression. Now to return again to the examinations of M. Bland, let us hear his own report of his answers, as followeth.  
¶ Here followeth mine answer, as nigh as I can call to remembrance, every word, and sentence: yet if any that was present can help to perfect it, I would be glad. But yet this dare I say, that there is never one sentence, but it was openly spoken the ninth of march, in the Chapterhouse of Crechurch, in the presence of as many as they had chosen, the Mayor of the City being called to be assistance, and all other shut out.   

¶ The answer of Master Bland in his appearance before the Commissary and other in the spiritual Court.  
Master Collins said: master Bland, ye know that ye are presented unto us, as one suspected of heresy. 
The a●●●swere 〈◊〉 M 〈◊〉 the 〈…〉. M 〈◊〉 unjust 〈◊〉 heresy more 〈◊〉 justly 〈◊〉.  How say ye, be ye contented to reform yourself to the laws of this Realm, and of the holy church?  Bland. 
I deny that I am suspected justly of heresy, and that ye heard when I was presented, that I denied the suspicion to be just, but to defed the unjust punishment that I have suffered: neither can ye approve that any occasion hath been given by me, whereby any man should suspect me therein. But if you have any law or authority to proceed against me for any thing done for an whole year ago and more, I will answer to it.  Col. 
Ye were convented before master Archdeacon & me, and matter of heresy laid to your charge.  Bland. 
That matter was done and said a whole year ago, and for that I have been in prison this year & more. If ye have any thing against me by any law, I desire you to let me know the law and the matter, and I will answer according to the law.  
Then said my Lord Suffragan: but that I am one of the judges, I would rise, and stand by thee, and accuse thee to be a Sacramentarye, and bring witness to prove it: yea, and further, that thou hast called the Mass an abominable Idol.  Bland. 
You (my Lord) never heard me say so: But I heard you once say, 
 that in your conscience ye had abhorred the Mass three years. Thou liest (quoth he) I never said so.  Bland. 
My Lord, if they might be heard, I can bring witness to approve it, with the day, time, and place: & I once did hear M. Collins at a visitation in Wingham say, that Christ was a full satisfaction for all sin present, past, and to come, contrary to that he saith now.  
And here we had more words of this matter, which I let pass for lack of good remembrance.  
Master Collins said, this is but a drift. You were better answer now: for else you shall to prison again, & be called on monday, & have articles laid to you, & if ye than answer not directly, ye shallbe condemned pro confesso, & that will be worse for you.  Bland. 
Sir, I do not now, nor will not then deny to answer to any thing that ye can lay to my charge by the law: wherefore I trust ye will let me have the benefit of the law.  Collins. 
This is the law, that if ye be required of your Ordinary, Reddere rationem fidei, then may ye not deny it. And that we do now.  Bland. 
To that then I will answer. For I believe in God the Father almighty, maker of heaven and earth, and in jesus Christ his only son our Lord, with all the other Articles of the same Creed: 
 And I believe all the Articles contained both in the Creed called the Mass Creed, & in the Creed of Athanasius: And I do believe, that all the holy Scriptures, & all things therein contained, are most true.  Collins. 
This will not serve you: ye must answer to all such Articles in all these as shallbe laid to you, or asked of you.  Bland. 
Let me know the law that it is in that force (without any just cause of suspicion proved against me) and I will answer.  Collins. 
How say ye will ye answer.  Bland. 
Sir, I have answered you. Have him away, said my Lord of Dover: he had better have answered.  Bland. 
My Lord, I am ready to answer, if ye have any thing against me by the law.  B. Dover. 
Ye have preached many heresies in Adisham, where I am Parson now: and therefore ye must make answer to them.  Bland. 
Lay them to my charge by the law, & I will answer them, if ye can approve that I am bound to answer to that was done a year & more ago: for if ye may do that, ye may also lay to my charge, & compel me to answer to all things done in all my life I trow.  Collins. 
It is not a year ago since you were before M. Archdeacon and me.  Bland. 
It is truth, it is a year and ten weeks since the words were spoken: & I have been a prisoner ever since, and have been at five Sessions, 
 and never could have any cause tried. Me think your charities should think it punishment enough, if I had been guilty.  Collins. 
All this will not serve you: you must needs answer, and it will be better for you to answer now, than an other tyme. Will ye reform yourself, and go to the Church, and worship Christ in the blessed Sacrament of the Altar, & be obedient unto all the Queen's Laws?  Bland. 

 I pray you wherefore am I brought hither?  Collins 
To answer to such things as are demanded of you.  Bland. 
Sir, I thought ye had had some matters against me by the law.  Collins. 
Well, on monday at ix of the clock ye shall see the law, and have articles laid unto you.  
Then they had spied Master Cox the Lawyer, and called him in, and said: Here is a Lawyer can tell you are bound by the law to answer: and he said, as they had said.  Collins. 
Do ye not believe that after the consecration of the blessed Sacrament of the Altar there remaineth no substance of bread, but the substance of jesus Christ both God and man.  Bland. 
Master commissary, I know not by any law why ye should ask me that question, more than any other man here. And after a little talk, my Lord of Dover asked me this question: Dost thou not believe after the consecration, that it is the body of Christ? And I said, No, 

M. Bland denieth the realty of Christ's presence in the Sacrament.  
The Capernaites took christ to speak literally of his body, and so do the Papists, & not the Protestants.   I do not so believe: for the Scriptures do not teach me, that there should remain the flesh of Christ, to eat as a man should eat man's flesh?  
Then master Glazier said, that was the opinion of the Capernaites: there is no man here of that opinion, and spoke long of cutting of Christ's body, as men cut flesh in the shambles.  
Then Master Doctor Faucet said: Master Bland, for as much as you and I were brought up both in one house, and borne both in one Parish, I would be as glad as any man alive, to do you good: but ye may not thus stand against the Church. For Christ saith: Ye must humble yourself, and take up his Cross, and follow him. And to humble yourself in this place, is to be content, and not stick to your own judgement, but to humble yourself to the holy Church, which hath determined, that after the consecration, there remaineth no bread, but the natural body and blood of Christ.  Bland. 
Master Doctor, if ye take humbling of ourself in that place, to admit the determination of the Church, then must we know by the Scriptures, 
Determination of the Church, is to be followed so far as the Church determineth by the Scriptures.  that the same Church determined nothing but according to the Scriptures, as this is not: and therefore I do not believe any such transubstantiation, nor never will, god willing. Then (quoth he I have done with you: I will no more prey for you then for a dog.  
Then said M. Glazier: how think ye? Did Paul when he said: Is not the bread that we break a partaking of the body of Christ? Did he say Baker's bread?  Bland. 
Though he did not mean bakers bread, 

Argument.  
Fes- The glorified body of Christ was not crucified.  
ti- The Apostells' did eat the body crucified.  
no. Ergo, the Apostles did not eat the glorified body of Christ.   that doth not prove that he broke natural and real flesh.  Gla. 
No by saint Mary, we say not so, but we say, it is the natural body glorified, under the forms of bread and wine.  Bland. 
Then the apostles had it not as we have: or else his glorified body was crucified for us.  Gla. 
Tush, ye do not understand the Scriptures. For Christ's body was ever glorified, in that it was so marvelously united to the Godhead: yea, and he showed his body divers times glorified, as in the Mount Thabor. And when he walked on the water, we see he was light, and had no weight in him. Was not that then a glorified body?  Bland. 
Then belike Peter's body was glorified: walking on the water was the dead of a glorified body: and the iron that Elizeus made to swim upon the water.  Dover. 
Tush, quoth my Lord of Dover, that was done by prayer. But they made such a noise with laughing, that I heard no more what my Lord said.  Bland. 
Masters, I know that it availeth us nothing to reason with you, no more than it booted you in the time of the Gospel. For than neither the reason of Eckius, 
It availeth not to reason with the Papists in time of their kingdom.  Coclaeus, not yet of detection of the devils sophistry of my Lord Chancellors doing, could take any place. And it is known to some that be here, that something I can say in them.  Dover. 
No, you know Oecolampadius, Zuinglius, and such other.  Bland. 
In deed my Lord, I have seen part of their doings.  Dover. 
That is seen by thee to day.  Gla. 
I was glad when I heard you say ye believed the catholic Church: and now go you from it?  Bland. 
No that I do not. 
The Church visible.   Gla. 
Ye know that Christ saith: If thy brother have offended thee, go and reconcile him, between thee and him. If he hear thee not, take two or three with thee, that in the mouth of two or three witnesses, all things may be established. If he hear not then. Dic Ecclesiae: If he hear not the Church, take him as an heathen. I pray you, where could ye have found this church of yours fifty years ago?  Bland. 
Ye know that the true church did not at all times flourish, but was wonderfully persecuted. 
Bland commanded away.   Dover. 
Then my Lord cried: No more, I command you to hold your peace. Have him away, and bring in an other.  Collins. 
Ye shall come again on Monday, at nine of the clock, and in the mean time ye shall have whom ye will to confer withal, your friend D. Faucet, or M. Glazier, if ye desire them.  Bland. 
I will refuse to talk with no man: as for any conference of your part, it is but weak laws, established as they are. But when there was no law, I did desire conference. And so for that time I departed.  
The Monday after we were brought forth to the same place again: And then M. Collins began to speak to me: but after what manner, it is clean out of my mind: but the end was, that I would reform myself. But as I did before, I demanded what they had to lay to my charge, & to see the law, which they said before, I should see.  Dover. 
What needs that? we hau● enough against you. For ye 
* Yea but why then did you p●ison him a whole year before.  denied to me the Transubstantiation in the Sacrament.  Bland. 
I did refuse to answer, till ye promised that I should see the Law, whereby ye may compel me to answer.  Dover. 
My Lord took the Scribes book, and read the answer that I made to D. Faucets reason, which I knew not that they had written.  Bland. 
My Lord, I made you no such answer when ye asked me. I take M. Collins and M. Glazier to witness. Then they brought forth a Decretal, a book of the bishop of Rome's law, to bind me to answer, which my hart abhorred to look upon. The effect was, that the Ordinary had authority to examine, 
The pope's Key.  and that they so examined, must needs answer. But I said, that it meaned of such as were justly suspect, as I was not. And here we had much communication. For I charged them with unjust imprisonment, which they could not avoid.  

M. Oxenden helpeth the Catholics.  But M. Oxenden would have helped them, and said, the justices put me in prison for a sermon sediously spoken, and for troubling a priest at mass.  Bland. 
That is not true. For after I had been 10. weeks in prison, I was bailed, till I was cast in again, (and as the justice said) for the disobeying mine Ordinary, which I never did.  Collins. 
Will ye be content to confer with some? It will be better for you: now we offer it you, because ye would not desire it.  Bland. 
As I did not refuse before, no more will I now. But I did not perceive before, but that one might have come without any leave ask, to confer the scriptures: and therefore I looked that D. Faucet would have come to me without desiring, 
M. Bland was tutor to Doct. Faucet.  if any commodity to me had been in conference: for though I was never able to do him good, yet once I was his tutor.  Collins. 
A●e ye content to come to his Chamber at after noon?  Bland. 
Sir, I am a Prisoner, and therefore it is meet that I obey, 
These 3. belike were, Bland, Shetterden, and Middleton. Miller a clothier, excommunicate & let go.  and come whither you will, and so departed. At this time we were three. But they took an other to appear before them the Tewesday seven-night after. And when he came, I knew not what was done, but that I hear, they excommunicated him, and let him go. His name was miller, a Clothyer.   

¶ Here followeth a certain confutation of M. Bland. against false and manifest absurdities, granted by M. Mylles, priest of Christ's Church in Caunterbury.  MYlles. 

The Popish faith of the Sacrament.  We say, that Christ is in or under the sacrament really and corporally, which are the forms of bread & wine, and that there is his body contained invisibly, and the qualities which we do see, as whiteness and roundness. be there without substance by God's power, as quantity and weight be there also by invisible measure.  Bland. 
This is your own Divinity, to make accidences the Sacrament, and Christ's real body invisibly contained in them, and so to destroy the Sacrament. And yet the Doctors say: 
* 1. The matter of the Sacrament is bread and wine.  Materia Sacramenti est panis & vinum. And GOD by his power woorkerh no miracles with Hoc est Corpus meum, so to change the substance of bread and wine into his body and blood, in that he maketh accidences to be without their substance by invisible measure. I am ashamed to see you so destroy Christ's Sacrament, contrary to your own Doctors, and trifle so with God's work.  Mylles. 
To Christ is given all power in heaven and in earth, 
* If christ be able to be where he list & occupy no place: why then is not he able to be aswell under the substance of bread as under the accidences of bread, seeing he is omnipotent.  so that by his omnipotent power of his Godhead he may be, and is where he listeth, and is in the Sacrament really and corporally without occupying of place: for a glorified body occupieth on place.  Bland. 
Mark your own reason. All power is given to Christ, both in heaven and earth: by the omnipotent power of his Godhead he may be where he list, Ergo, he is in the sacrament really and corporally, without occupying of place, I deny your argument: for it followeth neither of your Mayor nor Minor. And first I would learn of you, 
* Christ 〈◊〉 be 〈◊〉 list. 〈◊〉 Christ 〈◊〉 in the Sa●crament, ●ut 〈◊〉 of place. 〈◊〉 true, and 〈◊〉 false.  how you know that Christ listeth to be present at every priests list. For if the Priest list not to say your Mass, them Christ listeth not to be there.  
Again ye say, all power is given unto Christ both in heaven and in earth, so that that is the cause by your reason, that by the omnipotent power of his Godhead, he may be where he list: and by that reason he had not the power of his Godhead, till he had his human body, and then he was not equal with the father in divinity: for all power was not given to Christ, before the humanity and the Godhead were knit together, neither was he Filius. Here is more danger than ye are ware of: if ye would stand to it with just judges.  Milles. 
We eat Christ's flesh and blood spiritually when we receive it with faith and charity. And we also do eat it corporally in the Sacrament: one the body that we so receive hath life. For the Godhead is annexed thereto. Which although it be received with the body of Christ, yet it is not invisible after a gross sort, and the flesh of Christ that we receive is lively, for it hath the spirit of God joined to it. And if a man be drunken, it is not by receiving of the blood of Christ, for it is contrary to the nature of Christ's blood. 
Case being put, that the 〈◊〉 king a great quantity in th● 〈◊〉 he be made drunk, 〈◊〉 these three is it that maketh drunk, the nature of 〈◊〉 accidences only of Wine? 〈◊〉 the true substance of Wine? 〈◊〉 reasonable man judge.  If he be drunken, it is by the qualities and quantities, without substance of blood.  Bland. 
I am glad that you are so much against all men, to say that Christ's body is alive in the Sacrament: it may fortune to bring you to the truth in time to come. Me think it is evil to keep Christ's body alive in the Pixe, or else must ye grant that he is alive in receiving, & dead in the Pixe. And ye say truth that it is 
* 
Christ's blood hath not th● quality to make a man 〈◊〉  
Receiving of that in the 〈◊〉 can make a man drunk.  
Ergo that in the 〈◊〉 not be the blood of Christ.   not the natural receiving of Christ's blood that maketh a man drunken: 
Argument.  for it is the nature of wine that doth that, which ye deny not.  
And a more truth ye confess then ye did think, when ye said: If a man be drunken, it is by the qualities and quantities, without the substance of blood: for in deed blood hath no such qualities with it: which is evident that there is no natural blood. If a man be drunken with wine consecrated, it must be a miracle, as I think you will have it, that the said accidences should be without their natural substance, and work all the operations of both substance and accidences: and so it followeth that a man may be drunken by miracle. The body that ye receive, ye say, is alive, because it is annexed to the Godhead, and the flesh that ye receive is lively, because it hath the spirit of God joined to it.  
This division is of your new inventions to divide the body and the flesh, the one alive by the Godhead, the other lively by God's spirit, and both one Sacrament: ye make of it a thing so fantastical, that ye imagine a body without flesh, and flesh without a body, as ye do qualities & quantities without substance, and a living body without qualities and quantities.  Milles. 
If case so require, and there be a Godly intent in the Minister to consecrate, 
Fantasti●●● absurdity in the pop● doctrine be noted▪  after the consecration thereof there is present the body and blood of Christ, and no other substance, but accidents without substance to a true believer.  Bland. 
Ye grant three absurdities, that in a Tun of wine consecrate is nothing but accidences, and to increase it withal, ye have brought in two inconveniences: first that it is not the word of God that doth consecrate, 

Three inconveniences 〈◊〉 by the Papists:  
1. That a tun of wine 〈◊〉 consecrated, nothing 〈◊〉 but accidences: wh●ch is 〈◊〉 the operation thereof.  
2. Where he saith 〈◊〉 word of God doth not 〈◊〉 without the intent of the 〈◊〉 which is against their 〈…〉, saying that the 〈◊〉 of the Pries● minisheth not 〈◊〉.  
3. Where he saith, tha● unbeliever it is not the 〈◊〉 as the Papists say, that the 〈◊〉 receive the body.   but the intent of the Priest must help to it: and if that lack, ye seem to grant no consecration, though the Priest speak the word: and yet your Dotours say, that the wickedness of the Priest minisheth not the sacrament.  
And to an unbeliever ye seem to say, that it is not the same that it is to the true believer: and then must the believer have some thing to do in the consecration. Incidit in scyllam qui vult vitare charibdim.  Mylles. 
The substance of Christ's body doth not fill the mouse's belly. For although he doth receive the outward forms of bread and wine, yet he doth not receive the substance inwardly, but without violation. And a Mouse doth not eat the body of Christ, to speak properly: for it doth not feed him spiritually or corporally as it doth man, because he doth not receive it to any inducement of immortality to the flesh.  Bland. 
Ye make not your doctrine plain to be understand: we must know how a Mouse can receive the substance inwardly and outwardly. Ye say he doth not receive the substance inwardly: but without violation: 

Argument.  
〈…〉 sensu.  
〈…〉 receiveth not the 〈◊〉, but without 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 with violation he recei●●●● the b●dy inwardly.  
Argument.  
〈◊〉 violateth not the 〈◊〉 of Christ.  
〈…〉 violateth the 〈…〉 eateth:  
 
〈…〉 and the belee●●●●●odye of Christ 〈…〉 the Papists 〈…〉   Ergo, with violation he receiveth the substance inwardly. Ye say, that the Mouse cannot violate Christ's body. But he violateth the substance that he eateth. And this your proper speech doth import as much, as that the Mouse should eat the sacrament to as great effect▪ and the same thing, as doth the unworthy receiver. For if that be the cause that she properly eateth not the body of Christ, because she doth not feed upon it spiritually nor corporally, nor receiveth it to any inducement of immortality, as ye say: than it followeth, that the unbeliever and the 
* 
Argument.  
〈◊〉 can live with 〈…〉 without 〈◊〉  
〈…〉 may live with 〈◊〉.  
〈◊〉 consecrated hosts have 〈…〉 but the 〈…〉.   Mouse receiveth both one thing. And yet it cannot be denied but the 
* 
Argument.  
〈◊〉 can live with 〈…〉 without 〈◊〉  
〈…〉 may live with 〈◊〉.  
〈◊〉 consecrated hosts have 〈…〉 but the 〈…〉.   Mouse will live with consecrated bread, & then ye must grant the absurdity, that a substance is nourished and fed only with accidences.  Milles. 
men's bodies be fed with Christ's body, as with immortal meat, by reason of the Godhead annexed to eternal life: but men's bodies be corporally nourished with qualities and forms of bread and wine: 
A●n● 155●. july.  and we deny, that by the sacramental eating any gross humour turned into blood, is made miraculously in the body.  Bland. 
Where it can not be denied that a man may live, and naturally be nourished in his natural body with the Sacramental bread & wine consecrated: ye cannot avoid that: but than ye turn to the spiritual worshipping of of man's body, by Christ's body and Godhead annexed which is nothing to put away the absurdity, that either a man's natural body should be fed naturally with accidences, or else to have them changed into gross humours. But ye say, men's bodies be corporally noureshed with qualities and forms of bread and wine: 
Another absurdity ●hat men's bodies be nourished naturally with accidences, and qualities.  and then must ye needs grant that qualities and quantities must be made substance in man. For ex eisdem sunt & nutriuntur mixta, or else is all that is the nutriment in man, accidents and no substance.  Milles. 
If the forms of bread & wine be burned, or worms engendered, it is no derogation to the body of Christ, because the presence of his body ceaseth to be there, and no substance cometh again,  Bland. 

