A DECLARATION OF THE TRUE CAUSES OF THE GREAT TROUBLES, PRESUPPOSED TO BE INTENded against the realm of England.  
Wherein the indifferent reader shall manifestly perceive, by whom, and by what means, the realm is brought into these pretended perils.  

Seen and allowed.  
Anno, M. D.LXXXXII.    

TO THE INDIFFERENT READER.  
THE present estate, that the realm of England is in a few years come unto, and the sundry adversities sustained by the inhabitants of the same, are such, and somany, as the lamentable and general cries and complaints of the oppressed multitude, can declare them to exceed all those of all ages past, in the memory of man.  
And yet of the redress of these calamities, so little hope is given, that nought else, but the terrors of far greater troubles, are daily sounded in the ears of the afflicted people: which can be to no other end, then to induce them to bear such further extreme misery, and poverty, as by the new intended exactions, pressures, & pillages, they are like to be brought unto. But strange it is to consider, that the avoidance of such great dangers, as are pretended unto the realm (and expected; as is insinuated, by a spanish invasion) is neither sought nor desired, by giving that king satisfaction of the manifest injuries done unto him, nor in the restitution of his towns and cities wrongfully possessed by the English: But falsely supposed to consist in the persecuting and killing of a few poor priests and jesuits within the realm, that there do secretly practise their priestly functions, to the consolation of such afflicted Catholics as live within the same, or to the conversion of such well minded protestants, as will not obstinately refuse to understand their own errors, when they are made manifest unto them, by which means many are confirmed in Catholic religion, and some numbers brought from heresy to embrace the truth. which albeit the malice of the adversary hath not letted to withstand, even with the effusion of blood, yet considering that the force of truth is great and doth prevail, the violence of the enemy is also mightily increased, who directly seeking the lives and goods of Catholics, for their conscience and religion, laboureth by all means possible, to make the cause of their sufferance to some to be for treason. Under pretext whereof, by a late proclamation published in London in November last 1592. in the name of the Queen, their are yet more exquisite means of inquisition devised, to bring them unto the slaughter, than were ever used afore.  
And because all men can not without some demonstration so rightly discern the truth of this case, and the causes of the supposed perils, as it is requisite for every man to know, and the sway of the time not permitting the same otherwise to be uttered, they are in the ensuing treatise briefly set down.  
In the which, albeit that every frivolous point of the aforesaid proclamation be not expressly answered, yet is the intention of the inventor thereof directly impugned, and the just blame imputed where it is justly deserved. It may therefore please the discreet reader (laying a side all partiality) with an in different eye, to behold the manifest truth, that shall (in this treatise) be laid open unto him, the which for his own safety he must use with secreesie, and silence, because of the great ado, that the great Lord Threcherer will keep, to depress and conceal it from the sight and knowledge of the world, the which may serve for one especial motive, to prove that he knoweth himself to be guilty in conscience, if he have any at al. And thus leaving the reader out of the matter ensuing (with some addition of something here omitted) to make a commentary upon Chaucer's prophesy, I wish him well to far from Colen the 26. of March 1592.   

Of the feigned happiness of England.  

The vaunt of the pretended Gospel.  
NO triumphs of the gospels light,  
But truth that shineth clear.  
Not words, but actions just and right  
Makes virtue to apeere.  
See then what force this faith hath found,  
More than of elder days.  
And let the vices that abound,  
Confirm the present praise.   

The boast of continual peace.  
The tokens of continued peace,  
By plenty best are shown.  
But signs of war that doth not cease,  
By common wants are known.  
Such is the peace we then prefer,  
And eke our plenty so:  
That thousands hath consumed in war,  
And millions left in woe.   

The present fear of troubles.  
And all expired days and years.  
And feigned pleasures past:  
Converted are to sundry fears,  
Of dangers at the last.  
Would God no former cause had been,  
Revenges to attend.  
Since happiness is ever seen,  
Best by the happy end.    

WHen Queen Marie, that lately possessed the crown and kingdom of England, had resigned her soul unto God, and her body to nature: the lords spiritual and temporal, & the commons of the realm received into that crown and dignity, the lady Elizabeth her sister, a Princess young and beautiful, and abundantly adorned with the gifts of nature, and princely education. The King of Spain, albeit he had been married unto the deceased Queen, yet did he never seek to possess himself of the crown, nor to appropriate unto him, any Cities, Castles, Ports or other places within the realm, nor in any sort to oppugn the entrance of the new Queen, but in all love and acts of amity, he did manifest his well liking of her high advancement: aswell in the giving unto her all his late wyves jewels, which were of great value, as in his earnestly labouring with the French for the restitution of Calis, to the increase of her dominions.  
A little before the death of the aforesaid Queen, there was a treaty of peace begun, between England, Spain, and France, including by consequence Scotland, & Flaunders, the which peace notwithstanding the aforesaid Queen's decease, went forward, and was fully concluded.  
Thus stood the realm of England shortly after this Queen's coming to the crown, in perfect peace and amity with all the country's next adjoining, and those also, neither in civil broils among themselves, nor in dissension with their neighbours abroad. The Moors of Granada, lived in obedience to the king of Spain, the names of Huguenots and Gheuses, were in France and Flaunders utterly unknown and unhard 〈◊〉, and in Scotland was no contention for government.  
But as the Serpent, being subtler than all the beasts of the field, did sometime seduce the first woman and Queen of the world, to break the commandment of God, whereby herself was forced to exile, and her posterity made subject for ever after to such infinite calamities: So wanted there not now a fly sycophant, to suggest this princess to break the unity of God's Church, and eftsoones to prosecute such violent attempts against other princes, the old allies of her predecessors, as thereby herself and realm is brought unto these present fears, and to expect such ensuing dangers, as God may permit to fall upon them.  
Very probable it is, that the Queen, so she might have enjoyed the kingdom, could aswell have been contented to have continued the faith of her ancestors, as to be brought unto her coronation with solemn procession of the catholic clergy, and at a mass by a Catholic Bishop to be both crowned & anointed: at what time, she vowed by oath to defend and maintain that catholic faith and religion▪ the which point I do only here allege, for proof of her meaning not to change religion, wherein if she had firmly remained, she should have left unto the world a far greater memory of her gifts of nature and education. But having once reposed confidence in this suggester, he shadowed his sinister practices under her authority, and left the obloquy of his own unjust actions, to redound unto her, and her estate. For this person, unto whose wiliness was joined a wonderful ambition, who being by birth but of mean degree, & thereby denied to be set in equality, with the nobility and peers of the realm, for the better satisfying of his insatiable desire of greatness, resolved that the best way for his advancement, must be by innovation, and that in no less matter, then in points of faith, and religion, for that by experience late before in the other Queen's days, he could neither by the greatness of his beads, creeping to the cross, nor exterior show of devotion before the high altar, find his entrance into high dignity, to be so speedy as by this means he deemed it. And therefore among other his fraudulent reasons, he sinisterly persuaded the Queen, that she could not stand permanent in her crown and kingdom, unless she did condescend unto the alteration of religion▪ and hereby he so far abused the sex and capacity of his Princess, that the gate unto all ensuiug iniquity was speedily opened. He then promoted unto authority one Nicolas Bacon, with whom before he was linked in bands of affinity, who being also of mean birth, but of an exceeding crafty wit, was the more fit to be joined with himself in the managing of the new government.  
I do not here deny, but that any man how mean soever, may by just prerogative obtain credit, & honour, by his virtuous endeavours: neither can any honour be more due, than that which is achieved by desert. But how this person with his companion have usurped their reputation, their actions have since manifested to all the world, as hereafter shallbe showed: especially in the survivor, being the beginer, prosecutor, and continuer of the ruin of England, and the disturbance almost of every Christian region. And he that (as is said before) was far inferior to be matched in rank, with the nobility of the realm, hath in a few years so overmatched them all, & either by feigned crimes cut them of, or by one means or other, so maimed them of their due honour and authority, that he hath now made himself Dictator perpetuus. The Queen now being brought, to condescend unto the change of the old religion, he brought also the election of the new, to lie in his own choice: and neither followed the doctrine of the Lutherans of Germany, nor that of the Caluinists of Geneva, but prescribed a composition of his own invention. Almost all the old Bishops and clergy he thrust into prison, and there consumed them, and forced the others in exile to end the rest of their days: and to supply their places, he shuffled together the very rif raf, and refuse of the world. A wedded ministry he would have (albeit the Queen never liked it) because the fugitive Apostates that were now returned into England, & fittest for this new function, were for the most part coupled with yoke fellows, & had united the flesh unto the world, & the devil: & the defects that wanted to make up tale, of this ministerial multitude, were taken up without partiality, from tapsters, tinkers, & such deep divines, & these were sent abroad to preach, & starve the cures throughout the whole country. Some vestures of the old clergy he left in the churches, whereby the bearded ministers, his transformed apes, might somuch the better imitate the outward appearance of Catholic priests: & the more to diminish this great conceit, of mutation in faith among the people, and to make them ween, that the old service was but turned out of Latin into English, and some ceremonies only altered: the Gospels, Epistles, part of the Litany, & the very Collects used before at Mass, were ordained by a book of In iunctions to be daily red in the churches. The name of this new profession was borrowed from Germany, for the professors would be called Protestants (a name unknown unto all our Catholic ancestors, in all ages, since first they received Christianity) but the chiefest substance of dotrine, was taken from Geneva, whereunto the compositor, added of himself, an Ecclesiastical superiority to the Queen, which john calvin whose doctrine they liked nearest to follow, doth term to be Antichristian in any temporal prince, 
Much more in a wooman.  and it was never challenged by any prince Christian, before king H. the eight: nor never attributed to any heathen potentate, except by one only people of Persia called the Asasynes: for they in the year of our Lord 1253. admitted their religion to depend wholly upon the will of their Prince.  
Thus was the protestanticall congregation of England created, & erected, most repugnant to the old Catholic faith, participant of some new he resies, and yet not consonant to any one religion else: but different and disagreeing from all sects and religions, past & present under heaven: and what confusion it hath since declined unto in itself, shall here after be declared. The apology of this Church was written in Latin, & translated into English by A.B. with the commendation. of M.C. which twain were sisters, & wives unto Cecil, and Bacon, and gave their assistance and helping hands, in the plot and fortification of this new erected synagogue.  
But because so strange and extraordinary a doctrine, being in an antipathia to all, and in unity with none, was unlikely to have long endurance: especially wanting such deep root of succession from Christ and his Apostles, as hath these many hundred years preserved in vigeur one only entire faith▪ and religion, against all heresies, schisms, & dissensions whatsoever, & the author fearing least with the decay of this late erected Church, the creator with the creature might fall: he then as impudently rejecting all show of moral honesty, as late before he had done his hypocritical cloak of devotion, studied to put all countries in garbroiles round about him. And for the effectuating of this his heroical intention, he begun to use the excercize of a new skill, & that was always to persuade the Queen, that other princes meant to invade her dominions, when himself meant to draw her to any violent attempt against them. It is a world to see how his experience hath since increased in this practise, & how well he hath made this device to extend, to the increase of England's enmity with all the world: and how for his labour, he hath purchased among fools the reputation of wisdom, albeit he hath lost among wisemen the esteem of honesty.  
