LADENSIUM ἈΥΤΟΚΑΤΑΚΡΙΣΙS, THE CANTERBURIANS SELF-CONVICTION.  
OR An evident demonstration of the avowed Arminianism, Popery, and tyranny of that Faction, by their own confessions.  
With a Postscript to the Personate Jesuit Lysimachus Nicanor, a prime Canterburian.  
Written in March, and printed in April, 1640:   

COR VNUM VIA una  

Summa Capitum. THE Preface showeth the unreasonableness of this new war: That we have committed nothing against the late pacification: That compassion, hope, and all reason call now for peace at home; that at last we may get some order of our enemies abroad: That the Canterburian faction deserve● not so well of England, that arms in their favour ought to be taken against Scotland: We offer to instruct their insupportable crimes by their own writs: If arms be needlessly taken in so evil a cause, they cannot but end in an untimous repentance: In this nick of time very poor wits without presumption may venture to, speak even to Parliaments: The obstinate silence of the English Divines is prodigious.  
CHAP. I. The delineation of the whole subsequent Treatise. OUR Adversaries decline to answer our first and chief challenge: The scope of this writ: All our plea is but one clear syllogism, the Major whereof is the sentence of our judge, the Minor, the confession of our party, the conclusion a clear and necessary consequence from these two premises.  
CHAP. II. The Canterburians avowed Arminianism. Arminianism, is a great & dangerous innovation of our Religion. King james his judgement thereof; The great increase of Arminianism in Scotland, by Canterbury's means. King Charles his name stolen by Canterbury, to the defence of Arminianism. The Irish Church infected with Arminianism by Canterbury. The Canterburians in England teach the first & second article of Arminius. Why King James styled Arminians Atheists: They teach the third & fourth article; also the fifth. The Arminians in England advanced: Their opposites disgraced and persecuted. Canterbury and his fellows contrary to the King's Proclamation, go on boldly to print, let be to preach Arminian tenets. A demonstration of Canterbury's Arminianism in the highest degree. They make Arminianism consonant to the articles of England, and so not contrary to the Proclamation.  
CHAP. III. The Canterburians professed affection towards the Pope & Popery in gross. ONce they were suspected of Lutheranism, but at last Popery was found their mark: To make way for their designs, they cry down the Pope's Antichristianisme, they are content to have the Pope's authority set up again in England. Their mind to the Cardinalat: They affect much to be joined with the Church of Rome as she stands.  
CHAP. IU. The Canterburians join with Rome in her grossest Idolatry. IN the midst of their denials, yet they avow their giving of religious adoration, to the very stock or stone of the altar; As much adoration of the Elements they grant as the Papists require; In the matter of Images their full agreement with Rome. About relics they agree with Papists; They come near to the invocation of Saints.  
CHAP. V The Canterburians avow their embracing of the Popish heresies and grossest errors. THey join with Rome in setting up traditions in prejudice of Scripture; In the doctrine of faith, Justification, fulfilling of the Law, merit, they are fully Popish; In the doctrine of the Sacraments behold their Popery; They are for the reerection of Monasteries, and placing of Monks and Nuns therein as of old; How near they approach to Purgatory and prayer for the dead.  
CHAP. VI Anent their Superstitions. FEW of all Rome's superstitions are against their stomach; They embrace the grossest not only of their private, but also of their public superstitions.  
CHAP. II. The Canterburians embrace the Mass itself. THey cry down so fare as they can all preaching. They approve the Mass, both for word & matter. The Scotish Liturgy is much worse than English; Many alterations into the Scotish, specially about the offertory, the consecration, the sacrifice, the Communion.  
CHAP. ULT. The Canterburians maxims of tyranny▪ THE tyrannous usurpation of the Canterburians, are as many and heavy as these of the Romish Clergy: King Charles hates all tyranny: The Canterburians flatter him in much more power than ever he will take: They enable the Prince without advice of the church, to do in all eccelesiastical affairs what he thinks meet: They give to the King power to do in the State what ever be will without the advice of his Parliament: In no imaginable case they will have the greatest tyrants resisted: What they give to Kings, is not for any respect they have to Majesty, but for their own ambitious & covetous ends.    

The Chief witnesses which in the following action are brought into depone.  

WIlliam Laud Archbishop of Canterbury in his speech before the Star-chamber, in his relation of his Conference with jesuite Fisher, as it was the last year amplified and reprinted by the King's direction: In Andrew's opuscula posthuma set out by him, and dedicated to the King.  
B. White of Eli, in his treatise upon the Sabbath, and his answer to the lawless Dialogue.  
B. Montagu of Chichester, in his answer to the gagger, in his appeal, in his antidiatribae, in his apparatus, in his origenes.  
B. Hall of Exeter, in his old Religion set out with his own apology, and the apologies of his Friends M. Chomley, and M. Butterfield: In his remedy of profaneness.  
Peter Heylen Chaplan in ordinary in his answer to Burton set out, as he says, by the command of authority as a full and only Reply to be expected, against all ●he exceptions which commonly are taken at my Lord of Canterbury his actions, in his antidotum Lincolinense subscribed by Canterbury's Chaplane.  
D. Pottar, Chaplan in ordinary, in his charity mistaken, as he prints, at the command of authority.  
D. Laurence, Chaplan in ordinary, in his Sermon preached before the King, and printed at the command of authority.  
D. Pocklingtoune, in his Sunday no Sabbath, in his Altar Christianum, both subscribed by Canterbury's Chaplane.  
Christopher Dow, in his answer to Burtoune, subscribed by Canterbury's Chaplane.  
Couzine in his devotions, the fourth Edition, subscribed by the B. of London, my Lord high Treasurer his own hand.  
Chounaeus in his Collectiones Theologicae; dedicated to my Lord of Canterbury, and subscribed by his Chaplane.  
Shelfoord in his five pious Sermons, printed at Cambridge, by the direction of the Vice chancellor D. Beel, set out with a number of Epigrams Latin and English, by divers of the University fellows, defended yet still by Heylene, and Dow, in their books which Canterbury hath approven.  
Antony Stafford, in his female glory, printed at London, and notwithstanding of all the challenges, made against it, yet still defended by Heylene and Dow in their approven writs.  
William Wats in his Sermon of apostolical mortification.  
Giles Widows in his Schismatical Puritan.  
Edward Boughen in his sermon of order and decency.  
Mr. Sp. of Queen's College in Cambridge, in his sermon of Confession.  
Samuel Hoards in his sermon at the metrapolecall visitation.  
Mr. Tedders in his sermon at the visitation of the B. of Norwitch, all subscribed by the hands of my L. of Canterbury's Chaplane, Bray, Oliver Baker, or some others.    

THE PREFACE.  
IT is fallen out much beside our expectation, 
We did expect nothing less than war.  that the storm of war should now again begin to blow, when we did esteem that the mercy of GOD and justice of our Prince had settled our Land in a firm peace for many generations, at least for many days & ever, while some appearance of provocation should have arisen from us, for the kindling of the wrath of our enraged enemies, whose fury, though we know well, not to be quite extinguished, yet we did surely think it would not break forth in haste in any public and open flame, till some new matter had been furnished, or some probable colour of a new quarrel could have been alleged against us.  
When we have scattered that cloud of calumnies, 
We have committed nothing that can be pretended with any goodly colour for the breach of the late pacification.  which by their tongues and pens they had spread abroad of our rebellion, & many other odious crimes, when by our frequent supplications, informations, remonstrances, declarations, and other writs, we have cleared abundantly the justice of our cause, the innocence of our proceed to all the ingenuous mind of the Isle, and to so many of our neighbour nations, as have been desirous to cognosce of our affairs, when our gracious and just Prince, in the very heat of his wrath, raised alone by their misinformations, even while arms were in his hand, hath been moved with the unanimous consent of all his English Counsel of all his Commanders, and whole army, to acknowledge us good and loyal Subjects; And after a full hearing of our cause in his Camp, to profess his satisfaction, to pronounce us free of those crimes which before were falsely blazed of us, to send us all home in peace, with the tokens of his favour, with the hearty embracement of ●hat army, which came against us for our ruin: When we in a general Assembly of our Church, with the knowledge and full consent of his Majesty's high Commissioner & whole Counsel have justified our opposition to the innovation of our Religion and Laws by the Prelate's, our excommunication of them therefore, the renewing of our Covenant, and all the rest of our Ecclesiastical proceed, when our States in Parliament were going on in a sweet harmony, to confirm the weaknesses, & set right the disorders of our Estate, & that no farther than clear equity, reason, law, yea the very words of the pacificatory Edict did permit, when our whole people were minding nothing but quietness, having cast their necks under the feet of our reconciled king, put all their Castles & Canons in his hand, without any security, but the royal Word, and received hearty all those fugitives, who had taken arms in the Prelate's cause against their Country, having no other mind but to sit down with joy, & g●e about our own long neglected business; praising God and blessing the King. The martial minds among us, panting for languor to be employed over sea, for the honour of the Crown; in spending their blood against the insolent enemies of his Majesty's house: While these are our only thoughts; It was more than marvellous to us, that first the dumb and obscure whisper, and at once the loud blasts, the open threats of a new more terrible and cruel war then before should come to our ears, that our Castles should be filled with strangers, be provided with extra ordinary victuals and munition, as against a present assault, or long siege: Many of our Nobles tempted to leave our cause; numbers of assays made to break the unity of all our Estates; and at last our Parliament commanded to arise, the Commissioners thereof, after a long and wearisome journey to Court, for the clearing of some surmised mistakes about moods and forms of proceed, refused presence; a Parliament in England indicted (as the rumour goeth) to persuade that Nation, our dearest neighbours, with whom our cause is common, to employ their means and arms against us, that so our old national and immortal wars may be renewed to make sport to Prelates, & a bridge for the Spainyard or French to come over Sea, and sit down masters of the whole Isle, when both Nations by mutual wounds are disabled for defence against the force of an enemy, so potent as either France or Spain are this day of themselves without the assistance which too like shall be made them by the Papists of the Isle, and many more, who will not fail to join for their own ends with any apparent victory.  
We admire how it is possible that intestine arms without any necessity should be taken up at this season, 
Compassion hope, and all reason call now for peace at home, that at last we may get some order of our enemies abroad.  when all the Forces the whole Isle can spare, are most earnestly called for, by the tears of his Ma. only sister, by the blood & long desolation of her most miserable Subjects, by the captivity and banishment of all her hopeful Children, Prince Charles, lying daily under the hazard of the French hang man at Paris, & Prince Robert of the Austrian at Vienne, the rest of that royal blood, lying so many years with their Mother, banished in a strange Country: Piety would command us to put up all our homeward quarrels, though they were both great and many, let be to forge any, where none real can be found; Yea, hope would allure us to try now, if ever, our Arms on those spiteful Nations, the hereditary enemies of our Religion and of our Isle, when God hath made them contemptible by the clear success he giveth daily to every one that riseth against them: Banier with a wing of the Swed●sh Army, dwelling in spite of the Emperor all this year in the heart of his Countries, a part of Weymers forces with a little help from France triumphing on the Rhine, for all that Baviere, Culen, the Emperor, or Spainiard can do against them: That very great and strong Armado all utterly crushed in our eyes by the Hollanders alone, without the assistance of any. The very French, not the best sea men, having lately beaten oftener than once the Spanish navies in the Mediterrian. Shall we alone sit still for ever? shall we send always nought but base contemptible & derided Supplications to these intractable Princes? shall we feed ourselves still with their scornful promises, which so oft we have found to our great disgrace most false? yea, rather than to beat them, by that abundance of power which we have, if God will give us an heart to employ it, rather than to pull down those tyrants, who have shed rivers of Protestants blood, who hath long tread on the persons of our nearest friends, and in them, on our honour; Is it now meet we should choose to go kill one another alone for the bearing up of Prelate's tails, and that of Prelates as unworthy of respect as any that ever wore a mitre. Let our kindred, let our friends, let all the Protestant churches perish, let our own lives & estates run never so evident an hazard, yet the Prelate's pride must be borne up, their furious desire of revenge must be satiate; all their Mandamus in these dominions must be execute with greater severity and rigour than those of their brethren are this day in Italy or Spain, or those of their grandfather at Rome.  
To us surely it is a strange Paradox, that a Parliament of England, 
The Canterburian faction deserveth not so well of England that arms in their favour ought to be taken against Scotland.  so wise, grave, equitable a Court, as in all bygone times it hath ever proven, should be thought in danger at any time, let be now to be induced by any allurement, by any terror, to submit themselves as Varlets and Pages to the execution of the lusts, the furies and outrageous counsels of Canturberrie and his dependars, for they know much better than we, that the main greevances both of their Church and State, have no other original, no other fountain on earth but those men. Who other but they have kept our most gracous Prince at a distance from the Country almost ever since he came to the Crown? For whose cause have Parliaments these many years been hindered to meet, and when they have met, been quickly raised, to the unspeakable grief and prejudice of the whole land, and of all our friends abroad. By whose connivance is it that the idolatrous Chapels of both the Queens in the most conspicuous places of the Court are so gorgeous and much frequented? Whose tolerance is it that at London three Masspriests are to be found for one Minister, that three hundreth of them reside in the city in ordinat, and six thousand at least in the country. If ye trust the Jesuits Catalogue to Rome? Whence comes their immunity from the Laws, who have set up Cloisters for Monks & Nuns, let be houses for open Masses in divers cities of the King's dominions? Why is our correspondence with the Pope no more secret, but our Agents avowedly sent to Rome, & his Holiness Nuntios received here in state, and that such one's as in public writs have lately defamed with unspeakable reproaches the person and birth of that most sacred Queen Elizabeth. Such actions, or at least long permission of such abominations do they flow from any other but his Grace, the head & heart of the Cabbine Counsel. Did any other but he & his creatures, his legs and arms hinder always our effectual alliance with the Sweeds & French, when their armies did most flourish in Germany for the relief of the oppressed Churches. Why was that poor Prince the king of Boheme to his dying day kept from any considerable help from Britain? How was these young Princes the other year permitted to take the fields with so small forces, that a very mean power of a silly commander beat them both, took the one captive, and put the other in his flight to an evident hazard of his life. Who moved that innocent Prince after his escape to take so strange a counsel as the world now speak off, and when he was engaged, who did betray both his purpose and person to the French king, could any without the Cabbine understand the convey of such matters, and within that Cabbine does any come without his Grace's permission? Is not that man the evident author of all the Scotish broils? Are not his Letters extant, his holy hands interlynings of the Scotish service to be seen, his other writs also are in our hands, making manifest that the beginning and continuance of that cursed work hath no spring without his brain.  
When the King himself after ripe advertisement and all about him both English and Scots had returned in peace, who incontinent did change the face of the Court, and revive that fire, which in the heart of the Prince and all his good Subjects was once close dead.  
That a Parliament of England will not only let such a man & his complices go free, 
We offer to instruct by the writ● of our party their unsupportable crimes.  but to serve his humour, will be content to engaged their lives and estates for the overthrow & enslaving of us their best neighbours, that over our carcases a pathway may be made for Bishops now, and at once for the Pope and Spaniard, ●o ●red on the neck both of their bodies and souls, we can̄●t believe. Yet if any such things should be propounded (for what dare not effronted impudence attempt) we would require that sage Senate before they pass any bloody sentence of war against us, to consider a little the quality of that party for whose cause they take arms, we offer to instruct to the full satisfaction of the whole world of free & imprejudicat minds, not by flying reports, not by probable likelihoods, not by the sentences of the gravest & most solemn judicatories of this land, our two last general assemblies & late parliam: who at far greater length & with more mature advisement did cognosce of those causes then ever any assembly or parlias: among us since the first foundation of our Church & kingdom did resolve upon any matter whatsoever; All those means of probation we shall set aside and take us alone to the mouth of our very adversaries. If by their own testimony we make it evident that beside books, ceremonies, and Bishops which make the proper & particular quarrel of this national Kirk against them, they are guilty of gross Arminianism, plain popery, and of setting up of barbarous tyranny, which is the common quarrel of the Kirk of England of all the reformed Kirks, and of all men who delight not to live & die in the fetters of slavery. If we demonstrate, not so much by their preach and practices amongst us, as by their maxims, printed with privilege among your selus, which to this day, though oft pressed thereto, they have never recanted. If we show that yet still they stiffly avow all the articles of Arminius, a number of the grossest abominations of popery, specially the authority of the Sea of Rome, that they urge conclusions that will force you without any reluctance, so much as by a verbal protestation, not only to give way unto any iniquity whatsoever, either in Kirk or State whereto they can get stolen the pretext of the king's name, but also to lay down your neck under the yoke of the king of Spain, if once he had any sitting in this Isle, without any further resistance, though in your Church by force that Tyrant should set up the latin Mass in place of the Bible, and in your State, for your Magna-Charta and acts of Parliament, the Laws of Castille, though in your eyes he should destroy the whole race of the royal family, though the remainder of the Nobility and Gentry in the Land should be sent over by him, some to work in fetters in his Mines of Peru, others in chains to row all their days in his gallayes in the Mediterrane, for all these or any other imaginable acts of tyranny that could escape the wicked head of any mad Nero, of any monstrous Caligula; these men do openly take upon them to persuade that no kind of resistance for defence can be made by the whole States of a Land, though sitting in Parliament, with a most harmonious consent, no more than the Jews might have done against Nabuchadnezar, or the Christians of old against the pagan Emperors, or the Greek Church this day against the grand Signieur in Constantinople, that all our forbears both English and Scots in their manifold bicker against the misleaders of their Prince; against the tyrannising factions of Court, were ever Traitors and Rebels, and aught to have loosed their head and Lands for their presumption to defend their Liberties, against the intolerable insolences of a pack of runnigate Villains for their boldness, to fasten the tottering Crown upon the head of their Kings, all such Services of our Antecessours to King and Country, were treacherous insurrections.  
If for all these their crimes I make speak before you no other witnesses then our own tongue, 
Arms needless taken in so evil a cause, can not but end in an untimeous repentance.  I trust they shall not remain in your minds the least shadow of any scruple, to believe my allegations, nor in your wills the least inclination to join with the Counsels of so polluted and self-convicted persons.  
And if to men whose open profession in their printed Books, let be secret practices leads to so wicked ends, so fare contrary to the glory of God, to the honour and safety of our King, to the well of us all, whether in Soul, Body, Estate, Children, or any thing that is dear to us, ye would lead your arms against us; we believe the Lord of Hosts, the righteous judge would be opposite to you, and make hundreds of your men in so evil a cause flee before ten of ours. Or, if it were the profound and unsearchable pleasure of the God of Armies, to make you for a time a scourge to beat us, for our manifold transgressions; yet when ye had obtained all the Prelate's intentions, when we for our others sins were tread under your feet, we would for all that hope to die with great comfort and courage, as defenders of the truth of God, of the Liberties and Laws of our Country, of the true, good, and honour of the Crown and Royal Family; All which as we take it, one of the most wicked and unnatural faction that ever this Isle did breed, are manifestly oppugning; yet certainly, we could not but leave in our Testament to you our unjust oppressors the legacy of an untimous repentance; for when ye have killed thousands of us, & banished the rest out of the isle, when on the back of our departure, your sweet Fosters the Bishops have brought the Pope upon you and your Children; or when a French & Spanish invasion doth threaten you with a slavish conquesh; Will ye not then all, & above all our gracious Prince regrate, that He hath been so evil advised, as to have put so many of his brave Subjects to the cruel sword, who were very able and most willing to have done him noble service against these foreign usurpers? Would not at such a time, that is too likely to be at hand, if our Prelates advises now be followed, both his Majesty, and all of you who shall remain in life, be most earnest recallers; not only of your own Countrymen, (many thousands whereof ye know have lately by Episcopal tyranny been cast out from their homes, as fare as to the world's end, among the savage Americans,) but also the relics of our ruin from their banishment, with as great diligence as in time of Fergus the second, the inhabitants of this Land did recall our ancestors, when by the fraud & force of a wicked faction they were the most part killed; and the rest sent over sea in banishment.  
It were better by much, before the remeedilesse stroke be given, to be well advised, then out of time to sigh, when the millions of lost lives, when the happiness of our true Religion, when the liberties of both the nations, once thrown away by our own hands, can not again be recovered.  
To the end therefore that such lamentable inconveniences may be eshewed, 
In this nick of time very poor wits without presumption may venture to speak to Parliaments.  and your Honours the more animate to deny your power to those, who now possibly may crave to have it abused against us, without cause, beside numbers of pressing reasons, wherewith I doubt not every wise man amongst you is come well enough instructed by his own considerations, and which I trust shall be further presented in plenty by these of our Nation, who have ever been at the head of our affairs, whom God hath still enabled to clear the justice and necessity of all our proceed hitherto, to the minds of all, save our infatuat adversaries, whom superstition and rage hath blinded. If it might be your Honour's pleasure, when all the rest hath ended, I could wish, that even unto me a little audience were given, my zeal to the truth of God, to the peace of this Isle, to the honour of our dear & gracious Sovereign, imboldneth me to offer even my little mite of information. This is a period of time, when the obstinate silence of those who are most obliged by their places and gifts to speak, must open the mouth of sundry, who are not by much so able; very babes, yea stones must find a tongue, when Pharisees deny their testimony to Christ: Dumb men will get words when a Father, when a King, let be a whole Kingdom, by the wickedness of a few is put in extreme peril of ruin; An Ass will find language when the devouring Sword of an Angel is drawn against the Master; Nothing more common than the speeches of very Oxen, before any calamity of the Commonwealth; The cl●iking of Geese did at a time preserve the Capitol; Amicla was lost by too much silence; The neglect of the voice of a Damsel, the contempt of Cassandra's warning, the casting of her in bands, for her true but unpleasant Speech, did bring the Trojan Horse within the walls, and with it the quick ruin both of the City and Kingdom.  
I hope then that the greatness of my undertaking may purchase me a little audience; 
An offer deserving a little audience.  For I offer to make you all see with your own eyes, and hear with your own ears the Canterburians to declare by their own tongues, and write down under their own hands their clear minds, to bring into our Church Arminianism, and compleet Popery, and in our State a slavery no less than Turkish.  
If ye find that I prove my offer, I trust I may be confident of your wisdoms, that though Cicero himself, & with him Demosthenes as a second, & Orpheus with the enchantments of his tongue and harp, as a third marrow, should come to persuade, yet that none of you shall ever be moved by all their oratory, to espouse the quarrels of so unhappy men.  
If I fail in my fair undertaking, let me be condemned of temereity, and no hour of your leisure be ever again employed, in taking notice of any more of my complaints; But till my vanity be found, I will expect assuredly from your Honours one hearing, if it were but to waken many an able wit, & nimble pen, in that your venerable House of Convocation; Numbers there, if they would speak their knowledge, could tell other tales then ever I heard in an outcorner of the Isle, far from the secrets of State, and all possibility of intelligence, how many affairs in the world do go.  
It is one of the wonders of the world, how many of the English Divines 
The silence of the English Divines is prodigious.  can at this time be so dumb, who could well, if they pleased, paint out before your eyes with a Sunbeam all the crimes I speak off in that head & members.  
It is strange that the pilloring of some few, that the slitting of Bastwick●● and Burtowns nose, the burning of Prinnes cheek, the cutting of Lightouns ears, the scourging of Lilburne through the city, the close keeping of Lincoln, and the murdering of others by famine, cold, vermin, stink, and other miseries in the caves and vaults of the Bishop's houses of inquisition, should bind up the mouths of all the rest of the Learned. England want not in the days of hottest persecution, in the very Marian times, to be so scant of faithful witnesses to the truth of Christ, we can not now conjecture what is become of that Zeal to the true Religion, which we are persuaded lies in the heart of many thousands in that gracious church; we trust indeed that this long lurking, and too too long silence of the Saints there, shall break out at once in some hundreths of trumpets and lamps, shining and shouting, to the joy of all reformed Churches, against the camp of these enemies to God, and the King; that quickly it may be so, behold I here first upon all hazards do break my pitcher, do hold out my Lamp, and blow my trumpet before the Commissioners of the whole Kingdom, offering to convince that prevalent faction by their own mouth, of Arminianism, Popery, and Tyranny.   

THE MAIN SCOPE And Delineation of the subsequent TREATISE.  

CHAP. I.  
OUR Adversaries 
Our Adversaries decline to answer our greatest challenge.  are very unwilling to suffer to appear, that there is any further debate betwixt them and us, but what is proper unto our Church, and do arise from the Service-Book, Canons, and Episcopacy, which they have pressed upon us with violence, against all order Ecclesiastical and Civil; In the mean, lest they become the sacrifices of the public hatred of others in a subtle Sophistication, they labour to hid the notable wrongs and effronts which they have done openly to the Reformed Religion, to the Churches of England, and all the Reformed Churches in the main and most material questions debated against the Papists ever since the Reformation; for such as profess themselves our enemies, and are most busy to stir up our gracious Prince to arms against us, do wilfully dissemble their knowledge of any other controversy between them and us, but that which properly concerneth us, and rubbeth not upon any other Church.  
In this their doing the Judicious may perceive their manifold deceit, whereby they would delude the simple, and many witty worldlings do deceive themselves.  
First, they would have the world to think that we obstinately refuse to obey the Magistrate, in the point of things indifferent: And therefore unnecessarily, and in a foolish preciseness draw upon ourselves the wrath of the King.  
Secondly, when in our late Assemblies the order of our Church is made known, and the seeds of superstition, heresy, idolatry, and antichristian tyranny are discovered in the Service-Booke and Canons, they wipe their mouth, they say: No such thing is meant; and that we may upon the like occasion blame the Service-Booke of England.  
Thirdly, when by the occasion of the former quarrelings, their palpable Popery and Arminianism are set before their eyes, and their perverse intentions, desires, and endeavours of the change of Religion and Laws, are upon other grounds then upon the Service-Booke and Canons objected against them: they stop their ears, or at last shut their mouths, and answer nothing. This Challenge they still decline and misken; they will not let it be heard, let be to answer to it; And for to make out their tergiversation, and to dash away utterly this our process, they have been long plying their great engine; and at last have wrought their yond most my to that perfection, that it is now ready to spring under our walls. By their flattering calumnies they have drawn the Prince again to arms, for the overthrow of us their challengers, and for the affrighting by the terror of armies on foot of all others elsewhere, from commencing any such action against them.  
As for us, 
The scope of the Treatise.  truly it were the greatest happiness we do wish for out of Heaven, to live peaceably in all submission and obedience under the wings of our gracious Sovereign, and it is to us a bitterness as gall, as wormwood, as death to be necessitated to any contest, to any contradictory terms, let be an armed defence, against any whom he is pleased to defend; Yea certainly it were the great joy of our heart, to receive these very men, our mortal enemies, into the arms of our affection, upon any probable signs in them, of their sincere grief, for the huge wrongs they have intended, and done to their Mother-Church and Country. But when this felicity is denied, and nothing in them, doth yet appear but induration, and a malicious obstinacy, going on madly through a desperate desire of revenge, to move a very sweet Prince for their cause to shed his own blood, to rend his own bowels, to cut off his own members, what shall we do but complain to GOD, and offer to the world's eyes the true cause of our sufferings, the true grounds of this Episcopal war, or rather not Episcopal, but Canterburian broil: for we judge sundry Bishops in the isle to be very free of these mischiefs, and believe that divers of them would gladly demonstrate their innocence, if so be my Lord of Canterbury and his dependants, were in any way to receive from the King's justice some part of their deservings.  
Howsoever, that we may give a testimony to the truth of God, which we are like at once to seal with our blood, we will offer to the view of all Reformed Churches, and above the rest to our acer●st and sibbest sister of England, as it were in a table, divers of these errors, which our party first by craft and subtility, but now by extreme violence of fire and Sword, are labouring to bring upon us; to the end that our dear Brethren, understanding our sufferings in the defence of such a cause, may be the more willing at this time to contribute for our assistance from God, the help of their earnest Prayers, and for ever hereafter to condole with the more hearty compassion, any misery which possibly may befall us, in such a quarrel.  

All our plea is but one clear syllogism.  Albeit truly our hopes are yet greater than our fears, if we could become so happy as once to get our plea but entered before our Prince; for we can hardly conceive what in reason should hinder our full assurance of a  decision from that Sacred mouth, whose natural equity the World knows in all causes whereof he is impartially informed, since our whole action is ● u●ht but one formal argument, whereof the M●j r is ●he verdict of our judge, the Minor shallbe the open and ●●●w●d Testimony of our party, need we fear th●● either our judge or party will be so irrational as to venture upon the denial of a conclusion, whereof both the premises is their own open profession.  
Our Major is this: 
The Major thereof.  Who ever in the King's Dominions spreads abroad Popery, or any Doctrine opposite to the Religion, and Laws of the Land, now established, ought not to be countenanced, but severely punished by the King. This Major the King hath made certain t● us in his frequent most solemn asseverations, not only at his coronation both here and in England, in his proclamations both here and there, 
(a) Neither shall we ever give way to the authorising of any t●●ng, whereby any innovation many steal or creep into the Church but shall preserve that unity of doctrine & discipline, established ●n Q. Elizabeth's reign, whereby the Church of England have stood & flou● s●ed since. Proclam. dissolving the Parl of England, 1628. and therefore o●ce for all we have thought fit to declare, and hereby to assure all our good people, that we neither were, are, nor ever (by the grace of God) shall be slained with popish superstition, but by the con●tarie, are resolved to maintain the true Protestant Christian religion, already professed within this our ancient Kingdom. We neither intent innovation in religion or laws, proclam. ●une 8. 1638. to free all our good subjects of t●e least suspicion of any intent on in us, to innovate any thing, either in religion or laws, and to sati fie not only their desires, but even their doubts. We have discharged, etc. proclam: Septemb 22. 1638. and to give all his Maj. people full assurance, that he never intended to admit any alteration or change in the true religion, pofessed wi●●in this kingdom, and that they may be truly and fully satisfied of the reality of his intentions, and integrity of the same, his Maj. hath been pleased to require & command all his good Subjects, to subscribe the confession of Faith, formerly signed by his dear Father, in anno 1580. and it is his Maj will, that this be insert and registrat in the books of Assembly, as a testimony to posterity, not only of the sincerity of his intentions to the said true religion, but also of his resolution to maintain and defend the same, and his Subjects in the pro●ession thereof, proclam. Decemb. 18. 1638.  but also in his late large declaration, oftimes giving out his resolution to live and die in the reformed protestant religion, opposite to all Popery; to maintain his established laws; and in nothing to permit the enervating of them: Yea, this resolution of the king is so peremptor, & publicly avowed, th●t Canterbury himself dare not but applaud thereto; 
(b) If any Prelate would labour to bring in the superstitions of the Church of Rome, I do not only leave him to God's judgement, but if his irreligious falsehood can be discovered, also to shame and severe punishment from the State, and in any just way, no mans hands should be sooner against him than mine.  in his Star chamber speech, who can seem more forward than he for the great equity, to punish condignly all who would but mind to bring in any Popery in this Isle, or assay to make any innovation in Religion or Laws.  
We believe indeed that my Lord Canterbury doth but juggle with the world in his fair ambiguous generalities, being content to invegh as much against popery and innovation as we could wish, upon hopes ever when it comes to any particular of the grossest popery we can name, by his subtle distinctions and disputations to slide out of our hands: But we are persuaded what ever may be the juggling of sophisticating Bishops, yet the magnanimous ingenuity, the royal integrity of our gracious Sovereign is not compatible with such fraudulent equivocations, as to proclaim his detestation of popery in generals, and not thereby to give us a full assurance of his abhorring every particular, which all the orthodox Preachers of this Isle since the reformation by Queen Elizabeth and King james allowance hath ever condemned as popish errors. Our Major then we trust may be past as unquestionable.  
We subjoin our Minor; 
The Minor.  But so it is that Canterbury and his dependars, men raised, and yet maintained by him, have openly in their printed books, without any recantation or punishment to this day spread abroad in all the King's Dominions, doctrines, opposite to our Religion and Laws, especially the most points of the grossest popery. In reason all our bickering ought to be here alone. This Minor I offer to instruct, and that by no other midst than the testimony of their own pens. If I do so to the full satisfaction of all, who know what are the particular heads of the reformed Religion, and what the Tenets of Popery ●pposite thereto; what are the Laws standing in all the thr●e Dominions, and what the contrary maxims of the Turkish Empire, wherewith Matchivelists this day every where are labouring to poison the ears of all Christian Princes, for enervating the Laws and Liberties of their Kingdoms: I hope that reason and justice which stand night and day attending on either side of King Charles Throne, will not fail to persuade the cheerful embracement of the conclusion, 
The conclusion.  which follows by a clear and natural necessity, from the forenamed premises, to wit, that Canterbury and his dependars in all the three Dominions ought not to be countenanced by the King, but severally punished: Let be that for their pastime a bloody & hazardous war, should be raised in so unseasonable a time, for the undoing of that country, and church, which God hath honoured with the birth, and baptism, both of his Majesties own person, and of his renowned Father, and to the which both of them as all their hundreth and six glorious Predecessors, are indebted before God and the World, all their Prerogatives both of nature, grace and estate, so much as any Princes were ever to their mother church, & native Country.   