Another 〈◊〉, that s●bstance●s ma●e of accidences, 〈…〉 or worms be made of the forms of b●ead & wine.  Ye grant here that a substance may be made of accidences, as ashes or worms: but I think you will have it by your miracles, and this I count more absurdity than the other, that Christ's body should cease to be there and no substance to come again: for no word in all the whole Bible seems to serve you for the ceasing of his presence, though we granted you which we do not, that it were there.  
God almighty open your hart, if it be his will & pleasure, to see the truth. And if I thought not my death to be at hand, I would answer you to all the rest, in these and all other my doings.  
I submit myself to our savour jesus Christ and his holy word, desiring you in the bowels of Christ to do the same.  
Your Orator in the Lord, john Bland.   

¶ The last appearance and examination of Master Bland.  
HItherto you have heard the troublesome handling of this faithful and blessed servant of God, I. Bland, toast to and fro, from prison to prison, from Session to Session. 
●ichard thornton ●he ●loudy Bishop of Dover.  At last he was brought before the Bishop of Dover, the commissary, and the Archdeacon at Caunterbury, the thirteenth day of june. The name of this Bishop was Richard Thorneton. The Commissary was Robert Collins: whom the Cardinal by his letters patent had substitute to his factor, before his coming over to England. The Archdeacon was Nicholas Harpsfield. Under these a great sort of innocent Lambs of Christ were cruelly entreated and slain at Caunterbury, amongst whom this foresaid Master Bland was one of the first: 
●he words ●f M. Bland 〈…〉.  who as it is said, being brought before the said Bishop and Colleagues, which were john Frankeshe, Nicholas Sheterden, Thomas Thacker. Umfrey Middleton, William Coker, was examined of articles. To whom it was objected by the commissary, whether he believe that Christ is really in the sacrament, or no. etc. To this he answered, and said: that he believed that Christ is in the sacrament, as he is in all other good bodies: so that he judged not Christ to be really in the sacrament▪  
Whereupon the day being Monday, he was bid to appear again upon Wednesday next, 
another appearance.  and from thence he was deferred again to monday following, being the xx. june in the same Chapterhouse, then to hear further what should be done, in case he would not relent to their mind.  
The which day and place, he appearing, as before, 
The last appearance of M. Bland before the Bishop of Dover and others.  was required to say his mind plainly and fully to the foresaid articles, being again repeated to him. Which articles commonly and in course they use to object to their Examinates which he wrought before them, as here now followeth, and need not much hereafter, specially for that Country of Kent, to be repeated.   

¶ Articles ministered by Richard Bishop of Dover, to master Bland, and likewise to the rest following after him.  
1. first, that thou art of the Diocese of Caunterbury, 
Articles o● Course ministered against M. Bland.  and so subject to the jurisdiction of the Archbishop there.  
2. Item, that thou art a Christian man, and dost profess the laws of God, and faith of Christ's Catholic Church, and the determination of the same.  
3. Item, that all Parsons which teach, preach, believe, affirm, hold, maintain, or say within the Diocese of Caunterburye, otherwise then our holy mother the church doth, are excommunicate persons and heretics, and as excommunicate and heretics ought to be named, reputed, and taken.  
4. Item, that thou, contrary to the Catholic faith and determination of our mother holy Church, within the Diocese of Caunterbury, hast openly spoken, maintained, holden, affirmed, and believed, and yet dost hold, maintain, affirm, and believe, that in the blessed Sacrament of the altar, under the forms of bread and wine, there is not the very body and blood of our saviour jesus Christ in substance, but only a token, sign and remembrance thereof, and that the very body and blood of christ is only in heaven, and no where else.  
5. Item, that thou contrary to the Catholic faith, and determination of our mother holy Church, hast within this Diocese of Caunterbury openly spoken, said, maintained, holden, affirmed, and believed, and yet dost hold, maintain, affirm, and believe, that it is against God's word, that the sacrament of Christ's Church should be ministered in an unknown tongue: and that no man safely and with a safe conscience, or without peril of sin, receiveth any sacrament ministered in any tongue that he understandeth not.  
6. Item, that thou, contrary to the Catholic faith of our mother holy Church, haste, and yet dost hold opinion, and say: that is against God's word, that the sacrament of the altar should be ministered in one kind: and that no man may with a safe conscience so receive it.  
7, Item, that the premises be true, and that there is a common fame upon them within the diocese of Caunterbury.   

The answers of Master Bland to the foresaid Articles.  
1. TO these articles M. Bland answering again in order as they were objected to him, 

Answer to the first article out of the Register.  
The Catholic Church of Christ.  
The Catholic Church of Antichrist.   saith to the first granting the same, that he was a priest, and of the diocese of Caunterbury.  
2. To the second also he answered affirmatively.  
3. Item, to third he answereth, that the Article is true, meaning the Catholic Church to be Christ'S Church.  
4. Item, in the fourth Article, as touching the first part of the Article, he doth confess, that he hath preached and taught it, as it is contained in the same. And as touching the second part of the article, he doth confess, that he doth now also hold and say, as he preached and taught before.  
5. Item, to the fift article he granteth.  
6. To the sixth, he hath preached held and doth hold, as it is contained in the article.  
7. Item, to the last article he granteth the same. etc.  
This done, and his answers and confession taken, respite was given him yet a few days to deliberate with himself. So the xxv. day of the said month of june he making his appearing again in the said Chapterhouse, there openly and boldly withstood the authority of the Pope, whereupon his sentence was read, and so he condemned and committed to the secular power. Touching the form and tenor of the sentence, 
M. Bland denieth the Pope. M. Bland condemned.  because all their sentences, of course agree in one, read before in the history of Master Rogers.   

¶ The prayer of Master Bland before his death.  
THe Lord jesus, for whose love I do willingly leave this life, 
A prayer of M. Bland.  and desire rather the bitter death of this cross, with the loss of all earthly things, then to abide the blasphemy of thy holy name, or else to obey man in breaking thy Commandments, thou seest, Oh Lord, that where as I might live in worldly wealth to worship false Gods, and honour thy enemy, I chose rather the torments of this body, and loss of this my life, and have counted all things but vile, dust, and dung, that I might win thee: Which death is more dear unto me, than thousands of gold and silver. Such love, Oh Lord hast thou laid up in my breast, that I hunger for thee, as the Dear that is wounded desireth the soil. Send thy holy comfort, O Lord, to aid, comfort, and strengthen this weak piece of earth, which is void of all strength of itself. Thou remember'st, O Lord, that I am but dust and not able to do any thing that is good. Therefore, O Lord as thou of thy accustomed goodness hast bidden me to this banquet, and counted me worthy to drink of thine own cup amongst thine elect: give me strength against this element, that as it is to my sight most likesome and terrible, so to my mind it may be at thy commandment, as an obedient servant, sweet and pleasant: and through the strength of thy holy spirit, I may pass through the strength of this fire into thy bosom, according unto thy promise, and for this mortality, to receive immortality, and for this corruptible, to put on incorruptible. Accept this burnt offering and sacrifice, O Lord, not for the sacrifice itself, but for thy dear sons sake my Saviour: for whose testimony I offer this free will offering with all my hart and with all my soul. O heavenly father, forgive me my sins, as I forgive the whole world. O sweet Saviour, spread thy wings over me. O God, grant me thy holy Ghost, through whose merciful inspiration I am come hither. Conduct me unto everlasting life. Lord into thy hands I commend my spirit: Lord jesus receive my soul. So be it.    

¶ The history of john Frankesh, Humphrey Middleton, Nicholas Sheterden.  

july. 12. john Frankesh, Humphrey Middleton, Nicholas Sheterden, Martyrs.  Having now passed over the examinations of Master Bland, let us further proceed to the rest of his fellows concaptives, being joined the same time with him both in the like cause, and like affliction. The names of whom were john Frankesh, Nicholas Sheterden, Humphrey Middleton, Thacker, and Cocker: of whom Thacker only gave back. The rest constantly standing to the truth, were altogether condemned by the Suffragan of Caunterburye, the 25. day of june, the year above expressed. Touching whose examinations, I shall not need long to stand, for somuch as the articles ministered against them, were all one: so in their answers they little or nothing disagreed, as hereafter (by the Lords help) you shall hear. In the mean time, because Nicholas Sheterden in his examinations had a little more large talk with the Archdeacon and the Commissary, I will first begin with the same.  

¶ The first examination or reasoning of Nicholas Sheterden with M. Harpsfield Archdeacon, and M. Collins the Commissary, for the which they sent him to prison.  


The talk of Nicholas Sheterden with the Archdeacon & Commissary, about the Sacrament of the body and blood of Christ.  
The Romish catholics cannot deny a figurative speech in the cup, & yet will not grant the same in the bread.   FIrst the Archdeacon and Commissary affirmed that the very words of Christ, when he said: This is my body, did change the substance, without any other interpretation or spiritual meaning of the words.  Shut. 
Then belike when Christ said: This cup is my blood, the substance of his Cup was changed into his blood, without any other meaning, and so the cup was changed, and not the wine.  Arch. 
Not so: for when Christ said: This cup is my blood, be meant not the cup, but the wine in the cup.  Shut. 
If Christ spoke one thing, and meant an other, than the bare words did not change the substance: but there must be a meaning sought as well of the bread, as of the cup.  Arch. 
There must be a meaning sought of the cup otherwise then the words stand. But of the bread it must be understand only as it standeth, without any other meaning.  Shut. 
Then do ye make one half of Christ's institution a figure, or borrowed speech, and the other half a plain speech, and so ye divide Christ's supper.  Arch. 
Christ meant the wine, and not the cup, though he said: This cup is my blood.  Shut. 
Then show me whether the words which the priests do speak over the cup, do change the substance, or whether the mind of the priest doth it?  Arch. 
The mind of the priest doth it, and not the words.  Shut. 
If the mind of the priest doth it, and not the words, if the Priest then do mind his harlot, or any other vain thing, that thing so minded was there made, and so the people do worship the priests harlot in stead of Christ's blood: and again, none of the people can tell when it is Christ's blood, or when it is not, seeing the matter standeth in the mind of the Priest. For no man can tell what the priest meaneth, but himself: and so are they ever in danger of committing idolatry.  
Then was the Archdeacon somewhat moved, & sat him down, and said to the commissary? I pray you master Commissary speak you to him an other while, 
If the 〈◊〉 and not 〈◊〉 words o● the Prie●● doth it: 〈◊〉 then is it that Duns and his fellows say, that the 〈◊〉 words be the form 〈◊〉 formal cause only that maketh the Sacrament? Collins 〈◊〉 Commiss●●ry taketh the matt●● in hand.  for they are unreasonable and perverse answers, as ever I heard of. Then stood up the Commissary, and said.  Commis. 
Your arguments is much against yourself: for ye grant that the bread is a figure of Christ's body▪ but the Cup can be no figure of his blood, nor yet his very blood: and therefore Christ did not mean the cup, but the wine in the cup.  Shut. 
My argument is not against me at all: for I do not speak it to prove that the cup is his blood, nor the figure of his blood, but to prove that the bare words being spoken of the priest, do not change the substance no more of the bread than they do change the cup into blood.  Commis. 
It could not be spoken of the Cup, when he said: This Cup is my blood, but he meant the wine in the cup.  Shut. 
Then it remaineth for you to answer my question to the Archdeacon, that is, whether the mind of the priest when he speaketh over the cup, doth change it into blood or the bare words.  Commis. 
Both together doth it, the words and the mind of the priest together: yea the intent and the words together doth it.  Shut. 
If the words and intentes together do change the substance, yet must the cup be his blood, 
The Commissary brought to an absurd●●tye.  and not the wine, for as much as the words are, This cup is my blood, and the intent, ye say, was the wine: or else the words take none effect, but the intent only.  
After, the Commissary in his chamber said, it was the intent of the priest before he went to mass, without the words: for the Priest did intend to do as holy Church had ordained, than the intent made the sacrament to take effect.  Shut. 
If the Sacraments take effect of the intent of the Priest, and not of God's word, than many Parishes having a Priest that intendeth not well, are utterly deceived, 
The inten● of the 〈◊〉 maketh 〈◊〉 the Sacrament.  both in Baptising, and also worshipping that thing to be God, which is but bread, because for lack of the priests intent, the words do take none effect in it: so that by this, it is ever doubtful whether they worship Christ, or bread, because it is doubtful what the Priests do intend.  Commis. 
Then the Commissary would prove to me, that Christ'S Manhood was in two places at one time, 
Christ's body whether it may be in two places at once.  by these words of Christ in joh. the third Chapter, where he saith, No man ascendeth up to heaven, but he that came down from heaven, that is to say, the son of man which is in heaven. By this he would prove, that Christ was then in heaven, and in earth also, naturally and bodily.  Shut. 
This place and other must needs be understand for the unity of persons, in that Christ was God & man, and yet the matter must be referred to the Godhead, or else ye must fall into great error.  Commis. 
That is not so: for it was spoken of the manhood of Christ, for as much as he saith, the son of man which is in heaven.  Shut. 
If ye will needs understand it to be spoken of Christ's manhood, 
The Co●●missary brought 〈◊〉 an other 〈◊〉 conueni●●●  then must ye fall into the error of the Anabaptistes, which deny that Christ took flesh of the virgin Mary: for if there be no body ascended up, but that which came down, where is then his incarnation? for than he brought his body down with him.  Commis. 
Lo how ye seek an error in me, and yet see not how ye err yourself. For it cannot be spoken of the Godhead, except ye grant that God is passable, for God cannot come down because he is not passable.  Shut. 
If that were a good argument that God could not come down because he is not passable: than it might be said by the like argument, that God could not sit, and then heaven is not his seat, and then say as some do, that God hath no right hand for Christ to sit at.  Commis. 
Then the Commissary affirmed plainly, that it was true, God hath no right hand in deed.  Shut. 
Oh what a spoil of Christ's Religion will this be, that because we cannot tell how God came down, therefore we shall say, 
 that he came not down at all, and because we cannot tell what manner of hand he hath, to say, that he hath no hand at all: and then he cannot reach the utmost part of the sea. O misery: at length it will come to pass, that God cannot sit, and then how can heaven be his seat, and if heaven be not his seat, than there is no heaven: and then at length I doubt ye will say there is no God, or else no other God, but such as the heathens Gods are, which cannot go nor feel.  Commis. 
Why, doth not the scripture say, that God is a spirit, and what hand can a spirit have?  Shut. 
Truth it is, God is a spirit, and therefore is worshipped in spirit and truth, and as he is a spirit, so hath he a spiritual power, so hath he a spiritual seat, a spiritual hand, 
〈◊〉 hand spiritual.  and a spiritual sword: which we shall feel if we go this way to work, as we begin. Because we know not what hand God hath: therefore if we say he hath none than it may as well be said, there is no Christ.  
Then the Commissary said, he would talk no more with me, & so departed: and also the commissary was compelled to grant, that Christ's testament was broken, and his institution was changed from that he left it: but he said, they had power so to do.   

* My first aunswearing, after their law was established.  
BEcause I know ye will desire to hear from me some certainty o● my estate, 
valuation the first ●●●minati●● of She●●den, ●fter law was 〈…〉 see the commission.  I was called before the Suffragan and seven or eight of the chief priests, & examined of certain Articles, and then I required to see their Commission.  
They showed it to me, and said, There it is, and the King and Queen's letters, also. Then I desired to have it read: and so in reading I perceived, that on some notable suspicion he might examine upon two articles: whether Christ'S real presence were in the Sacrament, and whether the church of England be of Christ's Catholic Church.  
To that I answered, that I had been a prisoner 3. quarters of a year, and as I thought wrongfully: reason would therefore that I should answer to those things wherefore I was prisoner. 
  Suff. 
The Suffragan said, his Commission was I must answer directly, yea or nay.  Shut. 
This Commission (said I) was not general to examine whom he will, but on just suspicion.  Suff: 
He said: I was suspected, and presented to him.  Shut. 
Then I required that the accusation might be showed.  Suff. 
He said: he was not bound to show it, but he commanded me in the king and Queen's name, to answer directly.  Shut. 
And I as a subject do require of you justice for that I have done: I ask no favour.  Suff. 
He said I was suspected.  Shut. 
I bade him prove that suspicion, or what cause he had to suspect.  Suff. 
Thou was cast into prison for that cause.  Shut. 
That was a pretty suspicion, because I had suffered imprisonment contrary to God's law and the realm, that therefore I must now for a mends be examined of suspicion without cause, to hide all the wrong done to me before. For when I was cast into prison, there was no law but I might speak as I did: therefore in that point I could be no more suspect, than you which preached the same yourself not long before.  Suff. 
That was no matter to thee what I preached.  Shut. 

 Well, yet in the king and Queen's name I must answer directly: and therefore I require as a subject, that ye do not extend beyond your Commission, but prove me suspect, more than you yourself.  Milles. 
Then said M. mills, I had written to my mother and he did see the letter, wherein I persuaded my mother to my opinions. 
  Shut. 
In that I did but my duty, to certify her I was not prison for any evil. And that was before the law also, and therefore no more suspicion was in me, than was in them which taught the like.  Mill. 
Well, ye are required here to answer directly, yea, or no.  Shut. 
First then I require of you to prove this suspicion: and thus we tossed to and fro. At last the bishop said, he himself did suspect me. I asked whereby?  Suff. 
W●ll said he, I myself did suspect thee, and it is no matter whereby.  Shut. 
But your Commission doth not serve you so to do without just suspicion.  Suff. 
Well, yet did I suspect you.  Shut. 
It is not meet for you to be my accuser, and my judge also, for that was too much for one man. And thus many words were multiplied, and they were much grieved.  Milles. 
If you were a Christian man you would not be ashamed of your faith being required.  Shut. 
I am not ashamed in deed, I thank God, 
Upon this it appeareth the letters were written to the B. of Winchester, by whom he was sent for after and examined.  & if any man do come to me, either to teach or to learn I would declare it, but for as much as I perceive you come neither to to teach nor to learn, I hold it best to answer you.  Milles. 
If you will not, then will we certify the kings Council.  Sheter. 
I am therewith content that you should certify that I had suffered thr●e quarters, prison wrongullye, and therefore I desire to be justified or condemned, first for that I suffered such imprisonment: and then I will not refuse to answer your articles, though there were a bushel of them. But to say that I would answer, whereby you should heal all your wrong done to me against the law of God and the realm, I will not.  
Here much ado there was to prove that he had no wrong, and again, that it was not they that did it. 
Sheterden refuseth to answer before it be tried, wherefore he was imprisoned.  But he said the Commissary was one of them, he answereth no it was the Archdeacon. He said, you sat with him, and he asked your counsel in it, and yet if it were he, it was your Church, except the archdeacon and you be divided one from an other. Well said they: will ye now deny that ye said then, and promise here to submit yourself henceforth, and ye shallbe delivered?  Shut. 
I am not to much bound to you to grant, any such promise: 
Sheterden refuseth to submit himself.  and again you shall well know that I would not promise to go cross the street for you: but if I did at any time offend your law, let me have the punishment, I ask no favour.  
Then said they that it was obstinacy in him that he would not answer, and a token that his faith was nought, seeing he was ashamed to utter it.  Shut. 
Nay said he, ye shall well know I am not ashamed of my faith: but because you do so greedily seek blood, I will answer only to that you have against me.  Suffr. 
Nay, you shall answer to the articles, or else be condemned upon suspicion.  Shut. 
I am content with that, yet all men shall know that as ye suspect and can prove no cause, so shall ye condemn me without a matter, and then shall all men know ye seek blood, and not justice.  Suffr. 
No we seek not thy blood, but thy conversion.  Shut. 
That we shall see. For than shall you prove my perversion first, before you condemn me on your own suspicion without proof of the same: and by that I shall know whether you seek blood or no. Many other words were between them.  
At last stepped up one Lovels a Lawyer, which would prove his prisonment not to be wrong, but right, 
One Lovel a loveles Lawyer.  by old statutes of Edward the fourth, and Henry. etc. but at last he was compelled to forsake those statutes from Michaelmas to Christmas, and then he said it was no wrong.  
To this Nicholas said, if he could prove that men might wrongfully imprison before a law, and in the mean while make laws, and then under that hide the first wrong than he said true, or else not.  
Thus he kept the Bandogs at staves end, not as thinking to escape them: but that I would see (said he) the Foxes leap above the ground for my blood if they can reach it (so it be the will of God:) yet we shall see them gape, and leap for it.  
From Westgate in haste. By yours Nicholas Sheterden.   