The first proof of this device, to stir up tumults in other prince's dominions, he put in practise with Scotland the country next adjoining, whereupon soon after followed the wars of Lythe, the success whereof, because it fell not out so well as to his purpose he wished, himself went thither to patch up a peace, the which he so well disposed of, that they were never since out of continual wars. And for the better & more assured maintenance of discord, he hath not letted ever since, to hire some principal persons for yearly wages, to nowrish and continue rebellions, quarrels, & factions, by which means, the treasure of the realm hath not only been infinitely wasted, but at sundry times, divers gre●●… troops of English forces have been sent ●●ether, conducted by the Earl of Sussex and others, whereof hath ensued very great effusion of blood of either nation, divers horrible murders, the exile of the Scottish Queen, and the transposing of the realm, to the rule of an infant, under the government of a bastard. But what infortunate ends, this usurper and sundry others there set up for regentes have come unto, is manifest to the world, and the great murders that have sprung, through the seed of dissension first sown by this pacifier, have not ceased even with the slaughter of that queen, but will end the lives of many before they be ended.  
Now, as one that of hatred unto idleness, would rather choose to be occupied in iniquity, then to offend in sloth, in the mean while, that these dissensions were entretained in Scotland, considering that by the marriage of the French king unto the Scotish queen, their two realms were linked together, and that the French king was but an orphan, he neglected not his opportunity, to bring France, to stand in as good terms as Scotland, & therefore he sent over Sir Nicolas Throgmorton, to persuade such French unto rebellion as he found to be mutinous, & discontented: and for furtherance thereof, he promised them assistance of money, and munition, out of England. The which promiss, was accordingly performed. For M. Cecil seldom failed, to keep his word in any such cowenant, & the seduced French, so well kept touch on the other side, that they proceeded unto a very flat rebellion, and so purchased the new name of Huguenots. 
Hugenotes.  But this assistance not being found sufficient, the more to engage the realm of England in that cause, the Huguenots were wrought to deliver unto the Queen's hands, the towns of Newhaven, deep, & divers others: the acceptance whereof, some of the ancient nobility of the realm (that yet remained of the council) utterly misliked, and alleged, that it was an ill precedent to assist the rebels of other princes, lest the like might be offered unto the Queen: which considerate council availed little with him, that meant to make this, no more but an introduction to greater mischiefs. For Vaughan, Pellam, and one Portinato, an Italian, were sent over to take the view of Newhaven, and these returned with relation, that the English were able with 2000 to defend it against all the world: and here upon the matter was resolved, notwithstanding all former alleagations: and forward it went, but not without a vizard: for their was a book written in justification of that action, to signify to the world, that the intention of the English, was but to keep the possession of that town until the king came to age: as though the master of the wards in England, 
Cecil.  had had the wardship of the French king also. And another reason was, for that the other party (to wit the princes and peers of the realm, that were of the king's council) did mean to bring strangers into the country, from whom (of all other places) they had great care to preserve this town: whereupon a very difficile question might be moved, to wit, whether the English in those days were more natural Frenchmen than other strangers. But leaving the resolution of this doubt, certain it is, that there were sent over unto Newhaven 4000 men, which were but 2000 more than were needful to withstand all the world: perhaps to remain in provision against Nows orbis, which peradventure might come against it also, but how this town was defended from France only, by the shameful abandoning thereof it did appear. And this loss was not unaccompagned with a greater evil, for the soldiers that returned back again into England, brought with them such a plague of pestilence, as generally infected the most parts of the realm, and in the city of London, and the suburbs, there died in 12. months, 20000. persons. And the very Huguenotes themselves, abhorring the fraudulent dealings of the English, having obtained a peace and pardon of their king, became the very first, that bent their forces to expulse them, wherein may be noted, with what firm amity the English & French are united, in the discordant unity of the new Gospel. It is further to be observed, that the French king finding the English (whose name among the french people is so odious) to have gotten footing in Normandy, to the end that he might be delivered of them in that province, offered to deliver the town of Calis presently back again, into the Queen's possession: The which he was not bound to do, until certain years were expired, & this offer by the only persuasion of Cecil was refused, who told the Queen, that she might well keep the one, and recover the other: but in fine all was lost. For the English, as is already touched, dishonorablye forsook Normandy, & the French hostages that lay in England for the rendering of Calis, were privily let go again into France (and as it is very probable) by the only device and working of M. Cecil. The matter of Newhaven, being thus begun with injustice and ended with shame, the author's practises for the maintenance of the French rebellions, there withal ended not. But he had gained the skill, better to contrive the execution of his own plots, under the authority of the state, and to be least seen, in those things, that most he prosecuted. And therefore procured, that with divers great sums of money from England, divers troops of Germans were levied from time to time, and brought into France, for the assistance of the Huguenots: by which means, the confederatie between the English and them, was now grown so strong, that they would never in any treaty with their king, conclude any conditions without the counsel and consent of their English confederates (as it was always manifestly found, and proved) By whose crafty direction they were so governed, that they ever obtained more by making their peace, then by the success of their war. And at such time as the opportunity served not to stir up the Huguenotes against the king, they letted not to stir up his own brother, and the house of Montmorancie against him, for the prosecuting whereof, the brother of the said Montmorancie, and the Prince of Condie came into England, and there received the some of 50. thousand pounds: which was passed over by exchange, by way of Antwerp, and Colen, for the first levy of men, and bringing in of Casimire. By means of which forces, the king was constrained to give unto his brother, Anjou, Main, Towrain, & Tours, whereby his partage was made greater, than any brother to any king of france before him.  
Now when by this means the French king was thus-much feebled, then was the said Duke of Anjou brought into England, to be made the make-fyre between the two most potent realms of Christendom, Spain, and France: but under the colour and countenance of matrimony: which being in the end converted into a mock-mariage: Monsieur received his errand to go into the low countries of the king of Spain, & there was he made, Antiduke of Brabant, the which laudable device, if any in England had contrived except M. Cecil, or if it had ever been practised in any other prince's time than in this, it could have been no less than high treason. For that, to put an heir apparent of France in possession of Flaunders, is a matter of no less moment, than to give double strength unto an ancient enemy, and to leave England, for a future breakfast, unto a French king. But it pleased God soon to quench the fire, that monsieur was sent to kindle. For the new duke of Brabant, being subdued by his subjects, was in the nonage of his reign, forced with much dishonour, to return into France. Where the remembrance of the deceitful dealings of England, and the shame that lately he had sustained in the low countries, did make his own indiscretions apparent unto himself: and so aggravated his sickness, that the revenge which he threatened unto England, he was feign to leave unto God, and his duchy of Brabant, unto the right owner: For soon after his arrival in France, with very much grief of mind he died.  
Monsieur being thus departed this world, it was necessary, that some new occasion were sought out, for the continuance of M. Cecil his eternal resolution, 
To sow sedition.  which the sinister practises passed, and the iniquities of the time present, suffered not to be ong sought for. For he foorwith discovered, that the French king had entretained an ill opinion, of the princes of the house of Guise, unto the which house, albeit that the King and his brethren, the late kings before him, had been as much beholding, 
D. Espernon.  as a king could be unto his subjects: yet by the suggestion of a lewd minion, all their manifold deserts were ungratefully forgotten.  
And then for the better now rishing of these dislikes, an extraordinary league of amity was concluded with the french King, who soon after, became so attentive unto good instructions, that he committed most horrible murders, upon two of the princes of the said house: and what end himself shortly after came unto, is manifest enough.  
But to leave Scotland and France in those terms, whereunto they are now led: we will come unto Spain, as to the matter of greatest moment, & the subject of this discourse. The King whereof, having left the Q. of England, presently upon Q. Mary's decease, in full possession of that kingdom, and by sundry demonstrations given proof of his entire love and amity unto her: and also of his firm intention to continue the old concord, that had so long endured between the kings of England, and the house of Burgundy, being also at peace with the French king, & having placed for the government of the Netherlandes, the Duchess of Parma, he departed into Spain.  
And albeit (as it is well known) he hath ever been a prince, that by nature is disposed unto peace, yet considering the greatness of the Turk, and his incessant attempts in the invading of Christendom, whereof some universal danger might be feared to ensue, he determined to employ such means as God had given him, to withstand the intention of this common enemy. The which soon after, he began to put in practise, as hereafter shallbe declared.  
But this course of proceeding liked not him, that had designed his plots unto other purposes, and that rather sought to work some special damage to the king of Spain, then to have the potency of the Turck diminished. And therefore for an introduction thereunto, to make him odious unto the people, certain players were permitted to scof and jest at him, upon their common stages. And the like was used in contempr of his religion: first, to make it no better than Turkish, by annexing unto the very psalms of David (as though the prophet himself had been the author thereof) this ensuing meeter.  
Preserve us lord by thy dear word,  
From Turck and Pope defend us lord,  
That both, would thrust out of his throne,  
Our lord jesus Christ, thy dear son.  
And after, by making it far more odious and woors, then was the religion of Mahomet. As divers ministers, did at divers times insinuate unto the people. And one of them in a sermon at Paul's cross, affirmed that it was a more better act to assist Turks, than Papists. For the which words, the L. Buckhurst the same day reproved him, at the shirif of London's table: but M. minister stood unto his tacling, and had (as it seemed) learned his lesson, of the superintendant of Winchester, 
Horn.  who published in a printed book, that it was better to swear unto the Turk and turkery, then unto the Pope and popery, and that the Pope is a more perilous enemy to Christ, than the Turk. But in the meanewhyle it is a good Gospel, that maketh him that tearheth us to believe that Christ is the son of God, and saviour of the world, and him by whose means, our forefathers were baptized in the name of the Father, Son, & holy Ghost, to be woors than he, that denieth Christ to be the son of God, and constraineth Christians to renounce their christendom.  
These preparatives being thus made, the Moors that inhabited the kingdom of Granada, were excited to rebellion. Unto whom, although the English would not openly send forces of men, yet they sent them succours of powder, shot, artillery, & other munition of war. There were also, 
jane d Albret.  certain French pirates, that under colour of authority from the Q of Nauar● (that then was) the prince of Condie, the Shatillion, and others, were sent forth to rob and endamage the king of Spain, and his subjects & all these: had free passage and entrance, to and from the ports and havens of England. And soon after, one Kirkham, and divers other English of the westcountrey, were permitted to go forth to rob and spoil the Spaniards, whereof the Spanish Ambassador then resident in England, instantly demanding redress and restitution, was denied of either. And the goods thus taken by piracy, were brought into divers towns west ward, and there openly sold.  
But in the mean while, that these less injuries were continued, a matter of far greater mischief was practised, to wit, the rebellion of the kings natural subjects of his Netherlandes. Where the people, by reason of their great wealth, were brought unto pride, & the nobility through over-lavish expenses, declined unto poverty, and the newness & liberty of heresy, ready to find acceptance with either party, they were the sooner and more easily seduced by the English. The first attempt, being begun by certain rogues & vagabonds, appointed to the spoiling of Churches, left the name of Gheuses, to those rebels ever after: 
Name of Cheuses.  and these Gheuses being thus stirred up, there was (to begin withal) 60, thousand pound sterling, sent over unto the prince of Orange, for the levying of those Ryters, that he brought against the duke of Alua. The which some of money, was paid by sir Thomas Gressam in Antwerp.  