CHAP. II. The Canterburians avowed Arminianism.  
Arminianism how great and dangerous an innovation of the Reformed Religion it is, 
Arminianisme ● great and dangerous innovation o● Religion.  we m y learn by the late experiences of our neighbour's, when that weed began to spread among 〈◊〉. The States of Holland have declared in many passages of their Dordracen Synod, that they found it a more ready mean to overthrow both their Church and State, than all the engines, Policies, arms which the Pope, and Spaniard, in any began time had used ●gainst them.  
The Church of France the other year, when Amir●t, and Testard, and some few of their Divines, were but surmised to incline a little towards some small twigs of one article of Arminius, was so affrighted, that they rested not till in a general assembly at Paris, they did run together for the extinguishing of the first sparks, as it were of a common fire.  
When Barrow in Cambridge began to run a little on this rock, how careful was my Lord of Canterbury and the Bishops than in the meeting at Lambeth, for the crushing of that Cokatrice in the egg; when that Serpent again in the same place began, to set up the nose in the writs of Thomson, how careful were the Bishops then by the hand of their brother of Salisbury Doctor Abbots to cut off the head of that monster.  
But what speak we of the Churches Reform? The very Synagogue of Rome, whose conscience is enlarged as the Hell to swallow down the vile●● morsels of the most lewd errors that Antichrist can present, yet did they stick much at this bone, when the jesuite Molina began to draw out these dregs of Pelagianism from the long neglected pits of some obscure Schoolmen, what clamours were raised there, not only by Alvarez and his followers but ulso by numbers of Prelates and some great Princes, till the credit of the jesuites in the Court of Rome, and the wisdom of the Consistory prognosticating a new Rent in their Church, did procure from the Pope a peremptory injunction of silence to both sides, on all highest pains: hoping if the Dominicans mouths were once stopped, that the jesuites by their familiar arts, and silent Policies, would at last work out their intended point, which indeed since that time, they have well near by fully gained.  
But to King Charles eye no evidence useth to be so demonstrative as that which cometh from the learned hand of his blessed Father. Would we know how gracious a Plant Arminianism and the dressers of it will prove in England, or any where else, advise with King james, 
King james judgement of Arminianism.  who after full trial and long consultation about this emergent, with the Divines of his Court, especially the late archbishop Abbots gave out at last his Decreet in print, and that in Latin, not only for a present declaration to the States of Holland of his mind against Vorstius, and a clear Confession of his Faith in those points to the Christian World, but above all to remain a perpetual Register for his heirs and successors, of his faithful advice, if after his death their Kingdoms should be ever in danger to be pestered with that wicked seed.  
In that treatise, his Majesty doth first 
(a) Declarat. contr. Vorst. pag. 15. Non erubescit ita crasse mentiri, ut affirmet haereses libro suo expressas á professione Ecclesiae Anglicanae non dissentire.  avow all them to be gross liars, who do not blush to affirm that any of the Arminian articles, even that most plausable one of the Saints apostasy are consonant with the Doctrine or articles of the Church of England. 
(b) Ibid. pag. 12. Gnaviter impudens & ferreioris.  He styleth Bertius for such a slander, a very impudent and brazen faced man. 2. 
(c) Ibid. pag. 18 Detestandae haereses novitor, exortae maturè exstinguendae, & ad usque inferos unde manarunt relegandae.  He pronounceth these Doctrines of Arminius to be heresies lately revived and damnable to the hells, from whence they come. 3. 
(d) Ibid. pag 12. Sola inscriptio clamat igni damnandum.  That Bertius for the very title of his book, The Saint's apostasy, deserved burning. 4. 
(e) Ibid. pag. 14. Inimicus Deo Arminius▪ cujus discipuli pests, arrogantes, haeritici, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sectarij.  That A●minius and his Scholars were to be reputed pests, enemies to God, proud, schismatical, heretical, Atheists. 5. 
(f) 
Ibid. pag. 15. A Deo maledictionem, apud. Ecclesias omnes infamiam, in Republicam perpetuam, distractionem.  
The great increase of Arminians in Scotland by Canterbury's means.   He affirmeth that their toleration would not fail to bring upon the heads of their toleraters let be favourers, God's malediction, an evil report, slander and infamy with all the Churches abroad, and certain Schism, division and tumults at home.  
Shall we then make any doubt of King Charles full contentment that we avow Arminianism to be such a dangerous innovation in our Religion as the Reformed Churches abroad, and his Father at home hath taught us to count it where ever it is found.  
Notwithstanding this bitter root amongst us was setting up the head of late very boldly in all the prime places of our Kingdom; we have had since the reformation many bicker about the Church government and Ceremonies, but in matters of Doctrine never any controversy was known, till some years ago a favourable air from the mouth of Doctor Laud at Court began to blow upon these unhappy seeds of Arminius. No sooner was those south-winds sensible in our climate, but at once in S. Andrews, Edinburgh, Aberdeen, and about Glasgow that weed began to spring amain.  
Doctor Wederburne in the new College of S. Andrews did stuff his dictates to the young Students in Divinity with these errors. This man upon the fears of our Church's censure, having fled the Country, was very tenderly embraced by his Grace at Court, and well rewarded with a fair Benefice in England for his labours; But to the end his talents should not lie hid, although a man very unmeete either for preaching or government, he was at once sent down to us, without knowledge of our Kirk, by Canterbury's only favour to be Bishop of Dumblane, for this purpose mainly that in the Royal Chapel, whereof that Bishop is always Dean, he might in despite of all our Presbyteries weive out the web he had begun in S. Andrews. So at once there was erected a society of twenty four Royal Chapplains, who were thought fittest of the whole Clergy of the Kingdom, to be alured with hopes of favour from Court, to preach to the State, the Deans Armiminian tenets.  
In Edinburgh M. Sydserfe did partly play his part, and for the reward of his boldness, had cast in his lap in a trace the deanery of Edinburgh, the Bishopric of Brechan, and last of Galloway, with full hopes in a short time of an Archbishop's cloak.  
In the North, Doctor Forbes the only Father of the most of those who fell away from the doctrine of our Church, came to good speed in his evil labours and for his pains was honoured with the first seat in the new erected chair of our principal city.  
Others about Glasgow made their preaching of the Arminian errors the pathway to their assured advancement.  
In our general Assembly we found that this cockle was coming up apace in very many furrows of our field; Some of it we were forced, albeit to our great grief, to draw up & cast over the dike, which at once was received and replanted in England in too good a soil.  
We confess that it happened not much beside our expectation, that our Arminians 
The King's names stolen by Canterbury to the defence of Arminians.  after the censure of our Church should at Court have been to graciously received and sheltered in the sanctuary of his Grace at Lambeth; But this indeed did and doth astonish us all, that any should have been so bold as to have stolen King Charles name to a printed Declaration, wherein not only our general Assembly is condemned for using any censure at all against any for the crime of Arminianism; 
(g) Large declare. pag. 74. According to their weak and poor power they did determine controversies concerning predestination, universal grace irresistibility of grace, concurrence in grace, and other such like intricate points, that some men would be loath to live so long as they could make them understand them.  But also Arminius articles are all utterly slighted and pronounced to be of so obscure and intricate a nature, that both our Assembly was to pert to make any determination about them, and that many of our number were altogether unable by any teaching ever to win so much as to the understanding of the very questions: 
(h) Some Miinisters were dedepr●ved for Arminianism, a course never heard off ●n any p●ace where any rule of justice was observed, that a Min stir should be deprived for holding any Tenet, which is not against t●e doctri e of that Church wherein he liveth, and that before it be prohibited & condemned by that Church. Now there is nothing in the confession of that Church against these Tenets.  Yea, those articles are avowed to be consonant, and in nothing to be opposite to the Confession of our Church, and are freely absolved of all Popery.  

(i) Pag. 303. They could not answer when it was told them th' see Tenets, could not b●e counted Popish, concerning which, or the chief of which as learned Papists as any in the world, the Dominicans & jesuites did differ as much as th● Protestant's, and tha● those which do adhere to the Augustin confession, did hold hat side of ●hose Tenets. w●ich the Arminians did hold, and yet they were very far rom being Papists, being the first Protestant's, and there o'er it was against all sen●e ●o condemn that for P perie wh c● was held by many Pro●ella●ts Churches, and reject by many learned Papists.  Because indeed (for this is the only reason) some learned Papists find divers of Arminius points to be so absurd, that their stomaches cannot away with them, and some of the Lutherian divines agree with the Arminians in certain parcels of some of their articles. They must be strangers in these questions, who are ignorant in how many things the Dominicans and all Papists agree with Arminius, and in how many the Lutherans disagree from him. However we were and are amazed to see Canterbury so malapeart, as to proclaim in the King's name, beside many other strange things, the articles of Arminius, to be so fare above the capacity of our general Assembly, that it deserves a Royal reproof for minting to determine any thing in them, and that they are no ways contrary to the doctrine of our Church, neither any ways Popish, and that for a reason, which will exeme from the note of Popery every error which is so grossly absurd, that some learned Papists are forced to contradict it, or some gross Lutheran can get his throat extended to swallow it down.  
This boldness can not in any reason be imputed to our gracious Sovereign; For how is it possible that he upon any tolerable information, should ever have suffered himself to be induced to write or speak in such a strain of these things which so lately by his learned Father was declared in print, and that in Latin to be no less than heresies, worthy of burning; yea, damnable to the very infernal pit; whence as he says, they did first come up. Neither is it like that these Sentences come from the heart of D. Balcanquell the penman of them; For he was a member of Do●t Synod, and brought up in the Church of Scotland, the man is not unseen in the Popish Tenets; How is it p●ssible that his conscience should absolve the Arminian errors of all Popery, and all contrariety to the Scotish confession.  
May any be so uncharitable, as to suspect his late promotion in Durhame, hath altered so soon his mind? Sure not long since, both in England and Scotland, he did desire to be esteemed by his friends, one of those whom Canterbury did malign, and hold down for his certain and known resolutions, and reputed ability to oppose his Graces Arminian, and Popish innovations.  
His Majesty being certainly clear of this imputation, and readily also Balcanquell, the amanuense, on whom can the fault lie but Canterbury, the directors back? For the world knows, that on his shoulders for common alone, the King doth devolve the trust of all Bookish and Ecclesiastical affairs that concerns him, that at his commandment he hath written in the King's name that part at the least of the declination, which patronizeth the Arminians persons and cause, we do not conjecture, but demonstrate by the constant & avowed course of his Grace's carriage, in advancing Arminianism at all occasions, in all the King's Dominions.  
That this may appear, consider his practices, not so much among us, as in the Irish Church, 
The Irish Church infected with Arminianism by Canterbury.  where yet his hand is very nimble, to set these ungracious plants, and to nip off all the overspreading branches of any tree that may overtop them; For who else in a moment, hath advanced D. Bramble, not only to the Sea of Derrie, but to be the King's Vicar General?  
Who sent D. Chapel first to the University of Dubline, and then to his Episcopal Chair?  
Who holds down the head of that Orthodox Primate, and of all who have any zeal there to the truth of God?  
Who caused not only refuse the confirmation of these Antiarminian articles of Ireland, in the last Parliament, but threatened also to burn them by the hand of the hangman? Whose invention are these privy articles, which his Creature my Lord of Derry presents to divers who take Orders from his holy hands?  
We will pass these and such other effects, which the remote rays of his Grace's countenance do produce in so great a distance; Only behold! How great an increase that unhappy plant hath made there in England, where his eye is nearer to view, and his hand to water it. 
The Canterburians in England teach the first and second article of Arminianism.   
In the 25. year, at the very instant of King James death, D. Montagu, with D. Whites approbation, did put to the press all the articles of Arminius in the same fearmes, with the same arguments and most injurious calumniations of the Orthodox doctrine, as Spalleto and the Remonstrants had done a little before, but with this difference, that where those had dipped their pens in ink, D. Montagu doth write with venegar & gall, in every other line, casting out the venom of his bitter Spirit, on all that cometh in his way, except they be fowls of his own feather; for oft when he speaks of jesuites, Cardinals, Popes, he anoints his lips with the sweetest honey, and perfumes his breath with the most cordial tablets. If any do doubt of his full Arminianism, let them cast up his Appeal, and see it clearly, 
(k) Appeal, p. 60. I profess my through & sincere dissent from the faction of novellizing Puritans, but in no point more them in the doctrine of desperate predestination. Ibid. p. 70. I see no reason why any of the divines of our Church present at the Synod of Dort, should take any offence at my dissenting, who had no authority that I know of to conclude me, more than I do at them, for differing from me in their judgement, quisque abundet in suo sensu. Ibid. pag. 71. I am sure the Church of England never so determined in her doctrine. Ibid. pag. 72, at the conference of Hamptoun-court, before his Majesty, by D. Bancroft, that doctrine of irrespective predestination was styled against the articles of Lambeth, then urged by the Puritans, a desperate doctrine, without reproof or taxation of any. Ibid. pag. 50, your absolute, necessary, determined, irresistible, irrespective decree of God, to call, save, and glorify S. Peter, for instance infallibly, without any consideration had off, or regard unto his faith, obedience, repentance: I say it truly, it is the fancy of some particular men.  in the first and second Article of Election and Redemption, he avoweth his averseness from the Doctrine of Lambeth and Dort, which teacheth, that God from eternity did elect us to grace & salvation, not for any consideration of our faith, works, or any thing in us as causes, respects, or conditions, antecedent to that decree, but only of his mere mercy; And that from this Election all our faith, works, and perseverance do flow as effects. He calleth this the private fancy of the Divines of Dort, opposite to the Doctrine of the Church of England; For this assertion he slandereth the Synod of L●mbeth, as teachers of desperate doctrine, and would father this foul imputation, but very falsely on the Conference at Hamptoun Court.  

(l) Ibid. pag. 61, 64. I shall as I can briefly set down what I conceive of this of God's decree of predestination, se●ting by all execution of purpose: this fare we have gone, and no word yet of predestination, for how could it be in a parity? T●ere must ●e first conceived a disproportion, before there can be conceived an Election or dereliction: God had compassion of men in the mass of perdition, upon singulos generum, & genera singulorum, and out of his love, motu mero, no otherwise stretched out to them deliverance, in a Mediator the Man jesus Christ, and drew them out that took hold of mercy, leaveing them there that would none of him.  Again he avoweth positively, that faith goeth before Election, and that to all the lost race of Adam alike, God's mercy in Christ is propounded till the party's freewill, by believing or misbelieving, make the disproportion antecedent to any divine either election, or reprobation.  
One of the reasons why King james styled Arminius disciples Atheists, 
Why King james styled them Atheists.  was, because their first article of conditional Election did draw them by an inevitable necessity to the maintenance of Vorstian impiety; For make me once God's eternal decree posterior and dependant from faith, repentance, perseverance, and such works, which they make flow from the freewill of changeable men; that decree of God will be changeable, it will be a separable accident in him; God will be a composed substance of subject, & true accidents, no more an absolute simple essence, and so no more God. Vorstius ingenuity in professing this composition is not misliked by the most learned of the Belgic Arminians, who use not as many of the English, to deny the clear consequences of their doctrine, if they be necessary, though never so absurd. However in this very place Montagu maintains very Vorstian Atheism, as expressly as any can do, making the divine essence to be finite, his omnipresence not to be in substance, but in providence, 
(m) Appeal p. 49. the Stoics among others held that paradox of old, Deum ire per omne terras tractusmaris, coelumque profundum. They meant it substantially, and so impiously. Christians do hold it too, but disposively in his providence.  and so making God to be no G●d. This, though long ago by learned featly, objected in print to Montagu, lies still upon him without any clearing. Certainly our Arminians in Scotland were begun both in word and writ to undertake the dispute; for all that Vorstius had printed; I speak what I know, and have felt oft to my great pains.  
Arminianism is a chain, any one link whereof, but specially the first will draw all the rest, yet see the other also expressed by Montagu. In the articles of grace and freewill, 
They teach the third and fourth article.  not only he goes clear with the Arminians, teaching that man's will hath ever a faculty to resist, and oftimes according to the Doctrine of the Church of England, actually doth resist, reject, frustrate, and overcoms the most powerful acts of the spirit and grace of God, even those which are employed about regeneration, sanctification, justification, perseverance. 
(n) Appeal. p. 89. S. Steven in terminis hath the very word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, you resist, nay, fall cross with the holy Ghost, not suffering him to work grace in you. If the Counsel meaned it de gratia excitante, praeveniente operante; I think no man will deny it de gratia adiuvante, subsequent, cooperante; there is without question in the natural will of a regenerate man so much carnal concupiscence, as may make him resist and rebel against the Law of the Spirit. And if a man justified may fall away from grace, which is the doctrine of the Church of England, then without question yourselves being judges, he may resist the grace of God offered.  Not only doth he thus fare proceed, but also he avows, that all the difference which is betwixt the Church of England & Rome, in this head of freewill, to be in nothing material, (a) & really long ago to be ended and agreed amongst the most judicious and sober of both the sides. 
(o) Ibid. p. 95. Thus having with as great diligence as I could examined this question inter parts of freewill, I do ingenuously confess, that I can not find any such material difference between the Pontificians, at least of better temper, and our Church.   
For the fifth 
Also the fifth.  of perseverance, he is as gross as any other Remonstrant or Molinean jesuite, professing, that no man in this life can have more assurance not to fall away both totally and finally from all the grace he gets, than the devils 
(p) Antigag. p. 161. Man is not likely in the State of grace to be of an higher alloy than angels were in the state of glory, than Adam was in the state of innocence. Now if Adam in paradise, and Lucifer in heaven did fall and loss their original estate, the one totally, & the other eternally, what greater assurance hath any man in the state of proficiency, not of consummation  had once in heaven, and Adam once in paradise.  
Behold the Arminian ensign fairly now displayed in England by the the hands of Montagu and White, under the conduct of D. Laud, Bishop of S. David's, even than the Precedent and chief of Ecclesiastical affairs, of the Duke of Buckinghames secret Counsel. At the first sight of this black banner, a number of brave Champions got to their arms; pulpits over all England rang, presses swat against the boldness of that, but small hand full then of courtizing Divines. Their crafty leader seeing the spite of opposition, and finding it meet for a little to hold in, and fold up his displayed colours, did by the Duke his Patron persuade the expediency of that policy, which the jesuites had immediately before, for that same very design moved the Roman consistory to practise. He obtained a Proclamation, commanding silence to both sides, 
Silence by proclamation enjoined to both sides.  discharging all preaching, all printing in these controversies, a stricting to the clear, plain and very grammatical sense of the articles of England in these points, without all further deductions. By this means his intentions were much promoved, open avowers of Arminianism were by public authority so ex●emed from any censure, a real Liberty was thus proclaimed over all the Land, for any who pleased to embrace Arminianism without opposition.  
Hereby in two or three years the infection spread so fare and broad, that the Parliament was forced in the 28. to make the increase of Arminianism 
The Arminians in England advanced.  their chief grievance to his Majesty; But at that time D. Laud was grown greater. He had mounted up from the Bath to London, and to make a show there in Parliament of his power, in the eye of all the complainers, he raised up Montagu to the Episcopal Chair of his own Diocesan, D. Carletoun, who had lately chastised him in print for his Arminian appeal. D. White his other chiftane, that all great spirits might be encouraged to run the ways which D. Laud pointed out to them, in despite of these Parliamentary Remonstrants, was advanced from Bishopric to Bishopric, till death at the step of Elie did interrupt the course of his promotion, that to Wren a third violent follower of his Arminian Tenets, way might be made for to climb up the remaining steps of the Ladder of his Honours.  
Now to the end that the world may know, that my lord of Canterbury doth nothing blush at the advancement of such men, hear what a public Testimony of huge worth and deserving, he caused his Herald Peter Heylen to proclaim to that Triumvirate, not only at his own directions, (for that moderate answer of Heylens is the justo volumine, which his G. did promise to the World in his Star Chamber-speach) but also in name of Authority; If Heylen lie not, who says: He writes that book at the commandment of the state: There after the cryasse of Canterbury's own extraordinary praises 
(q) A moderate answer, pag. 78. you will be troubled to find Canterbury's equal in our Church, since K. Edward's reformation, whether ye look to his public or pr●vate demeanours.  the renown of his three underleaders, is loudly sounded as of plain non-suches. 
(r) Ibid. pag 84. White, Montagu, and Wren, whom you so abuse, are such, who for their endeavours for this Church's honour, fidelity in their service to the King, full abilities in learning, have had no equals in this Church, since the Reformation.   
All these his Grace's favours to his followers, 
Their opposites disgraced and persecuted.  would have been the more tolerable if he would have permitted his orthodox opposites to have had some share in their Prince's affection, or at least have lived in peace in their own places. But behold, all that crosses his way must down, were they the greatest Bishops in the Dominions. For who else wrought the late Archbishop so fare out of the King's grace, that he remained some years before his death well near confined to his house at Lambeth? Who hath caused to be caged up in the tower that great & learned Bishop of Lincoln? what ever else may be in the man. What fray makes that worthy Primate Usher to foretell oft to his friends his expectation, to be sent over Sea, to die a pedant teaching boys for his bread, by the persecution of this faction, whose ways he avows to many, doth tend to manifest Arminianism and Popery. This their resolution to persecute with all extremity, every one who shall mint to print or preach any thing against Arminianism, they avow it openly, not only by deeds (for why else was poor Butter cast by Canterbury in the Fleet for printing of B. Davenants letter to B. Hall against some passage of Arminianism at the Authors direction as we see it set down by Huntly in his Breviate) but even in open print, for when Burton complains to the King that he was silenced by Canterbury for expounding of his ordinary text Rom. 8: Whom God had predestinate those he hath called, and applying it to the present Pelagianisme and Popery of the Arminians, Christopher Dow 
(s) Chr. Dow. Answer to Burton. Mr. Burton did preach on the highest point of predestination in a controverted way with disputes and clamorous invectives against those who dissented from him in opinion, his questioning & suspending for this cause, was nothing contrary to his Majesty's declarations. Ibid. pag. 40. Be it so that the doctrine of election, effectual vocation, assurance o● perseverance, are by the King's declaration suppressed, rather than the peace of the Church should be disturbed, we might truly say of that time when his Majesty's declaration was published, that men were uncapable of these doctrines, when men began to chide, and to count each other Anathema, as it was with our neighbours, it began to be with us, was it not time to enjoin both sides silence? By this means you say, there is no Minister, not one among thousand that dare clearly preach of these most comfortable doctrines, and so sound confute the Arminian heresy. Blessed be God that there are so few who dare, and I wish those few who dare, had showed more obedience to his Majesty.  approven by Canterbury's Chaplane, & P. Helen directed to speak for Canterbury himself doth not stand to affirm, that this was a cause well deserving all the sufferings he complained off.  

Canterbury & his followers contrary to the proclamation, go on still to print, let be to preach their Tenets.  Can any here but expect of his Grace's wisdom and loyalty, when his solicitude appeareth to disgrace and punish without respect of persons all who in contempt, as he saith, of the King's proclamation will not desist from the public oppugning of Arminianism, that on the other hand the preachers & printers for Arminianism according to that same proclamation should be put to some order; yet this is so far neglected, that all who are so affected, Cousins, Colin●s, Beel in Cambridge, Potter and jackson in Oxfoord, and many more prime Doctors in both Universities in the city, in the Court, and over all the Land, boldly give out their mind to all they meet with, for the advancement of the new way, yea boldness in running those paths hath been known to have been the high way in all the three Dominions these years bygone to certain promotion in many men who to the world's eyes had no other singular eminency of any good parts.  
But that his Graces tramping upon the King's Proclamation may be yet the more evident, behold how he doth daily dispense both with his own pen and those also of his friends to write and print for Arminianism what they please.  
White being taxed by Burtoun for his subscription to Montagous' appeal, is so far from the least retractation, that the fift article of Apostasy & uncertainty of salvation, which Burton did single out of all Montagous' errors, as most opposite to Christian comfort, he maintains it in his own answer to the Dialogue; but as the custom now is under the covert of some Father's name, at great length with much bitterness, and casts out without provocation in his Treatise of the Sabbath, the first and second article 
(t) P. 82. The benefit of redemption, by the antecedent will of Christ is intended to all men living, though all men by reason of their own demerits do not actually receive the Fruit of it. Voluntas antecedens est voluntas primaria & beneplacitum Dei ex eius nativa propensione existens, nullamque sumans occasionem ex nobis.  Mr. Dow and Schelfoord use the same plainness. Yea, in the 31. year that faction was so malapeart, as to set out the historical narration, by one M. A. Ileward, wherein all the Articles of Arminius at length, with these false and bitter calumniations of our doctrine; Which are usually chanted and rechanted by the Remonstrants, are not only set down as truths, but also fathered upon the first reformers & Martyrs of England.  
That book when it had been out a while, was called in, not because the Doctrines were false, not because the story was forged, as that learned Knight S. Vmphrey Lyne by the ocular inspection of the original manuscript did since demonstrate, but the only reason of the calling of it bacl, as his Grace makes Heylen declare to us, was, the din and clamour which Burtown, than one of the Ministers of London, made against it. 
(w) Moderate answer, p. 121. The Historical narration was called in also for your pleasure.   
Canterbury himself is nothing afraid to lend his own hand to pull down any thing that seems cross to Arminianism. The certainty of salvation, the assurance of election, is such an eyesore, that to have it away, he stands not with his own hand to cut and mangle the very liturgy of the Church, otherwise a sacred peace, and a noli me tangere in England in the smallest points, were they never so much by any censured of error: Yet if any clause cross Arminianism or Popery, his Grace doth not spare without din to expurge it, did it stand in the most eminent places thereof in the very morning prayers for the King's person:  
Here there was this clause fixed since the reformation (who art the Father of thine Elect and their Seed) this seemed to be a public profession, that it was not unlawful for King Charles to avow his certainty and persuasion that God was his Father, and he his adopted Child, elect to salvation. His Grace could not endure any longer such a scandalous speech to be● uttered, but with his own hand scrappeth it out. Being challenged for it by Burtoun, and the outcries of the people, he confesseth the Fact; Only for excuse, bringeth three reasons, of which you may judge: 
(x) Star-chamber speech, p. 28 It was put out at the Ks. direction, in my predecessors time when the king had no children.  First he saith, It was done in his predecessors time; Doth not this make his presumption the more intolerable, that any inferior Bishop, living at the very lug of the Archbishop, should mint to expurge the liturgy. Secondly, He pretends the King's command for his doing.  
Doth not this increase his guiltiness, that he and his followers are become so wicked and irrespective, as to make it an ordinare prank, to cast their own misdeeds upon the broad back of the Prince. Dare he say, that the King commanded any such thing motu proprio? Did he command that expunction without any information, without any man's advice? Did any King of England ever assay to expurge the public Books of the Church, without the advice of his Clergy? Did ever King Charles meddle in any Church matters of fare less importance, without D. laud's counsel?  
The third excuse: That the King then had no Seed. How is this pertinent? May not a childless man say in his prayers, that God is the Father of the Elect, and of their Seed, though himself as yet have no Seed? But the true cause of his anger against this passage of the Liturgy, seemeth to have been none other then this Arminian conclusion; that all faith of election in particular, of personal adoption or salvation, is nought but presumption:  
That this is his Grace's faith, may appear by his Chaplans' hand, at that base and false story of Ap-Evan by Studly, wherein are bitter invectives against all such persuasions as puritanik delusions, 
(y) Satan like an Angel of Light stirring up in the heart of immortified persons a spiritual pride in a high conceit of their gifts, the assurance of their Election, illumination, conversion, imaginary sense of their adoption, etc.  yea, he is contented that Chounaeus should print over and over again his unworthy collections, not only subscribed by his Chaplane, but dedicated to himself, wherein salvation is avowed to be a thing unknown, and whereof no man can have any further, or should wish for any more than a good hope. 
(z) Pag. 82. Salus eorum satis certa quamvis ipsis ignota, ex gratia & infinita sua misericordia det Deus hanc spem & sua vissiman huius spei plerophoriam, ampliorem non expectamus,  And if any desire a clearer confession, behold himself in those oposcula posthuma of Andrew's, which he setteth out to the world after the man's death, & dedicates to the King: avowing that the Church of England doth maintain no personal persuasion of predestination, which Tenet Cardinal Pirroun had objected to them as presumption. 
(z) Stricturae, we think it not safe for any man peremptorily to presume himself predestinate.  White also in his answer to the Dialogue, makes man's election a mystery, which God hath so hid in his secret counsel, that no man, can in this life come to any knowledge, let be assurance of it, at great length from the 97. page to the 103. and that most plainly.  

A demonstration of Canterbury's Arminianism in the highest degree.  But to close this Chapter, passing a number of evidences, I bring but one more, which readily may be demonstrative, though all other were laid aside. By the Laws and practickes of England, a Chaplans licensing of a book for the press is taken for his Lord the Bishop's deed; So Helen approven by Canterbury teacheth in his Antidotum, 
(a) Pag. 3. Or if you be so dull as not to apprehend that, yet must the publishing of this Libel rest in conclusion on my Lord high Thesauror the Bishop of London at whose house the book was licentiate, which is so high a language against authority, against the practice of this Realm, for licenciating of books against the honour of the Star-chamber, on whose decree that practice is founded, etc.  and for this there is reason, for the Laws give authority of licensing to no Chaplane, but to their Lords alone, who are to be answerable for that which their Servant doth in their name. Also the Chaplane at the licensing receives the principal subscrived Copy which he delivereth to his Lord: to be laid up in his Episcopal Register.  
William Bray, one of Canterbury's Chaplanes subscrived Chounaei Collectiones Theologicae, as consonant to the doctrine of the Church of England, & meet for the press. The Author dedicated the Treatise to my L. of Canterbury, it was printed at London 1636. In this book, the first article, which by the confession of all sides draws with it all the rest, is set down in more plain and foul terms than Molina or any Jesuit; sure I am then A●minius, Vorstius, or any their followers ever did deliver, 
(b) Pag. 18. Non vidio rationem in contrarium quare cum quae est ex Deo per unam eandemque actionem bonitatis a seipso emanantem, recta ordinatio fidei in Christum resipiscentiae, obedientiae, perseverantiae, sit causa salvationis perversa quae ex hominibus est damnationis, non in eadem unitatis ratione, electionis & reprobationis etiam causa agnoscantur.  teaching in one These those three gross errors.  
1. That men's faith, repentance, perseverance, are the true causes of their Salvation; as misbelief, impenitency, apostasy, are of damnation: Doth Bellarmine go so fare in his Doctrine of justification and merit?  
2. That those sins are no less the true causes of reprobation then of damnation.  
3. That men's faith, repentance, perseverance, are no less the true causes of their eternal Election, than misbelief, or other sins of their temporal damnation. Let Charity suppone that his Grace in the midst of his numerous and weighty employments hath been forced to neglect the reading of a book of this nature, though dedicate to himself, albeit it is well known that his watchful eye is fixed upon nothing more than Pamphlets which passes the press upon doctrines now controverted, yet his Grace beelng publicly upbraided, for countenancing of this Book, by D. Bastwick in the face of the Star-chamber, and being advertised of its dedication to himself, of the errors contained in it, yea of injuries against the King of the deepest stain, as these which strooke at the very root of his Supremacy and that in favour of the Bishops:  
When in such a place Canterbury was taxed for letting his name stand before a book that wounded the King's Monarchick Government at the very heart, and did transfer from the Crown to the Mitre, one of its fairest diamonds, which the King and his Father before him did ever love most dearly, no charity will longer permit us to believe, but his Grace would without further delay lend some two, or three spare-houres to the viewing of such a piece which did concern the King and himself so nearly. Having therefore without all doubt both seen and most narrowly sifted all the corners of that small Treatise, and yet been so fare from reproving the Author, from censuring the Licencer, his Chaplan, from calling in the book, from expurging any one jot that was in it, that the Treatise the second time is put to the press at London with the same licence, the same dedication, no letter of the points in question altered; May we not conclude, with the favour of all reasonable men, that it is my Lord of Canterbury's express mind to have his own name prefixed, and his Chaplanes hand subjoined to the grossest errors of Arminius, and so to profess openly his contempt of the King's proclamation, for the pretended violation whereof be causeth stigmatize, mutilat, fine excessively, imprison for time of life, very virtuous Gentlemen, both Divines, Lawyers, Physicians, and of other faculties.  
What here can be said for his Grace's Apology, nothing cometh in my mind, except one allegation, that the point in hand crosseth not the proclamation, discharging to proceed in those questions beyond the grammatical construction and literal sense of the articles of England. 
Arminianism is consonant to the articles of England, and not contrary to the proclamation.   
The Author indeed in his Epistle dedicatory avows to his Grace that the These alleged, and all the rest of his book doth perfectly agree with the English Articles in the very first and literal sense, whereof the proclamation speaketh.  