Notes of Nicholas Sheterden against the false worship and oblation of the Sacrament.  
THe holy sign in steed of the thing signified, is serui●e servitude as S. Augustine termeth it, when the bread in the sacrament is by common and solemn error worshipped in stead of the flesh assumpted of the word of God.  
There was no mension of worshipping the creatures at the feast or first supper that Christ did celebrate: 
False worshipping of the Sacrament.  therefore the saying of Christ concerning divorce, may well be applied to them: it was not so from the beginning, nor shall be to the end.  
The once made oblation of Christ's is hereby derogate, when this sacramental oblation and offering of thanksgiving is believed to be propitiatory, and that it purgeth the soul, as well of the living as of the dead, against this saying to the hebrews: 
Against Sacramental oblation. Heb. 9  With one only oblation he hath made perfect for ever those that are sanctified. Again, Where is remission, there is no more oblation for sins, making us clean by him.  
This word (by himself) hath a vehemency and pith, that driveth all Priests from authority to enterprise such oblation, where as what he himself doth by himself, he leaveth not for other to do. So seemeth our purgatory already past and done, not to come and remaining to be done.   

His examination before the Bishop of Winchester then Lord Chancellor.  
I Was called into a Chamber before the L. Chancellor the Suffragan, 
A note of the words or talk passed between Nicholas Sheterden, and the B. of Winchester.  and other, Priests I think for the most part. He standing to the table called me to him, & because I saw the Cardinal was not there, I bowed myself and stood near.  
Then said he, I have sent for you, because I hear you are endited of heresy: and being called before the Commissioners ye will nor answer not submit yourself.  
I said, if it like you, I did not refuse to answer: but I did plainly answer, that I had been in prison long time, and reason it was that I should be charged or discharged for that, & not to be examined of articles to hide my wrong imprisonment, neither did I know any indictment against me. If there were any, it could not be just, for I was not abroad since the law was made.  Winchest. 
Well, yet if such suspicion be of you, if you be a Christian ye will declare that it is not true, 
Unjust imprisonment of Sheterden.  and so purge yourself.  Shut. 
I thought it sufficient to answer to mine offences. etc. trusting that they would lay no such burden upon me, whereby the wrong done to me might be covered, but I would be proved to have wrong or right.  Winch. 
He said, if thou wilt declare thyself to the Church to be a Christian, thou shalt go, and then have a writ of wrong imprisonment. etc.  Shut. 
I said I was not minded to sue now, but require to have right justice: but to make a promise I will not: but if I offend the law, then punish accordingly. For it might be that my conscience was not persuaded, nor would be in prison, seeing those things which I have learned, were by God's law openly taught and received by authority of the Realm. And he said, it was never received that I might speak against the sacrament. I said against some opinion of the sacrament it was openly taught.  Winch. 

Winchest, maketh a miracle that there was no law in K. Edward's time against the Sacrament of the altar.  By no law, and that was notable to consider, that all that while God preserved that, so that no law could pass against it.  Shut. 
I said their law did not only persuade me, but this most: when they preached unto us, they took pain to set out the word of God in our tongue, so that we may read & judge whether they say true or no, but now they take the light from us, and would have us believe it, because they say so, which is to me a great persuasion.  Winch. 
It was not a few that could be your guide in understanding, 

The Catholics stand upon the number.  
The faithful stand upon the word.   but the Doctors and all the whole Church: Now whom wouldst thou believe? either the few, or the many?  Shut. 
I did not believe for the few, nor for the many, but only for that he bringeth the word, and showeth it to me to be so according to the process thereof. etc.  Winch. 
Well said he, then if the Arian come to thee with scripture, thou wilt believe him, if he show this text: My father is greater than I  Shut. 
I answered, no my Lord, he must bring me also the contrary places and prove them both true, where he saith: My father and I am one.  Winch. 
Yea, said he, that is by charity, as we be one with him.  Shut. 
I said, that gloze would not stand with the rest of the scripture, where he said: I am the very same, that I say to you: He said the truth, and the truth was God. etc. with much such like. And here he made many words (but very gently) of the Sacrament: Likewise Christ said (quoth he) it was his body: yea that is to say) a figure of his body & how men did not consider the word was god, and God the word, 
Winchester defendeth Images.  and so provoked me with such temptation: but I let him alone, and said nothing.  
So after many words he came to the Church's faith and comely orders of ceremonies and images. And then I joined to him again with the Commandments.  Winch. 
He said that was done that no false thing should be made, as the heathen would worship a Cat because she killed Myse.  Shut. 
I said that it was plain that the law forbade not only such, but even to make an image of God to any manner of likeness.  Winch. 
Where find ye that?  Shut. 
Forsooth in the law where God gave them the commandments, for he said: Ye saw no shape, 
No Ima●● of God be made●  but heard a voice only: and added a reason why: lest they should after make images and mar themselves, so that God would not show his shape, because they should have no image of him which was the true God. etc.  Winch. 
He said I made a goodly interpretation.  Shut. 
I said no, it was the text.  
Then was the Bible called for, and when it came, he bade find it, and I should straight be confounded with mine own words: so that if there wer● any grace with me: I would trust mine own wit no more: & when I looked, it was Latin.  Winch. 
Why said he, ye can ye read 〈…〉▪  Shut. 
No. than was the English Bi●●e brought. He bade me find it: and so I read it aloud, and then h● said lo here thou mayst see: this is no more to forbid the image of God, then of any other beast, foul or fish (the place was Deut. .4.) I said it did plainly forbid to make any of these to the Image of God, 
Deut. 4.  because no man might know what shape he was of. Therefore might no man say of any Image, which is an image of God,  Winch. 
Well yet by your leave, so much as was seen we may, that is of Christ, of the holy ghost: and the father appeared to Daniel, like an old 
*  man. etc.  Shut. 
That is no proof that we may make Images contrary to the commandment: for though the holy Ghost appeared like a Dove, yet was he not like in shape, but in certain qualities, and therefore when I saw the Dove which is God's creature, in deed I might remember the spirit to be simple and loving. etc. And with that he was somewhat moved, and said I had learned my lesson, and asked who taught me: with many words: and he said he would prove how good and profitable Images were to teach the unlearned. etc.  Shut. 
At the last I said my Lord, although I were able to make never so good a gloze upon the commandments yet obedience is better than all our good intentes, & much ado we had, at last he saw, he said, what I was, and how he had sent for me for charity sake to talk with me, but now he would not meddle, and said my wrong imprisonment could not excuse me, but I must clear myself.  Sheter. 
I said that was easy for me to do. For I had not offended.  Winch. 
He said I could not scape so: there I was deceived.  Shut. 
Well, than I am under the law & c?  Arch. 
The archdeacon was there called in for me, and he laid to me, 
 that with such arrogancy and stoutness as never was heard, I behaved myself before him, whereas he was minded with such mercy towarnes me etc. and many lies he laid to me, that I was sent home till an other time: and I would not be contented but went out of the Church with such an outcry as was notable.  Shetter. 
I declared, that he falsely herein reported me, & brought in the laws then in the Realm, and the Queen's Proclamation, that none of her subjects should be compelled till the law were to compel, and that I rehearsed the same in the Court for me, and I did use him then (said I) as I use your grace now, and no otherwise.  Winch. 
He said, that I did not use myself very well now.  Shut. 
I said, I had offered myself to be bailed, and to confer with them, when and where they would.  Winch. 
He said, I should not confer, but be obedient▪ I said let me go and I will not desire to confer neither: & when I offended, let them punish me, and so departed.  
By your brother, Nicholas Sheterden prisoner for the truth in Wes●ga●e.   

* The last examination with the condemnation of Master Bland, john Frankesh, 
 Nicholas Shetterden umfrey Middleton.  
ANd thus much touching the particular, & several examinations of Nicholas Shetterden, & of M. Bland. Now to touch something also of the other Martyrs, which the same time were examined, 
 and suffered with them together, to wit, Umfrey Middleton of Ashford, and john Frankesh Uirare of Roluynden in the diocese of Kent above mentioned, here first would be declared the Articles which publicly in their last examinations were jointly and severally ministered unto them by the foresaid Thornton Bishop of Dover. But forasmuch as these articles being ordinary & of course, are already expressed in the story of M. Bland: as may appear before. It shall not therefore be needful, to make any new rehearsal thereof.  
To these seven articles then being propounded to the five persons above named, to wit, john Frankesh, john Bland, Nicholas Shetterden, Umfrey Middleton, and one Thacker, first answered john Frankesh somewhat doubtfully, desiring further respite to be given him of 14. days to deliberate with himself. Which was granted Master Bland answered flattely and roundly, as before ye heard. Nicholas Sheterden, and Umfrey Middleton answered to the first, and second articles affirmatively. To the third concerning the Catholic Church after a sort they granted. To the fourth and fift and sixth touching the real presence, and the sacrament to be ministered in the Latin tongue, and in one kind, they refused utterly to swear Sheterden said he would not answer thereto before the cause were determined why he was imprisoned, and so still remained prisoners, before the laws of Parliament received. etc. Middleton added moreover and confessed, that he believed in his own God, saying, my living God, & no dead God. etc. Thacker only relented and was content to take penance. 
 Thus the foresaid four upon these answers were condemned by the Bishop of Dover, the 25. day of june. an. 1555.  
The burning of four Martyrs.  
And so being given to the secular power, they were burned at Cant. the 12. of july at two several stakes, 
〈◊〉 Christian ●●ayer of ●icholas ●heterden ●●fore his ●eath.  but all in one fire together, where they in the sight of God and of his Angels, and before men, like true soldiers of jesus Christ, gave a constant testimony to the truth of his holy Gospel.   

The prayer of Nicholas Sheterden, before his death.  
O Lord my God and Saviour, which art Lord in heaven and earth, maker of all things visible and invisible, I am the creature and work of thy hands: Lord God look upon me, and other thy people, which at this time are oppressed of the worldly minded for thy laws sake: Yea lord thy law itself is now trodden under foot, and men's inventions exalted above it, and for that cause do I, and many thy creatures refuse the glory, praise, and commodity of this life, and do choose to suffer adversity, and to be banished: yea to be burnt with the books of thy word, for the hopes sake that it is laid up in store. For Lord thou knowest if we would but seem to please men in things contrary to thy word, we might by thy permission enjoy these commodities that other do, as wife children, goods, and friends, which all I knowledge to be thy gifts, given to the end I should serve thee. And now Lord that the world will not suffer me to enjoy them, except I offend thy laws, behold I give unto thee my whole spirit soul and body, and lo, I leave here all the pleasures of this life and do now leave the use of them for the hope sake of eternal life purchased in Christ's blood, 
Sacrifice of obedience to God.  and promised to all them that fight on his side, and are content to suffer with him for his truth when soever the world and the devil shall persecute the same.  
O father I do not presume unto thee: 
Sacrifice of thanks for redemption.  in mine own righteousness: no, but only in the merits of thy dear son my saviour For the which excellent gift of salvation I cannot worthily praise thee, neither is any sacrifice worthy, or to be accepted with thee, in comparison of our bodies mortified, and obedient unto thy will, and now Lord: 
Sacrifice of the body.  what soever rebellion hath been, or is found in my members, against thy will, yet do I here give unto thee my body to the death, rather than I will use any strange worshipping, which I beseech the accept at my hand for a pure sacrifice: let this torment be to me the last enemy destroyed, even death, the end of misery, and the beginning of all joy, peace, and solace: and when the time of resurrection cometh, then let me enjoy again these members then glorified, which now be spoiled and consumed by the fire. O Lord jesus receive my spirit into thy hands, Amen.   

Letters of Nicholas Shetterden, and first a letter to his mother.  

AFter my humble and bounden duty remembered, well-beloved Mother, 
A letter of Nicholas Sheterden to his mother.  this shallbe to wish you increase of grace and and godly wisdom, that ye may see and perceive the crafty bewitching of Satan our mortal enemy, which as I have divers times declared unto you, doth not openly show himself in his own likeness, but under colour of devotion deceiveth them that keep not a diligent eye upon him, 
Satan transformeth himself into an Angel of light.  but having confidence in man's traditions and customs of the world, leaving the commandments of God, and Testament of his Son Christ jesus our Lord, do grow more into superstition & hypocrisy, then into wisdom and true holiness. For this is most true, that Satan the enemy of souls, doth by his ministers make many believe, that those things which they compel us unto for their bellies sake, have many godly significations, although they be most contrary to Gods will, as doubtless they be, even as did the serpent in Paradise to our first mother Eue. What (said he) hath God commanded ye shall not eat of all the trees in the Garden? The woman said of the fruits of the trees in the Garden we may eat: but of the tree in the midst of the Garden, said God, see ye eat not, lest ye die. 
As the Serpent seduced Eve by an Apple: so Priests seduce the people by Images.  Even so our Ministers now a days say: hath God commanded ye shall not make you any Image or likeness of any thing? Yea forsooth. Tush say they, what harm can they do? May we not remember God the better when we see his Image or Picture? For they are good books for the lay men: but in deed they be better for the priests, because they receive the offerings.  
And look how truly the promise of the serpent was kept with Eve, so is the persuasion of our Priests found true to us. 
Images more profitable books for Priests then for lay men.  For as Adam and Eve did become like God in knowing good and evil, so are we in remembering God by his Image. For Adam's eyes were so open, that he lost both innocency and righteousness, and was become most miserable of all creatures: and even so we remember Christ so well by Images, that we forget his commandments, and count his Testament confirmed in his blood for stark madness or heresy: so miserably have we remembered him, that of all people we are most blind: 
Sheterden prophesieth of God's plagues.  and this doth follow upon our presumption, when we remember God by breaking of his law, and therefore surely except we repent shortly, God will remember us in his wrath, & reward us with his plagues: as sure as there is a God it will come to pass.  
But I know the craftiness of them herein (I thank God) which will say: Where went he to school? 

Learning against or without God's word, is vain and to no purpose.  
Antichrist hath turned the Church clear upside down.   Is he wiser than our great Doctors that studied all their life? And lo, they say that it is good hay, although we smell it musty ourselves, yet must we believe it is sweet, and then pay them well for their so saying, and all is safe. But I might say again: What sir, be ye wiser than Christ, and God his father, or the holy Ghost? What wiser than the Prophets, and the holy Apostles, and all the holy Martyrs? I pray you sir, where had you your high learning? It is higher than God (being in heaven) is able to teach, or have ye set it lower in hell then ever Christ durst to venture? For it is some strange learning belike, that Christ nor his Apostles could never attain to the knowledge of it. But vain men are never without some shift: For peradventure they will not be ashamed to say, that Christ coming on his father's message, did forget half his errand by the way. For I dare say, the greater half of their ceremonies were never commanded by Christ: Yea I doubt it would be hard to find one in the Church perfectly as he left: so Romishly hath Antichrist turned the church upsidedown for lukers' sake.  
Beloved Mother, as I oftentimes said unto you, even so now I beseeeche you from my very hart root in Christ, to consider your own soul's health is offered you, do not cast it off: we have not long time here. Why should we deceive ourselves either for ease of our flesh, or for the winning of this worlds treasure? I know that some will say to you, why should we condemn our fathers that lived thus? God forbidden that we should condemn any that did according to their knowledge But let us take heed that they condemn not us: for if they had heard the word as we have, and had been warned as we have, it is to be thought that they would more thankfully have received it than we do: 
The fathers that heard no better: are not to be condemned but rather will condemn us that hear and receive it not.  yea they were more faithful in that they knew, than many now are. Therefore they shall be our condemnation, if we do not embrace this grace offered us. And surely look how many of them God will accept and save, those shall we never see, nor have any part among them: for our disobedience is more great than their ignorance. Wherefore if we will meet our fathers in bliss and joy, let us not refuse his mercy offered more largely to us, then to them, even according to Christ's promise, which said, after such great ignorance, as to seek him from country to country, and find him not. Yet shall the Gospel (saith he) be preached in all the world, and then shall the end come.  
And now let us know the time of our visitation, and not turn back again, seeing we are once delivered: for surely God will not bear it at our hands to turn backward. 
God's visitation not to be refused.  Oh remember Lots life God must needs punish out of hand our shameful backsliding, either with induration and hardness of hart, so that they shall persecute his Church and true servants, or else reward it with open vengeance and plagues. And therefore good mother, accept this my simple letter as a fruit of my love & obedience to you. Would God we might be so knit in faith & trust in God's word and promises here in this life, as we might together enjoy the bliss and consolation of eternal life: which I desire and seek above all worldly treasure, as ye partly know. If I would seek the good will of men contrary to my conscience, I could make some my friends, which now peradventure are jealous over me amiss. 
Experience how Gods Martyrs seek not the world.  But I thank God, let them way the matter between God and their consciences, and they have no just cause so to do: nevertheless I would they would yet refrain and put their matter and mine into the even balance of gods most holy word, there to be weighed by the mind of the holy Ghost, expressed unto us by the holy patriarchs, and Prophets and by jesus Christ our only Saviour and Mediator, and by his holy Apostles: and then I doubt not, but our matter shall be ended with peace, and joyfulness of hart, which God grant us for his mercy's sake. Amen.  
Your own child Nicholas Shetterden prisoner for the truth in Westgate. 1555.   