By these attempts and practises, the king was constrained to withdraw the forces that he had intended & bend against infidels, to employ them in his own countries against his own subjects. With whom, being now enbranled in wars, there was sent by sea from Spain for the payment of his soldiers about the some of 600. 
Some write 800000.  thousand ducats, the which money, was ceased upon in the west parts of England, notwithstanding the Q. had given her passport for the saf passage thereof: by which means, the kings affairs were greatly let and hindered, and thereupon followed, a general arrest of all merchants ships, and goods, in the low countries. And this action tending to some further great inconvenience, the council assembled at Hampton court, and consulted at sundries times in the Queen's presence, whether it were best openly to break with the king of Spain or not, and after long deliberation, the whole body of the council concluded, not to break with him in any wise. But to make present restitution of the said money, for divers causes: and the rather, for that they had but late before displeased the French king, in assisting his Huguenotes, and taking his towns, and might not without imminent peril, incur the enmity of two such potent princes. But notwithstanding this their general resolution, being also consented unto by the Queen, M. Cecil did afterwards secretly persuade her unto the contrary, whereby the decree made by the whole body of the council, was broken: contrary to the prerogative of the council of England, which is known to be greater, than the authority of any kings council else in Europe. And hereupon was the arrest of merchants goods continued, and a stay of trafyke, between Spain, England and the low countries, for three years together, to the undoing and detriment, aswell of many of the subjects of England, as of sundry the merchants of the other countries. But in the mean while, all such fugitives and traitors, as had in the low countries committed any enormous crimes, or could pilfer, or violently rob or take away, any thing from the king, or his other subjects, were received and harboured in England, which was now become the open receptacle of church-robbers, and priest-kilers.  
Yea the very bells of the steeples of Churches, were carried into England, and there cast into artillery. And one called Monsieur de Lumay, being also fled thither, received there such instructions, that he came over into Holland & surprised the town of Briell, which was the first town in all those parts, that was possessed by manifest rebellion, and the precedent that Flushing, and divers other towns shortly after followed. And to assist them in these proceedings, there were sent over with troops of English forces, Morgan, Sir Humphrey Gilbert, and Chester. And then followed North, Cotton, Candish, and Norris, all being Colonels, & coming the therewith whole regiments. And albeit these supplies were still continued, and men mustered and pressed perforce to go over unto this service, yet was it colourably shadowed to be done without consent of superior authority, and the sending of them thereby dis-avowed. But on the other side, when any English for their increase of knowledge in military affairs did come over, or did intent to come ovet to serve the king of Spain, they were either before their departure, or upon their return, imprisoned and punished. I may not here omit, that after the wars of Barbary, made by Sebastian king of Portugal (wherein the Mahometaines were assisted with munition against the Christians by the English, and the said King was slain) the nobility and people of the realm of Portugal, having according to their laws and customs, received the Cardinal (as the eldest of the blood royal) to be their king, and he being very aged, and not likely to marry and have issue, were entered into consultation about the succession of the crown, which being understood in England, and also that the Cardinal was inclined unto the king of Spain, as his next heir, there was an Ambassador forthwith sent over from England, to offer the Portugals assistance, for the exclusion of the king of Spain.  
But this and the former practises, being cloaked with much cunning, were either deemed able to pass unespied, or else these kinds of molestations were not thought sufficient▪ And therefore it was held necessary, to attempt the robbing of the kings treasure else where, the better therewith to maintain his rebels against him in the low countries. And albeit M. Haukins and some others, had had but ill success in such attempts before, there was now one Franncis Drake sent forth unto the West Indies, where in the straight of Darien, understanding of certain mules, that were to pass laden with gold and silver, from Panama to Nombre de Dios, he put himself in ambuscade with an hundred shot, and set upon two whole companies of mules, which came only with their drivers: and there very resolutely took away their gold, 
A terrible encounter.  not being able to carry the silver with him through the mountains. And coming two days after to the house of Crosses, he slay 6. or. 7. merchants, and valiantly set the house on fire, wherein was burnt the value of 200. thousand ducats in merchandise. And so he retired home again towards England, where (not long after for that he had given such good proof of his dexterity) it was determined that he should be employed again, as being the fittest man to achieve an enterprise of stealing. And therefore with ships well furnished and provided for his purpose, he was sent forth to attend & lie in wait, for more of the Kings, & his subjects treasure. And in the south seas, on the backsyde of America, where no pirates had been before him, and therefore the less provision made to withstand them, there he and his company, met with a ship in the port of Valparizo, wherein were but 8. Spaniards, who taking the English for friends, received them on board, where being once entered, they courageously took out of it 37. thousand ducats in gold. And at another place called Taurapaza, they boldly ventured on shore unto a Spaniard that lay a sleep, and had lying beside him the value of 4. thousand ducats in 13. wedges of silver: all which they overcame & carried vavay, courteously leaving the Spaniard as they found him. They ryfled also 12. ships that lay at anchor, in the haven of Lyma, and cutting all the ropes & cables, let them drive unto the seas. And in another ship called the Cagafuego, they found precious stones, jewels, 80 pound weight of gold, & 20. ton of silver: where of having put themselves in possession, after some smaller pilferies, and sacking of the town of Gnatulca, M. Drake and his company, returned from this very hot and hardy service, & in the end, brought all this treasure into England. Where he was so well welcome, and so liberal in the division of shares to some Courtiers, that notwithstanding the gallows claimed his interest, it never got so great a bravado, for in very despite of wapping, he was at De●ford rewarded with the honour of knighthood, and in the same ship, wherewith he had been abroad a ro●ing.  
And albeit that now and then, some poor pirate or other (rhroughe the importunate suit of the parties endamaged) have been cast away upon wapping shore, yet was their seldom or never, any restitution made of the stolen goods. Neither should such great mishap have betided those pirates, had not their chiefest offence been, in stealing to little. For M. Drake himself, and divers other principal Captains, have been much disgraced, at such times, as they returned home with small booties.  
But this good success of an ill enterprise, gave great desire to the like attempt again. And the new knight of the order of theving, by the inequal division of shares, having, had perhaps the least part allotted unto himself, was ready enough to undertake it. And not long after, he was sent forth with a greater number of men and ships, wherewith he arrived at the isle of Spagnola, and there sacked the town of S. Domingo, and other places: where he committed many barbarous cruelties, upon religious men and women, and returning from Carth agena, took in his way sundry ships, the people whereof, he cast into the seas.  
These continual robberies, & spoils made by the English, upon the King of Spain, & his subjects, in & about his Indies, grew in the end to be so many and so ordinary, that even the very remembrance that it was injustice, and the every▪ forgotten. And for their greater shame & confusion, they have not letted to put down many of their actions themselves in print, to the view of the world. And among others which for brevity I must omit, M. Thomas Candish in his letter to the lord Chamberlain writeth, that he had navigated all alongst the coast of Chili, Peru, and Novaspagna. Where he made great spoils, and burnt and sunk 19 sail of Ships, small and great, and burnt and spoiled all the villages and towns, that ever he landed at: and that he took a ship of the Kings at Califorma, wherein was the some of 
* the some is omitted in the printed copy.  in treasure, and somuch other costly wares as he was not able to carry away: & therefore took all the treasure, and set the ship with the other goods on fire. But I will here end these matters, & to avoid prolixity omit sundry of the same kind, which by very many have been put in practise. And albeit that every one of them, hath not returned with like spoil, yet certain it is, that there were never any western voyages made from England, these many years past, but (howsoever they were in outward show divulged) the very mere meaning & intention of them all, was to rob the king of Spain or his subjects, of their Indian treasure. In the continuance whereof for somany years together, as the king never, attempted any act of hostility, either against the Queen her dominions, or subjects, which no prince in the world could have forborn to do, after so great provocation: so the English on the otherside, did contrariwise deem, that the tomany injuries which they had done him, were all to few. And therefore they resolved to offend him much more, and in a far more apparent and inexcusable manner, in the sight of all the world, then in any their former actions, how manifest soever.  
For when the arch-traitor to his King, & destroyer of his country (the P. of Orange) was taken out of the world, and the headless rebels of the Netherlandes, first seeking patronage of the K. of Denmarck, after of the French king, & being by both those justly denied and rejected, the English, dismasking themselves of all former vizardes' and shadows, did overtly receive them into their protection, to defend them in all open hostility, against their natural and lawful sovereign, the king of Spain. And thereupon they resolved, to put themselves in possession of sundry the principal port towns, and other places of those parts. And by a printed declaration, went about by divers weak and indirect reasons, to justify that action: whereof among others, one was, in respect of the ancient league between the kings of England, and the house of Burgundy, and the people of either of those princes: as though the Q. of England might by prerogative of that league, maintain the subjects of the Netherlandes, against the King of Spain, their sovereign, & the chief Prince of the house of Burgundy.  
Another reason was, to the end the natural people of the country, should not be oppressed by strangers, as though the English▪ Scotish, Germans, & others brought in by the States, were less strangers, than the Spanish.  
But to confirm and make these reasons more sufficient, M. Norris was first sent over to take possession of certain port towns, forts, and other places in Holland, and Zealand, and soon after the Earl of Leicester (whose experience in chamber woorck exceeded his practise in war, and the L. Audley, the L. Willoughby, and the L. north & sundry other of name▪ came over with an army of 10. thousand men, aswell for the garnisons of the places now in their possession, as also to come unto the field against the forces of the king of Spain. And in what sort, the supplies of the garnisons in Holland, Zealand, Brabant, and Flaunders, have since from time to time been continually maintained from England, as also the English troops for the field being presently in our view and memory, I will omit the recital.  
And thus at the last, by this overt entrance of the English into hostility, there was more manifest occasion given unto the king, to use the like again, and to attempt that, whereunto no former injuries could provoke him. And the matter now coming to an open war on either side, either party was to use his advantage as he best could. Che piglia piglia, & che non puo, suo danno. And therefore omitting that which since hath been done in those parts, I will briefly touch the Portugal voyage, not in comparing it with the double faced actions before rehearsed, but as an ordinary expedition of war.  
It shallbe needless to examine the right, that Don Anthonio pretendeth to the crown of that country, since it is soon answered in his illegitimation. Which being by M. Cecil dispensed withal, albeit he be but vicar general, and not the supreme head himself, requireth no further question. Don Anthonio then, accompaigned with Sir john Norrice, and Sir Francis Drake, departed from England with above 20. thousand soldiers, and mariners: Don Anthonio with full resolution to take possession of Portugal, but M. Drake, with a far other secret designment, which being uttered by himself unto the queen, I would be loath here to repeat, were it not for fear, of leaving the reader in erroneous suspicions. M. Drake forsooth, did promiss the Q. very confidently, to bring the king of Spain to kiss her pantofle, or else to bring him, I know not to what woeful lamentation But such was the disastrous effect of that journey, that neither Don Anthonio obtained his expected kingdom, nor Captain Drake would once enter on shore in Portugal to take the king of Spain with him.  
Whereof two mighty inconveniences have ensued, the one is, that the realm of Portugal is still possessed by the right owner: and the other, that the Queen's pantofle is yet unkist, by the king of Spain.  