(c) Nec videantur sensum articulorum ecclesiae Anglican● in literali & grammaticali nedum in affixo verborum sensu transgredi.  And to this assertion the Licencers' hand is relative as to the rest of the book; But of this miserable apology, which yet is the only one which I can imagine possible, this will be the necessary issue, that the gross lie, which good King james put upon the bold brow of impudent Bertius, for his affirming that one article of the Saints apostasy, let be other more vile Arminian Tenets, was consonant with the articles of England, must be thrown bacl from Bertius on the King's face, and that in as disgraceful a way as it was first given; Montagew and Whit●, with his Grace's permission, did give that venerable Prince long ago the lie at home in English, affirming the perfect agreeance of the Arminian Apostasy with the doctrine of England.  
But this affront contents not his Grace, except this barbarous medicine, under the shelter of his archiepiscopal name be lie his Majesty over-sea, and over the whole world, where the Latin is understood.  
Beside this shameful inconvenience, another dangerous evil will necessarily follow from this Apology, to wit: That the Arminian Doctrine may not only be tolerated in England, which yet, if King james may be trusted, cannot fail to draw down upon England a curse from God, shame from abroad, horrible shisme at home, but also, since their grossest articles are declared in print and in Latin, under the shadow of Canterbury's name, to be fully consonant to the very literal sense of the Articles of England, all the members of that Church may be compelled presently without more delay to embrace those doctrines; and that any man is permitted in England to believe in peace the Antiarminian Articles, wherein Queen Elizabeth and King james did live and die, it is of mere favour and the Prince's mercy, who readily by the Archbishop's intercession is diverted from pressing the profession of those articles, according to the first and most literal sense, which now is clearly avowed to be after Arminius; yea, Molina his mind.   

CHAP. III. The Canterburians professed affection towards the Pope & Popery in gross.  

The faction once suspected of Lutherianisme.  IT was the opinion of many among us for a long time, that the innovating faction did mind no more than Arminianism, But at once, those who touched their pulse nearer, did find a more high humour working in their veins. With Arminius errors, they began incontinent to publish other Tenets, which to all mere Arminians were ridiculous follies.  
The Elements of the Lords Supper began by them to be magnified, above the common phrase of Protestant Divines, a corporal presence of Christ's humanity, in and about the Elements to be glanced at, a kind of omnipresence of Christ's flesh to be preached, a number of adorations before those Elements, and all that was near them, both the Altar, Basin, Chalice, and Chancel to be urged, many new Ceremonies, which for many years had been out of use, to be taken in, a great bitterness of spirit, against all who ran not after these new guises to appear.  
This made us think they intended to step over from Arminius to Luther. In this conception we were somewhat confirmed, considering their earnest recommendation, to the reading of young Students the late Lutheran Divines, such as Hutter, Meisner, Gerard, with their crying down, both in private and public of Calvine, BeZa, Martyr, Bucer, and the rest of the famous writers, both ancient and late of the French & Belgic Churches.  
Their giving it out also, that their martyred Reformers, Crammer, Ridley, Latimer, were of Luther's School, & from him had learned those things, wherein the English church did differ from the other reform of calvin's framing. But most of all, by my lord of Canterbury's great diligence under hand, to promove and reward that late negotiation of M. Duries with the Churches over Se●, for the extenuating of the Lutheran errors, and procuring with their Churches, not only a Syncretisme, which all good men did ever pant for, but also a full peace in terms so general, so ambiguous, so flidderie, that were very suspicious to many, otherwise very peaceable minds.  

But at last Popery was found their mark.  Those considerations moved us to think▪ that the factious motion might possibly end at Lutheranism without any further progress. But it was not long, while every common eye did observe their bowl, to roll much beyond that mark. They published incontinent a number of the Romish errors, which to the very Lutherans were ever esteemed deadly poison, the Popish Faith, the Tridentine justification, merit of works, works of Supererogation, doctrinal traditions, Limbus Patrum, the Sacrifice of the Mass, adoration of images, monastic vows, Abbeys and Nunneries, the Authority of the Pope, a reunion with Rome, as she stands.  
Finding it so, we were driven to this conclusion, that as ordinarily the Spirit of defection doth not permit any Apostates to rest in any middle term, but carrieth them along to the extremes of some palpable madness, to some strong delusion for the recompense of the first degrees of their fall from the love of the Truth, so also our Faction was carried quite beyond the bounds both of Arminiu● and Luther, yea of their own so much once beloved Cassander and Spalleto, and all the lists of that which they were wont to call moderation, to drink of the vilest abominations, and the lowest dregs of the golden Cup of that Romish Whore: For now my Lord Canterbury and his followers, are not ashamed to proclaim in print their affection to Popery both in gross and retail. Let no man in this cast up to me any slander till he have heard and considered the probation of my allegations.  
Popery is a body of parts, if not innumerable, 
To make way for their designs, they cry down the Pope's Antichristianisme.  yet exceeding many. There is scarce any member great or small in this monster, whereto the faction hath not kithed too passionate a love. But for shortness, I will show first their affection to the whole Mass of popish errors, their respect to the Church of Rome, and to the Pope the Head thereof, than in particular to the most principal and abominable parts of that Chaos. As for the whole of that confused lump, that they may win the more easily, to the embracement of it, they cast down in the entry the chief wall, they remove the main impediment, whereby Protestants were ever kept therefrom.  
What ever we speak of some very few private men, yet all Protestant Churches without exception made ever the Pope's Antichristianisme, their chief bulwark to keep all their people from looking back towards that Babilonish Whoore.  
No Church did make greater state of that fort than the English, & no man in that church more th●n King Charles blessed Father. He was not content himself to believe and avow the Pope that great Antichrist, but also with arguments invincible drawn mainly from some passages of the Revelation, cleared now as light, by the Commentary of the Pope's practices, to demonstrate to all Neighbour Princes and States of Christendom in a monitory Treatise this his belief, for that express end, that from this truth clearly proved, they might not only see the necessity he had to keep himself and his Subjects for evermore from returning to Rome, but they also by this one argument might be forced to cast ●ff the yoke of the Pope, when they saw him clothed with the garments of Antichrist.  
It was the continual song of all the Bishops and Clergy in England, till D. Laud got absolute credit with the Duke of Buckinghame, that the Pope's Antichristianisme was an engine of such efficacy as was able of itself alone, if well manadged to overthrow the walls of Rome.  
For this I give but two witnesses, two late English Bishops both of them deponing before all England to King james, and he accepting their testimony, 
(a) Caeterum agendo quam nihil agant, & ambitioso magnorum voluminum apparatu non nisi lituras scribant, disputatione ista de antichristo, liquido constare poterit; quia si causam hanc obtinuerimus esse romanum pontificem antichristum, de reliquae contraversia dubitandi, non erit relictus, locus, quia de Antichrists doctrina, quin pernitiosa sit & impia dubitari non potest.  Abbots of Salisburrie in his dedicatory Epistle to king james before his Treatise of Antichrist, & Downame of Derry in the first paragraph 
(b) Illa mihi imprimus questio, quae est de antichristo, dignissima semper est visa, in qua decti determinandi omnes tum ingenij, tum industriae nervos contenderent; illa enim de veritate quam nos in hac causa singulari Dei benificio tenemus, si inter omnes semel conveniret de reliquis statim contraversijs actum esset, debellatumque, neque aliquid in p●sterum periculi fores, quemquam ●mnino Christianum, cui sua ca● esset salus, detecto jam antichristo, agnitoque adhesurum.  of his book dedicated also to K. James upon that same subject. Notwithstanding my lord of Canterbury, For making the way to Rome more smooth, spareth not to cause raze down to the earth this fort. Montagu & White his non-such divines, as we heard them styled at his Grace's direction by his Herald Heylene, will have the kings unanswerable arguments proponed by him even to foreign Princes; not only counted weak but plain frenzies. This word doth featly cite from their Appeal. 
(c) Pelag. redi. v. 2▪ tab. pag. 39 As for the Protestant arguments taken out of the Apocalypse, to prove the pope to be the Antichrist. Bellarmine calleth them deliramenta, dotages: And the appealer to show more zeal to the Pope's cause straineth further, & termeth them apocalyptical frenzies.  Christopher Dow is licentiat by Canterbury, to affirm that howsoever our Divines at the beginning of the Reformation in the heat of dispute did upbraid the Pope with Antichristianisme, yet now that heat being cooled, the matter to men in their sober blood appears doubtful. 
(d) P. 53. Many learned in our church especially when the greatest heat was stricken between us and Rome, have affirmed the Pope to be the Antichrist, yet to them that calmly and seriously consider it, it may not without good reason be disputed as doubtful  his Grace's Herald appointed to speak for his lord by the State, doth correct this simple Dow, and puts the matter out of all doubt, assuring by good scriptural proof, by a text miserable abused, that the Pope is not, was not, and can not be Antichrist. 
(e) Pag. 128. I have yet one thing more to say to you in this point, S. john hath given it for a rule, that every spirit that confesseth not that jesus Christ is come in the flesh, is not of God, but is that spirit of Antichrist, whereof ye have heard. So that unless you can make good (as I think you can not) that the pope of Rome confesseth not that jesus Christ is come in the flesh, you have no reason to conclude that he is that Antichrist.  And that in this matter there may hereafter betwixt the Canterburians and Rome remain no shadow of Controversy, their man Shelfoord, comes home to Bellarmine, well near in omnibus, making Antichrist one single man; a jew preaching formal blasphemies against Christ natures & person three years and an half, killing by his hands Enoch and Elias. And lest any footsteppe of this belief should ever appear in the church of England, Canterbury confesseth that the place of the public liturgy wherein it was imported, was changed by his own hand. 
(g) 
Star-chamber speech, pag. 32. the first place is changed thus, from, Root out that Babylonish and Antichristian sect, which say of jerusalem, into this form of words, Root out that Romish and Balylonish sect, of them, which say, This alteration is of so small consequence that it is, not worthy the speaking: or if there be any thing of moment in it, it is answered in the next, where the chief thing he says, is, that he was commanded to alter it by the King for to remove scandal from the Papists.  
They are content to have the pope's authority set up again in England    
This scarecrow being set aside, at once the Pope, the Cardinals and all their Religion began to 
(f) His fifth sermon through the whole.  look with a new face. Anent the Pope they tell us first, 
(h) Montag. antigage, pag. 41. Gens abium unaquaeque tandem suas sibi plumas repetendo surtivis coloribus denudatam, propriis etiam quod non oportuit, improbantque vehementer 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 circumcisan, nudam, ridendum, exsibilandam corniculā exposuerunt.  that the reformers did him pitiful wrong in spoiling him, not only of those things he had usurped, but of many privileges which were his own by due right, and should have been left to him untouched. Again they will have us to believe, that the Sea of Rome was truly Peter's Apostolic chair, that Peter was truly a Prince among the Apostles, that the Pope is 
(i) Cant. relat. of the confess. pag. 183 A primacy of order was never denied to S. Peter, that Rome had potentioren principatum then other Churches: the Protestants grant, and that not only, because the Roman Prelate was ordine primus, first in order and degree, which some one must be to avoid confusion, but also, etc. Ibid. pag. 154. Austen sayeth indeed, that in the Church of Rome there did ever flourish the principality of an Apostolic Chair, this no man denies. Ibid. pag. 133. No man of learning doubts but the Church of Rome had a powerful principality within its own patriarchat. Montag. Antigag. pag 51. Damus à Petro ad aetatem Augustini in Ecclesia Romana Apostolicae cathedrae semper viguisse principatum. Ibid. pag. 57 Quae ratio erat olim singulorum in suis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Episcoporum, eadem erat in provinciis Metrapolitarum, in terrarum orbe patriarcharum, rectè autem (quis negat) consultum eratolim, & cautum per canones vetustae Ecclesiae, ut Romanus ille primus (nec hoc negatur) Episcoporum, cui tot per occidentem suffraganei adherebant, suam sententiam rogatus adhiberet, ubi fides Ecclesiae universalis, aut 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in rebus ad 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 spectantibus agitabatur, & quicquid sanciretur suo suffragio confirmaret, priusquam ratum firmum fixumque legis vim & efficaciam per Ecclesiam universalem obineret. Ibid. pag. 80. Monarchae sunt Episcopi in suis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, monarchaes in suis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Metropolitae Monarchae Patriarchae augustiores, sed plures per unam Ecclesiam Catholicam: Praecipuae olim parti Chistiani orbis hoc est, cunctis ad occidentem regionibus cum authoritate quadam non illa suprema praefuit Pontifex, etsi non obstaret illa perdita ambitio etiam hodie preesset.  Petets only successor, that within the bounds of his own Patriarchat he is a Prince, he is a monarch. thirdly, that order and unity do necessarily require one Bishop to have the inspection and superiority over all bishops, and that this prerogative by good Ecclesiastical right is due to the Pope. 
(k) Cant. relat. p. 183. The Roman Prelate was ordine primus, first in order or degree, which some one must be to avoid confusion. Montag. antid pag. 116. Certum est ratione vinculi communis inter Christanos ratione ordinis praecedentis inter Patriarchas universalis Ecclesiae curam ad Petri sedim confluxisse. Ibid. pag. 51. Eclesia acies ordinata multitudo, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, costituta. Vbicunque multi & multiplicitas, ut ordo eluceat, & harmonia conservetur, ab uno arcessenda est origo omnis. Vnde autem melius origo omnis quam ab Ecclesia principali, loco debetur haec praeminentia, loci primatum, & illum ordinis, & propter utrumque praestantiae habeat, si voluerit Romanus pontifex. Inter Ecclesiae sacerdotes communio & societas ejusdemque fidei integrae & illibatae professio, quoàd ordinem & interdum executionem non potuit nisi ab uno aliquo fieri & derivari; Ind autem per consensum Christianae orbis derivabatur, hoc est, à cathedra & sede Petri Romano scilicet Episcopatis. Ibid. pag. 158. Illi certè principatum sacerdotii super omnes antiquatas tribuit, neque nos hunc abnuimus principatum, fontem esse sacerdotti, & summi Pontificatus apicem nos non reluctamur, est & sit.  Fourthly, that all the authority which the English Bishops have this day, specially his Grace of Canterbury, is derived to them from the Pope and Peter's chair, That if this derivation could not be clearly demonstrat, the Clergy of England might justly refuse all obedience to their Bishop's jurisdiction. 
(l) Pokling. alt. pag. 50 Miserable were we, if he that now sits Archbishop of Canterbury, could not derive his succession from S. Augustine, S. Augustine from S. Gregory, S. Gregory from S. Peter. What a comfort it is to his Grace, that he can say, Ego sum haeres Apostolorum, I, and my predecessors have kept possession. Pokling. Sunday at the beginning. Our Diocesian can derive himself the successor of an apostle, otherwise we should have taken his call for the vocie of a stranger, & not have here appeared. It is S. Augustins' resoluton, Successio Episcoporum ab ipsa sede Petri, is that which among other things by him named, keeps us in the bosom of the Church, & subjects us to our Bishop's jurisdiction.  Fifthly, that divers of the late Popes have been very good men, yea, among the best of men, that those of them who have been very monsters of men, yet for that veneration which their high and eminent place in the Church of God, doth require all the styles of honour in justice is due to them, even holiness itself in abstracto, that to refuse them this, or their other titles is but brainsick puritanism. 
(m) Montag. oreg. Eccles. p. 114. Patrum nostrorum vel avorum memoria dua summi Pontifices virri optimi & doctissimi, Hadrianus sextus, & Bellarmini avunculus Marcellus secundus. Antid. pag. 47. Romanus Episcopus Pontifex maximus quidni dicebatur, scio vocatum benedictum, scio Papam & Pastorem nominari●, quid si haec omnia nomina usurpabat. Orig. pag. 417. Certis quibusdam titulis, & elogiis homines 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 constitutos ab omni retro antiqualite viti prudentes etiam & religiosi honorant, istos honorum lemnistos, non est cujusvis conculcare, sed nec palam reprehendere, aut iisdem derogate, id quod solent 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Puritani Pontificem Romanum suam sanctitatem indigitare certissimus est character Antichristianismi: Non tibi, sed religioni dicebat olim Isidis adorator, cum asinus portans mysteria se putaret veneratum, honorem pari modo non Paulo alicui quarto Alexandro Sexto, joanni duodecimo & caeteris, si qui sunt prodigia & propudia honestatis, sed religioni exhibendum contendimus, hoc est, eminentî dignitati, quâ ultra alios in Ecclesia Dei praediti sunt, sed est haec pbrenesis hominum solummodo phanaticorum.   
6 That the dignity of the Episcopal office, specially the Bishop of Rome his eminency, was as far above the dignity of the Emperors and Kings, as the soul is above the body, or God above the creature; yea, that the stile of God was but the Pope's due: 
(n) Montag. antip. pag. 166. Est quidem sacerdotium, ut rectè observat Pbil. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, itaque ut 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 jesu Christi, ut Dei atque hominum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 summus à C ristianis omnibus, Divino instituto debetur honour & reverentia singularis. ibid. p. 40. Fatetur ultro sacerdotium aliquo modo in quibusdam supra regiam dignitatem eminere, cum vetustis & orthodoxis patribus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (inquit Chry●ostom) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (regem prius dixerat) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, & Nazianzen, in apologi a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. ibid. p. 162. Allusum est a piissimo rege ad illud Exodi, Constitui te Deum Pharaonis, communicate Deus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, seu Pontificio seu civili, sui ipsius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dii vocantur quis ringatur ob hanc 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, & merito quos locum ille suum voluit inter homines sustinere.  7. That Emperors and Kings did but their duty in giving reverence; yea, adoration unto the Pope with great sums of money by way of tribute: 
(o) Montag antid pag. 40. Non est mirum si Constantinus olim Pipinus, Carolus, & alii occurrerent, de equis descenderent, venientes exceperint, religionis antistites Christianae venerationemque exhibuerint. Quid mirum Turcarum Caliphis non ita pridem tot Sultanos tantam observantiam exhibuisse tam ampla vectigalia persolvisse: Non minora quondam principes & populi Christiani Christianis sacerdotibus imprimis Romanis pontificibus exhibuerint, exhibebunt etiamnum ad pristinos illos mores si tantum revertatur, & exempla pietatis maiorum. ibid. pag. 158. Adoravit joannem justinus, sic & Constantinus inferiores Ioanne sacerdotes, adoravit aut●m dicit author ille tuus dans gloriam Deo.  8 That the temporal principalities which the Pope enjoyeth this day in Italy, or elsewhere, are but his just possessions, which none ought to invy him: 
(p) Montag. antid. pag. 95. Habeat ille suas sibi opes & facultates, fundos habeat & latifundia, principatum & dominium per Ecclesia terras, & Petri possessiones obtineat, dummode contentus vetuctiorum principum liberalitate, alienam non invadat possessionem.  9 That the restitution of the Pope's ancient authority in England, and yielding unto him all the power that this day he hath in Spain or France, would be many ways advantageous, and in nothing prejudicial to the King: 
(q) Cant. relat. pag. 202 He that is not blind may see if he will, of what little value the pope's power in France and Spain is this day further than to serve the turns of their Kings therewith, which they do to their great advantage.  10 The old constitution of the Emperor, whereby all the western clergy is so fare subjected to the Bishop of Rome, that without him they are disabled to make any Ecclesiastical law, and obliged to receive for laws what he doth enjoin, was very reasonable: Yea, if the King would be pleased to command all the church men in his dominions to be that far subject to the Pope they would be unreasonable to refuse present obedience: 
(r) Montag. antid. pag. 156. Quod è codice allegatur Theodosiano decernimus, ne quid tam Episcopis Gallicanis quam aliarum provinciarum, contra consuetudinem veterem liceat, sine viri venerabilis Papae urbis alternae authoritate tentare, sed illis omnibusque legis loco sit, quicquid sanxit sanxeritve sedis apostolicae authoritas. Quicquid hic pontifici (sayeth Montagow) arrogatur id totum edicto debetur Theodosiano vel vetustae consuetudini, quicquid autem per rescriptum tribuitur imperatoris ad occidentales credo solos pertinebat▪ & nec omnes, quibus juxta veterem consuetudinem Pontifex praesidebat ut Patriarcha: Decernat imperator de G●rmanis episcopis, Rex Angli● de Britannis suis, Francorum de Gallicanis, quod olim Theodosius decrevit, dicto erunt omnes obedientes.  Only by all means my Lord of Canterbury's prerogative behoved to be secured, his ancient right to the patriarchat of the whole Isle of Britain behoved to be made clear, that to his rod the whole clergy of the Isle might submit their shoulders, as to their spiritual head and Monarch, from whom to Rome there could be no appeal, 
(s) Cant. relat. pag. 171. It is plain, that in these ancient times, in the Church government, Britain was neever subject to the Sea of Rome, for it was one of the six diocies of the West Empire, and had a primate of its own: Nay john Capgraw, and William Mabinnesburrie tell us, that Pope Vrb●n the second, in the Council at Bari in Apuleia, accounted my worthy predecessor S. Anselme as his own Compeer, and said, He was as the patriarch and apostolic of the other world, quasi comparem, & veluti Apostolicum alterius orbis & Patriarcham. Now the Britain's having a primate of their own, which is greater than a Metropolitan; yea, a patriarch, if ye will, he could not be appealed from to Rome.  in any cause which concerned only the churches of the King's dominions; for in causes more universal of the whole catholic Church, willingly they are contented that the Patriarch of Britain and all others should submit to their grand Apostolic father of Rome. 
(t) Montag. Antid. pag. 57 Rectè cautum erat olim per canones vetustae Ecclesiae, ut Romanus ille primus Episcoporum, cui tot per occidentem suffraganei adherebant, suam sententiam rogatus adhiberet, ubi fidei Ecclesiae universalis, vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in rebus ad politiam spectantibus, agitabatur supra.  Every one of these pontifical positions since the midst of Henry the eights reign, would have been counted in England great paradoxes, yet now all of them are avowed by Canterbuerie himself, in that very book which the last year at the King's direction he set forth, for to satisfy the world anent their suspicion of his Popery, or else by D. Montagu in his books yet unrepealed, and cleanged of all suspicion of Popery by M. Dow, under the seal of his Graces licensing servant.  
This much for the Pope. About the Cardinals they tell us that their office is an high and eminent dignity in the Church of God; 
Their mind to the Cardinalat.  for the which their persons are to be handled with great reverence and honour, 
(w) Montag. ap. pag. 56 Penitere non potuit Baronium eruditissimun & laboriosissimum virum, industriae suae ac deligentiae, Cardinalitiame: niminde & merito quidem suo adeptus suscepit dignitatem. ibid. pag. 75. Virum illustri adeo nominis celebritate & eminentissima dignitate constitutum, honestum, probum, preterea in vita privata rigidem severum ac tantum non 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nusquam nisi honorificentissime compellavi.  that their office is a reward due to high graces and virtues, that some of them though the greatest enemies that ever the reformed Churches have felt, such as Baronius that spent all his time in opposing the truth and advancing Antichristianisme, and Barromaeus 
(x) Pokling. Alt. pag. 34. The Linchonshire Minister it his jeering vein flouteth Cardinal Baromaeus, whereas, if he list to read his life he may not be ignorant that the Cardinal was a man of exemplary holiness and spent the greatest part of his life in fasting, prayer, almsdeeds, preaching, exhortation, and doctrine, and did detest both impiety and vanity both in word and deed. Me thinks his conscience should check him for his scornful usage of a man who had the report of so virtuous and pious a Bishop.  a bloody persecutor of our religion and one of the fathers of Trent, that even such men are so full of grace and piety, that it is a great fault in any protestant to break so much as a jest on their red hats.  
Where the head and shoulders are so much affected it is hard to restrain charity from the rest of the body. These good men vent their passion no less towards the body of the present Church of Rome, then towards the Pope and the Cardinals. Fo● first his grace avows over and over again that the Papists and we are of one and the same religion, 
They affect much to be joined with the Church of Rome, as she stands.  that to speak otherways, as the Liturgy of England did all King james days, were a matter of very dangerous consequent, and therefore he confesseth his helping that part of the liturgy which puts a note of infamy upon the popish religion, lest that note should fall upon our own religion which with the popish is but all one 
(y) Cant. relat. p 36 The Church of Rome & Protestants set not up a different Religion, for the christian Religion is the same to both, but they differ in the same Religion, and the difference is in certain gross corruptions to the very endangering of salvation, which each side saith the other is guilty. of Star-chamber speech, pag. 36. My second reason is, That the learned make but three Religions to have been of old in the world, Paganism, judaisme, and Christianity and now they have added a fourth which is Turkism Now if this ground of theirs be true, as it is generally neceived, perhaps it will be of dangerous consequence sadly to avow that the popish religion is rebellion, though this clause passed in the liturgy through inadvertrance in King james time, this reason well weighed is taken from the very foundation of Religion itself. ibid. pag. 34. His Majesty expressly commanded me to make the alteration, and to see it printed.  2 They will have us to understand though we & the papists differ in some things, yet that this very day their is no schism betwixt papists and Protestants, that protestants keep union and communion with the Church of Rome in all things required for the essence of a true Church & necessary for salvation, that though they communicate not with some of her doctrines and practices, yet this mars not the true union and communion of the two Churches both in faith and charity. That these who pass harder censures upon Rome are but zealots in whom too much zeal hath burnt up all wisdom and charity. 
(z) Pottar p. 3. 66. We dare not communicate with Rome, either in her public Liturgy which is manifestly polluted with gross superstition, or in these corrupt and ungrounded opinions, which she hath added to the faith. These make up the popery, but not the Church of Rome. In them our communion is dissolved, but we have still a true and real union with that and all other members of the Church universal in faith and charity. ibid. pag. 74. To departed from the Church of Rome in some doctrines and practices, we had just & necessary cause though the Church of Rome wanted nothing necessary to salvation. There is great difference betwixt shisme from them and reformation of ourself. It is one thing to leave communion with the Church of Rome, and another to leave communicating with her erroes, whosoever professeth himself to forsake the communion of any one member of Christ's body, must confess himself consequently to forsake the whole. And therefore we forsake not Rome's communion more nor the body of Christ whereof we acknowledge the Church of Rome to be a member, though corrupted. If any Zelots hath proceeded among us to heavier censures, their zeal may be excused, but their charity and wisdom can not he justified. Cant. relat. p. 192. The Protestants have not left the Church of Rome in her essence, but in her errors, not in things which constitute a Church, but only in such abuses and corruptions which work toward the dessolution of a Church.  3 Thar the points wherein the two Churches do differ are such as prejudge not the Salvation of either party, that they are not foundamentall, and albeit they were so: yet the truths that the papists do maintain are of force to hinder all the evil that can come from their errors. 
(†) Cant. relate. pag. 249. The foundation is and remaineth whole in the mids of their superstitions. Heylens answer. pag. 124. Suppose a great Prelate in the high Commission Court had said openly, That we and the Church of Rome differed not in fundamentalibus, yet how cometh this to be an innovation in the doctrine of England. For that church telleth us in the 19 article, That Rome doth err in matters of Faith, but it hath not told us that she doth err in fundamentalibus. Hall's old religion after the beginning: It is the charitable profession of zealous Luther, that under the popery there is much Christian good, yea, all, that under the papacy there is true Christianity, yea, the kernel of Christianity? Neither do we censure that Church, for what it hath not, but for what it hath. Fundamental truth is like the Maronian wine which if it be mixed with twenty times so much water, holds his strength. Rome as it is Babylon, we must come out of it, but as it is an outward visible Church, we neither did nor would, Butterfields' Maskell. Popery is poison, but fundamental truch is an antidote. A little quantity of antidote that is sovereign, will destroy much poison. Pottar pag. 62. The most necessary and fundamental truths which constitute a Church, are on both sides unquestioned, ibid. By fundamental points of Faith we understand these prime, and capital doctrines of Religion, which make up the holy Catholic Faith, which essentially constitutes a true Church and a true Christian. The Apostles Creed taken in a Catholic sense that is as it was further opened in some parts by occasion of emergent heresies in the other catholic creed of Nice, Constantinople, Ephesus, Chalcedon and Athanasius is said generally by the Schoolmen & Fathers to comprehend a perfect catalogue of fundamental truths, & to imply a full rejection of fundamental heresies. ibid. pag. 109. It semeed to some men of great learning and judgement, such as Hooker and Morton, that all who profess to love the Lord jesus, are brethren, and may be saved, though with erroes, even fundamental truths, & to imply a full rejection of fundamental heresies. ibid. p. 109 It seemed to some men of great learning and judgement, such as Hooker and Morton, that all who profess to love the Lord jesus, are brethren, and may be saved, though with errors, even fundamental. Heretics do embrace the principles of Christianity, and err only by misconstruction. Whereupon their opinions, albeit repugnant indeed to Faith yet are held other wise by them, and maintained as consonant to the Faith.  4 That the popish errors, let be to be fundamental, are of so small importance as they do not prejudge either faith, hope, or charity, let be salvation.  

(a) Cant, relat. pag. 361 Holcat. Non omnis error in his quae fidei sunt est aut infidelitas, aut haeresis. In things not necessary though they be divine truths if about them men differ, it is no more than they have done, more or less in all ages, and they may differ and yet preserve that one necessary Faith entire, and charity also, if they be so well minded, for opinions which flattereth about that one souls saving Faith, there are dangerous differences this day. Pottar pag. 38. It is a great vanity to hope or expect that all learned men in this life should absolutely consent in all the particles of the divine truth, so long as the Faith once delivered to the Saints, and that common faith containing all necessary verities is keeped. So long as men walk charitably according to this rule, though in other things they be otherwise minded, the unity of the Church is no wise violated: for it doth consist in the unity of faith, not of opinions, in the union of men's hearts by true charity, which easily tolerateth unnecessar differences. Some points of religion are primitive articles essential in the object of Faith. Dissension in these is pernicious, and destroyeth unity. Other, are secundary probable obscure and accidental points: Disputations in these are tolerable. Unity in these is very contingent and variable. As in musical consort, a discord now and then, so it be in the discant, and depart not from the ground, sweetens the harmony: So the variety of opinions and rites in divers parts of the Church, doth rather commend then prejudice the unity of the whole. Montag. Antigog. page 14. Truth is of two sorts among men, manifest and confessed truth, or more obscure and involved truth. Plainly delivered in Scripture are all these points which belong unto Faith, and manners, hope and charity. I know none of these controverted inter parts. The articles of our creed are confessed on both sides, & held plain enough. The controverted points are of a larger and inferior allay. Of them a man may be ignorant without any danger of his soul at all. A man may resolve or oppose this way or that way with out peril of perishing. Cant. relat. about the end. The coruptions of Rome materially, and in the very kind and nature, are leaven, dross, hay and stubble, yet the Bishop thought that such as were misled by education, or long custom, or overvalving the Sovereignty of the Roman Church, and did in simplicity of heart embrace them, might by their general repentance and Faith in the Merits of Christ, attended with charity and other verues find mercy at God's hands. Shelfoord pag. 235. Though there be some difference among us in ceremonies and expositions, which destroy not, yet still our head Christ by Baptism stands upon our body, and the substance of the Gospel is entire and whole among us by retaining the articles of the Faith, the volume of the New-Testament, and the practice there of by Faith and good works. ibid. page 239. There be differences which hinder our agreement. What then? Among the Greeks' there were divers Dialects, and yet they had but one language, they held together in the main. So though Papists have a letter more than we, and we one letter for another, yet we hold together in the radix. Paul could bear with differences, expecting God's reformation. If you be otherwise minded God shall revaile. For the present let us be patiented, and afterward God will show where the error lieth. Why should we presume so much of our skill, while we are in our none-age, and know but in part? Have not better men than we been deceived? Have not dissenting Fathers and sliding Schoolists been always borne with in points of Religion?  Fiftly, That a general repenrance for all unknown sins is sufficient to secure the salvation not only of these who have lived and died in the popish tenets before the council of Trent, but even to this day not only their people, but their most learned Clergy, Popes, Cardinals, jesuits, living and dying in their bitter oppositions and persecutions of protestants, are in no hazard of damnation, though they never come to any particular acknowledgement of their sinful opinions or practices following thereupon. 
(b) Pottar page 77. We hope well of these holy souls, who in former ages lived and died in the church of Rome, for though they died in many sinful errors, yet because they did it ignorantly through unbelief, not knowing them either to be errors or sins, and repent in general for all their unknown trespasses, we doubt not, but they obtained pardon of all their ignorances'. Nay, our charity reacheth further to all these that this day, who in simplicity of heart believe the Roman religion, and profess it. But we understand only them who either have no sufficient means to find the truth, or else as after the use of the best means they can have, all things considered, find no sufficient motives to convince their consciense of errors. Chomley his defence of Hall, I dare be bold to say that the church of Rome had not for many hundreth years before the council of Trent, so good a form of doctrine as the Tridentin catechism doth contain.  Sixthly, They teach us that papists may not in reason be styled either idolaters, or heretics, or schismatics. His Grace in that great large folio set out the last year, to declare to the world the fartherst that his mind could be drawn for to oppose popery, is not pleased, to my memory, in his most verhement oppositions to lay to their charge any of these three cirmes, neither do I remember in all the search my poor lecture hath made, that any of his favourits in their writs these twelve years bygone hath laid to the charge of Rome in earnest, either idolatry heresy or shisme, but by the contrary hath absolved them clearly in formal terms of all those three cirmes. 
(c) Shelfoord. p. 300 I am not in the mind that all images are idols, but only when they are worshipped for gods. This the word idolatria signifieth the wotshipping of images, with latria, that is divine worship, as it is used by Divines. Cant. relat. pag. 299. They keep close to that which is superstition, and in the case of images come near to idolatry. Montag. apar. page 79. Et certè quamdiù palam non deficiunt, à pietate & cultu Dei proprio ad idolatriam, etiam moribus impii, vita contaminati, tolerantur in Ecclesia non minus quam milvus & corvus immunda animalierant in arca Ecclesia 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 singulari. At nullus in arca erat idololatres, quia Christianam pietatem quatenus Christianam idololatres execratur. Montag. pag. 309. Dei cultum latriam quam appellant nec possumus alicui creaturae, nec debemus sive humanae sive angelicae quamvis excellentissimae impendere. Hoc fatibitur Bullingerus Pontificius & tota schola non insanientium adversariorum, nolunt enim illi quovis modo cuicunque creaturae latriam nequidem cultu relativo exhiberi. Montag. Antigag. page 319. You say, that images must not have latria: so we: let your practice and doctrine go together, and we agree. Dow against Burton objecteth that my lord Canterbury did raze out the public book of fasts, this sentence, Thou hast delivered us from superstition and idolatry wherein we were utterly drowned, his chief answer is, That men may be good Protestants, and yet not damn all their forefathers, who lived before the reformation, as he must do, who saith of them, they were wholly drowned in idolatry which though M. Burton perhaps will not, yet some men may think it to be a reason sufficient for the leaving out of that sentence.  Of idolatry, because they teach not the giving of latria to any image or any creature.  