A letter to his brother Water Sheterden,  

My uncle hath been with me & made great promises and great threats also.  I Wish you health in Christ, true knowledge of his word & a faithful obedient hart unto the same. It is showed me my brother, that ye willed me by a letter made to a friend of yours, to persuade with me, that I should be ruled by mine Uncle, which saith he will bestow his goods very largely upon me, If I should not stand to high in mine own conceit. But my good brother, I trust ye do not judge so evil of me, that I should have a faith to sell for money. For though he or you were able to give me the treasure of the whole country, yet I thank my Lord God, I do judge it but an heap of dongue, in respect of the treasure hid within: yet I do esteem a buckle of your shoe, if it come with good wil And for to be counseled and ruled by him or you, or any other my friends: I do not, neither have refused it, if they require no more of me then my power, & that which belongeth to mortal men. But if they require of me any thing which pertaineth to God only, there is neither high nor low, friend nor foe, I trust in God, shall get it of me, nor yet the Angels in heaven.  
For though I be not learned (as the vain men of the world call learning) yet I thank my Lord God, 
So should he have 2. bodies at once, one glorified, and an other mortal. No order nor reason in the pope's doctrine.  I have learned out of God's book, to know God from his creatures, and to know Christ from his sacraments, and to put a difference between the merits of Christ's Passion and his Supper, & a difference between the water of Baptism, and the holy Ghost, and not to mix and mingle all things confusely together, so that if one ask me a question or a reason of my faith, I must say thus, I believe as holy Church believeth: if he ask me what is the order of that faith, I should be so ignorant that I could not discern God from his creatures, nor Christ from his sacraments. If I should so monstrously utter my faith, that I were not able to judge between Christ's birth and his burial, nor which were first, of his mortification, and his glorification, who would believe that my faith were sound?  
For some affirm that Christ did not give to his Apostles a mortal and a passable body, but an immortal & glorified body, so that he should have a glorified body before his death & so his glorification was before his resurrection: and that he was risen before he was crucified, and crucified before his Baptism, and then they may as well say, he was baptized before his Birth, and borne before he was conceived, and conceived before he was promised & that were even right Antichrist to turn all things backward, & then say: Oh ye must believe, for God is almighty he can do all things etc. Truth it is that God is almighty in deed, 
We are bound 〈◊〉 believe what 〈◊〉 hath expressly willed, 〈◊〉 what 〈◊〉 able to d●▪  and yet I may not believe things contrary to his word, that Christ's body was glorified before he died: for God's omnipotency doth not stand in things contrary to his will, but in performing his will at his pleasure in time, Neither doth he require of us to judge or believe of his almighty power, that he hath made the end of the world to come, before the beginning, or yet the fruit to come before the blossom, & yet is he nevertheless almighty.  
But if peradventure ye shall think with yourself, Why, they are learned: 
He speaketh not a●gaynst the true use of Logic.  it were marvel but they should know what is the truth, as well as other which never kept no such study. etc. To that I answer, that if they had studied God's word the author of truth, as they have done Logic, and Duns, with the Legend of lies, they should have been as expert in the truth, as they be now in bald reasons. But thus hath God fulfilled his promise, that such should be deluded with lies, which would not believe nor walk in his truth.  
And again: this is a good cause to make us think surely, that this was the cause that God gave them over at the first to error, after the Apostles time by little & little, as they grew in sin. For seeing we had his truth now among us a few years, because we did not obey unto it, we see what a sudden change God hath brought upon us for our sins sake. And why should not we think that this and such like disobedience was the cause that God took his word from all Christendom at the first, and cast a darkness upon them that would not walk in his light. 
Why God taketh 〈◊〉 word 〈◊〉 realm's.  For it is evident enough to see how like their doings be to Christ's and his Apostles, and that seen, either we must judge Christ's doings very slender, and theirs good or else that in deed they be the very Antichristes, which should come and turn all things out of frame. Thus I have been bold to trouble you, which I trust shall not be altogether in vain. Pray for me, as I do for you.  
Your brother Nicholas Shetterden, prisoner for the truth in Westgate.   

another letter to his brother.  
GOd, which is the giver of all goodness, and that freely for his love to us (not only without our deserts, but contrary to the same) grant you my brother such increase of Godly knowledge and love unto the virtues thereunto belonging, 
another letter of Nicholas Sheterden to his brother.  as may give you such a taste in heavenly things that all treasures of earthly things may savour to you, as in deed they are, most vain and uncertain, so shall ye never take them for no better than they be. Yea, whether God take them from us, or give them unto us, we shall know ourselves neither richer nor poorer before God: But if we lay up in our hearts the treasure of his word we shall not only enrich ourselves against the time of need, but also arm ourselves against the battle with weapons and harness, which is invincible, and cloth ourselves against the marriage: For behold, the Lord hath called us of long time to the feast, and blown the trumpet to prepare the battle. 
Time of God's 〈◊〉 to be received.  Let us know the time of our visitation, lest the Lord sitting on his mount bewail our destruction, which he desireth not, but because he is just to punish such as continue in sin, even as he is merciful to forgive the repentant that turn in time: for so is God that cannot deny himself.  
Let us therefore in this day, while it is called to day, hear his voice, and not harden your hearts by resistance of his will, lest he swear in his wrath, that we shall not enter into his rest. Let us count that sufficient, that we have spent the time passed (as S. Peter saith) after the will of the Gentiles, in eating and drinking, chambering and wantonness, and in abominable idolatry etc. And now let us assay a new life and trade our members in virtue an other while, lest peradventure we might run passed any return in the contrary. But if we now return and lay hand of his word in deed and verity, as we have long time done in talk and liberty, then will God heap upon us such certificate of conscience, as shall kindle our consolation in him, so that all treasure shall be dung, 
Certificat●●● of conscience.  to that excellent knowledge of our Saviour. Dear brother, my heart's desire and prayer to God is, that we may together enjoy the bliss of eternal inheritance by one spiritual regeneration and new birth, as we are joined by nature. But alack, the way and mean thereunto hath been much neglected of me (I will not say of you) for I had rather ye should accuse yourself: for no doubt the best of us both hat●e not sought for wisdom in God's word, as some in the world whom we know, have sought for money: therefore they shall be our judges, if we do not learn by them: yea the very Emmet, as S●lomon saith, doth teach us to provide for the time to come: for ●hee provideth in Summer against Winter. 
  
This is the best token I have for you now, which though it be simple, yet shall it declare partly my hearts desire to you ward, which is even as mine own soul. 
 Let nothing dismay you▪ for my cause: but be ye sure I shall have victory in the truth, which truth is stronger than kings, 
 wine, or women. For as Zorobabel sayeth: Wine is unrighteous, the king is unrighteous, women are unrighteous, yea all the children of men are unrighteous, but the truth endureth, and is always strong, and conquereth for ever without end: Therefore this is to desire you & all other my friends that wish me good, to pray that God will always keep me in his truth as he hath begun, which prayer if it be of such a mind as laboureth to departed from evil, shall be to me the greatest pleasure under heaven. For I desire nothing in comparison of God's truth I thank him of his mercy, which so hath wrought, for I take it as a sure seal of the endless joy which shall hereafter follow: which God bring us unto, when his will and pleasure is, Amen.  
From Canterbury. By yours Nicholas Shetterden.   

another Letter of Nicholas Shetterden to his mother.  
O My good mother, whom I love with reverence in the Lord, 
〈◊〉 his mo●●er an o●●er letter 〈…〉.  and according to my duty, I desire your favourable blessing, and forgiveness of all my misdeeds towards you. Oh my good mother, in few words I wish you the same salutation, which I hope myself to feel, and partly taste of before this come to you to read: And in the resurrection, I verily believe to have it more perfectly in body and soul joined together for ever: and in that day God grant you to see my face with joy: but dear mother then beware of that great Idolatry and blasphemous Mass. O let not that be your God, which mice and worms can devour. 
●●stimony 〈…〉 against 〈◊〉 Id●ll of 〈◊〉 Altar.  Behold I call heaven and earth to record, that it is no God, yea the fire that consumeth it, and the moistness that causeth it to mould, and I take Christ's Testament to witness, that it is none of his ordinances, but a mere invention of men, and a snare to catch innocents blood: and now that God hath showed it unto you, be warned in time: O give over old customs, & become new in the truth. What state soever your fathers be in, leave that to God: 
●hat soe●er the 〈◊〉 were, 〈◊〉 word ●ust needs 〈…〉.  and let us follow the counsel of his word. Dear mother, embrace it with hearty affection, read it with obedience, let it be your pastime, but yet cast of all carnal affections, and love of worldly things: so shall we meet in joy at the last day, or else I bid you farewell for evermore: Oh, farewell my friends and lovers all, God grant me to see your faces in joy. Amen.  
From Westgate the 11. of july. 1555. Your child written with his hand, and sealed with his blood, Nicholas Shetterden being appointed to be slain.   

The copy of a letter written to his wife.  
I Wrote unto you as one that longed more to hear of your health, 
●n other ●etter of 〈…〉 wy●e.  then of all worldly treasure, willing you to entreat Esau the elder brother by nature gently, giving to him his own, yea, and offer him one of the droves, and say they be jacobs', and are sent for a present to my Lord Esau, but he will not take it. etc. Now my beloved ye know the blessing of our father is, that the elder shall serve the younger, & wisdom our mother hath taught us the same, and I know ye do complain of your 
 servant the flesh, that he is rebellious, diobedient, and untoward: unruly and crookedly ye think he doth his service: but yet behold, how shall ye plead your cause before an indifferent judge: for if it be true that his service be not according to his duty, as it is many times found in servants: yet (I say) can you show your cause to no indifferent judge, but he shall object against you that he is not kept like a servant, but he lacketh both meat and drink, and other necessaries meet and due for a servant: so shall ye take more shame of your own complaint, than remedy or vantage against your servant, and it shallbe a cloak for him to hide all his rebellion and untoward service, because ye have misused him.  
And therefore my sentence is, that ye patiently bear with him in small faults, and amend your own great faults, as oppression, cruelty and covetousness, requiring more than a servant can do, specially being tired with labour, famined with hunger, and lamed with stripes. And these things amended, if he do his service negligently, (as no doubt sometime he will) yet than ye may boldly correct him with discretion, & sometime if he do not his task, ye may make him go to bed supperless: but yet beat him not with durable strokes, neither withhold his meat in due time, and pinch him not by the belly continually, but 
* Corporis curam agite. 〈◊〉 ad concupiscential.  let him have some thing to joy in: only watch him, and keep him from doing of harm. Though he be but a stranger in the life that is in God: yet be good to strangers for we are all strangers in darkness, and captives in sin, as well soul and spirit, being in Egypt, as now the flesh is yet unbaptised with the terrible red Sea of death, and remember that one law abideth for the stranger, I mean one reward abideth both body and soul in the land of everlasting rest. And therefore entreat him gently, and deal with him justly now: 
The body of man is redeemed as well as the soul.  for the time will come that the yoke of bondage shall be taken from his neck, and he shall be a fellow heir with your younger brother.  
Circumcise him therefore, but do not misuse him, nor keep him from his own, but deal mercifully with the stranger, that he may say: Oh of what understanding heart is this people, who hath God? Or where is God so nigh as to these? God make you wise and politic in hart, victorious in field of this world, to rule the nations with a rod: but kill not the Gabaonites with whom peace is taken: but let them draw water, and hue wood, 
The Gabaonites though they be but strangers & not to be pampared yet are they not to be cast out.  but give them their meat and drink due for labourers, and be glad because your disease is so remedied: for it is better and easier for a thirsty labouring man to drink, then for a drunken man to tell a sober tale. Yea, it is a token that ye have earnestly followed your labour, and not kept company with drunkards and belly Gods: and therefore be glad I say, yea and glad again: for great is your reward in heaven: yea blessed shall they be, that in this your zeal shall meet you, and withdraw your hand from revenging yourself upon that churlish nabal: which thing I hope to do now with these sweet reasons, and frails of Figs, I being of one house with your servant nabal. I dare say to you, that churlishness is his name: but revenge not, for the Lord shall do it in his due time. Farewell mine own heart.  
Yours in bonds at Westgate. Nicholas Shetterden.  
The next day after the condemnation of these foresaid, which was the 26. day of july, were also condemned for the same Articles W. Coker, W. Hopper of Cambroke, Henry Laurence, Richard Wright of Ashforde, W. Steer of Ashforde. But because the execution of these Martyrs pertaineth not to this month, more shall be said (the Lord willing) of them, when we come to the month following of August.     

Nicholas Hall, and Christopher Weighed, Martyrs.  
THe same month of july next after the suffering of the Kentishmen above named, 
july. 19 Nic. Hall, and Christopher Weighed, Martyrs.  followed the death & martyrdom of Nicholas Hall Brickelayer, and Christopher Weighed of Dartford, which both were condemned by Maurice Bishop of Rochester, about the last day of the month of june. The six Articles ministered to them, were of the same ordinary course and effect, with the Articles of the other Martyrs before specified, pag. 1582. the brief sum whereof were these.  

A brief sum of their Articles.  
1. first, that they were Christian men, and professed the Catholic determinations of our Mother holy Church. 
Articles objected against Nic. Hall and Christopher Weighed.   
2. That they which maintain or hold, otherwise then our holy mother the Catholic Church doth, are heretics.  
3. That they have and maintain, that in the Sacrament of the aultare, under the forms of bread and wine, is not very body and blood of Christ. And that the said very body of Christ is verily in heaven only, and not in the Sacrament.  
4. Item, that they have and do hold and maintain, that the Mass, as it is now used in the Catholic Church, is nought and abominable.  
5. Item, that they have been and be amongst the people of that jurisdiction vehemently suspected upon the premises, and thereupon indicted. etc.   

The answers.  
TO these Articles they answered, as commonly other used to do, which stand with Christ and his truth against these pretended Catholics, 
Their answers.  and their sinister doctrine. first granting themselves christian men, and acknowledging the determinations of the holy Church, that is, of the congregation or body of Christ: save that Halle denied to call the Catholic and Apostolic Church his mother, 
This word mother church, is not found in the scripture.  because he found not this word (mother) in the Scripture.  
To the second they granted. To the third Article as touching the very body and blood of Christ to be under the forms of bread and wine in substance they would not grant, only affirming the very body of him to be in heaven & in the sacrament to be a token or remembrance of Christ's death: 
Answer of Nicholas Hall.  Nicholas Halle adding moreover, and saying, that whereas before he held the Sacrament to be but only a token or remembrance of Christ's death, now he said, that there is neither token nor remembrance, 
Answer of Christopher Weighed.  because it is now misused and clean turned from Christ's Institution. etc. And concerning the mass in the 4. article, to be abominable, Christopher Waid with the other answered, that as they had confessed before, so would they now not go from that they had said. To the 5. article, for the people's suspicion they made no great account nor sticking to grant to the same.  
And thus much concerning the articles and answers of these good men. 
Condemnation of N. Halle and Christopher Weighed, Martyrs.  Which being received, immediately sentence of condemnation was pronounced by the said Maurice the B. against them, the copy of which sentence, as it runneth much what after the common course in condemning all other like servants of Christ, so the same being examplified before in the story of M. Rogers, pag. 5453. shall not greatly need here again to be repeated, but rather may be referred over to the place above noted. Nicholas Hall was burned at Rochester about the 19 day of july.  

Ex Registro.  Furthermore, with the foresaid Hall and Waid, in the same month of july: three other more were condemned by Maurice bishop aforenamed, whose names were joane Beach widow, John Harpoll of Rochester and Margery poley. Of which Margery poley, touching her examination and condemnation here followeth in story.    

The condemnation and martyrdom of Margery poley.  
MArgerie poley widow, wife sometime of Richard poley of Pepingberie, was accused and brought before the said Maurice Bish. of Rochester, 
Ex Registro. Margery poley Widow and Martyr.  about the beginning of the month of june. Which Bishop according to the Pontifical solemnity of that Church, rising up out of the chair of his majesty, in the high swelling style after his ordinary fashion to dash the silly poor woman, beginneth in these words.  
The martyrdom of Margery poley.  
Thus the oath first being ministered, 
The co●●demna●●●● of 〈◊〉 poley▪  & the articles commenced against her, which Articles were the same ministered to Nicholas Hall and Waid before, she so framed he answers again, especially answering to the 3. and 4. Article, that she neither allowed the deity of their Sacrament, nor the absurdity of their mass. For the which, sentence was read against her about the beginning of june, and she condemned for the same. But because her death followed not upon the same, we will therefore defer the tractation thereof to the due place and time, first setting down in order of history, the execution of Christopher Waid abo●e mentioned.   

The execution and martyrdom of Christopher Weighed.  
CHristopher Weighed of Darford, in the County of Kent, Linen weaver, was condemned by Maurice bishop of Rochester, and appointed to be burned at Darforde aforesaid. At the day appointed for his execution, which was in the month of july, there was betimes in the morning carried out of the Town in a Cart, a Stake, and therewith many bundles of Reeds, to a place a quarter of a mile out of the Town, called the Brymthe, into a Gravel pit thereby, the common place of the execution of felons. Thither also was brought a load of Broome faggot, with other faggots and talwood. Unto which place resorted the people of the Country in great number, and there tarried his coming. In so much that thither came divers Fruiterers with horse loads of Cherries, and sold them. About x. of the clock cometh riding the Sheriff, with a great many of other Gentlemen and their retinue, appointed to assist him therein, and with them Weighed riding pinioned, and by him one Margery Polly of Tunbridge, both singing of a Psalm: which Margery, as soon as she espied a far off the multitude gathered about the place where she should suffer, waiting his coming, she said unto him very loud and cheerfully: You may rejoice Weighed, to see such a company gathered to celebrate your marriage this day.  
And so passing by the place, which joined hard to the high way, they were carried straight down to the Town, where she was kept until the Sheriff returned from Waids' execution. And Waid being made ready, and stripped out of his clothes in an Inn, had brought unto him a fair long white Shirt from his wife, which being put on, and he pinioned, was led up on foot again to the foresaid place. And coming strait to the stake, took it in his arms, embracing it, and kissed it, setting his back unto it, and standing in a pitch barrel, which was taken from the Beacon, being hard by: then a Smith brought a hoop of iron, and with two staples made him fast to the stake under his arms.  
As soon as he was thus settled, he spoke with his hands and eyes lifted up to heaven, with a cheerful and loud voice, the last verse of the lxxxvi. Psalm: Show some good token upon me, O Lord, that they which hate me, may see it, and be ashamed, because thou Lord hast helped me, and comforted me. Near unto the stake was a little hill, upon the top whereof were pitched up four sta●es quadrangle wise, with a covering round about like a pulpit, into the which place, as Wade was thus praying at the stake, entered a Friar with a book in his hand, whom when Wade espied, he cried earnestly unto the people, to take heed of the doctrine of the whore of Babylon, exhorting them to embrace the doctrine of the gospel preached in K. Edward his days. Whom the sheriff, thus speaking to the people, often interrupted, saying, be quiet Wade, and die patiently, I am (said he) I thank God, quiet, Master Sheriff, and so trust to die. All this while the Friar stood still looking over the coverlet, as though he would have uttered somewhat: but Wade very mightily admonished the people to beware of that doctrine: which when the Friar perceived, whether he were amazed, or could have no audience of the people, withdrew himself out of the place immediately without speaking any word, and went away down to the Town. Then the Reeds being set about him, he pulled them and embraced them in his arms, always with his hands (making a hole against his face, that his voice might be heard, which they perceiving that were his tormentors, alway cast faggots at the same hole, which notwithstanding he still as he could put off, his face, being hurt with the end of a faggot cast thereat. Then sire being put unto him, he cried unto God often, Lord jesus receive my soul: without any token or sign of impatiency in the fire, till at length, after the fire was once thoroughly kindled, he was heard no man speak, still holding his hands up over his head together towards heaven, even when he was dead and altogether roasted, as though they had been stayed up with a prop standing under them.  
This sign did God show upon him, whereby his very enemies might perceive, that God had according to his prayer, showed such a token upon him, even to their shame and confusion. And this was the order of this godly Martyr's execution, this was his end. Whereby God seemed to confound and strike with the spirit of dumbnes, the Friar that Locuste which was risen up to have spoken against him: and also no less wonderfully sustained those hands which he lifted up to him for comfort in his torment.  
Spectatores praesentes Richardus Fletcher pater, nunc Minister Ecclesiae Crambroke, Richardus Fletcher filius, Minister Ecclesiae Riensis.   