Nevertheless, excepting some 2. or 3. thousand, all the rest of the soldiers and mariners, showed more valour than their leaders, for that they never returned back again, but either remained still in Portugal, or about that coast. It is further to be noted, that albeit in that voyage, they could not effectuate their desire against their enemies, they did yet without partiality so set upon their friends, that they seized upon 50. ships of the Easterlings which were bound to Spain with merchandise, and carried those away with them, and so returned home unto Plimouthe. Where enen at their very landing, there happened a more strange encounter, than before in the whole journey they had found. For the women of Plymouth, whose husbands by ill usage were lost in that voyage, being armed with distaves & other unusual weapons, without any respect unto kingship, or knighthood, began so fiercely to assault Don Anthonio, & Drake, that they were feign to defend themselves by force of legs. This voyage being thus ended, the progress thereof was printed and published, both in Latin, and English. But the author thereof (in mine opinion) might well have spared his pains, because all men manifestly knew without book, what success the said voyage had had. What since hath been done, in the sending of Ships and forces towards the Terceraes and else where, and the successes thereof being ryf in our memory, I will here omit: and proceed to give the reader such satisfaction as the scope of the premises have directed me unto.  
Not withstanding the manifold injuries, done by the English unto the king of Spain, where-of many have here been recited, & the most of them do lie open to the view of the whole world, it is strange, that they cannot yet contain their malice against him, within the limits of civil speeches, who not only permitting every hedgeminister, and contemptible person, to rail upon him at his pleasure, to make this base kind of dealing more authentical, have not letted in the very preambles, and fore frontes of sundry late proclamations, to note him to be ambitious, 
Of November 1591.  an usurper, and a Tyrant: and in this later to call him, the only disturber of the universal peace of Christendom. Which unseemly & disordered speeches, doth il beseem the public writings of Princes, which ought to have no affinity with defamatory libels. A thing which the King of Spain, hath ever detested to do against them, or other his enemies: who leaveth the directnes of his cause to sustain itself, without the credit, which might be given thereunto by railing.  
Let us therefore now consider, whether the said King hath sought the disturbance of the state of England, or of any other potentate or state Christian: or whether any may justly complain, that ever he hath endeavoured to patronize himself of, their crowns or countries, or to encroach or incorporate ought of theirs unto his, considering his incomparable greatness, & the near situation of his, and their dominions.  
Let us look first into Italy, whether the territories of the Church, Venice, Piedmont, Florence, Genua, or any other prince or state else, have cause to complain. Look whether he hath been offensive to Lorraine, Trevers, Cleve, Colen, Liege, or to the Esterlinges. Did not the realm of Portugal (next unto him) stand in itself, with all the isles and remote places, belonging to the same, in all peace and security, till by just descent the title of all fell unto him? and do not the people now live under him (excepting the trouble they sustain by the English) in as great felicity as ever they did under any their former princes? what great impudency is it then, for any so palpably to belie him, in whom the clean contrary (to their slanderous reproaches) is most evident? & to the end, that the unjust calumnies of the adversary may be more apparent: let us also consider the Kings procedings, aswell towards some other Christian princes, as to the Queen and realm of England in particular.  
First it is very manifest, 
Anno. 1559.  that after his departure from the low countries, at which time he peaceably possessed those, & the rest of his kingdoms, and dominions: his firm resolution was, for the general defence of Christendom, to make war against the Turk, and other Mahomertaines. And to that end, he first upon his peace made with France, called all his forces of Spaniards and others, out of Flaunders, and sent them into Italy: and thence employed them, against the enemies of Christianity. First at Pinion de velis, then to Zerbi, then to La Racha, and other places of Africa. And the Isle of Malta being strongly besieged, & in very great peril to be lost, he sent thither a great army to succour it, and defeated the forces of the Turk. He also provided such troops, for the year ensuing (which he sent thither under the conduct of the Marquis of Piscara) that the Turk was forced to give over, & leave his second enterprise: albeit he came very strongly provided, for the taking thereof, & therein to recover his honour, lost the year before. And after all this, the king of Spain for the more repose and tranquillity of Christendom, joined in league against the Turk with the Pope, & the Venetians, whereof followed the great victory, obtained by Don john de Austria his general, at Lepanto. These points albeit but briefly touched may serve for a demonstration of his princely resolution, to maintain the concord of Christians, and to offend their common enemy. Yea the king of Tunis, being by the Turk expulsed, he restored him again unto his kingdom.  
But most ready he was to give aid and assistance, to Christian princes. When being oppressed by the insolency of their rebels, they desired his help: and among others, to the French king. Unto whose aid, he sent in the first troubles, 3. thousand Spaniards, who were present at the battle of Dreux.  
And afterward from the low countries, he sent the Count of Mansfeild at two several times, both with horse, and foot. He sent also, the Count of Arenberg, the Baron of Erge, and divets others, to assist the said king, at sundry times. All which forces, sent by the King of Spain, from time to time into France, himself of his princely and liberal mind, ever maintained & paid at his own charges. And there is nothing that more declareth his moderation, justice, and equity, towards his Christian neighbours, than his sweet and Christianlyke demeanour, towards the realm of France. Where neither, by the minorites of the late kings, nor civil dissensions of the subjects, he would take advantage, to challenge or encroach, any part of that country. Whereas if he had been so greedy and ambitious, as his adversaries do belly him to be, he would not have omitted in so many opportunities, to have challenged all France to himself. Who hath at this present, the same right by his daughter, and far more clear, than had sometime the noble prince, King Edward the third of England, thereunto. And yet as the world seethe, he neither them, nor now, hath challenged any such thing at all: & this is a singular praise and an eternal glory, to this most puissant prince of all ages, and in this time especially to be marveled at, that he attempteth nothing, nor wageth any wars, that are not just, honourable, and allowed both by the laws of God and man. And as touching the Queen of England, I will omit some great and especial acts of amity, showed by himself unto her, when he was married unto her sister, whereof herself is not ignorant, but doth best know them: And I will briefly relate some points before touched.  
First upon the decease of Queen Mary his wife, he gave unto this Queen all her jewels, which rightly appertained unto himself. And being about the conclusion of a peace with the French king, after the taking of S. quintines, he dealt very instantly for the rendering of Calis unto the English, insomuch as without the restoring thereof, he refused the accord, & stood so resolute upon this point, that in the end the French were feign to tell him, that albeit the English did solicit him to include the delivery of Calis in his peace, yet had they secretly already concluded their peace with them, without that condition. And this was done by a close practise of M. Cecil, who sent over one Guido Cavalcante an Italian, to conclude it without the knowledge of the Queen's Ambassadors, who were there appointed to solicit it. Which extreme double dealing, could not yet breed any aversion in his mind against the English, insomuch, that after they began to fall from the doing unto him, one injury in the neck of another, which still increased from a few to many, and from lesser to greater: yet would he never begin any attempt against them, nor never make somuch as any show of any one act of hostility whatsoever, until such time as they came so far, as to the very taking of his towns into their own possessions, as is aforesaid. Which is a most great and sufficient argument, of his grounded affection unto that Queen and country. For most rarely is it found, that any King or Prince could so continually digest and oversee, such great wrongs and injuries, as he hath received from England: and much less himself, that hath greater means to revenge them, than any other potentate living in the world. And had doubtless long since done it, had it not proceeded of a most singular affection unto that Prince and people, & hope of redress and amendment.  
Thus much may serve to show, whether the King of Spain hath sought so many years to trouble the state of England. But contrariwise, whether the state of England hath so long sought the disturbance of him, and almost of all other their neighbours, I leave the reader to judge by the premises, & the confirmation of those, I refer to the testimony of all the nations of Europe, to the end there may be a sufficient number of witnesses, to check the extreme impudenof the malicious adversary, 
In the late proclamation.  who is not ashamed to say, that the repose of Christendom, by the king of Spain's wars, & by no other means, is nowdisturbed: which otherwise might come to an universal peace. But as touching the universal peace, if it were to be such as this pacifier would prescribe it unto him, I must needs confess, that I do greatly doubt whether the king of Spain would thereunto be persuaded: because in al-lykelyhode, it must be in this manner. 
Conditions of an universal peace.  First, that he should recall such forces, as of great compassion unto the natural people of France, he hath sent thither to defend them, against a relapsed Huguenote, that would make them renegates from the faith, as himself is.  
Secondly, that he should suffer his rebels of Holland and Zealand, quietly to possess the places they do hold, and to take unto them all the rest of the low countries also: conditionally, that the English might still keep the possession of such port towns as they have, & have some half a dozen more annexed unto them, Thirdly that the English rovers, might peaceably go to his Indies, and there take away his treasure, and his Indies also. And these few aricles being thus accorded, then might England France, the Netherlandes, and Germany, be in far better possibility, to extirpate the catholic religion in Italy, to bring the Moors into Spain, & then to conclude that universal peace, which passeth all understanding: And include in thesame, the great Turk the king of Fez, and Marrocco, and other infidels, with whom England is already leagued.  
And thus having declared sundry of the injuries, done by the English, unto other princes and people, & especially unto the King of Spain & his subjects, & also in what laudable, & most honourable manner, the said King hath demeaned himself unto them, and other his Christian neighbours: It shall now be necessary, to touch the present estate, wherein the realm of England standeth. The which for the better intelligence of the reader I will reduce into four points, and in conclusion, it shall manifestly appear, whether some few persons accused, or their chiefest accuser, are or is the cause, of the present and expected calamities of England.  
The first shallbe, touching matters of faith and religion. wherein there was never such great and wonderful confusion.  
The second, touching exterior enemies, whereof the realm had never somany nor none so puissant.  
The third, of the sundry competitors for the crown, and the uncertainty of the successor.  
The fourth and last shall concern the overthrow of the Nobility, and the general oppression of the people.  
THE realm of England hath at sundry times been subject, to divers great molestations, aswell through civil dissension, as invasions, and foreign wars. And howsoever the wisdom of the writer of the late Proclamation, hath overmuch presumed upon the reader's ignorance, in extoling the continual peace & tranquillity of England, yet if the present state thereof be rightly looked into, it willbe found to exceed all former afflictions what soever. And first for matters of religion, let us consider what they are come unto. The Protestantized Caluinisme being but of 33. years antiquity, and peculiarly chosen and compounded of many, and fully agreeing with none, is now grown unto such division in itself, as is very wonderful: and being established by authority of a Parlamentall synod, and advanced unto the high title, of the glorious Gospel of Christ, hath not yet been able so few years, to retain that credit and esteem, but is grown contemptible, detected of Idolatry heresy, and many superstitious abuses, by a purified sort of professors of the same Gospel. And this contention is yet become more intricate, by reason of a third kind of Gospelers called Brownistes. Who being directed by greater fervour of the unholy ghost, do expressly affirm, that the Protestanticall Church of England, 
In the confutation of Brownism.  is not gathered in the name of Christ, but of Antichrist, & that it woorshipeth not God truly, but after a falls & idolatrous manner: and that if the Prince or magistrate under her, do refuse or defer to reform the Church, the people may without her consent, take the reformation into their own hands. Yea, and that the ministry if their ensue not reformation, may for some causes excomunicate the Queen. And one Willam Hacket, affirming that he had within him the very soul of our Saviour, did send his two prophets to depose her. Into such terms, is the unity of the Gospel now come, insomuch, that there was never more bitter, and vehement writing, between any Catholics & Heretics, then of late there hath been between the professors of one same Gospel, Whose false faith is not only detected in their own words and writings, scoffed at, and turned by themselves into a fools cote: but confirmed in the evil lives and conversations, of their very ministers. And yet notwithstanding their manifest treasonable attempts, dissension in religion, & practise of evil life, the whole force and rigour of persecution is bend against the Catholykes, whose great virtue, modesty, and patience, doth manifest in them a far different spirit from the others. They never discharged pistols, nor yet threw daggers at preachers in there sermons in this Queen's time, as did the others in the days of Queen Mary. 