(d) Cant relat. page 306. Non omnes error in his que fidei sunt est aut infidelitas aut heresis. Pottar, page 102. Every sect hath some zealots so passionately in love with their own opinions that they condemn all other differing from them to be heretical, so there liveth not a Christian on earth who in the judgement of many other is not an heretic, ibid. page The Giant in Gath was a true man, though much deformed with superfluous fingers and toes, but if one lose any vital part, he is a man no longer, there is not so much danger in adding superfluities, as is in detracting, what is essential and necessary, that the Church shall never be rob of any truth, necessary to the being of the Church, the promises of Christ assureth us, but that she shall add no unnecessary truth we have no warrant.  Of heresy, because their errors taketh no part of the foundation away, but are only excesses and additions consisting with all fundamental truth 
(e) Cant. relat. page 316. If any will be a leader & teaching heretic, and add shisme to heresies, and be obstinate in both, he without repentance must needs be lost, while many that succeed him in the error only, and no obstinacy may be saved: I say, those howsoever misled, are neither schismatics nor heretics before God and are therefore in a state of salvation. Monag. Apar. pag. 28. Sectam & haeresin non faciunt two qui constanter retinent doctrinam traditam, nec enim ille haereticus dicetur, qui per omnia Romanam fidem integerrimè profitetur. ibid. p. 389. Schismatici & singularitate rapti in transversus quales Scaliger, Calvinus, Pareus, & alii opinatores, quaero autem an quis ferendus sit homo novis terrae filius, qui contempto spretoque consensu majorum suas phreneticas observationes obtruserit  Of shisme, because they go on in the practice of their forbears without introducing any late novations. 7. They declare it were very good we had present peace with Rome as she stands, her errors being but in opinions which charity ought to tolerate, that the Church of England would gladly embrace this peace, that Cassander and the like who further this reconciliation are the men of the world most worthy of praise, that the jesuits and Calvinists both purytanes who hinder this peace, are the most flagitious and intolerable 
(f) Shelford page 238. Let us Christians leave off our divisions, the papists and we call upon one God, our Father, upon one Christ, our Saviour, one holy Ghost, our sanctifier, and we have but one mean to unite us to this holy Uni-trinitie, which is Baptism, How then should we not be brethren? O blessed jesus, raise up one to bid the people return, blessed be that peace maker among men, Nulla salus bello pacem te poscimus omne. ibid. page 296. Why judge we so eagerly others for holding of errors, ane asy without them? Some errors we may bear with, charity teacheth me to judge that errors of Christians are not of intention but ignorance. For I believe that willingly and willingly, neither Papist, Protestant nor Lutheran would wrong their Head Christ, whom daily they profess. Montag. apar. page 45. Citius inter digladiantes Philosophos de summo bono, quam inter Protectantes & Papistas inaudita nomina superioribus saeculis, & subintroducta nuper inauspicato de controversis inter ipsos quaestionibus conveniet, sed viderunt posteri de dissidiis istis quae penè nihil sani, sancti nihil, in vita & moribus nobis reliquerunt, cum profani homines & politici sub praetextu & simulatione religionis suas improbas actiones, enormia desideria soleant palliare. Post mota haec certamina inter partes odiis decertatim vatinianis, atque eo deventum est utrinque insaniae & excessus ut ferre eos nequeant zelotae & furiosi plerique utrinque theologi qui non una cum ipsis velint insanire. Quam indignis modis Cassander vi● usque ad miraculum eruditus ipsissima modestia & pro bitatis anima, exceptus fuerit ab importunis utrinque Consoribus, Calvino nimirum propter editum illum aureum libellum de officio viri pii, & pluribus inter jesuitas propter consultationem Paulo liberiorem ignorat nemo, quam fortunae aliam subire Andreas Tricius aliique qui impudenter noluerunt essa contentiosi. ibid. page 78. Hoc tempore tituli insilices protestantium & papislarum variantibus de fide ae pietate sententiis distraxerunt in diversum Christianum orbem, si qui sint qui bellum malint aeternum, qui velint odia exerceri immortalia traducant illi nostram quae solet odiosius exagitari tepeditatem vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: Ego filius illius pacifici & pacificatoris qui fecit utraque unum desiecta macerie separalionis; neque certè arbitror ab hac 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ab horret nostrae Anglicanae Ecclesiae suffragium & voluntas, quod nonnulli putant & vehementer contendunt, ibid. page 245. In Pharisaeis ad vivum depictas imagines intueamur eorum hominum qui Pharisaica nobis insituta in Christianismum retulere, puritanoes intelligo & jesuitas, sive ut verius dicam utrumque puritanos honestatis etiam civilis reduviae pietatis carcinomata, Christianismi dehonestamenta pacis & concordiae alastoras & pernities.  persons of this age. All this and much more of such stufe you may see printed not only with allowance but with applause by the chief of that faction his Grace himself. Montagow the first of the three none suches, Pottar in that his much beloved piece put out as he sayeth at the command of authority. 
(g) Pottars' Epistle to the King, it was undertaken in obedience to your Majesty's particular commandment.  Shelfoorde in his pious Sermons printed by the University of Cambridge press at the direction of the Vicechancellor D. Beel dedicated to the Lord Keeper of England, adorned with many triumphing Epigrams both latin and english by a number of the fellows, and although called in, yet no censure to this day for all the complaints against it, to our hearing hath been put either on the author or printer, or licencer, or adorners or any Doctrine contained therein, but the worst that Burton could pick out of it is all defended by Dow and Heylen at his Grace's special direction and subscribed licence as we shall hear anon.  
I hope now that all true protestants pondering the passages I have brought, beside many more, wherewith themselves from their own readings are acquainted, will not only absolve my alledgeances of rashness and slander, but also wonder at the incredible boldness of those men, who in these times wherein the Prince and state are by so many and deep ties obliged, and according to their obligations hath so oft declared themselves possionatly zealous for the maintenance of protestant orthodoxy that yet they should be so pert as to print in the royal city, and after long and great grumble of the people & formal challenges of divers of the learned to reprint their clear affections to the pope and Cardinals and the whole Romish religion, albeit truly this their ventorious boldness seems not more marveilous than their ingenuity commendable: For they have said nothing for the pope or Rome, but that which conscience would pouse any man upon all hazards to avow, who was so persuaded in the particular heads of controversies betwixt papists and protestants as they profess themselves to be, to the end therefore that we may see the former strange enough passages not to have dropped from their pens by any inadvertance, but upon plain design and deliberate purpose▪ we will set down in the next room the affection they profess to the special heads of popery very consonant to that which they have already said of that which we count the whole lump and universal mass of Antichristianisme. The special heads of popery are more than I have leisure to relate, or you can have patience to hear enumerate. Take notice therefore but of some prime articles which Protestants use most to detest in papists, four by name their idolatries, their heresies, their superstitions, their abomination of desolation the mass. If from their own mouth I make clear that in these four they join with Rome against us, it is like none hereafter shall wonder of any thing that yet they have done or said for the advancement of the popish party, and the subverting of the protestants Churches either at home, or over sea, but rather embrace their sobriety and moderation who being minded, as they profess, do not break out in many moe both words and deeds, for the destroying of the protestant schism, and bringing all back to the Catholic Apostolic mother Church of Rome, & unto the feet of his holiness the Vicar of Christ, the successor of Peter, under whose obedience our holy and blessed antecessors did live and die.   

CHAP. FOUR The Canterbuerians join with Rome in her grossest idolatries.  
THE acts of Rome's Idolatry be many and various: None more open to the eye of beholders than these five, their adoration of altars, images, relics, 
In the midst of their denial, yet they avow their giving of religious adoration to the very altar.  sacramental bread, and Saints departed: For the first, their worshipping of the stock or stone of the altar, if we would impute it unto the Canterburians, they will deny it allutterlie, and avow, that they may well worship God before the altar, but to worship the altar, itself, to give to it that worship which is done before it, to give to it any religious worship any cultus, any 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, any 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, any adoration, they do detest it, as palpable idolatry. So his Grace, so Pocklingtoune, so Heylene, so Laurence, so Montagu do oft profess: But that you may see how little faith those men's Protestations do deserve, and that all may know either their desperate equivocating, or else their spirit of giddiness, which makes them say and unsay the same things, in the same pages; consider all of the five named authors, for all their denial, printing with approbation and applause as much worshipping and adoration even of the altar, as any Papists this day living.  
Begin with his Grace, you shall find him in his Star-chamber speech, for all his denial, yet avowing within the bounds of two pages, once, twice, thrice, 
a) Pag. 47. A great reverence is due to the body, and so to the throne where his body is usually present. Ibid. pag. 49. Domino & altari ejus, to the Lord your God, and to his altar, for there is a reverence due to that too. Ibidem pag. 45. Therefore according to the Service-book of the Church of England the priest & the people both are called upon, for external and bodily worship of God in his Church; Therefore they which do it not, innovat, and yet the government is so moderate, God grant it be not too lose, that no man is constrained, no man questioned, only religiously called upon, venite adoremus.  the giving of worship to the altar, and that such worship, which is grounded upon that place of Scripture, Venite, adoremus, which we suppose none will deny to be Divine adoration, But we must understand, that the King, and the Church of England here, as in all things must bear the blame of his Grace's faults, that the King and his most noble Knights of the garter must be patroness to this practice, and the English liturgy the enjoiner of it: But his Grace and those that have the government of the church must be praised for their moderation, in not urging this practice upon all their brethren. 
(b) Pockling. altar pag. 160. I shall entreat the pious and judicious reader, to consider with meet reverence, what is recorded among the statutes of that most noble order; non satis benè Deo atque altari reverentiam exhibuisse visi sunt, ut Deo & ejus altari proni facti debitum impenderent honorem, quoties praetergredietur summum altare in honorem Dei, debita genu flexione, reverentiaque consalutabit. Idem, in his Sunday no Sabbath at the end, If we do not only bend or bow our body to his blessed board, or holy altar, but fall flat in our faces before his footstool so soon as ever we come in sight thereof, what Apostle or father would condemn us for, and not rather be delighted to see the Lord so honoured.  D. Pocklingtoune with his Grace's licence, proclaimed the bending of the body and the Prostration even to it. Heylene comes up at last to his Master's back, and tells us that the adoration before the altar is the honour of the altar itself, and that filling down and kissing of the altar; for the honouring of the altar was a very commendable practice. 
(c) Antidote Lincoln preface to the King, altars were esteemeed so sacred, that even the barbarous soldiers honoured them with affectionate kisses. Ibid. Pag. 86. The altar being thought to be more sacred, had a far greater measure of reverence and devotion conferred upon it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a reverend salutation of the table, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, he and Pocklingtoun both page 142. commends that exhortation of the patriarch of Constantinople, in the fifth counsel, Adoremus primum sacrasanctum altar. Idem, in his answer to Bourtoun, page 137. If you look higher unto the use and practice of the ancient Church, you can not miss a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, an honour to the altar a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, ad ad geniculationem aeris Dei.  Laurence as he prints with Canterbury's licence, but undoubtedly by an impudent lee, at the King's special commandment, doth maintain not only veneration, but religious worshipping adoration, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and all, 
(d) page 25. We find in Ignatius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a honour due to the altar, and in Tertullian ad geniculari aris a kneeling to the altars: and in the council, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, an adoration of the altar; and in the synodals of Odo reverentian altaribus exhibendam, and in Damascene 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; and in another divina altaria, and in the life of Marie the Egyptian 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, casting myself to the earth, and worshipping the holy ground, and the Grecians triple prostrations tria 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 before the altar in the old Liturgies.  not only by a relative and transient worship as he speaks, 
(e) Ibid. Although they gave a religious reverence to these places, yet they terminat that religious reverence in God not in the places: The throne is honoured for the King; he that respects the house for the owner's sake, respects not the house but him.  but also, which is a degree of madness, beyond any thing that I ever have marked in any Papist, he will have a Divine adoration given to the altar itself without any relation, or mental abstraction, because of the union of Christ's body with it which sits there as in a chair of estate even as without scruple or relations, or mental abstractions▪ we give to the humane nature of Christ, for that personal union of the godhead with it Divine adoration, whereof in itself it is not capable. 
(f) Ibid. page 30. So much they said, but to justify the practice of our Church: I need not say so much, for as although the humane nature of Christ receive all from the Divine, yet we adore the whole suppositum in gross, which consists of the humane as well as of the Divine. So because of God's personal precense in the place, we adore him without abstraction of his person, from the place, to wit, the altar. Pockling. alt page 153. Altars have been in allages so greatly honoured because they are the seats and chairs of Estate, where the Lord vouchsafeth to place himself amongst us. Quid est enim altar (as Optatus speaks) nisi sedes corporis & sanguinis Christi.   
For the adoration of the communion elements, 
As much adoration of the elements they grant as the Papists require.  which Protestants count an Idolatry so horrible, that for it alone they would not fail to separate from the church of Rome, though she had no other fault, 
(g) apology des Eglises reforms par joan Daile chap. 20.  their mind is plain by the practice which his Grace maketh Heylene in his State answer defend, we do pass their adoration in the act of communicating, albeit we think it strange to see men who once were counted moderate and wise, by the touch of his Grace's patron, to become so insolent, as to hisse and hout at the doctrine and practice of the best reformed Churches, as vile and monstruous, 
(h) Hale remedy of profaneness, page 128. away with these monsters of opinion and praictise, in this sacrament Christ jesus is here really tendered to us, and who can, who dare take him but on his knees.  who in the act of receiving hath thought meet to sit or stand, rather than to kneel, we spoke only of these their new adorations, which against the constant practice of the English church they are now begun to use, without the act of receiving, a number of low cringes towards these elements, when they take the paten in their hand, a low inclinabo before the bread, when they set it down, another; when they take up the chalice, a third; when they set it down a fourth, 
(i) Heylens moderate answer, pag. 237. if bowing towards the communion table be offensive to you at the administration of the Sacrament, I would feign know upon what reasons you stomach, that men should use their greatest reverence in so great an action think you it fit the Priest should take into his hands the holy mysteries with out lowly reverence, or that it is an innovation so to do?  That these avowed adorations before the element, without the act of receiving, are directed by them, not only they say to the person of Christ, whom they make their essentially present, but also unto the elements themselves; we prove it by no other reason but their former confession. Their adoration before the altar is done as they confess unto the altar, much more their adoration before the elements, without the act of receiving must be unto the elements: For I hope they will be loath to affirm, that there is in the altar any worthiness or aptitude or any other cause imaginable, which can make it capable of adoration, but the same causes are in the elements in a fare higher degree: The relation to Christ's Body and Person, which they make the only foundation of those worships being much more true, more near, more clear in the elements, then in the altar, howsoever the Popish prostrations, and adorations, before the hostie; which to all Protestants is so abominable idolatry, are absolved by these men, not only by the clearing of Papists of all idolatry every where, but particularly by their impatience, to have the adoration of the elements to be called Popish. For in our book of Canons when in the copy sent up to the King, the adoration of the bread, Chap. 6. Was styled by our bishops the Popish adoration, my lord of Canterbury on the margin with his own hand directeth to scrape out the word Popish, as we can show in the authentic manuscript of that book now in our hands.  
Concerning images, 
In the matter of images their full agrean●e with Rome.  behold their assertions, first they tell us that the pullers down of images, out of their churches, were but lownes and knaves, pretending only religion to their profane covetousness, that they were truly iconoclasticke and iconomachiam heretics. 
(k) Montag. orig. pag. 162. Imagines illa per Ecclesias constituta quae furorem effugerunt, iconoclastarum. ibid. pag. 174 sub praetextu reformatae pietatis, Deum, Ecclesiam, pietatem, per nefandissima sacrilegia eversis ubicunque monasteriis, templis, sacrariis, & redactis in fiscum maximis reditibus emunxerunt causantur sc. religiosi nebulones, etc.  2 That those who do pull down or break, or offereth any indignity to a cross to a crucifix, to a Saints image; are but madfools, that those injuries reflect upon Christ and the Saints, and are revenged sundry times with plagues from heaven; 
(l) Montag. antid. pag. 28. Verissimum est omninoquod affirmas 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, ut Caesaris imago in numismate, ut Miletii character in pala annuli, quod si quis Caesarem in charactere suo & numismate 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in archetypum transit ea contumelia, quo modo si quis sancti alicujus imaginem dedecore afficiat, illum ego & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 optaverim, & suae temeritatis paenas dare. Studley in his glass for schismatiks about the end, tells us, that he knew a Churchwarden for the taking down of a cross, which he conceived to have been by his neighbours idolised, to have all his swine stricken with madness, and thereafter the man in desperation to have drowned himself: Whence he exhorts all men to beware so much as to censure their antecessors of idolatry, for erecting such monuments of their devotion  3 That the church of England (they take that church commonly by a huge mistake, for their own prevalent faction therein) doth not only keep innumerable images of Christ, and the Saints in the most eminent and conspicuous places of their Sanctuaries, but also daily erect a number of new, long, and large ones, very curiously dressed, and that herein they have reason to rejoice and glory, above all other reformed Churches; 
(m) Montag. antid. pag. 24. Haeretici nequaquam à te censeri debemus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 asservamus enim deligenter, & cum cura Petri, Pauli, beatae virgins, sanctorum aliorum innumeras imagines, praesertim vero jesu Christi redemptoris crucifixi, etiam in templorum cryptis, & larariis in parietibus, & fenestris quas tamen non adoramus. Ibid. pag. 26. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ut cum Theodoreto loquar, impugnamus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Sunt apud nos qùod aliquoties dicendum frequentissimae imagines in Ecclesiis per stallos, ut vocant, Canonicorum, per fenestras, ambones, vasa, vestimenta, & ipsa 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Pokling. altar pag. 87. In my lord of Lincoln private chapel, are to be seen beside the altar, most richly furnished close to the wall under the east window, many goodly pictures which can not but strick the beholders with thoughts of piety, and devotion at their entrance into so holy a place, as the picture of the passion, and likewise of the holy apostles, together with a fair crusifix, and our blessed Lady, and S. john set up in painted glass in the east window, just over the holy table, or sacred altar; So that I must say, That who so lives in this diocese, must be condemned of great impiety, that will desert his Lord, and not follow him giving a precedent of such devotion, so conformable of the rubric of our Church. Heylens answer, page 174. For your particular instances, in the cathedrals of Durhame, Bristou, Paul's, &c. the most that you except against, are things of ornament, which you are grieved to see now more rich or costly, nor they have been formerly. Pokling; altar pag. 24. Our Churches (by God's mercy) are a glory to our religion, beautified with goodly glass windows. Ibid. pag. 87. A fair Crucifix, and our blessed Lady, and S. john set up in painted glass in the east window, just over the sacred altar.  4. That these their manifold images, they use not only for ornament, but also to be books to the Laics, both for their instruction and kindling of their affections to piety, zeal, charity, imitation of the Saints; 
(n) Widow's Schismatical Puritain, p. 10 Church pictures are an external beauty of the Church, a memory of honour to the dead, & S. Gregory calls them Laymens' books. Poklin alt. pag. 87. There are to be seen many goodly pictures, which can not but strike the beholders with thoughts of piety and devotion. Montag. antig page. 318 The pictures of Christ, of the blessed Virgin, and Saints, may be made, had in houses, set up in Churches, respect and honour may be given to them the Protestants do it, and use them for helps of piety, in rememoration, and effectual representing of the prototyp. Ibid. pag. 3●0. Images have three uses, assigned by our schools, Instruction of the rude, common faction of story, and stirring up of devotion, these you and we also give unto them.  5. That towards the images of Christ and the Saints, the hearts of the Godly aught to be affected with a pious devotion, with a religious reverence, and that this reverence may very lawfully be expressed, with an outward religious adoration; yea, Prostration before the image, as well as before the altar, with the eyes of the adorer fixed upon the image; 
(o) Montag. adtid. page 30. Christiani omnes adoramus Christum, imagini & simulachro, non prosternimur coram imagine sorsan, quid ad rem vero? Invitatio est ad pietatem, ex intuitu tolle scandalum, ita si velis prosternaris, etiam oculos defigas in crusifixum ante mensam Dominicam inclinamur, in genua procumbinus, venerationem exhibemuss, non tamen mensam adoramus.  6. That the Popish distinction of duleia and latreia is good, and well grounded, that the only abuse of images is the worshipping of them with latreia; that the Papists are free of this fault, that all their practice here is but iconoduly, not idolatry, that all our controversy with them about the worshipping of relics, and so much more of images, (for to images, they profess a fare less respect than to relics) is but the toying of children, the striving about shadows, that long ago both sides, are really agreed, though some for their own pride and greed delight to keep this controversy about ambiguous words still upon foot. 
(p) Montag. antid. page 16. Lateriam, illum cultum soletis appellare, neque ego nomen aut nominis rationem, vel subiectum improbavero, tum à duleia soletis distinguere, non alio fine, quàm quod rerum subjectarum rationes, secundum magis & minus inter se distinguanur. page 27. Tantummodo taxumus in imaginibus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 usu & utilitatem non sollicitamus ullo pacto. page 24. Pergamus ad, Ecclesiae Romanae 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Montag. orig. page 40. Nolunt illi quovis pacto creatura cuicunque lateriā ne quidem cultu relativo exhiberi sed non constat quis sit ille cultus latreiae soli Deo precise & peculiariter, debitus quibus terminis circamscribatur: quis ille qui solus creaturis debetur, quis ejus modus, gradus, mensura, parts, conditio, limitatio, omnia vacillant vel ignorantur, nec illud agitur ut constare p●ssint lusum diu est in hac questione & illusum per ambiguitates è privatis nempe vel contendendi vel ditescendi; respectibus constet autem hoc, & facilè conveniet inter nos Magnam certè graciam ab Ecclesia Christi, & partibus inter se contendentibus iniverint, qui docerent quousque progredtin hoc sanctorum cultu, & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 possumus sine justo scandalo, animae pereulo, pietatis & religionis naufragio interim quod pueri solent, in hac re, ut in multis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.   

About relics they agree with Papist.  Concerning relics they teach first that the carrying of them about in  by devout people is tolerable. 
(q) Andrews stricturae For their relics were we sure, they were true we would carry to them the regard that becomes. It was rashness & nudiscreetly done of Vigilantius so to a base his terms concerning them, had they power of doing miracles we would have esteemed them so much the more, but in their own degree: yet the caring of them about in linen , and kissing which Vigilantius did object, if he did it truly, we would rather bear with it, and excuse it is as proceeding from popular and private divotion which will many times overshut itself then commend it.  Next that those bones or that dust of the deceased Saints ought justly to be put in a casse of silk or of gold that they may be well hung about our neck and oft kissed; that they may be laid up amongst our most precious jewels. 
(r) Montag. antid. page 17. Ossa sanctorum cineres, reliquias vase aureo, velamine precioso convolvebant. Ego certe cum Constantino, illas reliquias fasciis involuam, auro includam circumgestendas, admovebo labiis ac collo suspensa manibus oculisque crebo usupatas intuebor, vel in apothecas condam, & recludam inter preciofissima cermelia censendas.  3. That in those relics there is oft found so much grace, holiness, ●●rtue, that all who touches them are sanctified by that touch. 
(s) Montag. antid. page 16. Magnus Basilius ait 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Martyris ossa quicunque tetigerit ob gratiam illi corpori infidentem, fit quadam tenus particeps sanctificationis.  4. That to these relics a great honour yea a relative worship is due albeit not a latria or divine adoration 
(t) Montag. antid. page 16. Agnoscimus ecclesiam veterem sanctorum reliquiis & cineribus magnum honorem detulisse, & veneratione quadam relativa coluisse.  Fiftly, That pilgramages to the places where those relics stand are very expedient, that protestants do reprove only these pilgramages towards the Church of the Saints which are made for greed or superstition, that papists do disallow all such as well as we. 
(w) Montag. antid. page 44. Neque peregrinationem religiosam ad loca ut appellant sancta quisquam improbaverit qui in rebus ecclesia Christiana veteris non est hospes; improbat Molinaeus & meritio peregrinationes ut appellant malas, inventas vel ad superstitionem, vel ad questum, vel ad tyrannidam, quas & ipsas nemo sanus inter catholicos Romanos non improbaverit.  6. That all the controversy which here remains betwixt papists and protestants is about just nothing even about goats wool and the shadow of ane Ass. 
(x) 
Montag. orig. page 45. ut de lana caprina, vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hic rixare videantur contendentes.  
They come very near to the invocation of Saints.    
About the invocation of Saints whereof the learned of the papists are so ashamed that they disavow their own practice thereof, 
(y) Andrews structurae page 57 The Cardinal freely confessed to M. Causabon that he had never prayed to a Saint in all his life save only when he happened to follw the procession, and that then he sung ora pro nobis with the Clerks butelse not.  yet our men tell us first that the Saints in heaven are truly our meditators with God of intercession, as Christ is of redemption. 
(z) Montag. antid. page 20. Non anuerim sanctos esse orationis & intercessionis ut loqu● soletis mediatores, sed universum universos: precibus suis apud Deum interveniun● & orationibus mediantur, Cbristus solus & absque aliis est mediator redemptionis & quoad meritum passionis sua 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 intercessionis mediator.  Again, that we ought carefully to keep the Saints festivals, to this end that we may be partakers of their intercession. 
(a) Andrews strictura. page 8. We agree with S. Augustine, we celebrat the memories and hold the feasts of the blessed Martyrs as well for imitation, as that we may be partakers of their intercession. Schelfords' first sermon page ●4. Upon the Saints days the Saints in heaven join with us, now if the Saints in heaven after their manner aid us with their prayers, shall we be so base minded as not to pray with them? Ibid. page 27. In observing Saints dajes and in dedicating remples to God in their name; these who neglect this holy followship have a great loss, which none can see but they who have spiritual eyes  3. That albeit for common their intercession be universal, yet that sundry times they descend to particulars, They remember the estates of their friends and acquaintance as they left it at their death, they are informed of many new particulars by the Angels which hath been upon earth, and by the Saints which after their death hath newly come to the heaven, and that according to their particular informations they frame their intercession. 
(a) Andrews answer to Cardinal Pirron. 20 chap. We will hope well that Theodosius might interceded with God for his children, we see no cause to the contrary. Montag. antid. page 22. Meminerunt amicorum suorum & rerum ace quondam in terris gestarum quoeirca ad Christum in coelo recollecti poterint devia ordinaria per jesum Christum apud Deum patrem amicos, familiares 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 precibus commendare & adiuvare. .  
4. If we were certain that the Saints in heaven knew our estate it were no fault at all but very expedient to make our prayers to them that they might interceded with Christ for us. And though we be not certain of their knowledge, yet all the fault that is in our prayers to them is only some idleness and curiosity but no impiety at all. 
(b) Montag. antid. page 229. Save all other labour in this point. Prove only their knowledge of any thing ordinarily I promise you straight I will say holy S. Marry pray for me. Ib, antid. page 23. Tu mihi proba & demonstra posse me certum esse de scientia sanctorum particulari quocunque tandum modo ac quisita ego certe quod ad me ipsum attinet sanctos defunctos beatam puta virginem, sanctissimos Apostolos, gloriosissimos Martyres non verebor adire interpellare, alloqui, supplicibus precibus deprecari habeant me commedatum & adiutum suis intercessionibus apud Deum patrem per filium. Idem antid. page 200. Perhaps there is no such great impiety in saying holy S. Laurence pray for me.  5. That none ought to reprove our prayers unto our Angel keeper. 
(c) Montag. invocation of Saints page 99 If thus myself resolved to do infer (holy Angel keeper pray for me) I see no reason to be taxed with point of Popery or superstition much less of absurdity or impiety. Ibidem author. page 203. The case of Angels not guardians as being continually attendant always at hand, though invisible, and therefore though we may say S. angel keeper pray for me, it followeth not, we may say S. Gabriel pray for me.  The Saint in heaven which the papists do most idolise is our blessed Virgin to whom it is well known they give much more false worship, then true to the whole Trinity, Concerning her the Canterburians affirm first, that she is created in another way then any of the race of Adam, that God did meditate fifty ages upon the work of her perfect creation, that she did live all her days without mortal sin yea without all actual sin, yea without all original. 
(d) Anthony Stafford Female glory. page 3. Others of these first and purer times not without admiration observe that God was almost fifty ages in the meditation of the structure of this stately palace. Montag. apar. page 301 Magno procul dubio opere templum illud 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 aparabatur, nec una de multis mater Domini in hunc mundum processit è materno utero. Ibid. page 338. Vicunque conceptam in originali peccato, vixisse tamen immunem à mortali peccato cum Augustino putaverim. Staffords Female glory in his proemial verses, for Eves offence not hers she did begin to learn repentance ere she knew to sin. Idem page 20. She sent forth many a sigh for sin not having committed any, and bewailed that of which she was utterly ignorant idem page 8. The apostles sometimes were obscured with the fog of sin, but her brightness nothing vicious could lessen, much less alutterly extinguish.  that she is now advanced above all the Angels to the highests created perfection that is possible to the daughter, mother, and spouse of God and that her very body is already translated to the heavens. 
(e) Female glory page 28. Nothing in her was wanting but the Deity itself. Idem in the preface, Whether we regard her person or her divine gifts, she is in dignity next to God himself. Ibid. Great Queen of Queens, daughter, and mother, and the spouse of God Idem. page 210. Her assumption by many of the Fathers, by all the Romish Church, and some of the reformed is held for an undoubted.  3. That God hath made her to be true Lady and empress of the Catholic Church of all the earth, and of the heaven, and that all these honours she hath abstained by her due deservings and merits. 
(f) Montag. apar page 312. Dominam profecto indicat Mariae nomen, nam revera facta est domina omnium creaturarum, Damasaenus ait, cum conditoris omnium effecta fuerit mater. Ibid. page 302.  nulli Sanctorum dedit Deus plura, nulli majora, nullum ne omnibus quidam Sanctis, tanta, hoc est elogia matris Dei Deus impertivit qui titulus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 omnes omnium creaturarum dignitates illud unicum privilegium supergreditur. Recte ait. B Thomas, beata virgo ex hoc quod est mater Dei habet quandam dignitatem infinitam. Ex his licet colligere (inquit Baradas) sanctissimam virginem infinitam haberè quondam dignitatem ex Deo, qui & è Bonaventura recitat, majorem mundum Deus facere potest majorem autem matem quam est mater Dei Deus facere non potest Fem gl. page 21. She undoubtedly deserved to be rapt up, if it were possible, a story higher than was S. Paul. Ibid. page 80. Certainly all the ancient Fathers with one consent affirm that she deserves to be Empress of all others who humbled herself below them all.  4. That all the Angels and Saints in heaven, let be men upon earth are obliged to adore her and bow their souls unto her. 
(g) Female glory. In the Panegyrirk, To whom do bow the fouls of all the just, whose place is next to Gods, to whom the hierachie do throng, and for whom heaven is all one song. Ibid page 3. Truly our belief may easily digest this that his omnipotency would make her fit to be Empress of this lower world. Ibid. page 17. There were no doubt some of Gratitude's children, who lay prostrate before, & did homage to their dearest Lady. Ibidem pag. 32. The Saints glorious Empress.  5. That she knoweth all things perfectly here beneath upon the earth: For in the face of God in the glass of the Trinity she doth behold all creatures. 
(h) Female glory panegyrics. Whose place is next to GOD, and in her face all creatures and delights do see as darling of the Trinity.  6. That it is but profane puritans who refuse to say the Ave Maries, and to follow the example of their pious predecessors who want so to pray. 
(i) Ibid. pag. 220. The Puritans of this land are those I mean, they reject all testimonies of her worth as hail Marie full of grace, etc. They abhor to hear her called Domina, because forsooth they challenge to themselves a greater measure of knowledge but a lesser of piety than did their antecessors by disclaiming words and phrases familiar to antiquity. Of one thing I will assure them till they be good Marian's they shall never be good Christians.  7. That the devotions of the present Monks, Nuns, and Princes who have enroled their names in the sodality of the virgin Mary is worthy of imitation. 
(k) pag. 23. My arithmetic will not serve me to number all those who have registrate their names in the sodality of the rosary, of this our blessed Lady. The Princes of this Isle have not been defective in doing her all possible honour, and in consecrating chapels and temples to her memory. Many holy orders also are of this sodality as the Benedictins, the Cistertians, the Franciscans, the Cartusians, and many others. If all those testimonies and examples of great worth and pious people will not move us to honour her, we shall be judged both unworthy of this life here & ignorant of that better to come.  8. That the old pious ceremony of burning of wax candles in all the Churches of England through the whole clear day of her purification ought to be renewed. 
(l) Ibid. pag. 153. This day the celebration whereof is instituted by the Church is called Candlemas, as much as to say, the day of lights, on which while mass was singing very many tapers were burning in the Church. Montag. orig. pag. 157. Diem ab illa solemnitate celebrem vocant praesentationis: nos angelice the purification of our Lady, vel communi sermone potius. Candlemasday adistributione vel gestatione cereorum ardentium. Couzins' did put all this in practice in the cathedral of Durham meed burn in day light some hundreths of wax candles. Peter Smart for preaching against him was deposed and imprisoned, but Ousins for his devotion advanced from a poor prebend to a Provost of a College and a royal Chaplain in ordinar.   
9 That the Christians obtained that famous victory over the Turks in Lepanto by her intercession at their prayers with Christ her Son. 
(m) Female glory pag. 226. The original of the sodality of the blessed virgin is derived from the battle of Naupactum gained by john of Austria and the Christians, which victory was attributed to her intercession with her Son.  All this his Grace hath permitted under his eye to be printed at London without any censure, and when this doctrine was challenged by Burtoun, he was rewarded with the loss of his ears and perpetual prison. The book which he inveighed against let be to be recalled, is openly excused in print at his Grace's direction as containing no evil but only innocent retorications. 
(n) Heylens answer. page 123. As for the book in tituled the Female glory you find not in it that I see by your collections any thing positively or dogmatickly delivered contrary unto any point of doctrine established and received in the Church of England. Some swelling language there is into it and some Apostrophees I perceive by you to the virgin Mary which if you take for invocations you mistake his meaning, no invocation hitherto in point of doctrine.  Yea M. Dow with his Grace's licence pronounceth that book to be free of all popery and that upon this reason, because the author professeth his tracing the steps of Doctor Montagow whom all England must know to be above all suspicion of popery. 
(o) M. Dow page 54. In all these panegyrics strains of Rhetoric (for such for the most part they seem rather than positive assertions) Stafford hath not deviat so much to the one extreme as M. Burtouns marginal hath to the other in scoffing and calling her the new great goddess Diana. And if it be true that he hath not digressed in any particular from D. Montagu the B of Chichester as M. Burtoun makes him affirm, I dare boldly say M. Burtoun will never be able too find the least point of Popery in it: For it is well know, that Bishop hath approved himself such a champion against Rome, that they who have tried his strength durst never yet come to a second encounter.    