The apprehension, examination, condemnation, and burning of Diricke Carver, and john Launder, who suffered martyrdom for the testimony of Christ's Gospel.  

 THe 22. day of this month of july, was burned at jews, within the County of Sussex, one Diricke Carver, late of the parish of Brighthamsted in the same County. And the next day (being the 23. day of the same month) was also burned at Steving, an other named John Lander, late of Godstone, in the County of Surrey. Which 2. men were (with others) about the end of the month of October. An. 1554. apprehended by Edward Gage Gentleman, as they were at prayer within the dwelling house of the said Diricke: and by him were sent up unto the Queen's Counsel. Who, after examination, sent them as prisoners to Newgate, 
 there to attend the leisure of Boner Bishop of London. From whence (upon the Bishop's receit of a letter from the Lord Marquis of Winchester now Lord Treasurer) they were brought by the keeper of the prison, the 8. of june next after, into the bishop's chamber at his house in London: and there (being examined upon divers points of religion) they made their several confessions, subscribing and signing them with their own hands. Which being read, the Bishop objected unto them certain other Articles, causing them to swear truly and directly to answer thereunto: which Articles they confessed to be true, referring themselves chief to their former confessions.  
This done, after long persuasions and fair exhortations, they were demanded whether they would stand to their answers. To whom Launder said: I will never go from these answers, so long as I live. The other also confirmed the same, and therefore they were commanded to appear again before the Bishop in the Consistory at Paul's, the 10. day of the same month next following. Which articles and confessions, with the afore mentioned letter do here ensue.  

A letter sent from the Marquis of Winchester, Lord Treasurer, unto Boner B. of London, touching the examination of the said prisoners.  
AFter my right hearty commendations to your good Lordship, I shall not forget your livery of black against this time: no more I shall master Deane, 
 to whom I wrote to make the sermon, who must now assuredly do it: for my L. of Chichester cannot attend it. To whom I have given like knowledge by my letter now sent, and your Lordship must command the Sextens of your church to be in readiness for ringing in the time of service. And if ye be not furnished with black apparel for the altar, and for the Priest, Deacon, and Subdeacon, I must have knowledge thereof, that it be taken of the Queen's stuff, whereof I pray you let me be advertised.  
And ye have sent Bradford to Newgate, as a man determined of heresy before you: but as I perceive ye have not sent me a Significavit, and therefore you must send me one that I may proceed with him, and that shall I do, assoon as I am answered of you.  
There be divers like prisoners that came from Sussex, that be not yet examined before you, lying now in Newgate, which must be examined by you, 
 since they be come to London, and so I pray you they may be, and I certified of your proceed, that I may follow, which I shall do, thanking your Lordship heartily for my Coneys, trusting to recompense your Lordship again shortly with twice as many.  
From my house this 7 of june. 1555. Your loving friend, Winchester.   

The Confession of Diricke Carver, before Boner Bishop of London.  
DIricke Carver bearebrewer of Brighthamsted, 
Diricke Carver his confession.  in the county of Sussex, where he hath dwelled by the space of 8. or 9 years, borne in the village of Dilson by Stockome in the land of Luke, 40. years of age, or thereabout, and now prisoner in Newgate, where he hath remained and continued at the Counsels commandment, since Alhollowne day last passed, being examined concerning his faith and belief in the sacrament of the altar, 
The material substance of the Sacrament denied to be the body of Christ really.  sayeth that he hath & doth believe, that the very substance of the body and blood of Christ is not in the said Sacrament, & that there is no other substance remaining in the said sacrament after the words spoken by the Priest, but only the substance of bread and wine.  
Item, being examined concerning the Mass in Latin now used in the church of England, 
The use and Sacrifice of the Latin Mass denied.  he believeth that there is no sacrifice in the said Mass, and that there is in it no salvation for a christian man, except it should be said in the mother tongue, that he might understand it: and concerning the ceremonies of the Church, he saith and believeth, that they be not profitable to a Christian man.  
Item, 
Auricular confession and absolution of the Priest rejected.  being examined concerning auricular confession, he answereth: that he hath and doth believe, that it is necessary to go to a good Priest for good counsel, but the absolution of the Priest, laying his hand upon any man's head as is now used, is nothing profitable to a Christian man's salvation. And further he saith, that he hath not been confessed, nor received the sacrament of the altar, since the coronation of the Queen that now is.  
Item, concerning the faith & religion, now taught, setfoorth & believed in the church of England, he answereth and believeth, that the faith and doctrine now taught, setfoorth, and used in the said Church of England, is not agreeable to God's word. And furthermore he saith, 
The faith of the Church of England in Queen mary's time reproved.  that bishop Hooper, Card-maker, Rogers, & other of their opinion, which were of late burned, were good christian men, & did preach the true doctrine of Christ, as he believeth: and saith that they did shed their blood in the same doctrine, which was by the power of God, as he saith & believeth.  
And further being examined saith, that since the queens coronation, he hath had the Bible and Psalter in English red in his house at Brighthamsted divers times, and likewise since his coming into Newgate, but the Keeper hearing thereof, did take them away: and sayeth also that about a twelve month now past, he had the English procession said in his house, with other English prayers. 
jueson, Launder, and Veis●e, imprisoned for hearing the Gospel.  And further sayeth, that Thomas Iveson, john Launder, and William Ueisey, being prisoners with him in Newgate, were taken with this examinat in his house at Brighthansted, as they were hearing of the gospel, then read in English, a little before Alhollowne day last passed, and brought to the Court: and being examined thereupon by the Counsel, were committed by them to prison in Newgate.   

The confession of john Launder, before Boner bishop of London.  
IOhn Launder husbandman, of the Parish of Godstone, in the County of Surrey, of the age of xxv. years, 
john Launder his confession.  borne at Godstone aforesaid, being examined, doth confess and say, that about two days next before Allhollon●ide now last passed, this Examinate and one Diricke Carver, Thomas jueson, William Ueisie, with divers other persons, to the number of twelve, (being all together in their prayers, and saying the service in English, set forth in the time of King Edward the sixth, in the house of the said Diricke, situate at Brighthamsted in Sussex) were apprehended by one master Edward Gage, and by him sent up hither to London, to the King and Queen's Counsel, and by them (upon his examination) committed to Newgate, where he with his said other fellows hath ever since remained in prison.  
And further being examined, he doth confess and say, that the occasion of his coming to the said Brighthamsted, 
The cause of the apprehension of john Launder.  was upon certain business there to be sped for his father: and so being there, and hearing that the said Diricke was a man that did much favour the Gospel, this Examinate did resort to his house and company, whom before that time he did never see or know and by reason of that his resort, he was apprehended as before: And further doth confess and believe, that there is here in earth, one whole and universal Catholic Church, whereof the members he dispersed through the world, and doth believe also, that the same Church doth set forth and teach only two Sacraments: videlicet, the Sacrament of Baptism, 
Two Sacraments only.  and the Sacrament of the Supper of our Lord. And who soever doth teach or use any more Sacraments, or yet any ceremonies, he doth not believe that they be of the Catholic Church, but doth abhor them from the bottom of his heart: And doth further say and believe, that all the service, 
Ceremonies abhorred.  sacrifices and ceremonies, now used in this Realm of England (yea, & in all other parts of the world, which been used after the same manner) be erroneous and nought, & contrary to Christ's institution, and the determination of Christ's Catholic church, whereof he believeth, that he himself is a member.  
Also he doth confess and believe, that in the Sacrament, 
The real presence of Christ's body under the forms of bread and wine denied.  now called the sacrament of the altar, there is not really, and truly, contained under the forms of bread and wine, the very natural body and blood of Christ in substance: but his belief and faith therein is as followeth, Videlicet, that when he doth receive the material bread and wine, he doth receive the same in a remembrance of Christ's death and passion, and so receiving it, he doth eat and drink Christ's body and blood by faith, and none other ways, as he believeth.  
And moreover he doth confess, say, and believe, that the Mass now used in the Realm of England, 
The Mass abominable.  or else where in all Christendom, is nought and abominable, and directly against God's word, and his Catholic Church: and that there is nothing said or used in it good or profitable. For he saith, that albeit the gloria in excelsis, the Creed, Sanctus, Pater noster, Agnus, and other parts of the Mass, been of themselves good and profitable, yet the same being used amongst other things that be nought and superfluous in the Mass, the same good things do become nought also, as he believeth.  

Auricular confession not necessary.  Also he doth believe and confess that Auriculare confession is not necessary to be made to any Priest, or to any other creature, but every person ought to acknowledge & confess his sins only to God: and also that no person hath any authority to absolve any man from his sins: and also believeth that the right and true way (according to the Scripture) after a man hath fallen from grace to sin, to arise to Christ again, is to be sorry for his offences, & to do the same, or the like no more: and not to make any auricular confession of them to the priest, either to take absolution for them at the Priest's hands. All which his said opinions, he hath believed by the space of these seven or eight years past, and in that time, hath divers and many times openly argued and defendeth the same, as he sayeth. etc.   

Articles objected by Boner Bishop of London, against Diricke Carver, and john Launder.  
1. first, I do object against you, and every of you, that ye and every of you, 
Articles laid to Diricke Carver, an● john Launder.  being within the said prison of Newgate, and within this said City of London, are of my jurisdiction (being Bishop of London) and subject unto the same, offending and trespassing within the said prison and City, in matters of Religion, and concerning the Catholic faith and belief of the Church in any wise.  
2. Item, I do object against you and every of you, that ye and every of you, 
Sacraments of penance and of the altar.  since your first coming and entering into the said prison, and during your abode there, both there, and in sundry places within this City and Diocese of London, have holden, maintained, and defended sundry opinions against the Sacraments of the Church, especially against the Sacrament of penance, and also against the Sacrament of the altar.  
3. Item, I do likewise object that ye, and every of you, in all or in some of the said places, 
Real presence.  have (as concerning the sacrament of the altar) holden, maintained, and defended, to the best of your power, that in the said sacrament of the altar there is not the very substance of the body & blood of our Saviour Christ, but that in the Sacrament there is only the substance of natural bread and wine, and no other substance.  

The Latin Mass.  4. Item, I do likewise object that you and every of you, in all or some of the said places: have concerning the mass in Latin now used in the Church, and the sacrifice of the same, holden, maintained and likewise defended, that the said Mass is not good or profitable, and that there is no sacrifice in the same.  

Ceremonies.  5. Item, I do likewise object, that you and every of you, in all, or some of the places, have concerning the ceremonies of the Church, holden, maintained, and likewise defended, that the said ceremonies are not profitable to a Christian man, but hurtful and evil.  

Auricular confession.  6. Item, I do likewise object, that you and every of you, in all, or some of the said places, have concerning the Sacrament of penance, holden, maintained, and likewise defended, that auricular confession (being a part thereof, albeit it may be made unto a good Priest for counsel, yet the absolution of the Priest, laying his hand upon any man's head, and doing as is now usually done in the Church, is nothing profitable to any man's salvation, & that therefore ye neither have been confessed to the Priest, after the usual manner of the Church, nor yet received the said Sacrament of the altar since the coronation of the Queen's Majesty, which is more than the space of one year and a half.  
7. Item, I do likewise object, 
The 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 of the Chur●● Engla●●▪  that ye and every of you in all or some of the said places concerning the faith and religion now taught, set forth, used and believed in the church of this Realm of England, and the doctrine of the same, have holden, believed and said, that it is not agreeable to God's word, but clean contrary to the same.  
8. Item, I do likewise object, that ye and every of you, in all, or some of the said places, have believed, spoken, & said, 
Defen●● of Hooper▪ Cardmaker▪ Roger●▪  and to your power, upholden, maintained & said that bishop Hooper, Card-maker, Rogers, and others of their opinion, which of late within this realm were burnt for heresy, were good Christian men, in speaking and holding against the said Sacrament of the altar, and that they did preach nothing, but the true doctrine of Christ, shedding their blood for the maintenance of the said doctrine.  
9 Item, I do likewise object, that ye and every of you, have earnestly laboured and travailed to the best and uttermost of your power, 
English ser●uice.  to have up again the English service, and the Communion in all points, as was used in the latter days of king Edward the sixth, here in this realm of England.  
10. Item, I do likewise object, that ye, and every of you have thought and do think, firmly and steadfastly, 
Defe●●● the 〈◊〉 used 〈◊〉 Edw●●● time▪  and so have and do believe, that the faith, religion, & doctrine, setfoorth in the 〈…〉 of the foresaid king Edward, was in all points 〈…〉 godly, containing in it the true Faith and Religion 〈…〉, in every part.  
11. Item, 〈…〉 likewise object and say, that ye, and every of you, (for your misbelief, offence, transgression, 
 and misbehaviour in the premises, and for that also that you would not come to your several parish churches, and hear your divine service there, as other Christian people did, and do: but absent yourself from the same, and have your private service in your houses, especially in the house of Diricke Carver) were sent up unto the King and Queen's majesties privy counsel, and by them or some of them, sent afterward unto the prison of Newgate aforesaid, having thereby their authority, remained as prisoners, during all the time ye have been there.  
12. Item, I do likewise object and say, that I the said bishop of London, 

If the●● 〈◊〉 to death 〈◊〉 not 〈◊〉 by 〈◊〉 why 〈◊〉 you 〈◊〉 it?  
If it 〈◊〉 lawful, why do 〈◊〉 so at 〈…〉.   was commanded by the authority of the said Counsel, to make process against you, and every of you, so that it was not my procuring or searching, that ye should be commanded or called before me in this matter of heresy, but partly your own demerits, and partly the said commandment enforced me to call and send for you, to make answer herein, and hereof to show you the said letters.   

Their answers to the Articles.  
Upon Monday, being the said tenth day of june, these two persons (with others) were brought by the keeper unto the bishop's Consistory (as it was before commanded) at one of the clock in the after noon, where the Bishop first beginning with the said Diricke Carver, caused his confession with the Articles and Answers, to be openly read unto him (which order he kept at the condemnation of every prisoner) ask him whether he would stand to the same. To whom the said Diricke answered, that he would: for your doctrine (quoth he) is poison and Sorcery. If Christ were here, you would put him to a worse death, than he was put to before.  
You say, that you can make a God: ye can make a pudding as well. 
The 〈◊〉 of 〈…〉 Boner.  Your Ceremonies in the Church be beggary and poison. And farther I say, that auricular confession is contrary to God's word, and very poison: with divers other such words.  
The Bishop seeing this constancy, & that neither his accustomed flatteries, nor yet his cruel threatenings could once move this good man to incline to their idolatry, pronounced his usual and general blessing, as well towards this Diricke, as also upon the said john Launder (although severally). Who (after the like manner of process used with him) remained in the same constancy, as did the other, and therefore were both delivered unto the sheriffs, who were there present, but afterwards were conveyed to the places above named, & there most joyfully gave their houses to be burned in the fire, and their souls into the hands of Almighty God, by jesus Christ, who hath assured them to a better hope of life.  

 This Diricke was a man, whom the Lord had blessed as well with temporal riches, as with his spiritual treasures: which riches yet were no clog or let unto his true professing of Christ, (the Lord by his grace so working in him:) of the which, there was such havoc made, by the greedy raveners of that time, that his poor wife and children had little or none thereof. During his imprisonment, although he was well stricken in years (and as it were, past the time of learning) yet he so spent his time, that being at his first apprehension utterly ignorant of any letter of the book, he could before his death read perfectly any Printed English. Whose diligence and zeal is worthy no small commendation, and therefore I thought it good not to let it pass over in silence, for the good encouragement and example of others.  
Moreover, at his coming into the town of jews to be burned, the people called upon him, beseeching God to strengthen him in the faith of jesus Christ. 
 He thanked them, and prayed unto God, that of his mercy he would strengthen them in the like Faith. And when he came to the sign of the Star, the people drew near unto him, where the Sheriff said that he had found him a faithful man in all his answers. And as he came to the stake, he kneeled down and made his prayers, and the Sheriff made haste.  
Then his Book was thrown into the barrel, and when he had stripped himself (as a joyful member of God) he went into the barrel himself. 
 And as soon as ever he came in, he took up the book and threw it among the people, and then the Sheriff commanded in the King and Queen's name, in pain of death, to throw in the book again. And immediately, that faithful member spoke with a joyful voice, saying:  
Dear brethren and sistern, witness to you all, that I am come to seal with my blood Christ's Gospel, for because I know that it is true: it is not unknown unto all you, but that it hath been truly preached here in jews, and in all places of England, and now it is not. And for because that I will not deny here God's Gospel, 
 and be obedient to man's laws, I am condemned to die. Dear brethren and sistern, as many of you as do believe upon the Father, the Son, and the holy Ghost, unto everlasting life, see you do the works appertaining to the same. And as many of you as do believe upon the Pope of Rome, or any of his laws, which he sets forth in these days, you do believe to your utter condemnation, and except the great mercy of God, you shall burn in hell perpetually.  
The martyrdom of Diricke Carver.  
And then spoke he again to all the people there present, with a loud voice, saying: dear brethren, 
Horrible provoking of God's judgement.  and all you whom I have offended in words or in deed, I ask you for the lords sake to forgive me, and I heartily forgive all you, which have offended me in thought, word, or deed. And he said further in his prayer, Oh Lord my God, thou hast written: He that will not forsake wife, children house, 
Dirickes prayer at his death▪  and all that ever he hath, and take up thy cross and follow thee, is not worthy of thee. But thou Lord knowest that I have forsaken all, to come unto thee: Lord have mercy upon me, for unto thee I commend my spirit: and my soul doth rejoice in thee. These were the last words of that Faithful member of Christ, before the fire was put to him. And afterward that the fire came to him, he cried: Oh Lord have mercy upon me, and sprung up in the fire, calling upon the name of jesus, and so ended.    

Thomas jueson, Martyr.  
AT Chichester, 
Tho. Iveson of Euerson, apprehended with Diricke and other, & suffered at Chichester.  about the same month was burned one Thomas Iveson of Godstone in the County of Surrey, Carpenter, whose apprehension, examination, and condemnation, (for as much as it was at one time, and in one form with Diricke Carver, and john Launder) I do here omit, referring the reader to their history & process before mentioned, saving only this his several confession, and private answers made before B. Boner at his last examination in the Consistory, I thought not to pretermit: who being examined upon the foresaid Articles, answered as followeth.  