At Paul's cross.  Neither have they entered into Churches and wounded Ministers at Service, 
At west minster.  as one of them did a Priest at Mass in the time of the said Queen. Nor yet during the reign of the Queen that now is, have they committed any violent acts in Churches, as Puritans have not letted to do in her own chapel, by overthrowing, & casting down the ornaments thereof, even in despite of her. Neither have they attempted to murder any principal person of her Court, as did Burchewe, in wounding a Gentleman in stead of Sir Christopher Hatton: 
M. Haukins.  but have suffered with exceeding patience, the greatest injuries, vexations, & barbarous usage, that flesh and bloudis able to endure. Only puritans are tolerated to say, do, & writ what they list: be it either in flat denial of the Supremacy, or other rebellious actions: & these they can excuse by some device or other, or else they can call with full exclamation, dimit nobis Barabam, but against Catholykes only they cry, Nos legem habemus, and Crucifige Crucifige Neither had William Hacket been excuted for his blasphemy or treason, if he had not openly before so many people, pronounced the Queen's deposition. And seeing that so many barbarous laws, as with great diligence and all extremity, have these many years been used, could neither extinguish the catholic party at home, nor ruin the seminaries abroad which more & more have increased, not by force of arms, but by evident truth: To give the more colour unto a more cruel persecution, the very author of all present and future mischiefs, doth seek by imaginary fears, to draw men's considerations from greater calamities and miseries, and to turn the hatred which himself hath deserved, upon a few poor Priests and jesuits, by publishing that they are sent into the realm, to persuade men to assist the King of Spain in an intended invasion, whereas they are not otherwise sent, but to exercise their priestly office and function, as they go unto the Indies, & other places where the exercise of their religion is also prohibited.  
Neither are they in their Seminaries otherwise exercised, then in other Schools and Colleges: as are also the Germans & other nations, in their Seminaries in Room and else where: which is not of their countrymen falsely and maliciously said to be in treason and sedition, as England only, & no place else doth proclaim.  
And it is wonderful to consider, that notwithstanding the odious clamours of treasonable practises daily raised against these men: it is well known, 
Cecil & other his instruments.  that some of their greatest persecutors have not letted, to offer free liberty and secret protections unto priests, to reroncyle Catholykes, to say Mass, to hear Confessions, and to do such like offices appertaining to their function, where, and to whom they listed: conditionally, that they should afterward discover unto them in what places, & with what persons they had been. Yea they have not letted to appoint some of their spies to go to confession, of purpose to apprehend and betray their ghostly fathers. Such is the impious treachery of the adversaries, that will not let to urge men to the breach of their own laws: which argueth, that it is not sincerity and zeal of religion that they stand upon, when they will directly appoint the contrary unto theirs to be exercised, as also, that themselves do little fear such treasons, as they pretend to be wrought by priests, when they seek to licence them, and not to prohibit them: which proveth also, that themselves do well know, that Catholics are exercised in the offices of their religion, & not in practises of treason as they untruly report.  
And yet for confirmation of the ill opinion they do labour to make the people to have of them, the Archpolitike hath fraudulently provided, that when any Catholic or Priest is arraigned, the indictment is ever farced with many odious matters, as of conspiraty, killing the Queen, stirring the subjects to rebellion, drawing them from their obedience, & the like: & yet when they come to proofs, they can prove nothing in the world, but only that he is Priest, or hath relieved priests and nothing else being witnessed, and sometimes that not known neither, but by the priests, or other parties own confession, the jury crieth guilty to all the endytement, and the whole inditement is enrolled, as if the party had been justly convicted of all that therein is contained. And upon this do they so impudently report, that none have been condemned but for treason, as they say their enditementes do show in the records. Whereas if they had recorded no more than had been proved, as in all law and justice they were bound, they should not find any one priest (Ballard only excepted) that ever had any imagination of treason proved against him. And notwithstanding all the aforesaid enfarced treasons & conspiracies, it is commonly seen, that almost at every arraignment and execution, Catholics are offered their lives & liberties, if they will but go to the Church: which doubtless canbe no satisfaction for any temporal treason, but only for matters of religion. Whereofno man of any understanding can remain ignorant, except such as was the wise gentleman, that told a friend of his that he had seen a Priest executed, that letted not at the very time of his death, to commit High treason: and being asked what it was, answered that he began to say his Pater noster in Latin. Is it possible quoth the other? I assure you quoth this party, it is out of all doubt, for he begun to say it before a multitude of witnesses and would have said it unto the end, but that as hap was, the hangman was ready to dispatch him, before he had half done. This deep conceited person, and such as was his companion, will without any great scruple believe the proclamation, in saying that none are put to death for religion, but for treason. And the adversary in somuch labouring to detain from Catholics, the deserved honour and glory of the cause for which they suffer, doth thereby proclaim his own iniquity and injustice, to all the world, making that to be new Treason, which is nothing else but old faith and religion. A thing as repugnant unto common sense, as if the Pope should make murder, theft, or extorsion to be Heresy. Yet such is his great and absurd impudence, that there is no treason that seemeth greater, nor no crime more unpardonable in England, than there to be a Catholic, nor yet any offence so severely punished. There was never Scythian, nor savage Tartar, that could use more inhuman cruelty then to rip up the bodies of innocent men, being perfectly alive, to tear out their entrails, to be consumed with fire. There was never Turk, nor Barbarian, that imposed upon Christians so great and continual a tribute, 
The year divided into 13. months.  as twenty pounds, for every eight-and-twentie days absence, from their Moskeyes. Nor there were never Arrians, or other enemies, since the general persecutions of the Roman Emperors, that more vexed, spoilt imprisoned, and tortured Catholics, then doth now the state of England. And thus have I abbreviated unto the reader, a huge volume of the present lamentable state of religion.  
TOuching the second point, concerning the number of exterior enemies, how might the case be other with England, then now it is, seeing that during the continuance of thirty and three years, they never sent forth any one soldier, nor never drew sword in any just quarrel, or honourable action. They never sought to endamage the Turk, the common enemy of Christendom, nor never defended any lawful prince or King in all the world: But have invented, & prosecuted, the most dishonourable, inglorious, unjust, and tyrannical actions, that ever were practised by any Christian state.  
When the Queen of Scotland was in her own realm, and they acknowledged her for the lawful prince of that country, did they give aid unto her, or unto her rebels? In the times of Francis, Charles, and Henry, the late Kings of France, was their assistance given to them whom they knew to be lawful Kings, or to their rebels? and as for the succour they do now give unto Navarre & his Huguenotes, it is no otherwise than it was before, when they acknowledged them to be rebels. In this long rebellion in the low countries, whether have they taken part with the King their old confederate, or with Orange & the other rebels? when Sebastian king of Portugal warred with the Mahometaines of Africa, gave they aid unto the Christians, or unto the infidels?  
And since in the realm of Portugal, gave they help unto the lawful prince, or to the bastard his rebel? In the wars of Colen, did the English succur the lawful Bishop, or the unlawful deposed apostata? And if we shall look into sea matters, see who it is, that hath set up a public piracy, to spare neither friend, nor foe. Ask the Spanish, the French, the Scottish, the Flemish, the Haunce towns, yea the Indies, and further parts of the earth, who they are, that do so continually rob and spoil them. If the English had but only procured the king of Spain to be their enemy, they needed not to have sought any others: for neither England, nor any other Christian country else, hath ever had any so great. And as they have made especial choice of the enmity of the greatest, so have they employed the time of 33▪ years to deserve it.  
And as for the King of Scotland, albeit he do dissemble among many less injuries, one so great, as the cutting of of his own mother's head, yet some of his own nation, being of good intelligence, have said unto strangers in defence of their kings honour: that albeit they of England have cut of the head of his mother, he must not therefore by untymely revenge, cut himself from the possibility of that crown▪ But having once obtained the same, he will then fall to the cutting of of the heads of those, that assented to that action: and to the confiscation of their lands and goods, therewith to reward his friends & followers: and so demonstrate unto the world, that he could politicly choose a time convenient to discharge such duty, as is incident unto the honour and reputation of a King.  
And touching France, albeit that by the death of the three late Kings, the injuries done unto them cannot be by them remembered, yet the people of the realm, that were participant of the wrongs, are still living: in whom the desire of revenge, is of late newly revived, through the assisting of the Huguenote of Navarre, their capital enemy, but not their lawful King.  
And last of all, which of all other is the greatest, there extreme enmity with the chief Bishop, & pastor of God's Church. Whereof ensueth their general discord with all the Catholic Christians of the world.  
Thus the realm of England, being brought into breach of amity, not only with the Church of God, but with all their old allies and friends, if we now consider with whom they are joined in true friendship, we shall find them to be so few as none at all, since they have neither spared, to offend friend nor foe. But if we look what new confederates they have chosen, in stead of the old, we shall see them to be the great Turk, the kings of Fez, Morocco, and Algiers, or other Mahometains and Moors of Barbary, all professed enemies to Christ. Against whom, some of the most noble and famous kings of England, went in person with great armies, & obtained such victories, as will for ever recomend their glory to all posterities. They are also in league with a few Bere-bruers', and Basketmakers of Holland, 
The States.  and Zealand, with a company of Apostates, and Huguenotes of France, & with their feed pensioner, the Chancellor of Scotland, who by abusing of the King, hath gotten credit to work his ruin. And the English thus leagued with infidels, heretics, and rebels, cannot yet presume of any true friendship of them in their hearts. For the French albeit they be Huguenotes, yet are they still French unto the English, and as heretofore, so even of late they have showed themselves unto such, as were sent from England to assist them. The states of Holland, and Zealand, if they could possibly thirst out the English, they would not let to do it. And it is well known, that some of them of chiefest authority have secretly concluded and resolved, either presently upon the Queen's decease, or so soon as any opportunity serveth, to bring all their forces together to attempt it.  
The friendship of Scotland, although it have cost many English angels, yet will it prove Scotish in the end. And the great Turk and his consorts, may be by the English excited to invade some parts of Christendom, near unto them adjoining (as already upon such persuasion they have attempted) but good unto England they can do none, albeit the English would exchange their Geneva Bible, for the Turkish Alcoran, because their situations are to far distant. But how so ever their new friends may congratulate with them, their old allies may rather rejoice in having their enmity, than their amity. For that by the unhappy and mischievous ends, of somany of their late confederates, it is observed that to be in league with England, is malum omen. Et for proof thereof, I will allege some examples.  
First the Earl of Arren in Scotland, after that he had by the especial suggestion of the English, prosecuted the rebellions and dissensions in his country, became distracted of the use of reason, and hath these 30. years remained mad.  
The Earl of Murray, bastard brother to the Scotish Queen, was slain with an harquebushe, in the town of Lythquo.  
The Earl of Lenox was stabbed with daggers,  
The Earl of Marr was poisoned.  
The Earl of Murton beheaded: All which were regents and governors of the realm, and set up by the English. For I will omit recytall of divers other Lords, and gentlemen, that followed their factions, whose ends also were violent: Besides the great numbers that have perished in divers battles.  