CHAP. V The Canterburians avow their embracing of the popish heresies and grossest errors.  
THE nature of heresy is so subtilised by our faction, that so fare as in hue lies it is now quite evanished in the air, and no more heresies are to be found on the earth. With the Socinian Remonstrants, they exeme all tenets controverted this day among any Christians, from being the Subject of heresy: For they tell us, that the belief of the doctrines uncontraverted by all is sufficient for salvation. 
(a) Pottar citys from Causabon these words: Put by controversies these things, wherein all sects universally do agree, are sufficient for salvation.  And howsoever some of them will be content to count the Sociniam Arianisme, and Macedoniansme to be true heresies; yet, as we show before, all of them do clear the Popish errors of this imputation. Always not to strive for words, our assertion is, that the grossest of the Roman errors which in the common stile of Protestants, wont to go for heresies, are maintained by the Canterburians for catholic truth. For to clear this, cast over the books of Bellarmine, and see if his grossest tenets be not by them embraced. In his first tome, his errors about the Scriptures imperfection, and doctrinal traditions, seems to be most weighty. In his second, beside these already named, his defence of the monastic vows of, Limbus Patrum and Purgatory are very palpable. In the third, his ascribing too little too the Sacramenst of the Old Testament, and too much too the Sacraments of the New, his making all infants in baptism too be regenerate, and all non-baptized too be damned, his corporal presence of Christ's body on the altar, his sacrifice of the Mass, auricular confession, extreme unction, are very gross corruptions. In the last tome, his errors about faith, justification, merit, freewill, are among the chief. In all those, consider how fare our party is long ago declined to the left hand.  
Begin with Scripture and traditions: The reformed churches in the harmony of their confessions lay all down one common ground, 
They join with Rome in setting up traditions in prejudice of Scripture.  for their mutual consent; the Scriptures absolute perfection, wiehout the help of any doctrinal tradition: Hold me once this pillar, the whole edifice of the reformation must fall. To batter down this fort, the Papists plant two engines: One, that there is divers Apostolic and ancient traditions, both ritual and dogmatic, which, beside Scripture with a divine faith must be firmly believed: An other, that Scripture must not be taken in any sense by us, but that wherein the ancient fathers of the church have understood it, or the present church do take it. In both these very dangerous corruptions our party joins with Rome: They glory 
(b) Heylens antid. Lincoln page 8●. sect. 2. Things that have been generally in the Church of Christ, are generally conceived to have been derived-from Apostolical tradion, without, any special mandat left in Scripture for the doing of them. Praying directly towards the East is conceived to be of that condition, why may we not conclude the like of setting up the altar along the wall. Many things come into our mind by a successional tradition, for which we can not find an express command, which yet we ought to entertain, ex vi Catholicae consuetudinis; of which traditions there are many, which still retain their force among us in England. This Church (the Lord be thanked for it) hath stood more firm for apostolical traditions, than any other whatsoever of the reformation. Samuel Hoards sermon, page 15. We yield that there are apostolical traditions ritual and dogmatic, which are not where mentioned or enjoined in the Scriptures, but delivered by the word of mouth, by the apostles to their followers, for some of which these are reputed, the number of Canonciall books, The Apostles creed the baptism of infants, the fast of Lent, the Lords day, the great feastivals of Easter and Whitsun day, beside these, we confess, there are and have been many ancient Ecclesiastic traditions, from which as foundations grew those noted practices of not fasting on the Sunday, of adoring towards the East, prostration before the altar, of signing the baptised with the cross, of exorcifing the party baptised, and putting a white garment upon them, of receiving the Eucharist fasting, of mixing water with the wine, of sending it to such as were absent, of eating the consecrat bread in the Church, or carrying it home, of crossing themselves when they went out, or when they went in, when they went to bed, or whe● their ose, when they sat down to meat, when they lighted Candles, or had any business of moment, to do, that ceremonies and rites of this nature are unde● the power of the Church to ordain we generally grant to our adversaries. White on the Sabbath, page 97. The reformed Churches reject not all traditions, but such as are spurious, superstitious, and no consonant to the holy Scripture, but genuine traditious, agreeablee to the rule of faith, derived from the apostolical times by a successive current, and which have the uniform testimony of poins of antiquity, are received and honoured by us. Now such are these which follow the historical tradition, concerning the number, integrity, dignity, and perfection of the books of Canonical Scripture, the Catholic exposition of many sentences of Scripture, the apostles creed, the baptism of infants, the observation of the Lords day, and some other feastivals, as Easter Pentecost, etc. baptising and administration of the Supper in holy assemblies the service of the Church in a known language, the delivering of the Communion to the people in both kinds, the superiority of Bishops over Priest and Deacons in jurisdiction, and power of ordination.  and triumph above all other reformed churches, that they do embrace doctrinal traditions, for which in Scripture there is no ground; And of this kind they reckon out some of great importance; such as are, the baptism of infants, the sanctifying of the Sabbath, the Apostles Creed, the giving of the cup to the people, praying in a known tongue, our knowledge of Scripture to be Scripture, the names and number of the Canonical Books and their distinction from Apocrypha, of this kind they maintain large as many as Rome. For at the first word the● speak to us of six hundreth 
(c) Montag. orig. pa. 396. Vbi iubentur in Scriptures infants baptizori, aut in coena Domini sub utraque specie communicantes participare. 600. sunt ejusmodi in rebus sacris à deo institutis, ecclesiae mandatis, & usurpaatis ab ecclesia, de quibus possumus profiteri, nihil tale docet Scriptura, Scriptura haec non praedicat.  among these traditions, which we must embrace with an undoubted faith; They reackon up the authority of the bishops above the Priests, prostration before the altars, worshipping towards the East, cross i● Baptism, crossing of our faces at all occasions the standing of a crucifix upon the altar, and wha● else they please to urge, for which they can get no Scripture warrant. To this head they refer the very customs of the Popish church in latter times, for which they have no scribe in any write● let be in any Father: 
(d) Montag. orig. page 276. Nihil est memoriae proditum, quod ego quidem sciam hac dei apud vetustiores, sive historicos sive patres, prohabile tamen est hanc receptam ecclesiae consuetudinem de traditione vetustiore, an't scriptis etiam patrum vetustiorib● nunc deperditis dimanasse. Montag. apar. page 389. Add me quod attinet, quid à sanctis patribus per illa tempora inventum, primo & usurpatum, nulla traditione priore commendatum, nullo usu veterum, ne quidem vestigiis leviter impressis, consignatum per tot aunorum decursum ad nostra usque tempora sine contradictione descenderit, non video cur non 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vim suam obtineat & authoritatem. Absit enim ut universalis ecclesia vel in rebus de facto, & ecclesiasticis ritibus tam diu aberraverit. Ibid. page 382. Meminerimus Tertullianum olim statuisse cum applausu de hujusmodi consuetudinibus, si legem expostules scriptam, nullam invenies, sed traditio a praetenditur auctrix, consuetudo confirmatrix, & fides observatrix. Et Irenaeus, quid autem si neque Apostoli reliquiss●nt nobis Scripturas, nun oporteret ordinem sequi traditsonis. Idem antig. page 42. That author says no more than is justifiable touching traditions: for thus he says, The doctrine of the Church is two ways delivered unto us; first by writing, then by tradition from hand to hand. Both are of alike value of force unto piety.  Yea, all the injunctions of the bishops must be Ecclesiastic traditions, whereto the conscience must submit no less then to the precepts of God. 
(e) White in his examination of the dialogue presseth not only this testimony of Austin, Etiamsi Scripturae authoritas non subesset, totius tamen orbis in hanc partem consensus, instar precepti contineat, nam & alia multa quae per traditionem in Ecclesiis observantur, authoritatem sibi scriptae legis usurpaverunt, but also that of Eusebius, Quicquid in sanctis Episcoporum consiliis decernitur, id universum divinae voluntati debet attribui: And this of Bernard's, Sieve, Deus sive homo vicarius Dei mandatum quodcunque tradiderit, pari profecto obsequendum est cura, pari reverentia suscipiendum, ubi tamen Deo contraria non praecepit homo.  In the mean time Scripture must be styled the book of heretics 
(f) Montag. orig. page 353. Eusebius de Severianis hereticis loquens, ait, Hilege, Prophetis & Euang●liis utantur socrarum Scripturarum sensus & sententias, ut nostri salent purtani & novatores pro suo arbitratu interpretantur. Chounaei collect. page 31. Sensum Scripturarum ex patribus ecclesiae deductum, traditum & conseruatum in ecclesia, & approbatum, quidni pro tali traditione agnoscamus, in cujus veritate acquiescendum, & à qua minimè discendendum sit. Montag. orig. page 318. Neque enim insanire solent sine Scripturis haeretici & mirificè easdem ad suos 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 solent applicare defendendos persuadendosque.  a Lesbian rule. 
(g) Montag. apar. page 382. Non ut nostri novatores de●dirant quibus quicquid est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 respite & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & ideo refigendum est ● vel ut amant loqui reformandum ad Dei verbum, hoc est ad Lesbiam plane regulam ●ipsorum cerebrositatem amussitandum.  In no controversies no not in Sermons any use may be made of it, except so fare as we can bacl our deductions from Scripture, by consent of the ancient Fathers or present church. 
(h) Pocklingtoun altar. page 129. The godly and learned Fathers of our church, give strict charge to private preachers, that they preach nothing in their preach which they would have the people religiously to believe and observe, but that which is agreeable to the doctrine of the old and new Testament, and that which the catholic fathers, and ancient bishops have formerly taught and collected from thence. White upon the Sabbath, page 12. The holy Scripture is the fountain and living spring, containing in all sufficiency and abundance whatsoever is necessary to make God's people wise unto salvation. The consentient and unanimous testimony of the true Church of Christ in the primative ages thereof is the canalis, or a conduit pipe to derive and convoy to succeeding generations the celestial water contained in the holy Scripture. Ibid. From Meisnerus he sayeth, Iniuriam nobis facit Beeanus scribendo, nos docere solam Scripturam esse normam & iudicem contraversiarum fidei, imò & spiritum sanctum, seu judicem supremum praesupponimus, & ecclesiam ceu iudicem inferiorem libenter admittimus; ideoque soli Scripturae officium iudicandi absque omni distinctione non assignamus. Idem page 14. The ecclesiastical story reporterh of Nazianzen and Basille, that in their studying the holy Scriptures they collected the sense of them, not from their own judgement or presumption, but from the testimony and authority of the ancients, who had received the rule of the true intellegence of Scripture from they holy apostles by succession.   