The answers of Thomas jueson, to the objections of Boner bishop of London, in a chamber at his house, in the month of july.  
1. FIrst, that he believed, that there is but one Catholic, 
Answers of Thomas jueson.  universal and whole Church of Christ through the whole world, which hath and holdeth the true faith, and all the necessary Articles of Christian belief, & all the Sacraments of Christ, with the true use and administration of the same.  
2. Item, that he is necessarily bounden to believe & give credit, in all the said faith, Articles of the belief, religion, and the Sacraments of Christ, and the administration of the same.  
3. Item, that that faith, religion, and administration of Sacraments, which now is believed, used, taught, and set forth in this our church of England, is not agreeing with the truth and faith of Christ, nor with the faith of the said Catholic and universal Church of Christ.  
4. Item, concerning the Sacrament of the altar, he believeth, that it is a very Idol, and detestable before God, as it is now ministered.  
5. Item, that the Mass is nought, and not of the institution of Christ, but that it is of man's invention: and demanded whether any thing used in the Mass be good, he said that he would answer no further.  
6. Item, that he had not received the Sacrament of the altar, since it hath been ministered as now it is in England neither was confessed at any time within this seven years, nor he hath not heard Mass by the same space.  
7. Item, that auricular confession is not necessary to be made to a priest, for that he cannot forgive, nor absolve him from sins.  
8. Item, concerning the Sacrament of Baptism, that it is a sign and token of Christ, as circumcision was, and none otherwise, and he believeth that his sins are 
* 
He meaneth not by the mere virtue of the element.  
Two Sacraments.   not washed away thereby, but his body only washed: for his sins be washed away only by Christ's blood.  
9 Item, that there be in the Catholic Church of Christ, only two Sacraments, that is to say, the Sacrament of Baptism, and the Sacrament of the Supper of the Lord, and no more, which are not rightly used at this present time in England, and therefore be unprofitable.  
10. Item, he believeth, that all the ceremonies, 
Against ceremonies.  now used in this Church of England, are vain, superfluous, superstitious, and nought.  
The martyrdom of Thomas jueson.    

john Aleworth.  
IN the latter end of this month of july, john Aleworth died in prison, 
john Aleworth died in prison.  at the Town of Reading, being there in bonds for the cause and testimony of the truth of the lords Gospel. Whom although the Catholic Prelates (according to their usual solemnity) did exclude out of their Catholic burial, yet we see no cause why to exclude him out of the number of Christ's holy martyrs and heirs of his holy kingdom.   

james Abbes, a Martyr of blessed memory, suffering for the true cause of Christ's Gospel.  

August. 2.  AMong many that travailed in these troublesome days to keep a good conscience, there was one james Abbes a young man, which through compulsion of the tyranny then used, 
james Abbes Martyr.  was enforced to have his part with his brethren in wandering and going from place to place, to avoid the peril of apprehending. But when time came that the Lord had an other work to do for him, he was caught by the hands of wicked men, and brought before the B. of Norwiche, D. Hopton. Who examining him of his Religion, and charging him therewith very sore, both with threats and fair speech, 
james Abbes relented.  at the last the said poor james did yield, and relented to their naughty persuasions, although his conscience consented not thereto.  
Now when he was dismissed, and should go from the Bishop, 
Money given to james Abbes by the Bishop.  the Bishop calling him again, gave him a piece of money, either forty pence or twenty pence, whether I know not: which when the said james had received, and was gone from the Bishop, his conscience began to rob, 
A notable example of sting of conscience.  and inwardly to accuse his fact, how he had displeased the Lord by consenting to their beastly illusions, In which combat with himself (being piteously vexed) he went immediately to the Bishop again, & there threw him his said money which he had received at his hand, 
james Abbes throweth to the Bishop his money again.  and said, it repented him that ever he gave his consent to their wicked persuasions, and that he gave his consent in taking of his money.  
Now this being done, the bishop with his chaplains did labour a fresh to win him again: 
james Abbes made strong by his infirmity.  but in vain, for the said james Abbes would not yield for none of them all, although he had played Peter before through infirmity, but stood manfully in his master's quarrel to the end, and abode the force of the fire, to the consuming of his body into ashes, which tyranny of burning was done in Berie the 2. day of August. An. 1555.   

A discourse of the apprehension, examination, and condemnation of john Denly Gentleman, john Newman, and Patrick Pachingham, Martyred for the testimony of Christ's Gospel.  
IN the midst of this tempestuous rage of malignant adversaries, 
john 〈◊〉 gentlem●● john N●●●man, P●●tricke P●●chingha● Martyr●● Edmun● Tyrrel ●●●quire, motor.  persecuting and destroying the poor ●●ocke of Christ, many there were, which though they were no spiritual men, yet thought to help forward, for their parts, & as one would say, to heap up more coals to this furious flame of persecution, whether of a blind zeal, or of a parasitical flattery I know not. Amongst which, one was Edmonde Tyrell Esquire, and at that time a justice of peace within the County of Essex, an assister (as it seemeth) to the cruel murderers of God's Saints. Who as he came from the burning & death of certain godly Martyrs, met with M. john Denly gentleman, and one john Newman (both of Maidstone in Kent) travailing upon the way, and going to visit such their godly friends, as than they had in the said County of Essex. And upon the sight of them as he yet braggeth, first upon suspicion apprehended, and searched them: and at last, finding the confessions of their faith in writing about them, sent them up unto the Queen's Commissioners, directing also unto one of the same Commissioners, these his favourable Letters in their behalf. The copy whereof here may appear as followeth.  

A copy of Edmund Tyrels letter, to one of the Queen's Commissioners.  
SIr, with most hearty commendations unto you, these shall be to advertise you, 
A letter of detection written 〈◊〉 M. Edm●●● Tyrrell 〈◊〉 Comm●●●●●oner, 〈…〉 Sir 〈…〉  that I have received a letter from Sir Nicholas Hare and you, and other of the King & Queen's majesties commissioners, by a servant of the King and Queens, called john fails, for certain business, about S. Osythes, the which I could not immediately go about, for that I had received a letter from the Counsel, to assist the Sheriff for the execution of the heretics, the one at Raileigh, and the other at Rocheford, the which was done upon Tuesday last.  
And as I came homeward, I met with two men: Even as I saw them, I suspected them, and then I did examine them, and search them, and I did find about them certain letters, 
M. 〈◊〉 and Ioh● New●●● the way met and apprehe●●ded by M. Edmund Tyrrell.  which I have sent you, and also a certain writing in paper, what their faith was. And they confessed to me that they had forsaken and fled out of their country for Religion's sake: and sithen they have been in many countries, by their confession, which I have sent you: for the which I thought it good (for that they came from London, and that there might be more had of them, than I yet have understand) to send them to you, whereby you and others of the King and Queen's Commissioners there, might try them, so that their lewdness might be thoroughly known: for I think these have caused many to trouble their consciences. So this hath been some let to me, wherefore I could not go about these matters expressed in your letters: but to morrow no one I intend by God's grace to accomplish your letters, with as much diligence as I may. And this the holy Trinity have you ever in his keeping, I beseech you to be so good master, to discharge these poor men that bring these prisoners up assoon as may be. And thus most heartily farewell,  
from Raimesdon park, the 12. day of june. 1555. By your assured to command, Edmund Tyrel.  
For so much as in this letter mention is made of a certain writing in paper found about them of their Faith, what this writing was, and what were the contents of it, the copy thereof here ensueth.   

¶ Certain notes collected and gathered out of the Scriptures, by john Denley Gentleman, with a confession of his faith, touching the Sacrament of Christ's body & blood, found about him ready written, at his apprehension.  
Christ is in the Sacrament, as he is where two or three are gathered together in his name.  
THe difference of doctrine between the Faithful & the Papists concerning the Sacrament is: 
 that the Papists say, that Christ is corporally under or in the forms of bread and wine: but the faithful say, that Christ is not there neither corporally, nor spiritually: but in them that worthily eat and drink the bread and wine, he is spiritually, but not corporally.  
For figuratively he is in the bread and wine, and spiritually he is in them that worthily eat and drink the bread and wine: but really, carnally, 
 and corporally he is only in heaven, from whence he shall come to judge the quick and the dead.   

¶ My belief in the Sacrament of the blessed body and blood of my Saviour jesus Christ.  

 AS concerning the Sacrament of the body and blood of our Saviour jesus Christ, my belief is this, that the bread and wine is appointed unto a Sacrament: and that after thanks be given to God the father, than it doth represent unto me the very body and blood of our saviour jesus Christ: not that the bread is the body, or the wine the blood, but that I in faith do see that blessed body of our saviour broken on the cross, & his precious blood plenteously shed for the redemption of my sins. 
 Also in faith I hear him call us unto him, saying: Come unto me all you that labour and are laden, and I will refresh you. Esay. 55. a. b. Mat. 11. etc. In faith I come unto him, & I am refreshed, so that I believe that all that do come unto the table of the Lord in this frith, 
 fear and love, being sorry for their offences, intending earnestly to lead a godly conversation in this vale of misery, do receive the fruit of the death of Christ, which fruit is our salvation.  
I do understand [spiritually] that as the outward man doth eat the material bread which comforteth the body, so doth the inward man (through faith) eat the body of Christ, believing that as the bread is broken, so was Christ's body broken on the Cross for our sins, which comforteth our souls unto life everlasting: and signifying thereby, that even as that bread was divided among them, so should his body and fruit of his passion be distributed unto as many as believed his words. But the bread broken and eaten in the Supper, monisheth & putteth us in remembrance of his death, and so exciteth us to thanksgiving, to laud and praise God for the benefits of our redemption.  
And thus we there have Christ present, in the inward eye and sight of our faith we eat his body, and drink his blood, that is, we believe surely that his body was crucified for our sins, and his blood shed for our salvation.  
Christ's body and blood is not contained in the Sacramental▪ bread and wine as the papists have said, 
〈◊〉 gross 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 Papists the real 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉 Sacrament.  & as some yet do say, as ye read in these scriptures following: first read in S. Math. 9 Luk. 5. Math. 24. and 26. Mark 16. Luk. 24. john 13. Luke 23. in the end, john 14.15.16.17. Acts 1.3.7.9. Rom. 8. Psalm. 8. 1. Cor. 10.11. Exod. 12. Col. 1.3. Ephe. 1.4. Phil. 2. 1. Thes. 1.4. Heb. 1.5.8.9.10.12. 1. Pet. 3. Psal. 11.47.103.10.  

Christ's material body is not in all places, as these Scriptures do testify hereafter.  

●hristes ●ody not in ●ll places 〈◊〉 ●nce.  First, read Saint Matthew the last, Mark the last, Luke the last, john 11.20.21. These places of the Scripture do plainly declare, that his body that was borne of the Virgin Mary, cannot be in more places than one, & that is in heaven on the right hand of God, and not in the Sacrament, nor in all places, as the Papists have affirmed, and yet do affirm.  

idolatry to 〈◊〉 creature of ●read and ●ine.  Therefore who so ever they be that do worship the creatures of bread and wine, do commit idolatry, and make abominable Idols of them, and take the glory from God, and give it to his creatures, which is contrary to the mind of God, as these scriptures hereafter do testify, first in Exodus 20.22.23.24. levit. 19 Deut. 4.6.32. Psal. 80. Esay. 45. Mal. 2. Matthew. 4. Luke 4. Acts, 14. Revel. 14. Psalm. 98. 1. Corrinth. 8. Ephes. 4. 1. Tim. 2. 1. joh. 5. revel. 19.22.  
john Denley.   

M. Denley ●nd his fellow priso●ers sent to ●. Boner.  Now to return to the Commissioners again, they receiving these prisoners afore mentioned, after they saw they could little prevail by their own persuasions, sent them unto B. Boner to be handled after his fatherly and charitable discretion. Which how discrete & favourably it was, as well the history of others, as also the sequel of this doth manifestly declare. 
M. Denley Newman, ● Packing●am had in ●xam●natiō●efore the ●●shop of ●ondon.  For the 28. day of june than next following, he caused the said Denly & Newman, with one Patrick Packingham, to be brought into his chamber within his house or palace, there examining them upon their confessions (which Tyrrell had found about them) objecting also unto them certain other Articles of his own. The which they all answered in effect one thing, although Denly answered more largely than the others, & therefore I thought it enough only to manifest his, as sufficient, & in no part differing from the others, except that Pachingham had one Article of no great force objected to him, which the rest had not.  
This done, the B. used with them his accustomed persuasions, to the which M. Denly said: God save me from your counsel, & keep me in the mind that I am in, for that you count heresy, I take to be the truth: 
The words of M. Denly to Bishop Boner.  & thereupon they were commanded to appear in the bishop's Consistory the 5. of july than next coming in the after noon, where these Articles were objected against them.   

¶ The Articles objected by Edmond Boner, Bishop of London, against john Denley, john Newman, and Patrick Pachingham, jointly and severally, the xxviij. of june. 1555.  
FIrst, that the said N. now is of the diocese of London, & of the jurisdiction of the B. of London. 

Articles objected.  
Slander of untruth.  
Catholic Church.    
Secondly, that the said N. hath not believed, nor doth believe that there is any Catholic Church of Christ here in earth.  
Thirdly, that the said N. had not believed, nor doth believe, that this church of England is any part or member of the said catholic church·s  
Fourthly, the said N. hath believed, 
Mass.  and doth so believe that the Mass now used in this Realm of England, is nought, and full of Idolatry and evil, and plain against God's word, and therefore he the said N. hath not heard it nor will not hear it.  
Fiftly, that the said N. hath believed, & doth so believe, 
Auricular confession.  that auricular confession used now in this realm of England, is not good, but contrary to God's word.  
Sixtly, that the said N. hath believed, 
Popish absolution.  and doth so believe, that absolution given by the priest hearing confession, is not good, nor allowable by God's word, but contrary to the same.  
seventhly, that the said N. hath believed, 
Matins, Evensong, Eneling, with other rites of the Pope's Church. 2. Sacraments.  and doth so believe, that christening of childrenn, as it is used in the church of England, is not good, nor allowable by God's word, but against it: likewise confirming of children, giving of orders, saying of Matins & Evensong, anointing or eneling of sick persons, making of holy bread and holy water, with the rest of the Church.  
Eightly, that the said N. hath believed, and doth so believe, that there are but two Sacraments in Christ's Catholic church, that is to say, the sacrament of Baptism, & the Sacrament of the altar.  
Ninthly, that the said N. hath believed, & doth so believe, that for as much as Christ is ascended up into heaven, therefore the very body of Christ is not in the Sacrament of the altar.  
Tenthly, 
This article was only objected against Patrick Pachingham.  that thou Patrick Pachingham now being of the age of 21. at the least, being within the house of the B. of London at Paul's, and by him brought to the great Chapel to hear Mass there, the said 23. day of june, the year of our Lord, 1555. didst unreverently stand in the said Chapel, having thy cap on thy head all the Mass while, and didst also refuse to receive holy water and holy bread at the priests hands, there contemning and despising both the Mass, and the said holy water and holy bread.  

¶ The answer of john Denley and the rest, to the Articles objected.  
TO the first Article, I answer, it is very true. 
Their answers.   
To the second Article I answer, that it is not true: for I believe the holy Catholic Church which is builded upon the foundation of the Prophets & Apostles, 
The true Catholic Church not denied.  Christ being the head, which holy Church is the Congregation of the faithful people, dispersed through the whole world the which Church doth preach God's word truly, 
A notice of the true Church.  and doth also minister the two Sacraments, that is to say, Baptism, and the supper of the Lord, according to his blessed word.  
To the third Article I answer, that I do believe that this Church of England, 
The Church of England now used, is no member of the true Catholic Church, and the reason why?  using the faith & religion which is now used, is no part or member of the foresaid holy Catholic church, but is the church of Antichrist the bishop of Rome being the head thereof: for it is plain, that they have altered the testament of God, & set up a testament of their own devising, full of blasphemy & lies: for Christ's testament is, that he would have all things done to the edifying of the people, as it appeareth when he taught them to pray, Math. 6. & also it appeareth by S. Paul, 1. Cor. 14. for he saith: That he that prophesieth, speaketh unto men, for their edifying for their exhortation, and for their comfort: he that speaketh with the tongue, profiteth himself: he that prophesieth, edifieth the congregation.  
Also he saith: Even so likewise when ye speak with tongs except ye speak words that have signification, 
1. Corinth. 14.  how shall it be understand what is spoken? for ye shall but speak in the air, that is as much to say, in vain. Also he saith: Thou verily givest thanks well, but the other is not edified, I thank my God, I speak with tongs more than ye all, yet had I rather in the congregation to speak five words with understanding, to the information of other, than ten thousand words with the tongue. Also he saith: Let all things be done to edification.  

The Pope's service in the tongue which edifieth not the people.  Also it is written in the Psalm, 46. For God is king of all the earth: O sing praises unto him with understanding, etc. So it doth appear that this Church of England now used, is not builded upon Christ, if S. Paul's words be true, and also the Psalms: therefore this Church is not builded upon the prophets, apostles, nor Christ, as I have declared before.  

The Mass abominable and Idolatrous.  To this 4. Article I answer, and I do believe (as I have aforesaid) that the mass now used in this realm of England, is nought and abominable, idolatry and blasphemy against God's word: for Christ in his holy supper instituted the Sacraments of bread and wine, to be eaten together in remembrance of his death till he come, & not to have them worshipped, and make an Idol of them: for GOD will not be worshipped in his creatures, but we ought to give him praises for his creatures, which he hath created for us. For he saith in the second commandment: Thou shalt not make to thyself any graven image, 
The Mass against God's commandment.  nor the likeness of any thing that is in heaven above, or in the earth beneath, thou shalt not bow down to them nor worship them. So it appeareth by this commandment, that we ought not to worship the Sacrament of bread and wine, for it is plain idolatry, for he saith: No similitude, therefore Thou shalt not bow down to them nor worship them. I pray you what do you call kneeling down, holding up the hands, knocking of the breast, putting of the cap, and making courtesy, with other like superstition? You would make men to be so blind, that this is no worshipping.  

Objection of the Papists removed.  Peradventure you will object and say, you do not worship the bread & the wine, but Christ's body which was borne of the Virgin Mary, contained under the form of bread and wine. But that is a very lie: for Christ's body that was borne of the Virgin Mary, is in heaven, if saint Paul's words be true, as undoubtedly they are: for he saith in the x. of the hebrews: 
Heb. 10.  But this man, after he hath offered one sacrifice for sins, is set down for ever on the right hand of God, and from henceforth tarrieth till his foes be made his footstool.  

Heb. 9  Also in the 9 chap. he saith: For Christ is not entered into holy places that are made with hands, which are similitudes of true things, but is entered into very heaven, for to appear now in the sight of God for us, 
Philip. 3.  etc. Also Phil. 3. But our conversation is in heaven, from whence we look for the Saviour, even the Lord jesus Christ, 
1. Thess. 1.  etc. Thes. 1. For they themselves show of you, what manner of entering in we had unto you, and how ye turned to God from Images, for to serve the living God, and for to look for his son from heaven, 
Scriptures proving Christ not to be bodily in the Sacrament. joh 19 john. 17.  whom he raised from death, even jesus, which delivered us from the wrath to come, etc. Also john 16. I went out from the father, and came into the world. Again, I leave the world, and go to the father. etc. john. 17. Now I am not in the world, and they are in the world, and I come to thee. And these places of the Scripture with other more, proveth plainly to them that have ears to hear, that Christ's body that was borne of the Virgin Mary, is in heaven, and not in the Sacramental bread and wine, and therefore it is idolatry to worship them, etc.  