In France, the Prince of Coundie was slain at the battle of jarnac.  
The Admiral Shatilian, massacred at Paris, with mumbers of his consorts.  
The Cardinal of Shatilian his brother, was poisoned in England.  
The Count of Mountgomery, beheaded.  
Monsieur the Duke of Anjou, brother to the late King, died of an extraordinary sickness, supposed to be poisoned.  
And what end the last French King came unto is manifest enough. As also that Lanowe, being joined with the English forces in Britain, was there slain.  
And to what end Navarr shall come (being as firmly leagued with the English as were the others) is yet to be expected.  
In the low Countries, the Count of Lumay before mentioned, that surprised the town of Briel, and had been the murderer of some hundteths of Priests, being bitten in the arm by an English dog of his own, died mad & raging, in the town of Liege.  
The Prince of Orange, that could neither be warned by the infortunate ends, of three of his own brethren, Henry, Adolf, & Lodowick, nor by one or two attempts made upon his own person, was lastly slain with a pistol in the town of Delf, in Holland.  
THe third calamity whereunto England is brought, is of the vulgar multitude unseen, because it is yet of them unfelt. And that is, the great confusion, of somany competitors to the crown, both within, & without the realm. Which must needs prognosticate such slaughter & cruel murders, as never were in that, nor in any other country, for such quarrel. When the crown of England was in contention only, between the two houses of Yorck, and Lancaster, how long it lasted, how many of the blood Royal & Nobility lost their lives, and what great numbers of thousands were slain, the histories of those days can declare. But far greater extremities are we now to expect, among somany do mesticall, and some extern competitors. Every one of which, thinking himself to be justly the first, can aleage many causes for the exclusion of the others. And therefore in all likely hood, each one of those, that live within the realm & Isle, will not forbear hereafter to attempt by what means he may, to prefer himself, and to depress the others. For the crown remaining among so many in equal balance, and each almost in like possibility, who of them is it, that will not dare to adventure the uttermost of his means, for the gaining of no less a thing, then is the kingdom of England? And what authority of any dissolved council shall prohibit any of the competitors to attempt the same upon, the dereasse of the Queen? What great appearance is there then, of the effusion of the blood of many thousands, & to what desolation is the realm like to be brought? how feigned will then this present seeming peace be found, when it shall conclude in such intricate mortal wars?  
And how infinite willbe the cursings, and maledictions of all sorts of people, upon him that hath caused it, when it shall appear unto them, that as he never sought to conserve them in peace during the Queens life, so he never meant but to leave them in wars after her death? At what time he may rejoice as once did the tyrant Nero, to see the city burn, which himself had, set on fire. And how soon this great quarrel shallbe begun, is as uncertain, as the thing that each hour is to be expected. Seeing it dependeth upon the only life of the Queen, whereof there is as little assurance, as of the life of any other mortal creature: and her decease somuch the nearer, in that she is now declining in age.  
TO come unto the fourth & last part, concerning the overthrow of the Nobility, and the great and general oppression of the people: it is first to be considered, that albeit the unjust molestations of other comon-wealths, and the oppressions and cruelties used within the realm, were both by M. Cecil begun & prosecuted, yet hath he so cunningly disposed very many of his affairs, into the hands of other principal actors (especially since the death of his brother Bacon) that very often times, his own plots & inventions have seemed the practises of others. Of these his actors, the late Earl of Leicester, & the secretary Walsingham, were the chiefest. The former of the twain, for that he had in his youth, by overmuch attending his pleasures, neglected the observation of many secrets, which M. Cecil practised out of Machiavelli: yet in the end, he did in few years profit somuch, and so recover his negligences past, as that he soon grew old in iniquity: and left no mischief unattempted how abominable so ever. And at the last (as it seemeth) even by the just judgement of God, the same day seven night, that he had caused divers Priests and other Catholics, to be cruelly murdered in divers places, within and with out the city of London, he sickened: and as it is thought was poisoned, and prevented by one, whom himself had thought by such means to have dispatched, he died without any signs of a Christian, more like a dog than a man, & being dead, was as ugly a corpse, as he was filthy in manners in his life: and in his stomach, were great holes eaten through with the poison. His lands were presently ceased upon, for his debts unto the Queen, whereby he was as much disgraced, as if he had rather been hated, then favoured of her.  
And he that but late before, seemed to carry in himself the very glory of the realm, and that in his life time was feared of many, though loved of none: was no sooner dead, but justly condemned of all. Yea exclaimed on, cursed and banned to all mischief, by all the people of the land: who generally rejoiced, that so wicked a monster was dead.  
And albeit that toward his later days, he became the only patron of the purest professors of the Gospel: yet immediately after his death, a friend of his bestowed upon him this Epitaphe.  
Hear lies the worthy warrior,  
That never bloodied sword:  
Hear lies the loyal courtier,  
That never kept his word.  
Hear lies his noble excellence,  
That ruled all the states.  
Hear lies the Earl of Leicester,  
Whom earth, and heaven hates.  
The Secretary Walsingham, a most violent persecutor of Catholics, died almost in like manner, never somuch as naming God in his last extremities, and yet he had both speech and memory, as he showed by telling the preacher that he heard him, and therefore he needed not to cry so loud, and these were his last words: and in the end, his urine came forth at his mouth, and nose, with so odious a stench, that none could endure to come near him. And not withstanding his great credit and authority, he died a beggar, and more indebted, than his lands could satisfy, and hath left no fame of virtue behind him.  
These twain, and sundry other inferior instruments, being gone to render an account of their infinite evils, & the same impious course of proceeding still continued, & daily increasing from ill to woors, doth plainly manifest unto the world, who it is, that hath been the author and supporter of all mischief, & consequently the direct occasioner, of whatsoever inconveniences, the realm of England doth presently sustain, and what distresses, miseries, perils, or, dangers, it is threatened hereafter to suffer. Whereunto it seemerh, he is bend with a very full resolution, to hazard and bring it.  
And touching the present estate of the Nobility, wherewith the stately courts of former princes were adorned, their armies in the field conducted, the commons of the country by their great hospitality relieved, look whether they are not brought unto that servility, that if they apply not themselves to Cecils humour, they must not live in their countries, but be tied unto the court, or allotted their dwelling, as if they were his perpetual wards? yea rather as pupils, that are kept under with rods, not daring to speak what they think and know: but are set to be ayme-givers', while others do hit their marks. Some of them, he hath unde seruedly brought into the disfavor of the prince. Sundry he hath drawn upon feigned favours of the court, to consume themselves to beggary. Others he hath sent forth, to become pirates and sea-rovers. And the lives of some of the principal, by guileful pretended crimes he hath taken away, & by one means or other, he hath brought such as be yet living into those terms, that none may be permitted to carry any credit in the comon-welth, except it be some very few, whose wisdoms he can easily overrule. By which means, there is no subject in England of more opulence, none of more authority, nor none of more power, than himself: and therefore none to withstand his intended match, between the Lady Arbella, and his grandchild. Whereby England may happen to have a King Cecil the first, that is suddenly meta morphosed from a groom of the wardrobe, to the wearing of the best rob within the wardrobe.  
Concerning the general oppression of the people, it is no less, but rather more lamentable than the overthrow of the nobility: in as much, as it tendeth to an universal destruction of the whole body of the realm. 
As the E. of Derby & others  The Lyftenantes and justices of shires, who are reputed to live in best credit in their countries, are no more but the subjects of pursuivants, catchpoles, & promoters, and must night and day be ready, to wait and attend at every call, of this vile and abject sort of people. But the meaner gentlemen and commons, are brought unto the greatest slavishnesse, and misery, that ever any free borne people have lived in. Which whoso shall rightly consider, shall easily perceive, whether England hath these 33. years enjoyed peace and tranquillity, as it is impudently reported to have do For if we first look what often & general musters have been made, what pressinges, and sending forth of men, what provision, chopping, changing, & consuming, of armour, munition, artillery, & powder, since the first year of the Queen's reign: we shall find it to give small proof of a continual peace.  
Let us call to remembrance what troops of men have at sundry times been sent into Scotland, what forces almost yearly into Ireland, what infinite numbers into the low countries, and continued with daily supplies, how many thousands into France and Britain, what an huge army into Portugal, besides all the brave men and mariners consumed in sundry voyages or piracies by sea, sent forth to seek new habitations in Virginia, and by one such means or other made away: and we shall find the number to be far greater, than any King of England hath employed within or without the realm in any his honourable waters. And if any man should think, that all these troops have been but set forth in May-games he may call to memory that their coming home again declared it not.  
Let us also consider, what great numbers of poor women are often times left in misery, & with their children to pine at home in famine, while their husbands are sent forth in foreign wars: & howmany by this means are become widows, and their children fatherless. And further, what great trouble and vexation generally all artificers, farmers, and husbandmen are put unto by attending and following so many general musters: wherein are also, divers great and foul abuses committed. What infinite numbers of freeholders, yeomen, and others (divers of them being charged with wife and family) are pressed & sent forth of the realm unto the wars of foreign parts, contrary to the laws of the country, by the which it is provided that none ought to be pressed, but only to defend the realm, or to recover some lost patrimony of the crown: whereof it is not known that either Spain, Portugal, the low countries, or the Indies ever were. And yet so exceeding great have been the multitudes of men, that by compulsion have these late years been sent unto those parts, that (being well employed) they might have conquered whole kingdom: and not withstanding this great injustice and injury done unto them, when in these services and evil actions they have lost their lives, they are rewarded with infamy after their deaths, even by those, that constrained them thereunto, and most contemptibly called the scum & rascallity of the country, whereof it is happily delivered. And such as after the great miseries (which commonly they do sustain) do return home again into England, they have by the very report of being Soldiers, purchased the hateful names of rogues & vagabonds: & being for want of payment, brought unto poverty & nakedness, are made subject unto the conduction and punishment, of every beadle & catchpole: and lastly even for very trifles, to the final dispatch of the hangman. What a most vile and hateful usage is this, to men of any valour? and how intolerable to be borne by any that beareth in his breast the heart and courage of a soldier, or hath ever been conducted by a captain in the field? what wrong and injury can be greater to any one that retaineth the shape of a man? or how is it possible for any English soldier to endure it, or for any other to extend it unto him except this only natural enemy to all men of arms? that could never abide that ever any man of service, captain, soldier, or person of brave spirit, should be rewarded but with reproach & misery: whose condition and state of life is in all countries in the world most honourable, and was never made slavish in England before England came unto a Cecilian government.  
Thus rewardeth he those whom himself employeth to his own purpose, in the loss and hazarding of their lives. And if we shall now consider, what infinite numbers of the inhabitants of the land he hath by one means or other consumed, & daily intendeth to consume, we might justly fear, that this his course continuing, he would in time bring the realm to be a Republic of Amasones, if he had not already drawn into it triple as many strangers, as King William the conqueror planted therein after his subduing the same, wherewith himself (as it seemeth) doth mean to erect and fortify his new imagined kingdom.  
Let us also consider the great decay of Traffic, that of late years the country is brought unto, whereby not only many principal merchants, which were wont to transport great riches and commodities to the realm, are become banckruptes, and sundry of them enforced to turn their trade of merchandise into mere piracy, but also divers whole towns are decayed, & the people compelled to beg, that before were honestly sustained by the trade of clothing.  
What should I speak of the general abuses of the realm, since they are so great, and so infinite.  