In the doctrine of faith, justification, fulfilling of the Law, merit, they are fully popish.  In our most important controversies anent faith, justification, fulfilling of the Law, merit, etc. they teach, first, that faith is no more but a bare knonwledge, and naked assent, that in the nature of it there is no confidence, application at all, that the souls confidence and application of God's promises, are the acts only of hope and charity, that justifying faith is the catholic faith, a general assent to the articles of the Apostolic Creed, that particular personail applying faith, but presumption and fantasy. 
(i) 
Shelfoord page 36 This one faith is called by Divines the Catholic faith, contained in the three Creeds of the apostles, Nice and Athanasius. The false faith is contrary too this, the private faith, or fancy rather, by which men believe to besaved by them, that which is the mother and nurse to vice, an enemy to all good life; and that this is no the Catholic faith, shall appear, because that faith hath not a special object, as a man's self, or Gods special favour to this or that particular man, which is hopes object, but a catholic object, which is the whole first truth, and every member of God's books, as the school to acheth, this faith goeth but to the truth and esse of divine things. Fait giveth those truths a being and substance in our mind, but after hope layeth hold on them in the will and affections, and applieth them to ourselves, & charity goeth in unto them. The apostle sayeth, That he who cometh to God must believe that he is a rewarder of them that diligently seek him, not a rewarder of me or thee, as if the article of faith were personal.  
Idem page 106. In the love of the heart lieth the greatest apprehension. The greatest means of our apprehending of him is by charity, which lays hold on him in the will and reasonable affections, Chounai Collect. 82. Applicatio ex parte hominis, non ex alia ratione procedit, quam ex amplexu amoris & desiderii. Ibid. page 97. Det Deus hanc spem, & suavissimam hujus spei plerophoriam.   Again, they teach that justification is ascribed by the Apostle to faith only, by way of beginning inchoative, because the assent to the truth of God, is that first virtue which the chain of all other virtues, whereby we are compleet lie justified, for common, doth follow. 
(k) Chonnaei collect, page 69. Inchoatiuè per fidem iustificat Deus, dat sc. propter Christum cognitionem, ex cognitione fidem, ex fide spem sive fiduciam, ex fiducia charitatem, ex charitate adhaesionem obediendi & complacendi defiderium, ex isto desiderio meritorum Christi salubrium applicationem, ex ista applicatione sanctificationem, seu observantiam mandatorum, ex istis omnibus in actu scilicet consummato justificationem, ex illa salvationem quae omnia tum efficaciter per canalem Dei gratiae, ex fide tanquam ex principio seu radice, per connaturalitatem omnium ad fidem, & ad se invicem effluere videantur, quaecunque ab aliquibus horum proveniunt ad fidem, tanquam ad omnium originem referenda sunt, & in hoc sensu arbitramur Apostolum, 3. ad Rom. vers. 28. locutum fide homines justificatum iri scilicet per fidem elicituram ex consequentiis suis operationem.  3. That charity is the form of faith, and that to it, the act of justification is much more reasonably ascribed then too faith. 
(l) Shelfoord page 102. Charity is called of school Divines grace itself. It is that law of the Spirit which freeth from death and sin. It is the main refuge of a distressed conscience. It covereth a multitune of sins. It will not suffer them to appear: Without charity works are dead, as well as faith and other virtues. Hence the School calleth charity the form of virtues. Ibid. page 106. Faith converteth the mind to God, but it is love that converts the heart and will to God, which is the greatest and last conversion; for we never seek any thing till we desire it. Our conversion is begun in the mind by faith, but it is only half conversion, yea no conversion of the whole man, except the love of the heart (where lieth the greatest apprehension) follow it: we see salvation by faith, but we obtain it not, till we seek it by charity's desire. Wherefore I conclude, that for as much as charity is the most near and immediate cause of our conversion, that it is also the most precious grace of God for our good, and the greatest mean of our apprehending him is by charity, which layeth hold on him in the will and reasonable affections, therefore this must be the greatest means of our justification. Ibid. page 109. The fulfilling of the law justifieth, but charity is the fulfilling of the law, where the apostle preferreth charity to justifying faith, he compareth them in the most excellent way, and it is most manifest that the most excellent way, is the way of our justification and, conversion to God,  4. That S. Paul's justification whereby we stand before the bar of God is nought, but our conversion and sanctification by our inherent righteousness. 
(m) Shelfoord page 107. justification & conversion to God is all one. Idem pag. 10●. Charity is the main refuge of a distressed conscience. Montag. antid. page 142. A sinner is then justified when he is transformed in mind, renewed in soul, regenerate by grace. Chomley in his answer for Hall to Burtoun, is not only content to exeme the Popish justification from all blot of a fundamental error, but seems also to make all our controversy in this point to be but a juggling about words; yea, at last he seems to join with the Council of Trent in anathematising our, doctrine: For thus, if I remember well, doth he speak. If any man shall say that men are so justified by the sole imputation of Christ's righteousness, or by sole remission of sins, that they are not also sanctified by inherent grace of charity, or also that the grace whereby we are justyfyed is only the favour of God, let him be accursed, and let him be so indeed for me. You will say this is nothing but mere juggling, I grant it, but yet it is not the direct denial of the foundation, for here is both remission of sins, and imputation of Christ's righteousness included, which though it be sufficient to justification in the Protestant sense, yet in the Popish sense, wherein sanctification is also required, it is not sufficient.  5. That the fulfing of God's Law to us in this life is both possible and easy, that if God did command us any thing which were impossible, he should be both unjust and a tyrant. 
(n) 
Shelfoord pag. 121 That there is fulfilling of the Law in this life: james teacheth, if you fulfil the royal law, you do well. Were God's Law not possible to befulfilled, the supposition should be idle, unfit for God's word, a caption unbeseeming a writing by divine inspiration. To the keeping of this we must strain our soul, we must nor flee to a naked imputation, where is required our confirmation. He hath predestinate us to be conform to the image of his Son. He hath fulfilled the Law, and so must we too. Ibid page 127. Christ hath merited, that the righteousness of the Law, should be fulfilled in us, not by faith only, or by sole imputation, as the ignorant understand it, but by our actual walking in the divine precepts. Ibid. page 136. To bind a man to things impossible, were a wrong both to nature and grace therefore the school verse sayeth.  Vltra posse viri non vult Deus alla requiri. 
God can no more in equity now require impossibilities at our hands, than he could at first at Adam's: Neither doth he, if we believe S. Paul, who sayeth, I can do all things by Christ, who hath loved me. Ibid. page 139. If God should command things impossible, then should he be more cruel than a tyrant, who will not offer to exact of his Subjects such a tribute which he knows can not be paid: It is tyrannical and cruel, and therefore impossible to God to require the ability which he himself took a way, and of those too that are his friends, and in league with him. Ibid. page 147. To say that the very best works of the Saints are unclean, impure, mortal sins, is extreme blasphemy. Can the works of the holy Ghost be impure? The least addition of evil in a good work makes it sinful, because Bonum est ex integra causa, malum ex quolibet defectu. White on the Sabbath, page 157. urgeth those say, as from S. Austin, Neque impossible aliquid imperate potuit Deus quia justus est; neque damnaturus est hominem proeo quod vitare non potest, quia pius est. Execramur blasphemiam eorum qui dicunt aliquid impossible homini à Deo esse praeceptum.    
6. That not only many do fulfil the Law without all mortal sin, but sundry also do supererogat by doing more than is commanded, by performing the counsels of perfection, of chastity, poverty, and obedience: 
(o) Shelfoord. page 184. By his precepts he informeth us of all the means that leads toward life eternal by his counsels, which go beyond his precepts (because GOD hath given man freewill to get what he can in the state of grace for the state of glory) he shows some exceeding means to grow to this life's perfection, and to improve the common reward of glory for the next life, as sell what thou hast and give it to the poor, and thou shalt have treasure in heaven; here we have counsel to change temporal riches for eternal, which are better. 2. We are counselled to change permitted fleshly pleasures for heavenly pleasures, where it is said; qui potest capere capiat. 3. We are counselled to deny ourselves and our lawful liberties, (to follow Christ through the world's difficulties; these are Gods counsels which in the primitive church were) put in practice, but in our times they are put of with a non placet ibid. p. 129. Of the counsels of the gospel which go beyond the counsels of the Law. S. Chrysost, says 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Christ hath commanded nothing impossible; yea, many have gone above his commandments.  7. That our good works do truly deserve and merit eternal life: 
(p) M●ntag. appeal p. 233. The wicked go to enduring of torments everlasting, the good go to enjoining of happiness without end; thus is their estate diversified to their deserving. Shelfoord p. 120. seateth down the commensment verses of Cambridge which in merit goeth as fare a Bellarmine, Virtutum sancta & spesinsa caterva. salutem divino ex pacto quam meruere dabunt. Chomneus p. 18. goes yet further, that our works are the as true efficient cause of our salvation, as our wickedness can be of our damnation, as we heard before Montag. antig. p. 153. That a work may be said to be meritorious, ex condigno, these conditions are required, that it be morally good, that it be freely wrought by a man in this life in the estare of grace and friendship with God, which have annexed God's promise of reward. All which conditions I can not conceive that any Protestants doth deny to good works.  8. That our obeying the counsels of perfection do purchase a degree of glory above the ordinar happiness, 
(q) Shelforod p. 198. In that blessed estate there are degrees of joy & glory, a star differs from another in glory, some ground bringeth forth thirty, some sixty, some a hundred fold. To this agreeth. S. Gregory, Quia in hac vita nobis est discertatiorum, erit procul dubio in illa discertio dignitatum, ut quo hic alius alium merito superat, illic alius alium retributione transcendat. And S. Cypriam in pace, coronam vincentibus candidam pro operibus dabit in persecutio ne purpuream pro passione geminabit Certent nunc singuli ad utriusque honoris amplissimam dignitatem, accipiant coronas vel de sanguine purpureas. Here shineth God's justice in distributing rewards according to the variety of his own grace in this life bestowed, and Christians works by their own free will to the best, end employed, and because their are certain excellencies of works in overcoming the greatest difficulties, therefore the school after the former demonstration argueth privileged crowns which they call aureola to be due to them which have conquered best to Martyrs for overcoming persecutions, to virgins for conquering the flesh, and to Doctors for putting the Devil to flight from their floks:  All this lately is printed by the faction, neither that only, but (which to us seemeth mervellous) when great popular grumble and sundry public challenges hath been made against the authors of such writs. These whom Canterbury hath employed to apologise for the world's full satisfaction, hath not yet been pleased to disavow any of those writers, nor to express the least sign of their indignation against any of their abominations, 
(r) Heylens answer p. 127. For Shelfoords book whatever is in that mentioned should not trouble you, if he ascribe a special eminency unto charity in some certain things, it is no more than was taught to him by S. Paul who doth prefer it, as you can not but choose to know, before faith and hope, nor doth he attribute our justification thereunto in any other sense than was taught him by S. james. M. Dow p. 52. And I believe if M. Shelfoords justification by charity be well examined, it will prove no other than that which S. james says, ye see how that by works a man is justified and not by faith only, & I would demand of any reasonable man, whether the express words of that Apostle may not without aspersion of popery be even openly and publicly maintained, if there be no sense obtruded upon them which may cross S. Paul's doctrine, which M. Burtoun can never prove that they did whom he charged with that assertion.  but rather by swetning all with excuses seem to vent their desire to have all swalllowed down.  
In the doctrine of the Sacraments, 
In the doctrine of the Sacraments see their Popery.  from Beauties third tomb, they tell us first, that the sacraments of the old testament differ from the new, that the one confers grace, the other fore-signifies grace to be conferred, that the same distinction must be holden betwixt john's, and Christ's baptism. 
(s) Montag. orig. p. 72. de circumcisione quae ritur quam gratiam conferat & primo ponitur non eo quod sit verum sacramentum veteris politiae in statu legis & naturae, ideo esse operativun illius gratiae qua ab luuntur peccata ut sit in baptismo novae legis. 2 Si quaeratur an ut baptismus sic & circumcisto quae figurat baptismum olim peccata visua sacramentali ex instituto divino opere operato, vel opere operantis aut alio quovis modo abolere & mundare poterat, qua de resunt diversae sententiae. Hereafter he hath brought at length the Fathers, to prove that Sacramenta veteris testamenti non causabant gratiam sed eamsolum per passionem Christi dandam esse significabant, nostra vero & gratiam continent & digne suscipientibus conserunt, he closes, manes sunt illa disputiones & acerba contentiones nonnullorum, qua apud scholasticos & doctores nonnullos ventilantur, quas sopitas optamus nos, Ibem p. 390. Baptismus Ioannis rudimentarius ait Damascenus imperfectus, & isagogicus, Cyrillus ut & lex vetus itaque novum baptisma post illud necessarium inquit Augustinus, post johannem baptizabat Paulus, post haereticos non baptizat Ecclesia, Christi baptismo actu remittebantur peccata, non remittebantur actu post johannis. Then in his own words, quid ergo? An dabat gratiam baptismus ille; sic visum non nullis perperam omino, nam ubi tum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 baptismatis Christi & Sacramentorum novifederu, quibus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 gratiam conferre quam significant, preparatiore hoc agebat non 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in spectantum cum re ipsa in Domini baptismo illud fiat, ab hac sententia quae est communis omnium antiquorum, si Calvinus recesserit cum sequacibus, aetatem habent, ipsi respondeant; privati cujuscunque hominis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 non est communi protestantium sententiae ascribendum. Obtineat ergo per me Tridentinae synodi canon primus sessionis septimae: Si quis dixerit baptismum Iohannis habuisse eandem vim cum baptismo Christi anathemasit.  2. They tell us that all baptised infants as well reprobat as elect are in baptism truly regenerate, sanctified, justified, and put in that state wherein if those who are reprobat and there after damned should die, they would be infallibly saved. 
(t) Montag. apeal. p. 35. We are taught in the Liturgi earnestly to believe, jest it should be left to men's charity, that Christ hath received favourably these infants that are baptised. And to make this doctrine the more sure against novelists, it is again repeated in the Catechism, that it is certainly true by the word of God, that children being baptised have all things necessary for salvation, and if they die before actual sin, shall be undoubtedly saved, according whereunto all antiquity hath also taught us. Let this therefore be acknowledged to be the doctrine of our Church. Whit against the dialogue. p. 95. avows it as the doctrine of England, that all infants baptised have the holy Spirit, and are made the children of God by adoption, pressing that of S. Austin of all infants baptised. Quid dicturus est de infantibus parvulis qui plerique accepto in illa aetate gratiae sacramento, qui sine dubio partinerent ad vitam aeternam regnumque coelorum, si continuo ex hac vita emigrarent, sinuntur crescere & nonnulli etiam apostatae sunt. Albeit this same Whit makes this tenet in his conference with Fisher to be the judgement only of Papists and Lutherans p. 176. They differ from Lutherans and Pontificians first, in that they restrain the grace of sanctification only the elect. 2. In that they deny external baptism to be always effectual at the very instant time when it is administrate.  And on the other hand they avow that all those who die in their infancy without baptism, by whatsoever miss, by whosoevers fault, are certainly damned so far as men can judge: For baptism is the only ordinary means which God hath appointed for their salvation, which failing, salvation must be lost, except we would dream of extraordinary miracles of the which we have no warrant. 
(w) Cant. relat. p. 56. That baptism is necessare to the salvation of infants in the ordinare way of the church (without binding God too the use and means of that Sacrament to which he hath bund us) it is express in Saint john chap. 3. Except a man be born again by water he cannot enter, no baptism, no entrance, nor can infants creep in any other ordinary way. And this is the received opinion of all the ancient Church, infants are to be baptised that their salvation may be certain, for they which can not help themselves must not be left only to extraordinary helps of which we have no assurance, and for which we have no assurance, and for which we have no warrant at all in scripture. Shelfoord p. 66. I can show you of none saved ordinarily without the sacraments in regard of our Saviour's exception in the 3 of john. Except a man be born again of the water and the spirit, he can not enter into the kingdom of heaven. Montag. orig. p. 397. Adeo huic usui inserviunt aquae ut si tollatur lavacrum aquae alieni a Deo & faedere promissionis aeternae excludantur illi in tenebras exteriores, cum edicto divino statutum sit nisi quis renatus fuerit ex aqua & spiritu sancto non introibit in regnum coelorum. Scio hoc elusum à novatoribus, sed & Christi divinitatem ab haereticis negatam scio utrumque in contemptum Dei & dispendium animarum.  3. That the manifold ceremonies of papists in baptism and all other sacraments are either to be embraced as pious ancient rites, or not to be stood upon as being only ceremonial toys. 
(x) Samuel Hoards sermon supra, puts cross in baptism and sundry other ceremonies of it among his ritual traditions. Montag. antid. p. 16. vestis alb, aoleum, sal, lac, chrisma, additamenta quaedam sunt ornatus causa. Ib. p. 15. Cum concilio quodam nupero non veremur profiteri ceremonias à maioribus hominibus religiosissimis usurpatas quod advarios pietatis usus valeant & exercitia quedam sunt quibus mens externarum rerum sensu & significatione ad divinum cultum ipsumque Deum attrahitur in Ecclesia retinendas & ubi abrogatae fuerant restituendas esse statuimus. Andrews stricturae p. 13. Chrism, salt, candles, exorcisms, sign of the cross ephata, and the consecration of the water, those being all matters of ceremony, are therefore in the Church power on good reasons either to retain are to alter.  For their tenets in the sacrament of the supper, we shall speak anon of them in the head of the mass. 4. They tell us that our dispute about the five bastard sacraments is a plain logomachy. 
(y) Andrews stristurae. p. 11. The whole matter about the five Sacraments is a mere. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  5. They tell us that not only infants after their baptism but even men baptised in perfect age who before baptism gave sufficient count of their faith, yet they may not be esteemed full Christians while they have received confirmation by the imposition of hands, and that alone by a Bishop. 
(z) pokling. altar. p. 165. And because the competentes were persons of full age they received also consummation by imposition of hands ut pleni Christiani inveriantur.  About the orders, they tell us that they agree with the papists in their number, that the reason why they want their Acolits, subdeacons and the rest, is but their Church's poverty: 
(zz) Andrews stricturae. p. 12 The five orders is a point not worth the standing on, while the revenues of the church were able to maintain so many degrees it can not be denied but that there were so many, but by the Churches own order neither by commandment nor example of Scripture, but what is this to the present estate of the Church scarce able to maintain town?  Which can scarce well maintain the two orders of priests and deacons'. But which in their questions is worst of all, they side here with the papists in giving to all the protestant Churches a wound which our enemies proclaim to be mortal, fatal, incurable. They tie the conferring of ordours by a full divine right to the office of bishops, they avow that the lawful use of all ordination and outward ecclesiastic jurisdiction is by God put in the hands of their persons alone. Other reformed Kirks therefore wanting bishops, their ministers must preacù, celebrate the sacraments, administer discipline not only without a lawful warrant, but also against the ordinance of God. When they are put in mind of this great wound given by them to all other reformed Churches, they either strive to cover it with the fig-tree-leaffs of an imagined case of necessity which never was, or else plainly to pass over it as immedicable. 
(&c.) Heylens antid. sect. 3. pag 8. Let the bishops stand alone on Apolicall right, and no more than so, and doubt it not but some will take it on your word and then plead, accordingly, that thing of apostolical institution may be laid aside. When Bishop Andrews had learnedly asserted the episcopal order too be of Christ institution, I have heard that some who were there in place did secrerly interceded with King james to have had it altered, for fear forsooth of offending our neighbour Churches. Andrews resp. ad epist. 3. Molm p. 195. Dixi abesse ab ecclesiis vestris aliquid quod de jure divino sit, culpa autem vestra non abesse sed injuria temporum, non enim tam propitios habuisse Reges Galliam vestram in Ecclesia reformanda quam habuit Brittannia nostra: Interim ubi dabit meliora Deus, & hoc quoque quod jam abest per Dei gratiam suppletum iri. Relatum inter haereticos Aerium qui Epiphanio credat vel Augustino necesse est fateatur, & tu qui damnes Aerium quo nomine damnas? An quod se opposuerit consensui universalis ecclesiae. Idem quisentit an non itidem se opponit ac eo nomine damnandus erit. Montag. antid. page 138. Ordinationis jus & autoritatem ita credimus annexam episcoporum personis ut a nemine non episcopo ordinato & consecrato possit aut de beat adhiberi, irritam ordinationem omnem pronunciamus quae non a legitimo & canonico more proficiscatur, quod si a se oriantur aliqui & non missi ingerant caelesti huic muneri & functioni manus, viderint ipsi quid sint responsuri olim summo sacerdoti cujus partes usurpant, nos nostras non aliorum tuemur vocationes. Yea not only they tie ordination and jurisdiction to the person of bishops, but of such bishops who must of necessity show the derivation of all their power, from the Pope as was shown before  6. In matrimony they will keep not only the popish sacramental words and signs, the popish times of lent and other dysmall-dayes, except the bishops give their dispensation, but also they will have the whole matrimonial causes ruled by the pope's cannons, yea, which is more, they avow that the Cannon-law by acts of parliament yet unrepealled, stands in vigour amongst them. 
(a) Dow p. 184. By his favour I must tell him, that neither the law of God nor of the King doth disallow the use of the old canons and constitutious, though made in the time of popery and by the pope or popish prelates, which are not contrary to the law of God or the King. If he desire proof of this, let him consider whether the statute. 25. Hen. 8.19. do not say as much as I affirm, which having regulated divers things touching the exercise of ecclesiastical jurisdiction. At last the statute concludes with this proviso (provided also that such Canons, constitutions, ordinances, and synodals provincial being already made not repugnant to the laws & customs of this Realm, nor to the hurt of the King's prerogative royal, shall now still be used and executed as they were before the making of this act, till such time as they be viewed, searched, or otherwise ordered by the said two & thirty persons or the more part of them according to the tenor of this present act. It follows then that till these thirty two persons determine otherwise, old Canons may be still executed & retain their ancient vigour & authority, & when that will be I know not, but as yet I am sure it hath not been done.   
Except in some few things which are directly opposite to some late laws of the land and that Cannon-law they will have extendid as far down as the very council of Basil. 
(b) Female glory pag. 128. With this pious and grateful ordinance, I conclude the visitation of our incomparable Lady, he means the act of the late Council of Basile, which ordained a festival foe that visitation.  And as far up as the constitutions of the first Popes. 
(c) Pocklingtoun altar. pag. 52. There is mention made of the dedication of churches under Euaristus anno 112. & under Hyginus, 154. under Calixtus 221. And before them all in S. Clemence his epistles. These testimonies of Roman Bishops the Centurists do suspect: Where the doctrine and decrees of Popes, and those in the first and best times are confirmed by the doctrine and constant practice of the holy catholic church, it seemeth great boldness in trhee or four men to condemn and to brand their authority with the mystery of iniquity.  Which divers of the papists themselves acknowledge to be supposititions, yet our men will defend them all, and with them the Canons of the apostles, the constitutions of Clemence and all such trash. 
(d) Laurence, Sermon p. 18. the Apostles in their Canons, and these to, which are undoubtedly theirs. Montag. apar. p. 390. Ex antiquissimis illum facile principem & primariae authoritatis, quia erat Apostolorum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 clementem nimirim 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 non preteribo, quem licet delicatuli nescio qui, ex utraque parte contendentium falsi postulant, & tanquam falsarium 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: Nos tamen ipsius tanquam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, contra quosvis suscipere patrocinium audemus, post doctissimum virum Turrianum.   
In the sacrament of penance they teach first, that auricular confession was evil abolished, and was very expedient to be restored. 
(e) White on the Sabbath in the preface. There might also my reverend good Lord, be a very profitable use of some private form of pastoral collation with their flock, for their direction and information in particular spiritual duties, such as was, private confession in the ancient Church: Now the Presbyterian censures by their paralogism taken from abuse, have with such loud and impetuous declamations, filled the ears and prepossessed the minds of many people, that they are exceeding averse from this sovereign and ancient medicine of consolation, prevention, and curing of the maledies of the soul. He approveth that of Gerardus, Privata coram Ecclesiae ministro confessio, quam auricularem vocant, quamvis non habeat expressum & peculiar mandatum ac proinde non fit absolutae necessitatis, tamen cum plurimas praestet utilitates & disciplinae Ecclesiasticae pars, sit non postrema publico Ecclesiae consensu recepta, ideo nequaquam temere vel negligenda vel abolenda, sed piè & in vero Dei timore, praesertim ab illis qui ad sacram synaxin accedunt usurpanda. M. Sparke, Sermon printed with approbation. p. 18. Confess as the church directs, confess to God, confess also to the Priest, if not private in the ear since that is out of use. Male aboletur, sayeth a devout Bishop, it is almost quite lost, the more pity.  2. That God hath given a judicial power of absolution to every priest, which every one of the people is obliged to make use of, especially before the communion by confessing to the priest all their sins without the reconcilement of any. 
(f) Dow p. 35. It can not be denied, but that the Church of England did ever allow the private confession of sins to the Priest, it were very strange, if our church ordaining Priests and giving them power of absolution, and prescribing the form to be used for the exercise of that power upon confession, should not also allow of that private confession. M. Sp. Sermon p. 16. Since the Priest can in the name of God forgive us our sins, good reason we should make our confession to him: Surely God never gave the Priest this power in vain, he expects we should make the best use of it we can. He requires we should use the means we can to obtain that blessing; now the only means to obtain this absolution is our confession to him Ib. p. 19 If we confess in humility with grief and sorrow for them, if we confess them faithfully not concealing any.  3. That God in the heaven will certainly follow the sentence of the priest absolving on earth. 
(g) Ib. pag. 15. There is another confession that would not be neglected. He that would be sure of pardon, let him seek out a priest, & make his humble confession to him: for God who alone hath the prime and original right of forgiving sins hath delegat the priests here upon earth his judges, & hath given them the power of absolution, so that they can in God's name forgive the sins of those that confess to them. But is not this popery, would some say, Now take the counsel that is given in the eight of job, Ask the Fathers, and they shall tell thee: ask then S. chrysostom on Esay, and he will tell thee, that heaven waits and expects the priest's sentence here on earth: For the priests sits judge on earth, and the Lord follows the servant, and when the servant binds or lice here on earth, clavae non errante, the Lord confirms it in heaven, words, says he, so clear for the judicial and formal absolution of the priest, that nothing can be said more plain.  4. Beside a private confessor, it were very expedient to have in every congregation a public penitentiary, who in the beginning of Lent on ashe-wednesday might in the Kirk sit in his reclinatorie, and sprinkling dust on the head of every parishioner, enjoin them their lent-pennance, whereby they may truly satisfy God's judgement for their sins, & in the end of lent or Shrif-thursday before Pasche give his absolution to those who have fully satisfied, 
(h) Pockl. alt. pag. 57 The bishops made an addition to the ecclesiastic canon, that in every church a penitentiary should be appointed to remit penitents in the church, after they have done public penance. This kind of confession Nectarius abolished in the church of Constantinople, howbeit the confession, whereof Tertullian and Cyprian speaks, was never abolished, but did ever continue in the Greek church, and in the Latin likewise: And to this purpose a solemn day was set apart for taking of public penance, for open faults, by imposition of hands, and sprinkling of ashes, namely Ash-wednesday. This is the godly discipline whereof our church speaketh, and wisheth that it might be restored. And as Ash-wednesday was appointed for putting notorious sinners to open penance, so Thursday before Easter is appointed for penitents to receive absolution. This absolution they took upon their knees by the imposition of the priests hands. Ib. p. 63, & 67. The Competents beginning on Ash-wednesday in sackcloth & ashes to humble themselves, they were all Lent long purged with fasting and prayer: They were to stand barefoot on sackcloth, and watch on good Friday all night Howfond a thing it is, sayeth Tertullian, to think to carry away with us the pardon of sin, & not first of all to pay for our commodity. The merchant before he deliver his wares will look to your coin, ne sculptilis, ne rafus, that it be neither washed nor shaved; and do not think but the Lord will look well to your repentance, and turn it over and over, before you receive tantum mercedem perennis vitae. The Church caused those to take so strict penance, that by their great humilitiation they might make some amends for that liberty which some took to sin. Ib. p. 24. Our churches are a glory to our religion. To the chancels belongeth the vestry lavatory and reclimatories, for hearing confessions. Shelfoord p. 125. If the Justice shall transgress while they are within the law, they are bound to make satisfaction by penance, which is, secunda tabula post naufragium: Ibid. pag. 129. The law is oft brooken by sins of omission and commission. I answer, as it is oft broken of us, so it is as oft repaired and satisfied, and so all is made whole again, and so he is in statu quo prius: he riseth again so oft as he falleth; either in number or virtue our sins of commission are repaired by repentance, our sins of omission are supplied by prayer.  Extreme unction, if reports may be trusted, is already in practice among them, but how soever, they avow in print their satisfaction with the Papists in this point, if so be the ceremony be not made absolutely . 
(i) Montag. antig. pag. 267. That sacramental unction is not to be used. Let the sick use it if you will, we hinder you not, nor much care or inquire what effe●●● ensue upon it, but obtrude it not upon us as in sensu of the Sacram. in the time of grace.   
Anent the Monastic life, 
They are for the reerection of monasteries, and placing of monks, and nuns therein as of old.  consider how fare our men are from Popery, they tell us first, that the putting down of the Monasteries in England by Henry the eight, let be by other Protestant Princes elsewhere, was a work exceeding impious, and very prejudicial both to the church and crown: 
(k) Montang. orig. p. 303. In ecclesia Anglicana sacerdotes licet magis gaudere, & solent & debeant immunitatibus, tamen & frequentius & exuberantius, & libentius quam laici decimarum decimas, subsidia, annatas, primitias solvunt principi, ut vel inde facile discerni possit quantum detrementi regiis accesserit vectigalibus per illam desolationem monasteriis invectam per importunum Henrici octavi rigorem, & per parliamentarias impropriationes. Ibid. p. 384. Quales quales reformare potius, & ad normam veterum reducere debebant, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 non quod factum facinore flagitioso & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, araefuerunt ad haras, altaria ad lupanaria transferenda, sed reprimam me. Ibib. pag. 174. Sub praetextu reformatae pietatis, Deum, Ecclesiam, pietatem, per nefandissima sacrilegia, eversis ubicunque monasteriis, etc.  2. That the Monks for the pattern of their orders have the Prophets and the Apostles, and specially john the Baptist: 
(l) Montag. orig. p. 370. joannes primus hanc viam insistebat, illum deinceps ut in aliis sequebantur ascetae & solerogagitaes. Ibid. p. 382. Ejusmodi vitae genere joannem jecisse fundamenta monasticae vitae, cum illustrissimo Baronio non abnuerim.  3. That their habits to their very tree-shoones hath Scripture warrant: 
(m) Montag. orig. p. 369 joannes & interula & tunica & quocunque amictu vestiebatur, de Camelorum pilis id gestabat vestimentum, ut ipsa asperiias ad virtutem patientiae animum exerceret, nec princeps hoc institutum usurpabat johannes: ab omni retro antiquitate Prophetarum filii Elias, Eliseus alii eodem amictu utebantur, quin & positum in more qui rem quamcunque persuadere vellunt, habitu ipso se componerent ad illam rem efficacius insinuandam. William Wat's sermon, p. 20. The sackclouth and ashes they received from Daniel and the Ninivites, and to live according to a strict rule, and order from S. Mark, & other apostles: so sayeth Cassian. Ibidem. pag. 28. Those if you censure for will worship superstition take heed ye condemn not the authors of them, even our blessed Saviour, with his Prophets and Apostles. Ibid. p. 44. Whereas our blessed Saviour hath forbidden shoes to his disciples, he was herein obeyed by the primitive montifiers, sandals were mere sol tied on with strings.  4. That the Virgin Marie was truly a Nun, and that the Nuns this day are much to be commended for the following of her pattern: 
(n) Female glory p. 22. The same author affirms that she there lived a●●rettie Nun. Ib. 23. Let us then imagine that this holy recluse confined her body to this sacred solitude, that she might the more freely enjoy the inconceavable pleasure she took in her vowed virginity. Ibid. pag. She was a votary never to know man. Ibid. pag. 148. You who ply your sacred Arithmetic and have thoughts cold and clear as the crystal beeds you pray by. You who have vowed virginity, mental and corporal, approach with comfort, and kneel down before the grand whit immaculate Abbess of your snowy Nunneries, and present the alsaving babe in her arms with due veneration.  5. That the present Carthusians, Franciscans, and the rest of the Fraternities are very good and holy people, worthy in their very orders of Monastic life of our imitation: 
(o) Ibid. p. 236. Many holy orders also are of this sodality as the Benedictus, the Citertians, the Franciscans, Cartusians and many other. If these examples of pious and worthy people will not move us, etc.  6. That their barefooted processions through the streets, That their Canonical hours of devotion, at midnight in their Closters', that in great Festival Eves their going at Midnight, with confluence of people to town-churches is all commendable service. 
(p) William Wat's Sermon. pag. 3. Mamertus Bishop of Vienne did not uncannonicallie, to appoint a solemn mortification of three days fast, and to make a Litany to be sung in a barefoted procession. Ibid pag. 20. To go barefooted, they received from David and from Esaias Ibid. pag. 45. Nazianzen maketh goers barefoot to be imitators of Apostolical spirited people. Ibid. pag. 48. In the third, fourth and fifth ages, are examples plentiful of the nightly processions of the Christians; yea, they went from their houses in the cities to some of their churches in the fields, singing Psalms all the way through the streets in the hearing of the Gentiles. Ibid. Minutius Faelix mentioneth nocturna & oeculta sacra. For this purpose the night was divided into Cannonicall hours or certain times of rising to prayer, whereof midnight was one, the morning watch was another Canonical hour, I hope that notwithstanding our devotion serveth us not to imitate the Prophets and Apostles, and the Primitives, yet we will forbear to take part with the old heretics in reprehending them. Ibid. Before a greater Festival all the devouter sort of Christians constantly repaired to their Churches at midnight.   
In the head of Purgatory and Prayer for the dead, thus fare long ago are the proceeded, first, 
How near they approach to purgatory, & prayer for the dead.  they avow openly Limbus patrum telling us, that the Saints before Christ were not only not in heaven, but truly in an infernal place, even in a lack, where in one nook the Godly were in peace, and the wieked in torments, that Abraham's bosom was here, between which and hell a certain gulf made, but a tolerable distance. that jacob, Samuel, and David, and other of the ancients were mourned for at their death, because their souls went not to heaven, but truly to a kind of hell: their mind in these things, as their custom is, they propone in the words of some Father, that by the shelter of their authority they may keep off their own head the indignation of the people: 
(q) Montag. orig. pag. 286. His qui in carcere erat spiritibus, hoc est defunctis, suo fato & inferno addictictis praedicavit quo in loco Puritani, & novatores spiritum, non animam Christi intelligunt. Ibid. apar. p. 476. Communem esse patrum sententiam, aliorumque doctissimorum scriptorum nostrae aetatis & confessionis sanctorum, animas ante Christi resurrectionem non fuisse in Coelo. Olim (inquit Chrysostomus) ad infernum deducebat mors, sed nunc assumit ad Christum Ideo dicebat olim jacob, Deducelis senectutem meam ad infernum cum lachrymis. Ideo olim lugebantur mortui, at nunc cum Psalmis & hymnis efferuntur. Hyeronimi testimonia sunt innumera, ante adventum Christi omnes ad inferos ducebantur: inde Iacob ad inferos discensurum se dicit, & job pios & impios in inferno queritur retineri, & Euangelium docet magnum chaos interpositum apud inferos, & revera antequam flammeam illam ratam, & igneam rompheam ad paradist fores Christus cum la●rone reseraret, clausa erant coelestia, Nota quoque ut Samuelem vere quoque in inferno fuisse credas, & ante adventum Christi, quamvis sanctos inferni lege detentos locum esse ait, qui lacus vocatur & abyssus, in qua non erant aqua in qua animo recluduntur, sive in refrigerio, sive ad poenas.  Again they tell us that Christ before he opened heavens gate to any soul, he went first down, and loosed the souls in prison; yea, if ye believe M. Maxwell (who hath written much for the drawing of our Church the factions way) he went down to the lowest hells, and delivered thence a number of Pagans such as Aristotle, Plato, Socrates, and a world of more: 
(r) Montag. apar. pag. 476. Postquam eo descendit Christus, inferorum claustra perfodit, deripuit, vastavit, spoliavit, vinctas inde animas liberando M. Maxwels demonstration, pag. 9 Whether the places of Scripture wherein mention is made of our Saviour's spoiling of hell, and leading captivity captive, may perhaps be understood of his powerful and merciful delivering from hell of some of the souls of virtuous Pagans, as of their philosophers, Lawgivers, governor's, kings, queens, and other private persons renowned for their wisdom prudence, fortitude, temperance bounty, chastity, justice, mercy; and generally for their civil carriage, and moral conversation, such as were Hermes, Trismegistus, Zoroaster, Socrates, Plato, Aristoele, Pythagoras, Homer, Phocilides. Theogrus, Epictetus, Cicero; and such as were Hercules, Theseus, Cyrus, Solon, Lycurgus, Aristides, Simon, Timotheus, Epaminondas, Tarrina, Camilla, Nicaula, Panthea Penelope, Artemisia, and others the like: for my own part, I do profess such love to those virtuous wights, for their virtue's sake, as I had rather condemn twenty such opinions as that of Limbus patrum, then to damn eternally the soul of one Socrates, of one Cyrus. . Our main pillars against purgatory they hue down with the popish axes, when we reason that Scripture makes no mention of any third place betwixt Hell and Heaven; they reply, that there are many things whereof Scripture makes no mention. When we reason that Scripture makes mention expressly of two places for Souls after death, they use the popish distinction, that after the resurrection there is but two eternal places, but that before the resurrection there may be three temporal: 
(s) Montag. apar pag. 135. Obiiciunt, nullus tertius locus indicatur in Scriptura praeter infernum damnatorum & coelum. R●sp. Licet non indicaretur in Scriptures esse alium locum tertium, non tamen inde sequeretur non fuisse tertium, quia multa sunt quae non indicantur in scriptures. Locus ille Matthaei 25. Loquitur non de loco aut statu animarum ante Christum, sed de statu & loco finali post finem saeculi, cum duae tantum erunt absque dubio hominum societatis sempiterna.  4. When Papists urge upon us prayer for the dead, they will not contradict them; yea, they commend oblations in the Lord's Supper, and prayers there for the dead in particular. 
(t) Andrews stristurae, p. 56. Anent offering and prayer for the dead, there is little to be said against it, it can not he denied but it is ancient. Dow, p. 56. That the ancient Church had commemorations, oblations, and prayers for the dead, the testimonies of the Fathers, ecclesiastical stories and ancient liturgies do put out of all question. P●kling. alt. p. 83. Commends that Canon whereby a priest after his death was ordained to be punished, for making another priest his executor, with this pain, that at the altar for such a One non offeretur, not sacrificium pro dormitione ejus celebraretur.    

CHAP. VI Ament their Superstitions.  
IN the church of Rome, the Canterburians use to profess corruptions of two kinds, 
Few of all Rome's superstitions are against their stomach.  errors and superstitions, as for heresies or Idolatries, they are loath any such crimes should be laid to the charge of their mother church, how many and how grievous errors they find Rome guilty of they had need to declare; for in the most of those, werein the Protestants place the chief of the Romish errors, you have heard them plainly take their part, readily it will prove no otherwise when we come down to try them in the particular heads▪ wherein Papists are reputed most superstitious.  
The superstitions which in Papists are most remarked in their private carriage are these four: In their frequent signing of themselves with the sign of the cross: In wearing about their neck a crucifix or some such toy of an image or relic: In saying their prayers on their beads: In abstaning from flesh on friday, wednesday, lent; or some great festivals Eve; Our men are fare from disproving of any of these practices. For the first, they avow that signing with the sign of the cross at rising or lying down, at going out or coming in, at lighting of candles, closing of windows, or any such action is not only a pious and profitable ceremony, but a very Apostolic tradition. 
(a) Samuel Hoards Sermon. p. 15. Reckons out among his traditions, the crossing of themselves when they went out, or when they came in, when they went to bed, or when they risen, when they set down to meat, or lighted candles, or had any businesses of moment to do Montag. apeal page 286. What hinders but that I may sign myself with the sign of the cross in any part of my boody, at any time when I go to bed, in the morning when I rise, at my going out, at my returning home, the ancient Church so used it, and so may we (for aught I know) without just scandal or superstition.  2. They avow expressly the carrying of these holy trincats about their neck, in caisses of silver or gold. 
(b) Montag. antid. p. 17. Ego certe illas reliquias fas●iis involvam; auro includam, circumgestandas, admovebo labiis ac collo suspensas manibus, oculisque crebro usurpatas intuebor. Ibid. p. 24. Imagines praesertim Christi crucifixi asservamus diligenter & cum cura: sunt apud nos per fenestras, ambones, vasa, vestimenta.  3 The saying of their prayers; yea, their Ave maries upon their beeds is to them an holy Arithmetic worthy of praise and imitation. 
(c) Female glory, pag. 148. Among the other praises of his holy Nuns, this is one, You who ply your sacred Arithmetic, and have your thoughts cold and clear as the crystal beeds ye pray by: And in his proemials, Omnis terra revibrat aeve  4. Wednesday, friday, and Lent-fasts, are to them not only laudable practices of the ancient church, but also traditions come from Christ and the Apostles which for religions cause all are obliged to embrace. 
(d) Montag. antid. p. 164. Quadragesimale jejunium libenter ego concesserim ab Apostolis constitutum, & apud vetissimos Ecclesia proceres usurpatum. Ibid. p. 9 Doceatur esse aliquid ab ipsis Apostolis institutum, utpote jejunium quadragesimale; Causam non dicamquin haereseos accuser, si non ut ab Apostolicae authoritate sancitum propugnavero. William Wat's sermon, page 50. Most precise and severe observers were they of Lent-fast, which the whole primitive Church did believe to be of Apostolical institution, so that they had their Saviour's and his Apostles example for that strictness. I pass their observation of Wednesdays and fridays fast weckly, which Epiphanius among many others assureth to be of Apostolical institution, Couzins' devotion: It had also been an ancient and religions custom, to fast all the fridays in the year, except those which fall within the twelve days of Christmas. The Lent which now is, and ever hath been reputed an apostolical constitution, and we add out of Chrysologus, that it is not an humane invention, as they call it, but it comes from Divine authority that we fast our fouritie days in Lent, p. 221.   

They embrace the grossest not only of their private, but also of their public superstitions.  The popish public superstitions are very many, but of these which that whole Church doth allow, very few comes to my mind which stand much against the stomach of our men: Those that come first to my thoughts are all pleasently digested; Protestants want to deride the popish conceit of their holy ground, of their consecrat walls, and the sanctuary of their Chancels, their turn towards the East, their manifold toys in baptism and the Lords supper joined with the sacramental elements, their hallowing above the Sabbath a multitude of Festivals, their pilgr●mages, their processions and many such their practices. In this behold the mind of our men, they tell us first that Kirk-yards by prayers and conspersion of holy water must be made holy ground; that before these episeopall consecrations, no Christian burial may be made therein, but after that the bishop hath used the pontifical ceremonies thereupon, no Heretic, no Schismatic, no Excommunicate person may be brought there, no worldly, no common action there performed without the profanation of the holy place. 
(e) Laurence sermon p. 9 Christians distinguished their oratory's into an aetrium, a Church yard, a sanctum, a Church a sanctum sanctorum a Chancel, they did conceive a greater degree of sanctity in one of them, than in an other, and in one place of them than another, churchyards they thought profaned by sports, the whole circuit both before and after Christ was privileged for refuge, none out of the communion of the Kirke permitted to lie there, any consecrate ground preferred for interment before that which was not consecrat, and that in an higher esteem which was in a higher degree of consecration, and that in an higher which was nearest the altar. Hall's sermon at the consecration of a burial place p. 38. Out of the consideration of the holy designation of these peculiar places came both the tittle and practice of consecration of cemiteries, which they say is no less ancient than the the days of Calixtus the first who dedicated the first Cemmiteries, albeit it was decreed by the counsel of Arles, that if any Church were consecrated the Church yard of it should require no other hallowing but by simple conspersion. p. 40. It is mere and necessary that those places should be set aside to this holy use by a due and religious dedication, by prayers and holy actions tending thereunto. if the jews used these dedications how much more we. Ib. in the preface, an act worthy both of this common celebration and of that episcopal service of mine.  Again they show us that the church by the bishops anointing some stones thereof with oil and sprinkling others with water, and using from the Roman pontifical some more prayers, some more ceremonies upon it, becomes a ground more holy: That before these consecrations though the people of God for many years have meet into a Church for divine service, yet it is no more holy than a barn, a tavern, a tolbooth; but after these consecrations there is such holiness in the walls, that even when there is no divine service, men at their coming in, and going out must adore and all the time of their presence stand discovered, and never so much as sit down, were the service never so long, except upon great infirmity. 
(f) Tedders sermon p. 8. It is the consecration that makes them holy and makes God esteem them so, which though they be not capable of grace, yet receive by their consecration a spiritual power whereby they are made fit for divine service and being consecrate, there is no danger in ascribing holiness unto them, if we believe S. Bernard. quis parietes istos sanctos dicere vereatur, quos manus sacratae Pontificum tantis sactificavere mysteriis. When we come to Church says the holy Fathers of the devotion of those primitive times, corpora humi sternimus, they that shown the least devotion did bow all the time that they were there, none presumed so much as to sit as being too bold and lazy a posture in God's house; but only for infirmity or some other cause were dispensed with. There were some that would not have their shoes on their feet in the temple, a shame to them that have their hats on in God's hose. Shelford. p. 51. Some profaine God's house by going out with heads covered as if God were not present and it were not his house when service was ended. Pokling. altar. p. 141. Churches when they were made they were consecrate, for a man may as lawfully and Christianly administer the sacrament in a barn or town hall as in any place that is not consecrate to such holy uses, Queenscoale p. 223. S. Giles Church in the fields being newly repaired after two years' service, sermon and sacraments in it in D. Montany B. of London's time, was required to be consecrat by his successor D. Lad, the people refusing the bishop, caused sequester and lock up the house for a month, and forces the Parish after fifty pound fies to put up a crucifix upon the east window and receive the other orders of consecration. The foundation stones of the repair of Paul's were solemnly blessed by the bishop, his main reason for the urging of the visitation of Cambridge was, that two chapels there was not yet censecrat, notwithstanding of divine service in them for some score of years bygone.  3. That the Chancel and the Altar must not only be dedicat with prayers and unctions, but with lighted candles, burning in-cense, and many other such toys; that it must be divided from the Church with veils to keep not only the bodies, but the eyes of the Laics from beholding the ark and throne wherein the body of the Son of God doth sit, as in a chair of state, that none but priests must enter there and that with their triple low adorations at their approaching: That it is a favour for the King or the Empetour to win near that place for the short time of his offering. 
(g) Pokl. alt. p. 141. Was not the altar the chiefest place which with most ceremony and devotion was hallowed? was there not a feast annual keeped in joyful remembrance of the dedication of every Church. Doth not S. Austin say. Novit sanctitas vestra fratres, consecrationem altaris celebramus in quo unclus vel benedictus est lapis, as he citys the place in his Sunday Quenscoale. p. 198. In the collegiat Church of Wolverhampton in the country of Stafford, the altar and  thereof were consecrat 11. Octob. 1635. As soon as the priests come to the Church each of them made a low congee at their first entering in the Church door and after that three congees a piece towards the altar, so they went unto the chancel where a basin with water and a towel was provided for the priests to wash in, where also was incense burning; after they returned making three congees apiece. After the sermon every one of them had a paper in his hand which they termed a censer, and so they went up again to the altar: As they went they made three congees apiece, the communion being ended they washed their hands and returned giving three congees as before. Ib. 220. There are divers high altars solemnly dedicated of late in divers colleges of Combridge and Oxford adorned with tapers, candlesticks, crucifixes, basons, crosses, rich altar clothes, crimson, cushions, rich hang. Pokling. alt. page 24. Optatus saith that erant ecclesiae ex auro & argento quam plurima ornamenta. ibid. page 80. At the upper end of the Chancel was a place railed in, whereunto none were permitted to enter but the priests. The Canon is clear. Nulli omnium qui sit in Laicorum numero liceat intra sacrum altare ingredi. A dispensation indeed there was for the Emperor to enter in hither when he would Creatori dona affer●● but stay there he might not Laurence p. 10. Beyond these rails duo cancelli which distinguished the body of the Church from the Oracle, none out of orders came. A more awful reverence was commanded to this part being barred from common view. Ibid. pag. 29. We have the Grecians triple prostrations from their liturgies, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ibid. p. 12. The same God is through all the parts of the Church, but not in the same manner through all the parts thereof, for as they are different degrees of sanctiry in them, so is there a different dispensation of his presence in them, Ibid. p. 15. This follows upon the consecration, as there was a greater communication of the divine presence in those places than in others, so was there a greater communication of the same presence in some parts of the temple of Solomon than in others. And as that distinction in holy places continued after Christ so did the reason of that distinction too. The whole indeed is the house of God, for albeit the Lord be without these walls yet is he more within, as we are not presumed to be so much abroad as at home, though the Church conceived him to be present in all parts of this house, yet it conceived him to be present more in one part of it than another, in respect of that peculiar dispensation of his presence to that place of the Church, as of old to that place of the temple which was within the veil, having an altar here answerable to a mercy seat there, as also in respect of that union betwixt this place and his humane nature. Cant. Star. Chamber speech p. 47. The altar is the greatest place of God's residence upon earth. I say the greatest, yea greater than the pulpit, for there it is hoc ectcorpus meum, but in the pulpit it is at most hoc est verbum meum, and a greater reverence no doubt is due to the body than to the word, and so in relation answerable to the throne where his body is usually present then to the seat whence his word uses to be proclaimed.  4 That none of the ceremonies of the popish baptism, neither their salt, their spittle, nor exsufflation are superstitious. 
(h) Vide supra cap. 5. (x).  5. That a number of the Mass toys which yet are not in practice in England, yea all the guises of the Mass which can be proven to be ancient are all to be embraced. 
(i) Lincolneshere Minister p. 163. I was showed a latin determination read in one of out Universities, aiming to prove, that look what ceremonies were used about the altar before the reformation by power and force of any general custom, though passed over in deep silence by our liturgy, are notwithstandig commanded us by a kind of implicit precept, even unto us, that live under the discipline of the English liturgy. Heylene in his Antidote. lect. 2. p. 63. doth confess the fact and doth not disclaim the author therein, only leaves that King's professor D. Colines as a man most able to justify that writ. These are his words, as for your Sally on the author of the latin determination, I leave him to himself: He is of age to do you reason in this, as well as in that other quarrel you have against him.  6. That who ever in the public prayers hath their face toward the North, South, and West must be publicly called upon to turn themselves ever towards the East. 
(k) Vide supra, cap. 5. B.  7. That in the Church not only in the time of prayer, but at the reading of the ten commands, all must fall on their knees, but when the creed is read all must stand upright on their feet, when the epistle cometh, all may sit down, but when the gospel beginneth, all must again arise, during the time of sermon all must stand uncovered. That to these and all such pious practices we are obliged by the sole example of the bishops or some few of them, even before the enacting of any law either of Church or state. 
(l) Edward Bugheus, serm. pag. 9 We may not think it enough that we stand at the Creed, except we say it also with the Minister audibly with a loud voice, nor is it enough for us to stand up at the gospel, but we must also bow at the name of jesus, not as if we were ashamed of what we did, but with due and lowly reverence, neither is it sufficient to be bare in time of divine service, except we also reverently kneel on out knees when the commands and litany are read. Shelfoord p 20. Let us learn of our Cathedral Churches, for there our reverend Fathers, the prelates, make their reverence to God in this wise, both at their entry and their return, wherefore to follow their good and holy pattern we are to do the like both at our coming in to God's house and at our going out. Ibid p. 22. The fifth office of holiness is to rise up from our seats when the articles of our faith are read, we also do more reverently to stand up at the reading of the psalms before, after, and behind the holy lessons. We are also to stand at the reading of the gospel. The reason that the old Lytargick writters gives of this superstitious standing at the Creed and gospel more than at the reading of the lessons and epistles is, because these epistles among which they put the revelation the penteteuch and sundry other parts of the old testament, contains more base doctrine than the gospel which comes behind them, as the Master comes after his servant which goes before to make way.  8. That the conscience is obliged not only to keep religiously the greater festivities of Yule, pasch, pentecost, & the rest which are immediately referred to the honour of the Trinity, but also a number of the festivals of the blessed Virgin, of the Saints and Angels: Those must not be polluted with any work or seculare affair, as we desire to be helped by these glorified persons intercession. 
(m) Cousin's devotions they offend against the fifth command that obeys not the precepts of the ecclesiastic governor's. The precepts of the Church are first to observe the feastivals and holy days appointed in the Church calendar vide supra cap.  Yet Christ's Sunday must be no Sabbath; bowling, bawling, and other such games may well consist with all the holiness it hath, yea, no law of God, no ancient Canon of the Church doth discharge shearing of corn, taking of fish, or much other husband labour upon that day; but by the contrary acts both of church & State do warrant such labour; yea, there is so great jewish superstition in the land about Christ's Sunday, that all preachers must be obliged in their very pulpits to proclaim the new book of sports, for encouragement of the people to their gamings, when the short hour of divine service is ended, and that under no less pain than ejection from the Ministere. 
(n) Whits examinat p. 118. The injunction maketh no difference betwixt Sunday and the other holy days concerning working, in harvest no special privilege is given it more than the rest. For King Edward's statute repeated by Queen Elizabeth saith, It shall be lawful to every husband man, labourer, fisherman etc. upon the holy days aforesaid in harvest or at any other time of the year when necessity shall require, to labour, ride, fish, or work any kind of work at their free wills and pleasure. Ibid. on the Sabbath p. 217. In the new testament we read of no prohibition concerning abstinence from secular actions upon the Lord day more than upon other days. Et quod non prohibetur ultro permissum est. The Catholic Church for more than 6●0. year after Christ, gave licence to many Christian people to work upon the Lord's day at such hours as they were not commanded to be present at the public service by the precept of the Church. In S. Ieromes days the devotest Christians did ordinarily work upon the Lord-day. In Gregory the greats time it was reputed antichristian doctrine to make it a sin to work on the Lord's day. Helen's answer. p 111. His Majesty having published his declararion about lawful pastimes on the Sunday gives order to his bishops that publication thereof be made in all their several dioceses, the bishops hereupon appoint the incumbent of every Church to read the declaration to the people, and finding opposition to the said appointment, press them to the performance of it by virtue of that Canonical obedience which by their several oaths they were bound to yield unto their ordinaries, but seeing nothing but contempt upon contempt after much patience and long suffering, some of the most perverse have been suspended as well a beneficio as officio for an example to the rest.  9 Pilgramages to Sants, relics, and barefooted processions to their Churches are preached and printed. 
(o) Vide supra caput. 5. w.  Those throats which are so wide as to swallow down all these, it seems they will not make great bones in all the other trash which in the Romish Church we challenge as superstitious.   