Against auricular confession.  To this fift Article I answer, that I do believe as I have aforesaid, that auricular confession is not good, as it is now used. Touching my sins wherein I have offended God, I must seek to him for remission thereof, for our Saviour Christ saith in the xj. of S. Matthew: Come unto me all ye that labour and are laden, 
Matthew. 11.  I will ease you, etc. The riotous son, Luke. xv. saith: I will arise and go to my Father and will say to him, 
Luke 15.  Father, I have sinned against heaven and before thee, and am no more worthy to be called thy son, etc. Psal. 31. 
Psalm. 31.  I said, I will knowledge mine offences, and accuse myself unto the Lord, and so thou forgavest me the wickedness of my sin. etc. job. 13. But I will reprove mine own ways in his sight: 
job. 13.  He shall make me whole, and there may no hypocrite come before him. sirach. 34. saith: Who can be cleansed of the unclean? 
Sirac. 34.  And there was but one of the x. Lepers that were cleansed, that came to Christ to give him thanks. He asked for the other ix. But if I have offended my neighbour, I must reconcile myself to my neighbour: 
Remission of sins to be sought only at the hands of Christ.  and if I be a notorious sinner, after the first & second admonition, it ought to be declared to the congregation, and the Minister of the congregation hath power by the word to excommunicate me, and I am to be taken as a Heathen person, not for a day, or xl. days, but unto such time as I do openly in the congregation knowledge my fault, than the minister hath power by the word, to preach to me or them the remission of our sins in the blood of jesus Christ, as it is written in the 13. of the Acts of the Apostles, Math. 18. Other confession I know none.  
To this 6. Article, I the said john Denley have answered in the fift. etc.  
To this 7. Article I answer, that as touching the sacrament of Baptism, which is the christening of children, as it is altered and changed: 
 for S. john Baptist used nothing, but the preaching of the word and the water, as it doth appear, when Christ required to be baptized of him and others also which came to john to be baptized, as it appeareth Math. 3. Mark. 1. Luke. 3. and Act. 8. the chamberlain said: See here is water, 
Act. ●  what letteth me to be baptized? It appeareth here that Philip had preached unto him, for he said, here is water. We do not read that he asked for any cream, or oil, not for spittle, nor conjured water, nor conjured wax, nor yet crysome, nor salt: for it seemeth that Philip had preached no such things to him, for he would as well have asked for them as for water: & the water was not conjured, but even as it was afore. Also Act. x. Then answered Peter: 
Acte● ● Acte● ●  Can any man forbidden water that these should not be baptized▪ etc. Acts. 16. And Paul and Silas preached unto him the word of the Lord, and to all that were in his house: & he took them the same hour of the night, and washed their wounds, & so was he baptized, and all they of his household strait way. Where ye see nothing but preaching the word & the water. The like also is to be said of the rest of the ceremonies of your Church.  
To the 8. Article I answer shortly, 
The R●●●●bow as good a S●●crame●● 〈◊〉 some of 〈◊〉 Popish ●●●crament●▪  that there be Sacraments no more but two, Baptism and the Sacrament of the body & blood of Christ, except ye will make the rainbow a sacrament: for there is no sacrament but hath a promise annexed unto it.  
To the 9 Article I do answer you, that ye have my mind written already. For it was found about me when I was taken, and also ye know my mind in the 4. Article, plainly expressed concerning the bodily presence: for christes body is in heaven, & will not be contained in so small a piece of bread. And as the words which Christ spoke are true in deed, so must they also be understanded by other of the Scriptures, which Christ spoke himself, and also the Apostles after him. And thus I make an end, etc.  
By me john Denley.   
The martyrdom of Master john Denley.  
Then cruel D. Story being there present, commanded one of the tormentors to hurl a faggot at him, 
 whereupon being hurt therewith upon the face that he bled again, he left his singing and clapped both his hands on his face. Truly, quoth D. Story to him that hurled the faggot, thou hast marred a good old song.  
The said john Denley being yet still in the flame of the fire, put his hands abroad, and sang again, yielding at the last his spirit into the hands of God through his son jesus Christ.  

 After the martyrdom of M. Denley at Uxbridge, which was the 8. of August, suffered also not long after, Patrick Pachingham at the same town of Uxbridge, about the 28. of the said month. This Pachingham was charged of Boner (as ye heard in the x. article before) for his behaviour showed in the Bishop's chapel: who at the mass time there standing, would not put of his cap, which was taken for an heinous offence. The said Pachingham also being much laboured by Boner to recant, protested in these words to the B. that the church which he believed, was no catholic church, but was the church of Satan, & therefore he would never turn to it, etc.  
Furthermore, as touching the other which was joh. Newman Pewterer, dwelling at Maidstone in Kent, he was burned the last of August at Saffron Walden in the County of Essex, whose examination and confession of his faith and belief, for the which he was cruelly burnt and persecuted, here under followeth.   

¶ The examination of john Newman Martyr.  
IOhn Newman first was apprehended in Kent, dwelling in the town of Maidstone, and there was examined before Doctor Thornton suffragan, and others, at Tenterden. From thence he was brought to Boner, and there condemned with M. Denley and Pachingham, and burned at Saffron Walden, as is before storied. But because his examination and answers before the Suffragan came not then to my hands, I thought here in this place to bestow them, rather than they should utterly be suppressed. And first what his answer was by writing to the said Suffragan, after his apprehension, you shall hear by the tenor of his own words, as follow.  

〈◊〉 The copy of 〈◊〉 Newtons words 〈◊〉 writing 〈◊〉 Doctor thornton.  IT may please you to understand, that for the space of all the time of king Edward's reign, we were diligently instructed with continual Sermons made by such men, whose faith, wisdom, learning & virtuous living, was commended unto all men, under the kings hand & seal, and under the hands of the whole Counsel. These men taught diligently a long time, persuading us by the allegations of God's word, that there was no Transubstantiation, nor corporal presence in the sacrament. Their doctrine was not believed of us suddenly, but by their continual preaching, and also by our continual prayer unto God that we might never be deceived: but if it were true, that God would incline our hearts unto it: and if it were not true, that we might never believe it. We weighed that they laboured with God's word, and we asked the advise of our friends: neither could we find that they preached false doctrine. We considered also, as we did learn, that the kings grace and his Counsel, and the most part of the whole Realm, believed as they taught, because no man preached the contrary. Also we know that the Preachers were commanded by the King and laws of the Realm, to preach unto us such doctrine, as was to the authority of God's word, agreeable and no other. And by their diligent setting forth of it, by the king's commandment, and the whole consent of the whole Counsel, and by the authority of the Parliament, we embraced it, and received it, as a very infallible truth taught unto us for the space of seven years. Wherefore, until such time as our consciences are otherwise taught and instructed by God's word, we cannot with safeguard of our consciences, take it, as many suppose at this tyme. And we trust in God that the Queen's merciful highness, neither yet her most honourable Counsel will in a matter of faith use compulsion, nor violence, because faith is the gift of God, and cometh not of man, neither of man's laws, neither at such time as men require it, but at such time as God giveth it.   

¶ The examination and answers of john Newman Martyr, before D. Thornton and others.  
FIrst, one of the Doctors, or one of the Bench, 
The examination and answers of john Newman.  either the Archdeacon, or Fauced, or some other, whose name I. Newman doth not express, beginneth ask in this wise.  Doctor. 
How say ye to this? This is my body which is given for you.  New. 
It is a figurative speech, one thing spoken, & another meant, as Christ saith: I am a vine, I am am a door, I am a stone. etc. Is he therefore a material stone, a vine, or a door?  Doct. 
This is no figurative speech. For he saith: This is my body which is given for you, and so saith he not of the stone, vine, or door: but that is a figurative speech.  New. 
Christ saith, this cup is the new Testament in my blood. If ye will have it so meant, then let them take & eat the cup. 
This cup is th● new Testament, is a figurative speech.   Doct. 
Nay, that is not so meant, for it is a common phrase of speech among ourselves: we say to our friend, drink a cup of drink, & yet we meant he should drink the drink in the cup.  New. 
Why if we will have the one so understand, ye must so understand the other.  Doct. 
Nay, it is a common use of speech, to say drink a cup of ale, or beer? And therefore it is no figurative speech.  New. 
The often using of a thing doth not make that thing otherwise than it is: 
What is a figurative speech.  but wheresoever one thing is spoken, and an other meant, it is a figurative speech.  Doct. 
Well, we will not stand here about. How say ye by the real presence? Is not Christ's natural body there that was borne of the Virgin Mary?  New. 
No, I do not so believe, neither can I so believe: for the soul of man doth not feed upon natural things as the body doth.  Doct. 
Why, how then doth he feed?  New. 
I think the soul of man doth feed as the angels in heaven, whose feeding is only the pleasure, joy, felicity, & delectation that they have of God: and so the soul of man doth feed and eat, through faith, the body of Christ.  Collins. 
Yea, but if the body do not feed upon natural things, the soul cannot continue with the body: 
Collins reasoneth with Newman.  therefore the body must needs feed upon natural things, that both may live together.  New. 
I grant it to be true: but yet the soul doth live otherwise then the body which doth perish: therefore natural things do but feed the body only. I pray you what did judas receive at the Supper?  Coll. 
Marry, judas did receive the very body of Christ, but it was to his damnation.  New. 
Why? was the devil entered into him before. Then he had both the devil and Christ in him at one tyme.  Coll. 
Nay, the devil did enter into him afterward.  New. 
Yea, and before to, what do ye think? 
Whether judas received the body of Christ, or no?  Had he but one devil. Nay I think he had rather a legion of devils at the latter end.  Coll. 
Well, put case it be so, what say you to that?  New. 
Marry, if Christ and the devil were both in judas at once, I pray you how did they two agree together?  Coll. 
We grant they were both in judas at that time: for Christ may be where the devil is, if he will, but the devil cannot be where Christ is, except it please Christ.  New. 
Christ will not be in an unclean person that hath the devil.  Thorn. 
Why, will ye not believe that Christ was in hell, and ye will grant that the devil is there: 
D. Thornton reasoneth with john Newman.  and so might he be in judas, and if it pleased him.  New. 
Christ would not suffer Mary Magdalene to touch him, which sought him at his grave, and did love him entirely: much less he will suffer an ungodly man to receive him into his unclean body.  Thorn. 
Yes, seeing God may do all things, he may do what he list, and be where he will: And doth not the Psalm say: he is in hell, and in all places. Why should we then doubt of his being there?  New. 
Though his Godhead be in all places, yet that is not sufficient to prove that his humanity is in all places.  Thornt. 
No, do you not believe that God is omnipotent, & may do all things?  New. 
I do believe that God is almighty, & may do all that he will do.  Thornt. 
Nay, but and if he be omnipotent, 
The omnipotency of Christ doth not prove him to be really in the Sacrament.  he may do all things, and there is nothing unpossible for him to do.  New. 
I know God is almighty, and can do all that he will but he cannot make his son a liar, he cannot deny himself, nor he cannot restore virginity once violated & defiled.  Thornt. 
What is that to your purpose. God doth not defile virginity: we speak but of things that God doth.  New. 
Why, 
Absurdity in the Pope's doctrine.  will ye have the humanity of Christ in all places, as the deity is?  Thornt. 
Yea, he is in all places, as the deity is, if it please him.  New. 
I will promise you that seemeth to me a very great heresy: for heaven and earth are not able to contain the divine power of God, for it is in all places, as here and in every place: & yet ye will say, that wheresoever the deity is, there is also the humanity, and so ye will make him no body, but a fantastical body, and not a body in deed.  Thornt. 
Nay, we do not say he is in all places as the deity is, but if it please him he may be in all places with the deity.  New. 
I promise you that it seemeth to me as great an heresy as ever I heard in my life: and I dare not grant it, lest I should deny Christ to be a very man, and that were against all the scriptures.  Thornt. 

The humanity of Christ may not be in all places.  Tush, what shall we stand reasoning with him? I dare say he doth not believe, that Christ came out of his mother, not opening the matrice. Do you believe that Christ rose from death and came through the stone?  New. 
I do believe that Christ rose from beath: but I do not believe that he came through the stone, neither doth the Scripture so say.  Thornt. 
Lo, how say you, he doth not believe that Christ came through the stone: & if he doth not believe this, how shall he believe the other? If he could believe this, it were easy for him to believe the other.  New. 

Note the gross ignorance of this Suffragan.  The scripture doth not say he went through the stone, but it saith the angels of God came down and rolled away the stone, & for fear of him, the keepers be came even as dead men.  Thornt. 
A fool, fool, that was because that women should see that he was risen again from death.  New. 
Well, the scripture maketh as much for me as it doth for you, and more too.  Thornt. 
Well, let us not stand any longer about him. Back again to the real presence. How say ye, is the body of Christ really in the sacrament, or no?  New. 
I have answered you already.  Thornt. 
Well, do ye not believe that he is there really?  New. 
No, I believe it not.  Thornt. 
Well, will ye stand to it?  New. 
I must deeds stand to it, till I be persuaded by a further truth.  Thornt. 
Nay, ye will not be persuaded, but stand to your own opinion.  New. 
Nay I stand not to mine own opinion, GOD I take to witness, but only to the Scriptures of God, & that can all those that stand here witness with me, and nothing but the Scriptures: and I take God to witness, that I do nothing of presumption, but that that I do, is only my conscience, & if there be a further trutht, hen I see, except it appear a truth to me, I cannot receive it as a truth. And seeing faith is the gift of God, & cometh not of man, for it is not you that can give me faith, nor no man else, therefore I trust ye will bear the more with me, seeing it must be wrought by God, & when it shall please God to open a further truth to me, I shall receive it with all my hart and embrace it.  
¶ Thornton had many other questions which I did not bear away: but as I do understand, these are the chiefest: as for taunts, foolish, & unlearned, he lacked none. Praise God for his gifts, and God increase in us strength.   

The Arguments of john Newman.  


Arg in the 2. figure.  If the body of Christ were really and bodily in the sacrament, than whosoever received the Sacrament, received also the body.  
The wicked receiving the Sacrament, receive not the body of Christ.  
Ergo, the body of Christ is not really in the sacrament.   

Argument.  
Ca- They which eat the flesh, and drink the blood of Christ, dwell in him. and he in them.  
mes- The wicked dwell not in Christ, nor he in them.  
tres. Ergo, the wicked eat not the flesh, nor drink the blood of Christ.   

Argument.  
Ca- They that have Christ dwelling in them, bring forth much fruit. john. 15. He that dwelleth in me, and I in him, bringeth forth much fruit. etc.  
mes- The wicked bring forth no fruit of goodness.  
tres. Ergo, they have not Christ's body dwelling in them.   

Argument.  
Da- Where remembrance is of a thing, there is imported the absence thereof. 
Arg in the 3. figure.   
ti- Remembrance of Christ's body is in the sacrament: Do this in remembrance of me etc.  
si Ergo, Christ's body there is imported to be absent.   
Marry they will say, we see him not with our outward eyes, but he is commended under the form of bread and wine, and that that we see, is nothing but a quality or an accidence. But let them show me a quality or an accidence without a substance, & I will believe them. And thus much concerning newman's examinations and arguments.   

* The faith of john Newman dwelling at Maydstone in Kent, who was by occupation a Pewterer.  
The Lord is the protector of my life. The just shall live by faith, and if he withdraw himself, 
Abac 1. Hebru. ●  my soul shall have no pleasure in him.  
MY faith is, that there is one God which is without beginning and without ending. 
Gen. 1.1.  This God created all things visible and invisible. And after that he had made both heaven and earth with all other creatures, he made man, & set him in the place which he had prepared for him, which place he called Eden: he gave to Adam his commandments & precepts, and said, when so ever thou dost the thing which I forbidden, thou shalt surely die the death: yet did man for all this, disobey God his creator, & after his sin he fled from God, hid himself, & was in a miserable desperate case. But God seeing man in this miserable estate, 
Gen. 3●  because he & all his posterity should not continue in death, promised Adam that the woman's seed should break the serpent's head, whereby is meant that the son of God should become man, & destroy the devil. Which by his subtle persuasions had deceived Adam. Then did Adam by faith take hold of gods promise, and became the servant of righteousness through the faith which he had in the promise of the woman's seed. So did Abel, Seth, Henoch, & Noah, with faithful Abraham, Isaac, & jacob, and the rest of the faithful until Christ's time, as S. Paul saith: they did all eat of one spiritual meat, & did all drink of one manner of spiritual drink. They did drink of that spiritual rock that followed them, which rock was Christ that saveth us. 
1. Cor. ●.  And when the time was full come, God sent his son made of a woman, that is, he took flesh of the virgin Mary, & became man, not the shadow of a man, nor a fantastical man, 
Gala. 4.  as some falsely feign, but a very natural man in all points, sin only excepted, which God & man is Christ the promised woman's seed. This Christ was here conversant among men, for the space of 30. years & more, 
Luke 22.  and when the time was come, that he should go to his father, he gave unto us the mystery of our redemption, that we through faith should eat his body, and drink his blood, that we might feed on him through faith to the end of the world. After this Christ offered up his body on the cross, 
1. Cor. ●●  to pacify his father, & to deliver us from the thraldom of the devil, in the which we were, through sin original & actual. And with that one sacrifice of his body once offered on the cross, 
Heb. 1●.  he hath made perfect for ever all them that are sanctified. He descended into hell, the third day he rose again from death, & was conversant at certain times with his disciples, for the space of 40. days after, he rose from death. Then in the sight of all his disciples he ascended into heaven, & as his disciples stood looking upward, 
Acts. 1.  & beholding him how he went into heaven, two men stood by them in white apparel, which also said: ye men of Galilee, why stand ye gazing up into heaven? This same jesus which is taken up from you into heaven, shall so come even as ye have seen him go into heaven, 
Acts. 3.  S. Peter also saith, that the heavens must receive him, until the time that all things which God hath spoken by the mouth of all his prophets since the world began, be restored again, which is the latter day, when he shall come to judge the quick and the dead. I do believe in the holy ghost, which is the spirit of God, proceeding from the father and the son, which holy spirit is one God with them. I believe that there is an holy church, which is the company of the faithful & elect people of God, dispersed abroad throughout all the world, 
Math ●●  which holy church or congregation doth not look for Christ here, nor Christ there, neither in the desert, nor in the secret places, whereof Christ warneth us, but as S. Paul saith, in heaven: where he sitteth on the right hand of GOD the father, 
Coloss. ●  they set their affection on things that are above, and not on things which are on earth. For they are dead concerning the things of this world, and their life is hid with Christ in God: and when Christ which is their life shall show himself, then shall they also appear with him in glory. I believe that there is a communion of saints, even the fellowship of the faithful people which are dispersed abroad throughout all the whole world, and are of one mind: they follow Christ their head, they love one an other as Christ loved them, & are knit together in one, even in Christ, which Church, or congregation hath forgiveness of sins through Christ, and shall enter without spot before the face of God into his glory. For as Christ being their head, hath entered pure and clean, so they entering by him, shall be like him in glory. And I am certain and sure that all they which do die, shall rise again and receive their bodies. In them shall they see Christ come in his glory, to judge the quick and the dead. At whose coming all men shall appear and give a reckoning of their doings: he shall separate the good from the bad, he shall say to them which are his elect: come ye blessed of my father, inherit the kingdom prepared for you from the beginning: but to the other that have always resisted his will, he shall say: depart from me ye cursed into everlasting fire, which is prepared for the devil and his angels.  
Thus have I briefly declared my faith, which were no faith at all if I were in doubt of it. This faith therefore, I desire God to increase in me. Praise God for his gifts.  
❧ And thus have you the martyrdom with the confession of this blessed man and witness of the Lords truth, who for that, gave his life as is before declared.   

¶ Richard Hooke.  

 LIkewise Richard Hooke about the same season, & for the same matter gave his like at Chichester.    

¶ The examinations, answers, and condemnation of William Coker, William Hopper, Henry Laurence, Rich. Collier, Rich. Wright, William Steer, before the Bishop of Dover, and Harpsfield Archdeacon of Caunterbury.  
MEntion was made a little before in the story of M. Bland, 
 and Nich. Sheterden, of certain other Kentish men, who being the same time with them called forth and examined by Thornton Bish. of Dover, N. Harpesfield, Rich. Faucet, and Rob. Collins: yet notwithstanding, because the condemnation and execution of them was differred a little longer, till the latter end of the month of Aug. coming therefore now to the time of their suffering, we will briefly touch some part of their examinations and answers, as we find them in the Registers. The names of these were Wil Coker, Wil Hopper, Henry Laurence, Rich. Collier, Rich. Wright, W. Stere. What the articles objected to M. Bland and them were, ye heard before. To the which Articles they answered for themselves severally in effect as followeth.  