There were never somany suits in law, nor there was never less redress of wrongs.  
The law is exempt from justice, and all causes are governed by bribes and partiality.  
conscience is least accounted of, and cousinage is in summo gradu.  
The prisons were never in any prince's days so full of debtors, and malefactors.  
The high ways were never so replenished with thieves & robbers, & yet were there never so many executed for stealing.  
There were never such numbers of beggars in all parts of the realm, and except lawyers & usurers, very few men are furnished with money.  
But it is a wonder to consider, what great & grievous exactions, have from time to time been generally emposed upon the people, as all the Lones, the Lottery, gathering for the steeple of Paul's, new impostes and customs of wines, clothes, and other merchandise, forfaictures, and confiscations of the goods of Catholics, forced been volences for the sucouring of rebellious brethren, huge masses of money raised by privy seals, and last of all, the great number of subsidies, which have been more in the time of this Queen, them those that have been levied by divers of her predecessors, and do amount to many millions of pounds: & yfall these do not lie hoardward up in the Queen's coffers, the Lord Trecherer I trust cangive her majesty and the realm good accounts of them in books and papers. But in the mean while, the commons are brought unto common beggary, and by the continued and intended exactions, they are likely to be daily more oppressed than other. infinite are the domestical miseries that he hath delivered the realm unto, & most infamous hath he made the English name and nation abroad, for vice, for cruelty, for unfaithfulness and breach of all laws with their friends and confederates. In France, they are counted Churche-robbers, bloody, and unmerciful, in Portugal, disordered and fool hardy, of all nations in general, the pirates of every sea the sowers of sedition in all countries, the maintainers of all rebellions, and the only Butchers & persecutors of innocent priests, and Catholics, that peaceably live under their subjection.  
Behold then good reader into what condition, the late so goodly and flourishing estate of England in a few years is brought, & how justly it may be said to be blessed with peace and tranquillity in regard of former ages.  
Call to remembrance, in what amity that realm was with other countries, at the Queen's entrance to the crown, & those likewise at the same time one with another: which might happily have continued for many years together, if the unhappy enemy of Christian concord had not been the only let and hindrance, & as neither the princes of France or Scotland, notwithstanding their great molestations by the English, did never attempt any revenge: no more did the King of Spain make any show of hostility against them, albeit the injuries done by them unto him, without intermission have been longest continued: insomuch, that the English have scarcely left him or his subjects, any country of quiet habitation, but disturbed them in Spain, in Portugal, in Italy, and in the Indies, & letted not to rob & spoil them, in all parts of the ocean and mediterranean seas. And having for the space of twenty years together assisted the rebels of the low countries, and lastly in the open view of the world, put themselves in possession of divers of the kings towns and cities, being part of his patrimony: he was in the end even drawn by extreme violence to some attempt, for the recovery of his right, having before somany years together, for borne the revenge of all former wrongs: and now (as it seemeth) because he will not give them assurance to remit all injuries past, and to put up as many as hereafter they may do unto him, and quietly let them continue their wrongful possession of his right, M. Cecil is become so mad and angry with him, that he raileth upon him in open proclamation (wherein I suppose I mistake not the person) for albeit the proclamation be published in the name of the Queen, yet must it needs be written by the direction of him which is Domine fac totum, who as it seemeth, being in some great choler, was over hasty in the choice of his Scribe, or somuch over-weened in his own wisdom, that he thought no one of his fond impertinent and frivolous reasons could be controlled. And therefore with much impudency he saith, that the king of Spain hath continually disturbed the state of England 33. years together, and he greatly laboureth to make the world believe, that either the king did never know, or else had utterly forgotten, whether the English had ever done unto him any injuries at all, and therefore could never think upon any means of remedy or revenge, if he were not urged forward and put in memory of them, by a few priests and jesuits.  
He accuseth the Pope, of exhausting the treasure of the Church, without consent of the college of Cardinals. Wherein he seemeth as though he pitied the wasting of the Church's treasure, who could wish in his heart that the. Pope and all his Cardinals, were as poor as ever was jobe.  
He would make it seem an injury, that this treasure is employed in the wars of France, because that realm hath been a defender of the Roman Church in all their oppressions: where as it rather might seem an injury, if the Pope should not now relieve them, that had assisted the Church in former oppressions, who I think he cannot mean to have been Navarre and his Huguenotes.  
And verily it seemeth, that this man's great prosperity do the make him to forget himself, & doth bereave him of his judgement. For who may else imagine that his vanity should be so great, or his lack of wiser matter so little, as to set forth in proclamation that the King of Spain did practise with men of base birth of the English nation, who giveth credit unto none, but unto such as to whom all Christendom yieldeth honour, for their known virtue and wisdom, being also of honourable, or very honest parentage and therefore not base of birth. Neither seemeth he to remember with what worshipful squires he practiseth withal against the King, 
The States.  in Holland and Zealand: nor yet what Sir walter Rawleghe dreamt of himself, 
M. Rauleghes dream.  how King Henry the eight told him, that he did very much wonder, that one Cecil was now come to bear so great sway in the court, whose name in his time was so obscure in the countri. Neither considereth he, that albeit by his own parentage he is but mean, that he hath little betred himself by his matches, his first wife being but the sister of a Pedante, and his later so lately come out of the kitchen, that her posterity for some descents, must needs smell of the fat of the frying pan: which were needless here to be alleged, were it not to manifest his Lordshipes' insolent vanity, in standing upon such toys, as with wisemen are esteemed as feathers in the air: who in respect of mean parentage do never account the less of wise or worthy men's qualities.  
It is also a like matter of moment, that he speaketh of the kings charges for the maintenance of students, unless it be to insinuate compassion, aswell of his as of the Pope's expenses: but his saying that they are a number of dissolute young men, is an exceeding shameful & malicious flaunder.  
He would prove that none are put to death for religion, because as he saith numbers of men, of wealth of contrary religion, are not touched in their lyves, lands, goods, or liberties, but with the payment of a pecuniary some (which being but a trifle of 20. pound the month he nameth not) and yet many have scarcely the liberty of their prisons, while their lands, and goods are seized on, for this pecuniary trifle. And if any few for some colour of clemency be set at liberty, their licence commonly exceedeth not above 20. days, and it is both under bonds & sureti●es, with limitation of their residence. And because these numbers are not put to death for religion, he seeketh to prove that none are put to death for religion: which he thinketh he may the rather avouch, for that neither jesuits, Seminary priests, nor other Catholics, are expressly condemned to death for saying or hearing Mass or the like, but the one is condemned and put to death because he is a priest, and the other for receiving him. Whereby the world may understand, that no Catholic should be put death for any exercise of his religion, so he would not come in the company of priests: nor priests, if they would remain and use their functins in Italy or other countries, should not be put to death for treason in England.  
It is no less ridiculous, to call the Lord Cardinal a scholar, who being now threescore years of age, hath been chosen to be a head and governor of colleges and scholars, both in England & in other countries, above 36. years past. And hath professed in divers famous universities, and written so many excellent books, as the adversary will never be able to answer: and in the opinion of the best and wisest of Christendom, was worthily chosen unto his present dignity, & was of late in very near election to have been preferred unto the highest estate of all others in the world. And it is a parsonal lie, to say that F. Parsons doth arrogate unto himself the name of the King Catholics confessor: whose just credit and reputation, for his known wisdom and virtue both with this King, and many other noble princes, no English proclamation can be able to diminish.  
If M. Cecil himself, had obtained his estimation for virtue and honest endeavours, & so had been the beginer of his house, it had been far greater honour and commendation for him, then by the ruin of somany both honourable & virtuous, the consuming and oppressing of the people, & the hazard of the destruction of the realm so arrogantly to advance himself, and to extol his own glory in painted pedigrees, borrowed and far fetched: and his posterity might then more longer have retained their honour and renown, than perhaps they are now like to do, because great treasure heaped together by rapine wrong, and violence, is never enjoyed with long felicity. For De male quaesitis, vix gaudet tertius haeres. And if the fears that he doth feign be true, it is not impossible but his house as it hath begun, so it may end with himself. And this perhaps he somewhat suspecteth and therefore as all tyrants are wont, doth seek to fortify himself by the effusion of innocent blood: as though that were the only way to avoid all revenges of injuries, done to the king of Spain. And that his unjust accusing of innocent men of treason, could colour his own exceeding treasons, that hath brought the realm into such present misery, and delivered it unto somany ensuing perils and dangers, as it now doth attend.  
For it is he, that neither of conscience, nor any other cause, but merely for his own ambition, hath wrought the mutation and change of religion, where of such wonderful inconveniences have followed.  
It is he, that hath procured the enmity, which England hath at this present with somany Christian Princes and states, & chief with the most potent King of the world.  
It is he, that for the prosecuting of his impious intentions, hath sent forth somany thousands of the natural people of the realm to be consumed in foreign countries.  
It is he, that hath caused somany great and general exactions, and that hath exhausted the treasure of the Queen & realm for the maintenance of rebels, and purchasing of enemies to his natural country.  
It is he, that hath been the occasion, that the Queen (contrary to her own honour, 
Leicester Hatton.  and the well liking of her other counsellors which she most affected) hath made so many offers of marriage to foreign princes: and yet notwithstanding hath ever utterly persuaded her from marriage, thereby to bury her posterity in her own body.  
It is he, that was one of the most principal contrivers of the devised plot, for the treacherous slaughter of the Scottish Queen, which will redounded unto the eternal infamy of England, and doth threaten a continual revenge.  
It his he, that because he could not sometime establish such heir apparent as he listed, hath left the succession of the crown so confusedly among somany competitors, both within, and without the realm: which tendeth unto the effusion of the blood of infinite thousands, more than already he hath brought to destruction.  
It is he▪ that hath been the causer of all the inconveniences troubles, and dangers, that the realm hath already past, 
These 33. years.  or doth presently sustain, or hereafter may suffer, being now brought into such a labyrinth of calamities, as never the same, nor any other can be remembered to have been brought unto. And as this hath been wrought by himself and not by Catholykes, so himself and not Catholykes, is justly therefore to be accused and blamed. And howsoever he do now in supreme authority falsely impute unto others the crimes of treasons, and treacheries: if the matter might come to any equal hearing before indifferent judges, it should clearly be proved, that he which wisheth the reformation of his country, cannot be a traitor to his country: but that Cecil being the causer of the most enormous evils thereof, is a traitor himself, and the greatest, that ever England nowrished, and far more noisome and pernicious to the realm, than ever were the Spencers, Peter of Gaverstone, or any other that ever abused either Prince or people. And because no man dare frame an endytement against him, I will here omit many other articles of high treason, but if any will undertake to justify his actions in his course of government, let him know, that there is sufficient matter of reply reserved for him, which is not extracted out of Mother Hubberds tale, 
Prosopopoia or mother Hubberds tale.  of the false fox and his crooked cubbes, but is to be uttered in plain prose, and shall lay open to the world, his birth, his life, and perhaps his death, seeing his detestable actions are such, as do ask vengeance of heaven and earth.  