CHAP. VII. The Canterburians embrace the Mass itself.  
OF all the pieces of Popery, there is none so much beloved by Papists, nor so much hated by Protestants, as the Mass, since the reformation of Religion, the Mass hath ever been counted the great wall of division, keeping the parties asunder, who ever could free that ditch, whose stomach could digest that morsel, no man of either side was wont to make any doubt of his name, but that with consent of all, he might pass for a true Papist; and no ways in any reason stand for a moment longer in the catalogue of Protestants: If then I be able to demonstrate the Canterburians mind to be for the Mass, I hope no man of any understanding and equity will require of me any further proof of their popery, but with good leave of all I may end my task, having set upon the head thereof this cape-stone.  
In the mouth of both sides reform and Romish, preaching and the Mass go for real opposites, the affection of Papists to their Mass maketh them value our preaching at the lesser rate; 
They cry down so far as they can all preaching.  the affection of Protestans to preaching maketh the Mass to them the less lovely: Our faction to make room for the Mass so far as they dare, so fast as they can, are crying down preaching. They tell us first, that much of the preaching which now is at London, and over England is not the Word of God, but of the Devil, 
(a) Cant Starchamber speech, pag. 47. But in the pulpit it is at most, Hoc est verbum meum, & God hold it there at his word: for as too many men use the matter, it is, Hoc est verbum diaboli, this is the word of the devil in many places, witness sedition, and the like to it.  because indeed the best and most zealous preachers in their sermons do oft tax Arminianism and Popery, and the ways, whereby his Grace is in use to advanee both: This to him and his followers is doctrinal Puritanisme, much worse than disciplinary; yea, it is sedition taught by the Devil: 2. They tell us, that the most of preachers, though void of the former fault, are so ignorant, idle, impertinent, clamorous fellows, that their silence were much more to be wished than their speech. 
(b) And posthuma, pag. 32. Ex quo nuper hic apud nos vapularunt canes muti exclusi sunt clamatores isti odiosi ac molesti, ex quo pessimus iste mos invaluit, ex quo pruriginoso cuipue odious, patefactus hic quicquid libet effutiendi, Ecclesia in tonstrinam versa est, non plus ibi inepti●rum quam hic, Theologia in battologiam, banes non latrantes mutari in catulos oblatrantes, haud ferè scias quid optandum sit illud, ne si lentium, an hilatratus absoni, illud ne j●junium, an haec nausea.  Because indeed grave and gracious Ministers are not either able or willing to stuff their sermons with secular learning, and employ extraordinar pains for to gather together a Mass of tinkling words, as Andrew's was, and his admirers are wont to do, for to spoil preaching of that life, spirit, and power, which ought to shine into it. 3. That the preaching which themselves approve & praises, is but sermonizing in pulpits, no  part of the Ministerial charge, but a practice to be used of some few of singular learning & eloquence, and that only at rare and extraordinar times, as the Bishop, or the Star-chamber-court shall be pleased to give licence. 
(c) Shelfoord, pag. 91. Beside these ten kinds of preaching which are able to stop the mouth of all itching eared professors, there is yet another kind of preaching not fit for every Minister, but for extraordinary and excellent men, called by God and the Church, to reform errors and abuses, to promulge to the world new Laws and Canons. And as this kind is to be performed by extraordinary men, so it is not always so needful, but when necessity required: for when things are settled there needs no more settling, but only preserving, We ought not to have many Moseses, or many Evangelists, nor many Apostles; Were people now to be called and converted to the Gospel, than not only this kind of preaching, but miracles also were needful, when much needless and some unsound teaching by tract of time had sued into the ark of Christ's Church, by the Prelates and Priests thereof: Then in the 19 year of King Henry the eight began licences to be granted by the Court of Starchamber, to preach against the corruptions of the time; but now the corruptions are removed, the ancient and true doctrine of the primitive Church by settled articles is restored; Therefore this extraordinary kind is not now so necessary, except it be upon some notorious crimes, breaking forth among people.  4. That the only ordinar, profitable, and  preaching which God hath appointed, and the Church laid upon the back of Pastors, as their charge for which their tithes and stipends is due to them, is nothing but the distinct and clear reading of the Service Book. 
(d) Shelf. p. 35. The principal part of the Ministers office is the true understanding, distinct reading, & decent Ministry of the Church service, contained in the book of Common Prayer. This is the pith of godliness, the heart of religion, the spina or vertebrae, the backbone of all holy faculties of the Christian body. Ib. p. 39 Were these read as the Canons directs aptly, that is, by just distinctions, and by a sensible Re●der, observing all the rules of reading, with pronunciation fit for the matter, and with due attention of the hearer, there would be much profit and edifying. Ibid. pag 76. God's Minister is thy Preacher, ●nd the divine service of the church Book is his sermon. In this service & this sermon is contained whatsoever is  for salvation. Ibid p. 78. The very reading is preaching; yea, a lively and effectual kind of preaching.  As for sermonizing in pulpits, when so it is permitted, it ought to be very short, and after the popish form, without any prayer at all, either before or after: That the custom of English preachers, who before Sermon pray for the help of the Spirit of God to themselves and their hearers, or after Sermon crave grace to practise what hath been spoken is all but idle; yea, intolerable novations to be abolished: 
(e) Heylans' answer, pag. 165. Whereas formerly you used to mangle and cut short the service, that you might bring the whole worship of God to your extemporary prayers and sermons, now you are brought again to the ancient usage of reading the whole prayers, without any diminishing in regard of preaching. As for your other cavils about the using of no prayer at all after Sermon, the innovation here is on your part, who have offended all this while, not only against the Canon, but act of Parliament, by bringing in new forms of your own divising. As for the forbidding of any prayer before the Sermon, if any such be, it is but agreeable unto the Canon, which hath determined so of it long ago. The Preachers in King Edward's days used no form of prayers, but that exhorting which is now required in the Canon.  Neither this only, but that the most able Pastors are not to be suffered so much as in their private studies to recommend their Souls to God in their own words, but in their very private prayers, are to be tied precisely to the words of the Service Book. 
(f) Couzins' devotions in the preface. Let no prayers be used but these which are allowed by the Church, what prayers so ever any man had framed for himself, let him first acquaint these that are wise and learned with them, before he presume to use them: and that men may not think those rules are to be applied to public prayers only, and not to private, let them weigh those words in the council of Carthage, Quascunque sibi preces, &c When we speak to the awful Majesty of God, we would be sure to speak in the grave and pious language of the Church, which hath ever been guided by the holy Ghost, and not to loss ourselves with confusion in any sudden abrupt or rude dictates, which are framed by private spirits, and ghosts of our own in regard whereof our very priests and deacons' themselves are in their private and daily prayers enjoined to say the morning and evening devotions of the Church, & when at any time they pray, there is a set form of words prescribed to them to use, that they also might know it is not lawful for them to pray of their own heads, or suddenly to say what, they please themselves.  5. That the sermonizing which themselves permit, must be in the greatest towns in the most solemn times but once a day, that the practice of hearing two Sermons in one day is to be corrected, that one in a month is abundant, and all the English Canons do require. 
(g) Pokling. Sunday. Our Saviour in Capernaum on the Sabbath, preached but once a day, for immediately after he went to dinner, Heylens answer, Pag. 168. If in the great cities and universities, sermons are limited to the same time of the day, or as your own phrase is, to an hour only, assuredly it is neither new nor strange, nor need you be offended at it, if by that means the people in those places can not hear but one sermon in the day, it being not many, but good sermons; not much but profitable hearing, which you should labour to commend. Shelfoord, pag. 93. Better were it for our Church and people to have but one Sermon well premeditated, in a month, which is insinuated by the Canon, than two on a day, proceeding from a rolling brain and mouth, without due preparation. Heylens answer, pag. 166. Your afternoon sermon on the Sunday, if performed by Lecturers, are but a part of your new fashion, and having no foundation in the Church at all, it can not be any innovation to lay them by, and if the Curate perform his duty in catechising, you have no reason to complain for want of sermons in the afternoon.   
6. That over all England, Lecturers whose sermons wont to be the far best, must be presently silenced, as those whose calling the Canons Ecclesiastical of England can not permit. 
(h) Heylens answer, 163. Why count ye the suppressing of Lectures for an innovation, whereas the name of Lecturers and Lectures are in themselves a new and late invention, borrowed from the new fashions of Geneva.  In a word, that Sermons are the great occasion of the divisions and heart-burnings, which now trouble the Church and State, of the presumption and pride, and most sins among the people: That therefore it were very good to return to the old fashion in the days of popery, before the 19 year of Henry the eight, where there was none, or but few preach, that this is the only means to reduce the land to that old honest simplicity, equity, piety and happiness, which was in our antecessors days; 
(i) Schelfoord, pag. 71. When men had more of inward teaching, and less of outward, then was there far better living, for than they lived always in fear of offending; and as soon as they had done any thing amiss, their conscience by and by gave them a nip, and a memento for it; then they confessed their sins to God and their Minister, for spiritual comfort and counsel; then they endeavoured to make the best temporal satisfaction they could by alms, prayers, and fasting; and other good works of humiliation; but now outward teaching not being rightly understood, hath beaten away this. Ibid. pag. 82. The besotted negligence of our  Puritans, is that which makes them to run so after Sermons: what doth this singularity work in them, but a contempt of government? As weak stomaches, can not well digest much meat, so the common people can not govern much knowledge; & when they can not digest it well, they vomit it up, they wax proud, and will contest with their Ministers. At what time were most heresies broached? Was it not in the primitive Church, when there was most preaching, therefore thereafter they did slake it. Ibid. pag. 99 Preaching by reading is the ordinaire preaching ordained by God himself, and his Church, and this was the ordinary preaching in our Church before King Henry the eight.  even to that old blindness, wherein of necessity, we must give our soul to be led by the light of Sr. john the Priest, our Father Confessor, for all this behold on the margin their express declaration.  
Preaching being thus far cried down, 
They approve the Mass both for word & matter.  there will be the less ado to get up the Mass: For the word of the Mass is so lovely to them, that they are delighted to style their Service Book by that name. 
(k) Pokling, Sunday, Missam facere cepi, sayeth S. Ambrose, he began the second service as our church calleth it, quidam cogunt sacerdotem ut abbreviet Missam, sayeth S. August. that is, they make the priest to curtail divine service.  And lest we should think that it is but with the word of the Mass, that they are reconciled, they show us next, that they find no fault with the very matter of the Mass, if you will give unto it a charitable and benign interpretation. 
(l) Montag. antid. Pag. 10. Missam ipsam non damnamus, quoàd vocem, quin nequit Missae 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sano & recto sensu intellectum.  Neither here do they stand, but go on to tell us, yet more of their mind, that if transubstantiation only were removed from the Mass, they would make no question, for any thing it hath beside. And this, but most falsely, they give out for King james judgement. 
(m) Pokling all, pag. 138. The King would like well enough of the Mass, if the priests would shrive her of Transubstantiation.  Yea, they go on further to embrace transubstantiation itself, so fare as concerns the word: And how much the matter of it displeaseth them we shall hear anon. 
(n) Montag. antid. pag. 10. De vocibus, ne Missae quidem, imo ne Transubstantiationis certamen moveremus.   
But to show their mind more clearly towards the Mass, consider the Scottish liturgy; This unhappy book was his Grace's invention: If he should deny it, his own deeds would convince him. The manifold letters which in this pestiferous affair have passed betwixt him and our Prelates are yet extant. If we might be heard, we would spread out sundry of them before the Parliament house of England, making it clear as the light, that in all this design his hand hath ever been the prime stikler; so that upon his back mainly, nill he will he, would be laid the charge of all the fruits good or evil which from that tree, are like to fall on the King's countries. But of this in time and place; only now we desire to be considered that to this hour, his Grace hath not permitted any of his party to speak one cross word against that book, but by the contrary lets many of them commend it in word and writ for the most rare and singular piece, that these many ages hath been seen in any church, for all gracious qualities that can be found in any humane writ. Hear you the personat Jesuit Lysimachus Nicanor, that is, as we conjecture by too probable signs his Grace's creature, Lesty of Dun, and Conner, extols that book above the skies: 
(o) 
Pag. 28. think no Church can celebrate the Sacrament with more purity, sincerity, gravity, and none with more majesty then by this Book: Certainly it is purged from all stuff, which you call Superstition, or the essentials of the Mass, it is restored to the ancient integrity, the least thing that might tend to superstition, being thirst out of doors, as Ammon did Tamar, without hope of return: And if any superstitions would dare to enter, the door is so fast shut, that they must despair of any entry. What needs all such uproar then without cause? I shall oblige myself to made good these particulars: First, that you shall never be able to find any thing in that book, contrary to the Word of GOD.  
2. That it containeth nothing contrary to the practice of the primitive church, but which is most agreeable thereto.  
3. That all the points which you condemn are not controverted between our Classical Divines and papists but agreed upon in both sides.  
4. That there, is nothing in it, contrary to our Confession of Faith in Scotland; yea, which is much, ye shall not show me a Protestant Divine of any note, who ever did condemn this Book of the least point of popery, but on the contrare, did defend and commend it.   And yet we did undertake to show into it the main, yea all the substantial parts of the Mass, and this undertaking to the satisfaction of our nation was performed in our general Assembly; but to those men the judgements of national churches are but vile and contemptible testimonies. I have seen a parallel written by a preacher among us, comparing all and every particular portion of the Mass, as they are cleared by Innocent, Durand, Walfrid, Berno, and the rest of the old Liturgick Rationalists, with the parts of our Liturgy, as they may be cleared by the late writs of the Canterburians, which ends not, till all the parts great and small of the Mass be demonstrat in our Book either formally, in so many words, as the most considerable are, and that in the very popish sense, If you will join to our book the Canterburian commentars: or virtually a necessity being laid upon us, upon the same grounds which persuades to embrace what in those book is formally expressed, to embrace also what of the Mass is omitted, whensoever it shall be their pleasure in a new edition to add it. This parallel is ready for the public when ever it shall be called for.  
For the present, 
The Scottish Liturgy is much worse than the English.  because those men make our gracious Sovereign believe, and declare also to the world in print, that what we challenge in that book, doth strike alike against the liturgy of England, as if the scots liturgy were altogether one with the English, and the few small variations, which possibly may be found in the Scottish, were not only to the better, but made for this very end, that this new book might better comply with the Scots humour, which now almost by birth or at least by long education is become naturally antipathetick to the mass, to make this their impudent fraud so palpable that hereafter they may blush (if it be possible for such foreheads to blush at any thing) ever again before our King to make any such alledgance, passing all the rest of that book for shortness, we shall consider some few lines in some three or four leaves of it at most, wherein the world may see their malapert changing of the English liturgy in twenty particulars and above, every one whereof draws us beyond all that ever was allowed in England, and divers of them lead to those parts of the mass which all protestants this day count most wicked. If this be made clear, I hope that all equitable men will be the more willing to free our opposition thereto, of all imputations, and specially of all intentions to encroach upon any thing that concerns the English church. For albeit we are confident the world would have excused us to have opposed with all vehemency the imposition upon us (a church and kingdom as free and independent upon any other nation as it is to be found this day in christendom) without our consent, or so much as our advice, the heavy burden of four foreign books, of liturgy, canons, ordination, homilies, of a number of strange judicatories, high commission, episcopal visitations, official courts, and the like, though they had been urged in no other words, in no other sense then of old they want to be used in England: For it is well known that those things have been the sole ground and only occasion of the grievous shismes and heavy troubles wherewith almost ever since the reformation, that gracious church hath been miserably vexed. But now all those things being laid upon us in a far worse sense as they are declared by the Canterburian imposers in their own writs, yea in far worse words, as all who will take the pains to compare, may see: we trust that our immovable resolution to oppose even unto death all such violent novations shall be taken, by no good man, in evil part, let be, to be thrown, far against our intentions, to the disgrace of our neighbour church, or any well minded person therein. We have with the English church nought to do but as with our most dear and nearest sister, we wish them all happiness, and that not only they, but all other Christian churches this day were both almost, and altogether such as we are, except our afflictions. We have no enemies there but the Canterburian faction, no less heavy to her then to us. What we have said against the Scots liturgy may well reflect upon them, and so far as we intent, upon them alone, and that for three of their crimes chief. First their forcing upon us, with whom they had nought to do, so many novations even all that is in England at one draught, and that by mere violence. 2. Their mutation of the most of those things to a plain popish sense, which in the best sense that ever was put upon them, did occasion always to England much trouble. 3. Their mutation of the English books not only to popish senses but even to popish words, and that in a number of the most important passages of the mass. This last here we will show, holding us within the bounds of our few forenamed leaves, by which, conjecture may be made of the rest.  
Of all the limbs of the mass the most substantious for many evil qualities are those three, which lie contiguous together, the Offertory, 
Our alteration in the Offertory.  the Canon, the Communion: The English at the reformation, howsoever for reasons of their own, thought meet to retain more of the mass words then our church could ever be induced to follow, yet in those three portions of the mass they were very careful to cast out what they knew Protestants did much abhor in the church of Rome. But at this time, the Canterburians having gotten the refraiming of the liturgy in their hands, for to manifest their affection openly to Rome, do put in expressly that, which the English reformers put out, as wicked scandals. That this may be seen consider severally the three named portions.  
The Popish Offertory in itself is a foul practice, even a renovation in the Christian church of a Jewish sacrifice, as Durand confesseth. 
(p) Durand. lib. 4 fol. 65. Ritus igitur synagogae transivit in religionem ecclesiae & sacrificia carnalis populi translata sunt in observantiam populi spiritualis.  But as it stands in the Mass, it have yet a worse use, to be a preparatory peace-offering making way for that holy propitiatory, which in the Canon follows. It is pretended to be a sacrifice for the benefit both of quick and dead, for the good of the whole church universal, for the help of these in Purgatory; but it is really intended to be a drag, a hook to draw in money to the Priests purses. This piece of the Mass the English did clean abolish, but behold how much of it our present reformers are pleased to replant in our book: First, they profess in plain terms the reduction of the Offertory, and that not once alone, but lest their design should pass without observation, they tell us over again of the Offertory: 2. In the very fore front of this their Offertory, they set up unto us whole five passages of Scripture, whereof the English hath none, all directly in the literal sense carrying to a jewish oblation. 3. For the wakning of the Priest's appetite (which of itself uses to be sharp enough) Upon the hope of present gain to sing his Masses with the better will, they set up a rubric, seizing and infefting the officiating Priest in the half of all the oblations, which he can move the people to offer, and giving a liberty to him with his churchwarden, to dispose on the other half also as he thinks good, expressly contrare to the Englsh, which commands all the alms of the people to be put up in the poors box. 4. They will not have us to want the very formality of a jewish offering, for they ordain the Deacon to put the basin with the people's devotions in the hands of the Priest, that he may present it before the Lord upon the altar, just as the Papists in this place ordain to bring the paten with their oblations unto the Priest; that he may set it upon their altar. 
(q) 
Durand. lib. 4. fol. 64. Subsequens diaconus ipse patinam cum hostia pontifici representat, & pontifex seu sacerdos hostiam collocat super altar.  
Ibid fol. 66. Sacerdos oblation? manu tangit, repraesentans illud Levitici, 14.4. ponetque manus suas super caput hostia, & acceptabilis erit, & inexpiationem proficiciens.   5. The Priest is ordained to place and to offer up the bread and wine upon the Lord's table, that it may be ready for that service, just the Popish offering, in that place of the Mass of the bread and wine, as a preparatory sacrifice for the propitiatory following. 6. The English prayer for the catholic church, is in our book cast immediately at the back of the offering of bread and wine, and that we may know it must be taken for the Offertory prayers that stands there in the Missal, and that for the benefit not only of the living, but also of the dead. The Mass clauses for the honour of the Saints, and help of those who are in Purgatory, which the English scraped out, they put in again: For as the Papists say, these Offertory prayers for the honour of the Saints, especially of the blessed Virgin, and Apostles, and Martyrs, so they in this their Offertory prayer commemorat all the Saints, who in their several generations were the lights of the world, and had wonderful grace and virtue, they might have put in particularly, as Ousins in his devotions doth, pag. 371. The blessed Virgin Mary, the holy Patriarches, Prophets, Apostles, and Martyrs: also they mention among the dead not only these glorious Saints, but the rest of God's servants, who have finished their course in faith, and now do rect from their labours, the best description that can be, if Bellarmine may be believed, of the Souls in purgatory, for whom not only thanks is given, but also prayers made, as cousins, who is suspected to be one of the main penmen of our book, doth comment this passage in his devotions, pag. 372. That at the last day, we with them, and they with us may attain to the resurrection of the Just, and have our perfect consummation both of Soul and Body in the kingdom of heaven: There is no footstep of any of these things in the English Book.  