 FIrst Wil Coker said, he would answer no otherwise then he had already answered: & being offered to have longer respite of 6. days after, he refused to take it. and so upon the same sentence of condemnation, was read against him, the 11. of july.  

 Will. Hopper first seemed to grant to the faith & determination of the Catholic church: after calling himself better to mind, constantly sticking to the truth, he was condemned the next week after, the 16. of july.  
HEnry Laurence examined the said 16. of july, & partly differred to the 2. of August, 
 answered to the Articles objected against him: first, denying auricular confession, and that he had not, nor would receive the Sacrament, because (saith he) the order of the holy Scriptures is changed in the order of the Sacrament. 
  
Moreover, the said Laurence was charged for not putting of his cap when the Suffragan made mention of the sacrament & did reverence to the same, the said Laurence answering in these words: what, said he, ye shall not need to put of your cap: for it is not so holy that you need to put of your cap thereunto.  
Further, being opposed concerning the verity of the Sacrament given to Christ's disciples, 
 he affirmed, that even as Christ gave his very body to his Disciples, and confessed it to be the same, so likewise Christ himself said, he was a door, etc. adding moreover, that as he had said before, so he saith still, that the Sacrament of the altar is an Idol, and no remembrance of Christ's passion, & contrary he knoweth not. At last being required to put to his hand in subscribing to his answers, he wrote these words under the bill of their examinations: Ye are all of Antichrist and him ye fol. 
 And here his hand was stayed to write any further: Belike he would have written out (follow) etc. And so upon the same sentence was read against him the ●. of August.  

¶ Rich. Collier of Ashford.  
RIchard Collier above mentioned, 
Richard Collier.  having the 16. of August to appear, examined of the Sacrament of the popish altar, answered and said, that he did not believe, that after the Consecration, there is the real and substantial body of Christ, but only bread and wine, 
The words of Richard Collier.  and that it is most abominable, most detestable, and most wicked to believe otherwise, etc. Upon this the Sentence was read against him, and he condemned the 16. of August. After his condemnation he sang a Psalm. 
Only in the substance he meaneth.  Wherefore the Priests and their officers railed at him, saying, he was out of his wits.   

¶ Richard Wright.  
RIchard Wright the same place and day, 
Richard Wright.  being the 16. of August, appearing, and required of the judge what he deleeved of the real presence in the Sacrament, answered again, 
Richard Wright ashamed to speak of the Sacrament of the altar.  that as touching the Sacrament of the altar and the mass, he was ashamed to speak of it, nor to name it, and that he allowed it not as it was used in the church. Against whom the sentence also was read, the day & place aforesaid.   

¶ William Stere.  
WIlliam Steer of the foresaid parish of Ashford, 
William Steer Martyr.  likewise detected and accused, was brought to appear the said 16. day of August, where he in the said Chapterhouse of Canterbury, being required to make answer to the positions laid unto him by the judge, made answer again, that he should command his dogs and not him: and further declared, 
Dick of Dover, so they termed then Richard Thornton B. of Dover.  that Dick of Dover had no authority to sit against him in judgement, and asked where his authority was. Who then showed him certain Bulls and writings from Rome, as he said. William Steer denying that to be of sufficient force, the said Dick said also he had authority from the Queen. Then the Martyr alleging that the B. of Canterbury (who then was in prison) was his Diocessan, 
He meaneth D. Cranmer imprisoned at Oxford.  urged him to show his authority from the Archbishop, or else he denied his authority to be sufficient. And as touching the Sacrament of the aultare, he found it not (he said) in the scripture, & therefore he would not answer thereunto.  
And moreover, the judge speaking of the Sacrament of the aultare, with reverence thereof, and putting of his cap, he said, 
Sentence against William Stere.  that he needed not to reverence that matter so highly. And thus saying to the judge, that he was a bloody man, etc. the sentence was pronounced against him: after which sentence being read, he said, that the sacrament of the altar, was the most blasphemous Idol that ever was, etc.  
¶ The burning of six godly Martyrs in one fire.  
And thus these vj. heavenly Martyrs and witness bearers to the truth, being condemned by the bloody Suffragan and Archdeacon of Canterbury, M. Collins, and M. Faucet, were burned altogether in the same town of Canterb. at three stakes and one fire, about the latter end of August.  
The copy of their sentence condemnatory, you may find above in the story of john Rogers, for the papists in all their condemnations follow one manner of sentence of course commonly against all that be condemned through their unmerciful tyranny.    

¶ The persecution of ten Martyrs together, sent by certain of the Counsel to Boner to be examined.  
AFter the burning of these vj. above named: next followeth the persecution of x. other true servants and saints of the Lord, 
10. Martyrs sent up together to Bishop Boner  not such saints as the Pope maketh, or which are mentioned in Legenda sanctorum, or in vitis patrum or in the fabulous book de vita sanctorum Wallensium, etc. but such as are spoken of in the holy Apocalyps, of whom it is written: 
Apoc. 22.  Hij sunt qui sequuntur Agnum quocunque ierit, quique lavarunt stolas suas in sanguine agni i. These be they that follow the Lamb whether soever he goeth, & which have washed their stools in the blood of the Lamb, etc. Thus these saints be not of the Pope's making, or rather to say the truth, they are of the Pope's making, of the Popes making (I say) in this respect, 
Saints of the Pope's making.  not that the saints of God are made by the Pope, but that the saints of God are tried and declared by the Pope: so as by afflictions of Satan jobs patience was proved, by Pharaoh God's power declared, and by Salmator, Tarentum was won (as Tully writeth) for except he had lost it before, Q. Fabius could not have recovered it: so in like manner, unless by Antichrist good men had been destroyed, otherwise they had not been tried true Martyrs of Christ. The names of these were: 


10. Martyrs sent by the commissioners.  Elizabeth warn.  
George Tankerfield.  
Robert Smith.  
Steven Harwood.  
Thomas Fust.  
William Hale.  
Thomas Leyes.  
George King.  
john Wade.  
jone Layshford.    
The prisons of London beginning now to be replenished with gods saints, and still more and more coming in, the Counsel & Commissioners thinking to make ready dispatch with the poor prisoners, caused these x. above named, to be sent with their letter directed to Boner Bish. of London, by him to be examined, and rid out of the way. The copy of which their letter, with their names subscribed, here followeth to be read and noted.  

* A letter sent by the Commissioners to the B. of of London D. Boner.  
AFter our hearty commendations to your good Lordship, we send you here joh. Waid, 
The letter of the Commissioners to B. Boner.  Wil Hail, George King, Th. Leyes of Thorpe in Essex, Thomas Fust Hosier, Robert Smyth Painter, Steven Harwood Brewer, George Tankerfield Cook, Elizabeth Warn, joane Layshford of London, Sacramentaries: all which we desire your Lordship to examine, and to order according to the Ecclesiastical laws: praying your Lordship to appoint some of your officers to receive them at this bearers hand. And thus most heartily, far your Lordship well.  
From London this 2. july. Your lordship's loving friends. 

Nich. Hare. 
Names of the Commissioners.   
Will. Roper.  
Rich. Reed.  
Will. Cook.      

The history of Elizabeth warn widow, burnt at Stratford bow.  
NOw severally to prosecute the stories of these x. Martyrs aforenamed, 
Elizabeth Warn Martyr.  first we will begin with the history of Elizabeth warn, who in this month of August was burned at Stratford Bow, nigh unto London, widow, late the wife of joh. Warn Upholster, and Martyr, who also was burned in the end of the month of May last past, as before in his story is recorded. This Elizabeth had been apprehended amongst others, the first day of january, in a house in Bow Church yard in London, as they were gathered together in prayer, and at that present was carried to the Counter (as is also above specified) where she lay as prisoner until the 11. day of june. At which time she was brought unto Newgate, and remained there in like case unto the 2. day of july. Then she was sent by the King and Queen's Commissioners unto Boner B. of London, who the sixth day of the same month, caused her with divers others (as Robert Smith, George Tankerfield, etc.) to be brought before him into his Palace, and there examined her upon sundry Articles, such as of common order be ministered unto the poor saints & Martyrs of God, as ye may more plainly perceive by other more large and ample processes, as well before, as hereafter mentioned.  
The chiefest objection that he used, 
Elizabeth Warn brought 〈◊〉  either towards her, or the most of those, was touching the real and corporal presence of the body and blood of Christ in the Sacrament of the altar, as the chiefest ground & profitablest foundation for their Catholic dignity. Many other matters he objected against them, as for not coming to the Church, for speaking against the mass, for despising their ceremonies and new found Sacraments, with divers other fond and trifling toys, not worthy any mentioning.  
In the end, when she had been divers times brought before him and other his adherentes, and there earnestly exhorted to recant, she said: Do what ye will. For if Christ was in an error, then am I in an error. 
The 〈◊〉 of Eliz●●●●● Warn her exa●●●nation  Upon which answer, she was the xii. day of the same month of july, adjudged and condemned as an heretic, and so delivered unto the secular power (as they term it (to be by them (yet at the Clergies appointment) put to death, which thing was accomplished in her the same month above mentioned.  
The chief procurer of this her death, was D. Story being (as it is thought) of some alliance either to her the said Elizabeth, or else to her late husband. Who, 
A story 〈◊〉 D. Story written 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 of D. M●●●tin ow●● words.  though he was at the first apprehension of his said kinswoman, a very earnest suitor for her deliverance to Doctor Martin, than one of the King and Queen's Commissioners in matters of Religion (himself being as yet not made Commissioner) and had by his suit obtained her deliverance for that present, as Doct. Martin himself the author hereof) hath reported, yet afterwards, upon what occasion God only knoweth, except upon some burning charity the said Doctor Story, 
D. Story 〈◊〉 his kin●●folkes.  obtaining now the room of one of the Commissioners, caused not only the said john warn, but also his wife, & afterwards his daughter to be again apprehended, never leaving them, until he had brought them all to ashes. Such was the rage of that devout catholic, and white child of the mother church that neither kindred nor any other consideration could prevail with him, although it did (at his request) with others, who in respect of him, were but strangers unto them. The Lord if it be his will turn his hart, or else rid his poor Church from such an Hibra, as thanked be the Lord, now he hath.   

¶ George Tankerfield a faithful Martyr and witness of the Gospel, constantly suffering for the testimony of the same.  
GEorge Tankerfield of London Cook, 
 borne in the City of York, about the age of xxvij. or xxviij. years, was in king Edward's days a very papist, till the time Queen Mary came in, and then perceiving the great cruelty used of the Pope's side, was brought into a misdoubt of their doings, and begun (as he said) in his heart to abhor them. And as concerning the mass, whereof he had but a doubtful opinion before, and much striving with himself in that case, at length he fell to prayer, desiring God in mercy to open to him the truth, that he might be thoroughly persuaded therein, whether it were of God, or no: If not, that he might utterly hate it in his heart, and abhor it: 
 which according to his prayer, the Lord mercifully heard, working daily more and more in him to detest and abhor the same: and so was moved to read the Testament, whereby (as is said) the Lord lightened his mind with the knowledge of the truth, working lively faith in him to believe the same, and utterly to detest all papistry, and so he came no more to their doings: And not only that, 
〈◊〉  but also this lively faith, said he, kindled such a flame in him, as would not be kept in, but utter itself by confession thereof, reproving his own former doings to his friends, exhorting them likewise to convert and turn to the truth with him, and thus he began to be smelled out among them, till at the last he was sent for, as followeth. 
  
It pleased God to strike him with sickness, whereby he lay long sick: and on a certain day to take the air abroad, he rose up and went and walked into the Temple fields, to see the shooters. In the mean season came Beard home to his house, and inquired for him, pretending to his wife, that he came only for to have him to come and dress a banquet at the Lord Pagets. The wife because of his apparel (which was very brave) took him to be some honest Gentleman, and with all speed prepared herself to fetch her husband, having a good hope he should now earn some money: and lest this gentleman should not be noyed with tarrying, 
 she fet him a cushion to set him soft, and said a fair napkin before him, and set bread thereon, and came to her husband: who when he heard it, said: a banquet woman? In deed it is such a banquet as will not be very pleasant to the flesh but Gods will be done. And when he came home he saw who it was, and called him by his name, which when his wife perceived, & wherefore he came, like a tall woman, would play Peter's part, and in stead of a sword took a spit, and had run him thorough, had not the Constable which Beard had sent for by his man, come in withal, who rescued him: yet she sent a brickebatte after him and hit him on the back. 
 And so Tankerfield was delivered to the Constable, and brought to Newgate about the last day of February an. 1555. by the said Beard Yeoman of the Guard, and Simon Ponder Pewterer, Constable of S. Dunston's in the West, sent in by Sir Roger Chomley knight and by Doctor Martin.  
Tankerfield thus being brought to prison by his adversaries, at length with the other above named was brought to his examination before Boner. Who after his accustomed manner, ordered his articles and positions unto him: the copy and tenor of which his ordinary Articles ye may read above expressed. pag. 1585.  
To these Articles as above rehearsed, he answered again, constantly declaring his mind both touching auricular confession, and also the sacrament of the popish altar, and likewise of the Mass. 
 etc. First that he was not confessed to any priest 5. years past, nor to any other but only to God, and further denying that he would hereafter be confessed to any Priest, for that he found it not in Christ's book, and took it only to be a counsel.  
And concerning the sacrament, commonly called here in England of the altar, 
〈…〉 altar.  he confessed that he neither had nor did believe, that in the said sacrament, there is the real body and blood of Christ, because that the body is ascended into heaven, and there doth sit at the right hand of god the father.  
And moreover he said, that the Mass now used in the Church of England was nought, 
〈◊〉 Mass 〈…〉.  and full of Idolatry and abomination, and against the word of God, affirming also, that there are but two Sacraments in the Church of Christ, Baptism, and the Supper of the Lord. etc. And to these assertions, he said, he would stand: and so he did to the end.  
And when at last the Bishop began to read the sentence exhorting him before with many words to revoke his professed opinion (which they called damnable & heretical) he notwithstanding, 
〈◊〉 words 〈…〉.  resisted all contrary persuasions, answering the bishop again in this form of words: I will not (said he) forsake mine opinions, except you (my Lord) can repel them by scriptures, and I care not for your Divinity: 
●he words 〈…〉 at his condemnation.  for you condemn all men: and prove nothing against them. And after many fair words of exhortation, which Boner then used (after his ordinary manner) to convert or rather pervert him, he answered boldly again, saying moreover: that the church whereof the pope is supreme head, is no part of Christ's Catholic Church: 
wackerfield 〈◊〉 the 〈…〉 of Bo●●r.  & adding thereunto, and pointing to the Bishop, spoke to the people, saying: Good people beware of him, and such as he is: for these be the people that deceiveth you. etc.  
These with other words more, he spoke: whereupon the Bishop reading the sentence of his popish condemnation gave him to the secular power. 
Tankerfield condemned.   
And so this blessed servant of God was had to saint Albon, 
The Mar●●●dome of George ●●nkerfield, ●. Albon. ●●no. 1555. ●●gust. 26.  and there with much patience and constancy ended his life, the xxvi. day of August, for the defence of the truth, which at length will have the victory.  

* Certain notes concerning George Tankerfielde, after he came to suffer martyrdom at Saint Albon.  
IN primis, he was brought unto S. Albon, by the high Sheriff of Hereford Shire, M Edw. Brocket Esquire and one Pulter of Hitchen which was under Sheriff.  
Item their Inn was the cross keys whereas there was great concourse of people to see and hear the prisoner, among the which multitude some were sorry to see so godly a man brought to be burned, others praised God for his constancy and perseverance in the truth. contrariwise some there were which said it was pity he did stand in such opinions, and others both old women & men cried against him one called him heretic, & said it was pity that he lived. But George Tankerfield did speak unto them so effectually out of the word of God, in lamenting of their ignorance, & protesting unto them his unspotted conscience, & that God did mollify their hardened hearts insomuch that some of them departed out of the chamber with weeping eyes.  
Item there came unto him a certain schoolmaster (which retained unto sir Tho. Pope knight) this man had certain communication with G. Tankerfielde the day before he was coming toward S. Albon, as touching their sacrament of the altar & other points of papistical religion, but as he urged Tankerfield with the authority of the doctors, wresting them after his own will: so on the other side Tankerfield answered him mightily by the scriptures not wrested after the mind of any man but being interpreted after the will of the Lord jesus. etc. So that as he would not allow such allegations as Tankerfield brought out of the scriptures with out the opinions of the doctors: so again Tankerfield would not credit his doctrine to be true except he could confirm it by the scriptures. In the end Tankerfield prayed him that he would not trouble him in such matters, for his conscience was established. etc. and so he departed from him wishing him well & protesting that he meant him no more hurt than his own soul.  
Item when the hour drew on apace that he should suffer he desired the wine drawer that he might have a pint of malmesy & a loaf that he might eat & drink that in remembrance of Christ's death and passion, because he could nor have ministered unto him by others in such manner as christ commanded, & then he kneeled down making his confession unto the Lord with all those which were in the chamber with him, & after that he had prayed earnestly unto the Lord, & had read the institution of the holy supper by the Lord jesus, out of the evangelists & out of S. Paul: he said O Lord thou knowest it I do not this to derogate authority from any man, or in contempt of those which are thy ministers, but only because I cannot have it ministered according to thy word etc. & when he had spoken these & such like words he received it with giving of Thanks.  
Item when some of his friends willed him to eat some meat, he said he would not eat that which should do other good that had more need, & that had longertime to live them he.  
Item he prayed his host to let him have a good fire in the chamber, he had so, & then he sitting on a form before the fire put of his shoes & hose & stretched out his leg to the flame, & when it had touched his foot, he quickly withdrew his leg showing how the flesh did persuade him one way & the spirit another way. The flesh said O thou fool wilt thou burn & needest not. The spirit said be not afraid, for this is nothing in respect of fire eternal. The flesh said do not leave the company of thy friends & acquaintance which love & will let thee lack nothing. The spirit said the company of jesus Christ & his glorious presence doth exceed all fleshly friends. The flesh said do not shorten thy time now for thou mayst live if thou wilt much longer. The spirit said this life is nothing unto the life in heaven which lasteth for ever. etc. And all this time the sheriffs were at a certain gentleman's house at dinner not far from the town whither also resorted knights & many gentlemen out of that country, because his son was married that day, & until they returned from dinner the prisoner was left with his host to be kept & looked unto. And G. Tankerfield all the time was kindly & lovingly entreated of his host, and considering that his time was short his saying was, that although the day were never so long, yet at the last it ringeth to Evensong. etc.  
Item about two of the clock when the sheriffs were returned from dinner they brought G. Tankerfielde out of his Inn unto the place where he should suffer which is called Romeland, being a green place nigh unto the west end of the Abbey church, unto the which when he was come he kneeled down by the the stake that was set up for him & after he had ended his prayers, he arose & with a joyful faith he said that although he had a sharp dinner, yet he hoped to have a joyful supper in heaven.  
Item while the faggots were set about him there came a priest unto him, & persuaded him to believe on the sacrament of the altar & he should be saved. But G. Tankerfield cried out vehemently & said, I defy the whore of Babylon, I defy the whore of Babylon, fie of the abominable Idol, good people do not believe him, good people do not believe him. And then the Maior of the town commanded to set fire to the heretic, and said if he had but one load of faggots in the whole world, he would give them to burn him. There was a certain knight by & went unto Tankerfield & took him by the hand & said good brother be strong in Christ, this he spoke softly, and Tankerfield said, O sir I thank you I am so I thank God. Then fire was set unto him, & he desired the sheriff & all the people that they would pray for him, the most part did so. And so embracing the fire he bathed