It is a lamentable grief to consider, that the manifold harms which commonly the afflicted subjects do suffer, the Princes themselves do never feel, and that the perils & dangers wherein they do stand, are kept from their sight and knowledge by such, as in whom they repose overmuch trust and confidence, until with violence they do fall upon their own heads, and commonly when all remedy is past to avoid them. And thus the great evils which are caused by one man, do redounded unto the universal harm, both of the Prince and people. How greatly dangerous is it then for any Prince, to be wholly led and conducted by the persuasion of one man, and to deliver the possession of his or her ears, unto the deceitful tongue of a flatterer. By such means was the puissant Emperor Charlemaigne, misguided, whose overgreat affiance in the wicked counsel of one only Gano, was the occasion of wonderful harms, that fell both upon himself and his people: which great inconvenience is by a modern Poet greatly lamented, 
Ariosto.  who among other his verses to the same purpose, hath these ensuing.  

Ben saria il dritto, i tornasse il danno  
Solament sù quei, che l'error fanno.   
And happy were it for the Queen & realm of England, if all the sustained or expected harms of that Prince or people, being directly caused by one man, might justly redound upon the causer himself. But more happy had it been, to have sought in time by just satisfaction of injuries, to have avoided the deserved revenges of them. But most infortunate is it, that he which hath been the beginner of these mischiefs, & hath no meaning to redress them, is yet permitted to plunge the realm into what further calamities himself listeth, and to hazard the shedding of the best blood of the Nobility and People, for the only establishing of his own house and posterity: to make the ruinated families of the one, & the dead bodies of the other, the steps to mount unto his intended height.  
He commandeth both England and Scotland, he laboureth incessantly with the Queen to make his eldest son deputy of Ireland, and (as it is aforesaid) intendeth to match his grandchild with the Lady Arbella, & so to put in for a kingdom if not for the Monarchy of Albion. And for the better contriving of the whole domination to himself, 
This keeping of the ●●iue seal hath a mystery in it.  he hath lately brought in his second son, to be of the Queen's council▪ and keeper of her privy seal: the which of wyse-men is much marveled at, and the rather for that the Queen is reputed learned, and therefore seemeth to be the more overseen in the choice of so il shapen and crooked a counsellor (having neither wisdom nor experience) to forget the precept of the grave Philosopher, who giveth espetial warning of such so marked by nature, in these words: Caue ab his, quos natura signavit. And albeit she had forgotten such wise advice of so ancient an author, I wish she had called to mind the words of a later (though of less authority) which perhaps for her recreation she may sometime have red: who in his macaronical verses giveth good notes, to beware of such deformed creatures, saying in admiration.  
O Deus, a guerzis, Zoppis, gobbisque cavendum est  
Nulla fides gobbiss, mancum mihi credite Zoppis.  
Si sguersus bonus est, inter miracula scribam.  
And if her Majesty's had been disposed to prefer him, it seemeth unto me, that to have made him a writer under some clerk or officier of the court, had been very convenient for him, because as a courtier told her, he was fittest for such purpose, for that he carried his desk on his back. But such is the omnipotency of his father, that he plotteth to effectuate greater things than this, and thinketh to determine both of crown and kingdom, and to dispose of prince and people, and to purchase his desired greatness with the effusion of the blood of somany thousands as he shall list to send unto the slaughter.  
He hath of late been very vigilant to find such in the Queen's debt after their decease, 
As Leicester and others.  as before by her favour and countenance, used extortions in the common wealth: but himself if he were well looked unto, would be found much more in her debt, by how much more he hath managed her treasure so long a time together, and wrong himself into so many matters of gain, and was never yet accountable for all the thirteen score pounds by year, which he hath exacted of somany Catholic recusants. What should I speak of his plurality of offices, wherewith he can never be contented, but maketh a monopoly of all things within the realm, that any way may turn to his commodity. By which means his gettinge are so infinite, that his servants with the very shreds of his briberies and extortions are able to purchase great renevewes & to build stately palaces: & yet himself is so encroaching, that he letteth not to intrude into Church matters, yea and to contend with the B. of Canterbury, about the appointing of preachers.  
He keepeth (I know not by what unhappy constellation, or rather devilish enchauntement) the favour of his prince, which never subject somuch abused. He hath made himself the very owner of her determinations, not permitting her to recompense the service of her other officers & servants, and divers times when she hath promised reward, he denieth her the means of performance, and so forceth her to break and go from her word: yea he maketh her accountable to him, how she intendeth to dispose of her own: which yet must never be, but as himself liketh. All men may justly lay unto him the undoing of the realm, not somuch condemning her whose sex is easy to be misled, nor the rest of the council whose wills by him are violently overruled. He is neither embraced in the court, nor beloved in the country. He is friendly to none, but for his own profit. He is not welcome to his peers, nor of affection followed of his inferiors: but resembleth a storm in the air, which all creatures do fear and shun, and none do love or desire.  
And albeit that he now in his altitude, doth manifest in himself the very nature and condition of a Tyrant, whose vile and abject courage is to murder & butcher such as innocently live under his jurisdiction: let him not think that thereby he can divert the just judgement of God, unto whom their sacred blood do the incessantly call for ven geance: Nor that all the revenges of injuries, wrongs, and violences, done unto other princes, and especially unto the King of Spain, can possibly be avoided by his kill of a few poor priests, and jesuits, which (he may assure himself) should be remembered, if there were neither jesuit nor Seminary Priest living in the world.  
And he that preserved his Prophets, Apostles, and the holy men of the primitive Church in caves, dens, woods, & wildernesses, & fed them miraculously from heaven, will not forsake those that shall serve him sincerely, but will give them courage and means also, both to enter and to abide in the realm, and there to serve such numbers, as of mercy he will have saved. Against which apostolical practise, let him prosecute what new Cecillian Inquisition▪ he can devise, and to vex foreign princes abroad, let him make as many ships to the sea as he list, and to fortify himself at home, let him command as many musters by land as he pleaseth, our hope and confidence is in God, who can dissipate the council of Achitophel and all others that are against him.  
During the time of thirty and three years, both law, sword, & all humane force hath been used, to extinguish the Catholic party, pulpits, proclamations, and all means else employed against it: their livings & commodities, disposed of by the adversary: and yet the same standeth, and putteth him in more fear than ever afore. And if he were not blind, & perhaps by God himself blinded for his sins, he would seek another way to save himself ab ira ventura, which is to cease from persecuting of God's Church, and to return unto the obedience thereof, where is mercy, & the only way to remedy all these fears, & to escape that which he feareth not, and that is, eternal damnation.  
THus good reader have I briefly ended this precedent discourse, 
The conclusion.  and declared unto thee both by whose means, and in what manner, the realm of England is distressed with somany present calamities, and delivered to such fears, of greater future troubles.  
The mature consideration of the premises, I refer unto thy indifferent judgement. The just blame of these evils, where it is justly deserved. And the reformation of so great iniquity, to the infinite mercy of almighty God: who voutsaf to work the same, by the sweetest, & easiest means, that his justice may admit.  
And now in conclusion I have not deemed it amiss, to give the some caveat of a vile and hateful kind of dealing, which the adversary of late hath used, in divulging numbers of false and defamatory libels: which it seemeth custom hath made so familiar to the libelers themselves, that by an ordinary habit which therein they have gotten, they seem to have forgotten, that there is any difference between lying, and telling ttuthe: for otherwise it might be presumed, they would never so greatly busy themselves, so egregiously to abuse the world. And albeit as the Psalm saith Mentita est iniquitas sibi, & that these libels do commonly carry their own discredit in themselves, by being overcharged with most palpable lies: yet because they tend unto the furtherance of the pretended Gospel, and that the necessity of that cause so much requireth it, they must pass without contradiction of them that can detect them of falsehood, and be taken for verities, of those that are not able to discern them for untruths. And therefore in respect of pity of the abused multitude, I will make recital of some few of this kind, to the end that the reader may give such credit unto the like hereafter, as he shall well perceive the former to have deserved.  
Of these sorts of libels, many do declare great numbers of French & Flemish victories, which are so famous, that sundry of them were never known nor heard of in all the world, but only in England.  
Others are of obscure and trifling matters, 
Printed by w Blac brickwall.  except such as is that of the happy conquest of the suburbs of Paris, etc.  
Others tell of visions in the air, 
Printed by Nelson. 1590.  which are interpreted to presage detriment to those of the league.  
Sometimes they are of prophesied victories before they happen, 
Printed by wolf 1590.  and appointed times of the death of Princes, as that the duke of Parma should die at martinmas 1590.  
Some are of triumphs of victories, 
Printed by Allde. 1591.  before they be obtained, as when the Earl of Essex, was to go with his forces into Normandy.  
Some have been set forth to make losses seem victories, 
Printed 1589.  as the discourse of the Portugal voyage, 
And by ponsonby 1591.  and the loss of the Revenge.  
And whereas there was one Caçalla & others of his company, 
Printed by Nelson 1591.  executed for Heresy and Apostasy at Validolid in Spain 30. years past: the manner of this execution is in an English libel newly set forth, and said to be for profession of the Gospel, and to be done but of late.  
In like sort is very particularly set down, the glorious & constant martyrdom of an Englishman (not long since) in the town of Dunkerck, 
Printed at London. 1590.  whose torments endured four days: & yet there was never any such man, nor any such matter hard of in the said town, as all the inhabitants will witness.  
So was it published, 
Printed by Purfoot 1591.  that the King of Spain (whom the libeler calleth the Arch-tyrant of the world) was dead.  
And another libel that came forth of late entitled A fig for the Spaniard contradicteth that lie, 
Printed by wolf 1592.  with another as manifest an untruth, and saith that Philip of Spain is not dead, but lieth bedrid.  
In all these and sundry other like libels, 
As in the forged confession Printed by wolf 1590.  it seemeth they have challenged unto themselves a kind of privilege, to rail and rave at Princes, and to belie and slander whom they list: and this good dealing is used, for the advancement of the cause of the Gospel, but argueth in deed, that all the plots and practises of the advetsary as they first were begun, so have they been continued, and so are they still upholden and underpropped, with cogging, foisting, lying and coosining: which equity & truth hath ever detested, and all honourable states and honest minds, do utterly abhor. Neither is the same able to continue the usurped credit of the newnamed Gospel, but must needs in time bring it to extreme hatred and contempt.  
And it seemeth that the exceeding malice of some of these libelers, 
The figgiver.  hath transported them into such a fervour of folly, that they imagine all Christendom (without any question to the contraty both to know & acknowledge, john Caluyns exposition of the Gospel (as it is understood in England) to be the very Gospel of Christ in deed: else would they never so peremptorily rail at other princes and people, for not embracing the same.  
The Sacred Scripture and true Gospel of Christ, as it hath ever been inviolably preserved in the Catholic Church, so is it only of that Church most highly esteemed, and followed. And no Caluinists or other Sectaries, have any scripture at all, that they have not had from that Church. And by this true Gospel and word of God, the word of calvin, and misnamed Gospel of Protestants, is clearly proved to be false and flat heresy. And if the English Gospelers, will not stand to the judgement of Catholics in this point, all the Lutherans of Germany will resolutely offer to prove the same also out of a supposed Gospel of theirs, which they as confidently challenge to themselves, as any English Gospelers can possibli claim any other. And therefore my masters in England, must not so run in cry with their peculiar Gospel, as to chide others for nor following the same, when they believe it not to be true, but do truly believe it to be false. And so leaving this later clause for A fig to the figmonger. I wish the reader to suspect the discordant English Gospel of heresy, and the Gospelers libels, of malicious lies.  
FINIS.