Our changes in the consercration.  The piece which follows the Offertory in the Missal, and in our book also, is the Canon, no less detested by all Protestants, then admired by Papists, as Bellarmine telleth us; 
(r) De missa lib. 2. cap. 17. Sacrum canonem ut summa reverentia semper Catholici retinuerunt, ita in●redibili furore ●●retici huius tempori● lacerant.  Many of the Prefaces and prayers thereof we have word by word, and what ever we want, these men in print are bold to justify it all, as in nothing opposite to the truth or Protestant doctrine: So the appendix to D. Fields third Book, Chap. 1. But we must consider the time wherein D. Field is made to utter such speeches, it is in the twenty eight year, long after the death of that learned and reverend Divine: It is in that year when his Grace sitting in the chair of London, had gotten now the full superintendence of all the presses there, and could very easily (for the promoving of his designs) put in practice that piece of policy among others, to make men after their death speak in print, what they never thought in their life; or at least, to speak out those thoughts which for the good and peace of the church, they kept close within the doors of their own breast, and withdrew from the notice of the world; it would then seem reason to father these strange justifications, of the Mass, which are cast to Fields book so long after his death, as also many passages in these posthume works of Andrew's; which his Grace avowedly sets out in the twenty ninth year, and those new pieces never heard of, which in the thirty one year, are set out by M. Aylward, under the name of the English Martyrs, as also that writ of Overall, which Montagu puts out with his own amplifications, in the thirty six year. These and the like pieces, must in reason be rather fathered on those who put them forth, then upon their pretended authors, who readily did never know such posthume children, or else did take them for such unhappy bastards as they were resolved, for reasons known to themselves, to keep them in obscurity, and never in public to avow them as their own.  
In this Canon there are two parts most principal, which the papists call the Heart, and Head thereof. 
(s) Innocent lib. 4. cap. 1. Ecce nunc ad summam Sacramenti verticem accedentes, ad ipsum cor divini sacrificii penetramus.  The prayers of consecration and of oblation, this head the English strikes off, this heart they pull out of their book, that the wicked serpent should not have any life among them. But our men are so tender and compassionate towards that poor Beast, that they will again put in that Heart, and set on that Head, The consecration and oblation they will be loath to want. Consider then these men's changing of the English book towards both those, the two incomparably worst parts of the whole Mass. First, the English scrapes out all mention of any consecration: for however we delight not to strive with the papists any where about words, yet in this place while they declare expressly, that by consecration of the elements they do understand not the sanctification of the elements by the word and prayer, but a secret whispering of certain words upon the elements, for their very Transubstantiation. 
(t) Durand. lib. 6. Dicimus illud non conserari; sed sanctificari, differt autem inter haec, nam consecrare, est consecratine transubstantiare, sancti ficare est; sanctum & reverendumesficere, ut patet in aqua benedicta.  Consecration in this place being so taken by the papists, the English rejects it, and will have nothing to do therewith; but our men being more wise, and understanding their own ends, put up in their rubric in capital letters formally and expressly their prayer of consecration. 2. The Papists to the end that their consecratory words may be whispered upon the elements for their change, and no ways heard of the people, who perchance if they heard and understood them, might learn them by heart, and in their idleness might pronunce them over their meals, and so, which once they say was done, transubstantiat their ordinary food into Christ's body: For the eshewing of these inconveniences they ordain the consecration to be made in the outmost corner of the church, so far from the ears of the people as may be; and for the greater security, they ordain their priests in the time of consecration, both to speak low, and to turn their backs upon the people: For to remeed their wicked follies, the English expressly ordained their communion Table to stand in the body of the church, where the Minister in the mids of the people might read out openly all the words of the Institution. But our men to return to the old fashion, command the table to beset at the East end of the Chancel, that in the time of the consecration, the priest may stand so far removed from the people, as the furthest wall of the church can permit, and as this distance were not enough to keep these holy words of consecration from the profaine ears of Laics, our book hath a second Rubric, injoining expressly the priest in the time of consecration to turn his back on the people, to come from the North end of table, and to stand at such a place where he may use both his hands with more decency and ease, which is not possible but on the Westside alone; for on the South side the commodity is just alike as in the North. On the East none can stand, for the Table is joined hard to the Wall, and whosoever stands at the West side of the Altar, his back is directly to the people that are behind him. They say for this practice many things, first, That in the good holy Liturgy of Edward the sixth, the priest was ordained to stand with his back to the people. 
(u) Heylens antid. pag. 45. and 46. The Church of Rome enjoineth the priest to stand in medio altaris, with his face to the East, and bacl to the people; But the Church of England at the north side of the Table, albeit in King Edward's liturgy the priest was appointed to stand at the mids of the altar.  Again, that always in the ancient church the priests stood in the uppermost end of the church, divided from the people behind them, with rails, and veils, and other distinctions. 
(x) Supra saepe.  3. That Scripture is the ground of this practice, for so it was in the Jewish church, the priest when we went into the Sanctuary to pray, and offer incense for the people, they stood without and never did hear what he spoke, nor saw what he did. 
(y) P●kling. alt. pag. 99 The people might see the priest going into the Sanctuary, they might hear the noise of his bells; himself, his gesture, his actions they saw not, yet all this was done in medio Ecclesiae, but not among the people in the outward or inward Court, whereunto only the people were permitted to come.  If from this practice we would infer with Bellarmine, that the Priest in the consecration might speak in latin or in a language unknown to the people, since God to whom he speaks understands all languages, the elements upon which the consecratory words are murmured, 
(z) Scottish service the words of consecration may be repeated again over more either bread or wine.  understands none, and the people for whom alone the vulgar language is used, is put back from the hearing of the consecration; we know not what in reason they could answer; But this we know, that the main ground whereupon we press the use of the vulgar language, not only in the consecration as they call it, but in the whole service of God, I mean the warrant of Scripture, they openly deny and for it gives us no ground, but the old tradition of the church. 
(&) White on the Sabbath, pag. 97. Such traditions are those that follow the Service of the Church in a known language.   
3. When our priest is set under the East wall within his rail his back upon the people, he is directed to use both his arms with decency and ease, what use here can be made of the priests arms, except it be for making of large crosses as the mass rubrics at this place doth direct, We do not understand: only we have heard before, that they avow the lawfulness of crossing no less in the supper then in baptism. 4. The prayer which stands here in the English book, drawn from the place wherein it stood of old in the mass to countenance the transubstantiation of the bread and wine into Christ's body and blood, but standing in this place before the consecration it is clear of all such suspicion: Our men are so bold as to transplant it from this good ground to the old wicked soil at the back of the consecration where it want to stand before in the old order of Sarum. 5. In the next English prayer we put in the words of the mass whereby God is besought by his omnipotent spirit so to sanctify the oblations of bread and wine, that they may become to us Christ's body and blood, from these words all papists use to draw the truth of their transubstantiation, wherefore the English reformers scraped them out of their book, but our men put them fairly in, and good reason have they so to do: for long ago they professed that about the presence of Christ's body and blood in the sacrament after consecration, they are fully agreed with Lutherans and Papists in all things that is material and needful, as for the small difference which remains about the formality and mode of presence, it is but a curious and undeterminable question, whereabout there would be no controversy, did not the devilish humour of the Puritans and Jesuits make and entertain it. 
(a) Mont. apeal. pag. 289. If men were disposed as they ought unto peace, there needed be no difference in the point of real presence: for the disagreement is only de modo praesentiae; the thing itself, That there is in the holy Eucharist a real presence is yielded to on either side. For Andrews professeth to Bellarmine, nobis vobiscum de obiecto convenit, de modo lis est. Praesentiam inquam credimus non minus quam vos, verum de modo praesentiae nil temere definimus. There is no such cause therefore saith he why in this point of the sacrament we should be so distracted seeing we both confess that which is enough. This is my bedy, and contend merely about the means how it is my body, a point of faith undeniable though it be unsearchable and incomprehensible: From Hooker he pronounceth that there is a general agreement about that which is alone material, for the rest he avoweth himself to be for peace and reconciliation and all to be so but Puritans and jesuites whom the devil doth nourish up in a faction. Laurence pag. 18. I like S. Ambrose, Lombard. Rosfensis and Harding who advise in this argument to forbear the determination of the manner of presence and to clothe our rancie with indefinite and general expressions. As I like not those that say he is bodily there, so I like not those that say his body is not there. For S. Paul saith, it is there, and the Church of England faith it is there, and the Church of God ever said, it is there, and that truly, substantially, essentially. We must believe it is there. We must not know how it is there. It is a mystery they all say. The presence they determined, the manner of his presence they determined not. They said he is there, but the Lord knows how.  Yea they seem to have come a step further to the embracing of the very modde of the popish presence, for they tell of a corporal presence ibi that the body is there on the altar, and that essentially, yea so grossly, that for its presence there, the altar itself, let be the elements must be adored. 6. They make an express rubric for the priests taking of the paten and chalice in his hand in the time of consecration, which taking not being either for his own participation or distribution to others, why shall we not understand the end of it to be that, which the mass there enjoins the paten and chalice their elevation and adoration, for the elevation was long practised and professed by some of our bishops, and the adoration when the chalice and paten are taken in the priests hands is avowed by Heylene. 
(b) Heylens answer p. 137. Think you it fit the priest should take into his hands the holy mysteries without lowly reverence, and that it is an novation to do so.  7. In an other rubric of our consecration we have the cautels of the mass, anent the priest's intention to consecrat, expressly delivered unto us.  
As for that wicked sacrifice of the Mass, 
Our changes about the sacrifice.  which the Canon puts at the back of the consecration, the English banisheth it allutterly out of their book; but the faction to show their zeal in their reforming the errors of the English church, their mother, puts down here in our book, first, at the back of the consecration their memento and prayer of oblation. 2. That prayer of thanksgiving which the English sets after the Communion in a place, where it can not be possibly abused, as it is in the Mass for a propitiatory sacrifice of Christ's body and blood, they transpose and set it just in the old place where it stood in the order of Sarum, at the back of the consecration before the Communion. 3. The clause of the Missal, which for its savour of a corporal presence, the English put out of this prayer (may worthily receive the most precious Body and Blood of thy Son Christ jesus) they have here restored. 4. That we may plainly understand, that this prayer is so transplanted and supplied for this very end, that it may serve as it did of old in the missal for a prayer of oblation of that unbloudie sacrifice by the priest for the sins of the world. Behold the first eighth lines of it, which of old it had in the missal, but in the reformation was spread out by the English, are plainly restored, wherein we profess to make and over again to make before God's divine majesty a memorial as Christ hath commanded. This making not only the Papists, but Heylene speaking from Canterbury, expones far otherwise than either Andrew's, Hooker, Montagu, or the grossest of the English Divines for a true proper corporal, visible, unbloody sacrificing of Christ, for which first the Apostles, and then all Ministers are as truly Priests though Evangelicall, and after the order of Melchisedeck, as ever the Sons of Aaron were under the Law, and the Communion Table becomes as true and proper an Altar, as ever was the brazen Altar of Moses. 
(c) Heylens antid. pag. 6. sect. 2. The passion of our Saviour, as by the Lords own ordinance, it was prefigured to the jews in the legal sacrifices à parte ante: So by Christ's institution, it is to be commemorat by us Christians in the holy Supper, à parte post. A sacrifice it was in figure, a sacrifice in fact, and so by consequence a sacrifice in the commemorations, or immediately upon the post fact a sacrifice there was among the jews, a sacrifice there must be amongst the Christians: and if a sacrifice where upon to do it: For without a priest and an altar there can be no sacrifice. There was a bloody sacrifice than; an unbloudy now, a priest derived from Aaron then, from Melchisedeck now; an Altar for Mosaical sacrifices than, for Evangelicall now. The apostles in the institution were appointed priests by Christ, where they received a power for them, and their successors to celebrate these holy mysteries. Hoc facite, is for the priest, who hath power to consecrat; Hoc edite, is both for priest and people. Ibid. pag. 17. He maintained at length that in the Lord's Supper there is a true, proper, corporal, visible, and external sacrifice.  5. After the consecration and oblation they put to the Lords prayer with the Missals Preface, audemus dicere. Hear the Papists tell us, that their Priest by consecration having transubstantiat the bread, and by their memorial of oblation having offered up in an unbloody sacrifice the body of Christ, for the reconciliation of the Father, doth then close his quiet whisper, his poor pipe, and becomes bold to say with a loud voice, having Christ corporally in his hands, Pater noster. The English to banish such absurdities, put away that naughty preface, and removed the prayer itself from that place: But our men to show their Orthodoxy, repone the prayer in the own old place, and set before it in a fair Rubric the whole old preface. 6. The first English prayer which stood before the consecration, where the passages of eating Christ's body and drinking Christ's blood, could not possibly, by the very Papists themselves, be detorted to a corporal presence, yet now in our book, it must change the place, and be brought to its own old stance, after the consecration and oblation, immediately before the communion, as a prayer of humble access.  
The third part of the Mass I spoke of, was the communion; 
Our changes in the communion.  see how here out men change the English Book: The English indeed in giving the elements to the people, retain the Mass words, but to preveene any mischief that could arise in the people's mind from their sound of a corporal presence, they put in at the distribution of both the elements, two golden sentences, of the hearts eating by faith, of the Souls drinking in remembrance. Our men being nothing afraid for the people's belief of a corporal presence, have pulled out of their hands and scraped out of our Book both these antidotes. 2. The Mass words of Christ's body and blood in the act of communion, being quite of the English antidotes against their poison, must not stand in our Book simply; but that the people may take extraordinar notice of these phrases, there are two Rubrics set up to their backs, obliging every communicant with their own mouth to say their Amen to them. 3. The English injoines the Minister to give the people the elements in their own hand; ours scrapes out that clause, and bid communicate the people in their own order, which imports not only their removal from the altar, their standing without the rail, as profaine Laics far from the place, and communion of the Priests, but also openeth a fair door to the popish practice, of putting the elements not in the profaine hands, but in the mouths of the people. 4. The English permit the Curate to carry home the relics of the bread and wine for his private use, but such profanity by our Book is discharged: The consecrat elements are enjoined to be eaten in the holy place by the Priest alone, and some of the Communicants that day, whose mouths he esteemeth to be most holy: Yea, for preventing of all dangers the cautel is put in, that so few elements as may, be consecrat. 5. Our Book will have the elements after the consecration covered with a Corporal, the church linnings were never called Corporals any where, till transubstantiation was born, neither carried they that name in England, till of late his Grace was pleased by the pen of his man Pocklingtoune and the like, to disgrace them with that stile. 6. The English will have the Ministers and people to communicate in both kinds; our book injoines the Priest to receive in both kinds but the people only in due order: This due order of the people, opposite to the communion of the Priest in both kinds, may import the removal of one kind from the people, so much the more may we fear this sacrilege from their hands, since they tell us, that our only ground for communicating of the people in both kinds is stark nought, that for this practice there may well be tradition, but Scripture there is none. 
(d) Whit on the Sabbath, pag. 97. Such traditions are those that follow the delivery of the communion to the people in both kinds. Montag. orig. pag. 396. Vbi iubentur in Scriptures infants babtiZari, aut in caena Domini subutraque specie communicantes participare; de his possumus profiteri, Nihil tale docet Scriptura, Scriptura haec non praedicat. Andrews stricturae p. 5. It can not be denied but reserving the Sacrament was suffered a long time in the primitive church, in time of persecution, they were permitted to carry away how great a part they would, and to keep it by them, and to take it at times to comfort them; but for the sick, it was always sent them home, were the distance never so great, and against the time of extremity, it was thought not amiss to have it reserved, that if the priest should not then be in state to go to the sick party, and there to censecrat it for him, yet at least it might be sent him, as in the case of Cerapion. Pokling, as we have heard, made it one of the matters of that Church's glory▪ that they yet do retain in their Chanchels the old Repositories.  Also that in divers cases the ancient church did lawfully give to the people the bread alone, that the Sacrament after the public communion, was oft reserved to be sent to the sick, to be taken at private occasions, and laid up in the church in a public repository. Now it is well known, and the Papists press this upon us, when they would rob the people of the cup; that the wine was not sent to the sick in a fare distance from the church, nor taken home by the people to be used with the bread in the times of straight, nor set up in the Church in the ciboir or repository. These changes of the English Liturgy, which the Canterburians have made, in some few pages lying together of the Scottish service, if they be either few or small, yourself pronunce the sentence.   

The last Chapter, containing the Canterburian maxims of Tyranny.  
ONe of the great causes of Protestants separation from Rome, is the tyranny of the Romish Clergy, whereby they press upon, the very conscience of their people, a multitude of their own devices, with the most extreme and rigorous censures which can be inflicted either upon bodies or souls. And for the more facilitating of their purposes, they advance the secular power of Princes, and of all sovereign Estates above all, that themselves either crave or desire; alone for this end, that their clerks may ride upon the shoulders of sovereignty, to tread under the feet of their domination; first the Subjects, and then the Sovereign's themselves.  

The tyrannous usurpation of the Canterburians, are as many and heavy as these of the Romist Clergy.  How much our men are behind the greatest tyrants that ever were in Rome, let any pronounce, when they have considered these their following maxims: They tell us, first, that the making of all Ecclesiastic constitutions doth belong alone to the Bishop of the Diocese, no less out of Synod then in Synod: That some of the inferior clergy may be called (if the Bishops please) to give their advice, and deliberative voice; That the Prince may lend his power, for confirming and executing of the constitutions made; but for the work of their making, it is the Bishop's privilege, belonging to them alone by Divine right. 
(a) Samuel Hoards sermons. pag. 7. By the Church I mean the Church's Pilots, who sit at the stern. Heads & members divide all bodies Ecclesiastical and civil, what ever is to be done in matters of direction and government, hath always been, and must be the sole prerogative of the heads of these bodies, unless we will have all commonwealths and churches broken in picees. Ibid. pag. 8. The key of jurisdiction, which is a power of binding and losing men, in foro exteriori, in the coutts of justice, and of making laws and orders, for the government of God's house, is peculiar to the heads and bishops of the church. Ibid. p. 31. what was Ignatius and Ambrose, if we look at their authority, more than other bishops of the church: That liberty therefore which they had to make new orders, when they saw cause, have all other prelates in their churches. Edward Boughanes serm. Pag. 17. Submit yourselves to those that are put in authority by kings, so then to Bishops, because they are put in authority by Kings, if they had no other claim. But blessed be God; they hold not only by this, but by a higher tenor, since all powers are of God, from him they have their spiritual jurisdiction what ever it be. S. Paul therefore you see assumes this power unto himself of setting things in order in the church, before any Prince become Christian, 1 Cor. 11.34. The like power he acknowledgeth to be in Titus 1.5. and in all bishops, Heb. 15.17. Ibid. pag. 18. King's make laws, and bishops make canons. This indeed it was of necessity in the beginning of Christianity, Kings made laws for the State, and bishops for the church, because then there was no Christian Kings, either to authorise them to make such laws or who would countenance them when they were made. But after that Kings became nourishing fathers to the Church in these pious and regular times, bishops made no Canons, without the assent and confirmation of Christian Kings, and such are our Canons, so made, so confirmed, Chounei collect. pag. 53. Reges membra quidem & filios. Eccesiae se esse habitos, reiecisse, contempsisse nonnunquam audivimus, obediunt, simulque regnant: jura quibus gubernari se permittunt, sua sunt, vitalitatem nativam ex praepositis Ecclesiae, tanquam ex corde recipiunt, & vivacitatem ex ipsis tanquam ex capitibus derivant. Samuel Hoards pag. 9 Nor did they exercise this power, when they were in Counsel only, but when they were asunder also: Speaking of apostles as they are patterns to all bishops.  2. That in a whole Kingdom, the Bishops alone, without the privity of any of the clergy, of any of the laity, may abolish all the Ecclesiastic judicatories, which the standing and unrepealled laws, which the constant customs ever since the reformation had settled, and put in their room new foreign courts, which the kingdom had never known, scarce so much as by their name. 
(b) Our Chrurch Sessions, our weekly presbyteries, our yearly general Assemblies, whereof by our standing laws we have been in possession, are close put down by our book of Canons, and in their room Churchwardens, official courts, synods for Episcopal visitation, and general Assemblies to be called when they will, to be constitute of what members they please to name, are put in their place.  That at one stroke they may annul all the Acts of three or fourscore National Afsemblies, and set up in their room a Book of Canons of their own devysing. 
(c) So is their book entitled, Canons and Constitutions Ecclesiastical gathered, and put in form, for the government of the Church of Scotland, and ordained to be observed by the clergy, and all others whom they concern.  That they may abolish all the forms used in the worship of God, without any question for threescore years and above, both in the public prayers, in the administration of the Sacraments, in singing of Psalms, in preaching the Word, in celebrating of Marriage, in visiting the sick, and in ordination of Ministers: Neither this alone, but that it is in their hand to impose in place of these accustomed forms, four new Books of their own; of Service, of Psalms, of Ordination, of Homilies. All this our Bishops in Scotland have done, and to this day, not any of them to our knowledge can be moved to confess in that deed, any fail against the rules either of equity or justice, what ever slips of imprudence there may be therein. And all this they have done at my lord of Canterbury's direction, as we shall make good by his own hand, if ever we shall be so happy as to be permitted to produce his own authentic autographs, before the Parliament of England, or any other judicatory that his Majesty will command to cognosce upon this our alleadgance. Readily Rome itself can not be able in any one age, to parallel this work which our faction did bring forth in one year. It is a bundle of so many, so various, and so heavy acts of tyranny. Certainly, England was never acquaint with the like; we see what great trouble it hath cost his Grace, to get thorough there one poor ceremony of setting the Communion table altar-wayes; for there themselves dar not deny, that it is repugnant to the established Laws of their church and state for any Bishop; yea, for all the Bishops being joined, to make the poorest Canon without the voices of their convocation-house, or Nationall Assembly; yea, without the Parliaments good pleasure. 
(d) Whites examination of the dialogue, pag 22. By the laws of our kingdom, and Canons of our Church, many learned persons are appointed to be assistants unto bishops, and in our national Synods, in which all weighty matters concerning religion are determined, nothing is, or may be concluded, but by the common vote and counsel of the major part, of the convocation which consisteth of many other learned Divines, besides Bishops. Andrews sermons of Trumpets, dedicated to the King by Canterbury. As for the Church's laws, which we call Canons or rules, made to restrain or redress abuses, they have always been made at Church assemblies, and in her own Counsels, not elsewhere, Heylens antidote. pag. 29. I trow you are not ignorant that the church makes canons, it is the work of Clergy men in their Convocations, having his Majesty's leave for their conveening, and approbation of their do. His Majesty in the declaration before the articles hath resolved it so, and the late practice in King james reign, what time the Book of Canons was composed in the Convocation, hath declared it so to.  3. They avow that all their injunctions though so many and so new, yet they are so holy and so just, that the whole kingdom in conscience must embrace them all as the commands of God. 
(e) Whites examination, pag. 20. telleth us as it were from Eusebius, Quicqued in Sanctis Episcoporum conciliis decernitur, id universum Divina voluntati debet attribus. And from Bernard, Sive Deus, sive homo vicarius Dei mandatum quodcunque tradiderit, pari profectó obsequendum est cura, pari reverentia suscipiendum: ubi tamen Deo contraria non praecepit homo.  That whoever will be so pert as to affirm in any one of them, the least contrariety to the Word of God, he must have no less censure than the great excommunication, from which he must never be relaxed but by the Bishops own mouth, after his public repentance and revocation of so vile an error. 
(f) Book of Canons, pag. 8. Whosoever shall hereafter affirm, that the form of worship contained in the book of Commoun Prayer, that the rites and ceremonies of the church, that the government of the Church by archbishops, bishops and others, that the form of consecrating archbishops, bishops, presbyters, and deacons', as they are now established under his Majesty's authority, do contain in them any thing repugnant to the Scriptures, or are corrupt, superstitious or unlawful in the service and worship of God, let him be excommunicate, and not restored, but by the bishop of the place, or archbishop of the province, after his repentance, and public revocation of such his wicked errors.  That his bodily and pecunial penalty shall be at the free will and discretion of the Bishop. 
(g) Book of Canons, pag. 37. In all this book of Canons whersoever there is no penalty expressly set down, it is to be understood, that, so the crime or offence be proved, the punishment shall be arbitrary, as the ordinary shall think fittest.  That the worthiest men of any liberal profession get savour to loss but their ears, to have their noses slit, and cheeks burnt for contradicting their innovations. 
(h) Canterbury's Star chamber speech in his epistle to the King, I shall rather magnify your clemency, that proceeded with those offenders, Burtoun, Bastmijck, Prinne, in a Court of Mercy, as well as justice; since as the reverend judges than declared ye might have justly called the offenders into another Court, and put them to it in a way that might have exacted their lives.  That the furthest banishments for term of life, is a privilege which their indulgence may grant but to few. 
(i) The world knows, that numbers who have been flying from episcopal tyranny out of England, to the very new found lands, never to return, have been by violence keeped back, and cast in their prisons: and we see daily, that numbers not only of men, but even of silly women are drawn back in Ireland from their flight, out of the kingdom to close prisons.  That the vilest dungeons, irons, whip, bread and water, chaining to posts without all company, day or night in the coldest and longest winters, is but a part of their opposers deserving. 
(k) Huntly in his Breviat reports, as a known case among many other, this one also, that M. john Hayden a poor Devonshire Minister for preaching at Norwich a Sermon, wherein he let fall some passages against setting up of images, and bowing at the name of jesus, was apprehended like a traitor, with the Constable's bills and halberds by D. Harsnet than Bishop, and brought manacled to him like a felon, and committed to the common jail close prisoner, above thirteen weeks, where he was like to starve; the Bishop having taken from him his horse, papers, and all, thereafter he was sent by a pursuivant to London, and keeped two full terms. At last, by the high Commission he was deprived of his orders, thereafter the high commissioners imprisoned him in the Gate house common dungeon, and Canterbury sent him to be whipped in Bredwall, and there keeped him all the long extreme cold winter in a dark cold dungeon, without fire or candle light, chained to a post in the mids of the room, with heavy irons on his hands and feet, allowing him only bread and water with a pad of straw to lie on: And since on his relief hath caused him to take an oath, and give band to preach no more, and to departed the Kingdom within three weeks, without returning; and all this for preaching after his first unjust deprivation, though no exception was taken against his doctrine.  That the greatest Nobles of the Land, aught in Law to forfault their Life and Estate, if they be so bold as to put their hand to a supplication unto their gracious Prince against their practices. 
(l) Sundry of our prime Earls and Lords did present a supplication to our King, after his Coronation, wherein the matter of their greatest complaint was, so far as ever we heard, their challenging of the Bishops for what they had done, and were likely to do. The copy of this privy supplication being privily convoyed by an unfriend, some two or three years thereafter, out of my Lord Balmerinochs chamber, was a dittay for which he was condemned to die, for an example to all other Noble Men to beware of the like rashness, especially his Fellow-supplicants, who are all declared to have deserved by that fault the same sentence of death. Large Declaration, pag. 14. Nor could they have found the least blemish in our justice, if we should have given warrant both for his sentence and execution, whose life was now legally devolved into our hands. Ibid. pag. 13. We were graciously pleased that the fear and example might reach to all, but the punishment only to one of them, to pass by many, who undoubtedly had been concluded, and involved by our Laws in the same sentence, if we had proceeded against them.  That all this is but just severity, and the very expedient means to advance their cause, which they glory have well near already close undone their opposites, 
(m) Studley about the end of his wicked story avows, that since by severe punishment the number of the unconformists have decayed, that their cause can not be from God.  and which they boast shall still be used, 
(n) Canterbury in his epistle to the King before Starchamber speech, having magnified the King's mercy, for saving the life of Bourtoun and his companions, is bold to advise the King not always to be so merciful, in these words, Yet this I shall be bold to say, that your Majesty may consider of it in your wisdom, that one way of government is not always either fit or safe, when the humours of the people are in a continual change, especially when such men as those shall work upon your people, and labour to infuse into them such malignant principles, to introduce a parity in the Church or Commonwealth. Etsi non satis sua sponte insaniant instigare. Heylen in his moderate answer, pag. 187. hath many reasons and examples, to prove that Burtoun and his like deserved no less than public execution: And yet these men are so gentle to Papists, that they glory in their meekness towards them, professing that to the bitterest of the jesuits they have never given so much as a course word. So Canterbury in his Epistle the other year to the King, before the relation of the conference, God forbidden that I should ever offer to persuade a persecution in any kind against the jesuits, or practise it in the least, for to my remembrance I have not given him or his so much as course language.  But alas it is gone now beyond boasts, when they are the second time upon the very point to kill millions of the King's best Subjects, to dash together all his dominions in a bloody war, as pitchers one upon another for the confirmation of their intolerable tyranny, where long it hath been tottering, and the reerection of it where it's own unsupportable weight hath caused it to fall.  
As for the power of princes, 
King Charles hates all tyranny  the most of those this day who are Christians, and especially our gracious Sovereign, are very well content to be limited within the bounds of the laws which themselves and their predecessors have settled in the church and state of their dominions, to make the preservation of those laws and of their subjects liberties ecclesiastic and civil according to them, the greatest glory of their prerogative royal. 
(o) His majesties speech in Parliament 28. p. 75. The people's liberties strengthen the King's prerogative, and the King's prerogative is to defend the people's liberties.  To give assurance of their resolution never to abolish any old, or bring in any new act either in church or state without the concurrence of Assemblies and Parliaments. (p) Neither to impose any taxation on their subjects goods without their free consent there to given by their Commissioners in Parliament, 
(q) Proclam. at Yorck April 25. 1639. We hearty declare and faithfully promise that, although we be now in arms, they shall be no ways used either to force upon that our native Kingdom any innovation of religion, or to infringe any of the civil liberties or the laws thereof, accounting it our glory to preserve liberty and freedom among them according to their laws Therefore we do once again by this renew our former promises for the mantenance of religion and laws, and this we do in all sincerity of heart, we take God the searcher of all hearts to witness that as we are defender of the true Protestant religion which we from our heart profess; so we trust, we shall by his goodness continue in the same, and never shall permit any innovation to creep in this or any other of our kingdoms. One of the articles of Dunce pacification is this. We are further graciously pleased, that according to the petitioners humble desires all matters ecclesiastical shall be determined by the Assemblies of the Church, and matters civil by the Parliament and other inferior judicatories established by law; which accordingly shall be keeped once a year, or so oft as the affairs of the Church and kingdom shall require.  the extending of the prerogative to the making of new laws or abolishing of old, to the imposing of taxes by simple proclamation without Parliament our Prince doth so far abhor, that he condemned a certain writ for importing his Majesty's entertainment of such motions; Yea his Majesty by his Attorney general called the Earl of Bedfoord and other noble personages to censure, for keeping such a writ wherein did lie so pernicious positions. 
(r) The which seditious discourse and writing the authors thereof intended should be dispersed, as if the same had been entertained by your Majesty with purpose to put it in execution, and to alter the ancient laws of this kingdom, and to draw all things to your Majesty's absolute will and plessure, and to dispose of your Subject's goods without their consent, and to make and repeal laws by your Maiestise proclamation only with out consent of parliament, which if it should be believed by your people, could not but raise infinite discontentment amongst them, the consequence whereof might be of extreme and almost inevitable danger to your Majesty's person and to the whole frame of the kingdom.  Where some Princes misled through passion & misinformation have deviat so far from the path of justice, as to intent by violence and arms the overthrow of the true religion and ancient 
(q) Cant. relat. p. 112. In some kingdom there are divers businesses of greatest consequence which cannot be finally and binedingly ordered but in, and by Parliament, and particulary the statute laws which must bind all the Subjects can not be made or ratified but there, the supreme Magistrate in the civil state may not abrogat laws made in Parliament, though he may dispense with the penalty of the law quoad hic & nunc.  liberties of their subjects, the opposition which the subjects are forced to make in this case against the oppression of their Prince, our gracious Sovereign hath been so far ever from counting of it rebellion, of which crime the greatest royalists in England wont always to absolve it, 
(s) Bilson of subjection pag. 280. Neither will I rashly pronounce all that resist to be rebels: Cases may fall out even in Christian kingdoms where people may plead their right against the Prince and not be charged with rebellion: As for example, if a Prince should go about to subject his Kingdom to a foreign realm, or change the form of the common wealth from empire to tyranny, or neglect the laws established by common consent of Prince and people, to execute his own pleasure; In those and other cases which might be named, if the nobles and commons join together, to defend their ancient and accustomed liberty, regiment, and laws, they may not well be counted rebels. Ib. By superior powers ordained of God, we do not mean the Prince's private will against his laws but his precepts derived from his laws and agreeing with his laws; which though it be wicked, yet may it not be resisted by any subject with armed violence, but when Princes offer their subjects no justice but force, and despise all laws to practise their lusts, not any private man may take the sword to redress the prince; but if the laws of the land appoint the nobles as next to the King to assist him in doing right, and withhold him from doing wrong, then be they licenced by man's law and so not prohibited by God's law for to interpose themselves for the safeguard of equity and innocence, and by all lawful and needful means to procure the prince to be reform, but in no case to deprive him where the sceptre is inherited. Ib. pag. 54. Spoils, massacres, conspiracies, treasons, even to the destruction and murder of Princes by their own servants, if a priest say the word, you count in yourselves to be just, honourable, and Godly war: if others do but stand on their guaird to keep their lives and families from the blinded rage of their enemies, seeking to put whole towns and provinces to the sword 'gainst all law and reason, and to disturb Kingdoms in the minority of the right governor's, or if they defend their Christian and ancient liberties, covenanted and agreed upon by those princes to whom they first submitted themselves, and ever since confirmed and allowed by the Kings that have succeeded. If in neither of these two cases the Godly require their right and offer no wrong neither impugn their princes, but only save their own lives, you cry rebellious Heretics, rebellious Calvinist, fury, frenzy, mutiny and I know not what, ye may pursue, depose, muther princes when the B. of Rome bids you and that without breach of duty, law, or conscience to God or man as you vaunt. And that when neither life nor limb of you is touched, we may not so much as beseech princes that we may be used like subjects not like slaves, like men, not like beasts, that we may be convented by laws before judges, not murdered by inquisirours in corners, but incontinent the fume of your unclean mouth is ready to call us by all the names you can devise.  that his Majesty hath thought meet before all Europe after the example of his glorious Father, and renowned predecesrix Elizabeth, to give his countenance, aid, and powerful assistance to them all, when their just grievances and fears were laid out before his throne. If so be King Charles had esteemed the late wars of France of the Protestants against their king, the present wars of Holland and of the high Duchess against the Spaniard and Emperor an unlawful defence let be a traitorous insurrection of subjects against their Sovereigns, We presuppone his Majesty's justice would have been loath ever to have defiled his sceptre by supporting them all with men and moneys, as oft he hath done, and yet doth avow the deed.  

The Canterburians flatter the King in much more power than ever he will take. And enable him without advice of the Clergy, to do in the church what he pleaseth.  While our gracious Prince is so far inflamed with hatred against all tyranny, yet behold this wicked faction how carefully they go about by all the means they can, to draw his royal mind to that which naturally it doth so much abhor: For they tell us first, that the power of all true Kings is so simply absolute and illimitate, that for any man to reason what they may not is a crime no less than treason; that they are far above all law 
(t) Heylens moderate answer pag. 28. What spirit leads you that you are grieved with illimitat power which men of better understanding than you have given to princes. Ib. pag. 32. Princes are Gods the puts, of whom should they be limited, if ye say by the laws of the land those themselves have made, a prince in abctracto is above the laws though in concreto a just Prince will not break the laws which himself hath promised to observe otherwise we say of princes: Principi lex non est posita that they do not govern only by the law but are above it, that he is sure and hath an absolute authority Ibid. p. 179 I will be bold to tell you that as it is a kind of Atheism to dispute pro & contra what God can do and what he can not, though such disputs are raised some times by unquiet wits; so it is a kind of disobedience and disloyalty to determine what a king can, and what he can not. Lysimachus. p. 3. Hence it is that princes being Legislators are above their laws, and dispense with them as they think expedient. A prince is not bound to his own laws because no man can impose a law on himself. Aberdeen duplyes p. 22. The king is above the law as both the author and giver of strength thereto.  2. That the oath which a prince makes to keep the laws is but a personal deed, which can not oblige his successor, that his oath and promise at his coronation to keep the laws, is to be exponed of his resolution to make his laws to be keeped by others: That all the oath and promises he makes at his coronation are but of his mere freewill and arbitrement, that by them all no true covenant or paction can be inferred betwixt the King and his subjects. 
(w) Dominus Ioannes Wemius de Craigioun a man advanced by our bishops to be a lord both of Council and Session in his book de primatu Regis printed in Edinburgh 1623. And going among them to this day with applause p. 18. Sed quid si princeps leges statuat adhibito etiam iurisiurandi sacramento, velin sua inauguratione promittat, se leges non laturum absque populi ordinumque non modo consilio, sed etiam consensu ac determinante sententia, siquidem non fuerit haec in prima regni constitutione conditio & imperii coaeva ac fundamentalis regni lex non sit (quo casu dicerem non proprie esse regnum, sed aristocratiam, vel democratiam) sed post regni constitutionem pactum tantummodo sit regis alicuius voluntarium, etiamsi forsan pollicentum ipsum obliget quoniam praestanda est sides that a ne sine fide licet non sine iure regnet: successores tamen in regno quomodo constringet vix intelligimus, etiamsi inhonesta quoque sit ut ait quidam & illegittima omnis ea pactio quae inter patrem & filium, maritum & uxorem, dominum & servum, regem & subditum celebratur, quod dicto oportet hos audientes esse Ib. p. 39 Audemus dicere in monarchiis Reges supra leges esse iisque solutos, nemo enim sibi legislator, vindex aut iudex, distinctio non probanda principem quoad vim Legum directivam Legum non coactivam legibus subditum esse, non enim magis derigere quam cogere seipsum potest quis, cum actio onmis sit inter agens & patience. Ib. 41. Si leges suas se observaturum pacto obligaverit princeps. Quod raro aut nanquam fit, etiamsi soleat princeps quisque legum suarum observationem hoc sensu promittere id est, ut a subditis observentur se effecturum, ad earum observationem teneri eum confitemur, sed religionis potius quam iustitiae legalis observatione.  3. That the prince alone is the lawgiver both in church and state 
(x) johannes Wemius pag. 26. Legum latio praecipuum est supremae dominationis ac maiestatis caput. Ib. pag. 74 Legum ecclesiasticarum principes latores sunt, nec differunta civilibus ecclesiastica natione cause efficientis.  4. That in matters ecclesiastical they themselves alone without the advice of any of the Clergy may lawfully make what canons they please, and compel their Clergy to embrace them 
(y) johannes Wemius pag. 59 Potestatem in ecclesiasticis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 posse a princibus iure suo extra concilia exerceri docent quas ita tulerunt leges imperatores atque iis Regis legibus Ecclesiasticis quae legi devinae non repugnant nequit quit bona cum conscientia obedientiam detrestare, quamvis non accessent ad earum constitutionem Pastorum ecclesiae consensus. Ib. p. 93. Etiamsi extra concilia jubendi autoritatem habeat Princeps, tamen libentius obsequuntur subditiillis principum statutis, quibus pastorum in conciliis honorantur iudicia.  5. That it is a part of the King's prerogative to have power to impose upon all his subjects such confessions of faith, such liturgies, such canons as he thinks meetest without the advice of any church Assembly 
(z) Large declaration p. 222. Did not we and our Council be equal authority command these innovations of canons & liturgy? Was not then ye Prelates practice of then as well warranted as this confession of faith, and the band annexed, which were never brought in by acts of Parliament or Assembly, but merely by our royal Father's prerogative, and put in execution by the authority of his council?  6. When it is his pleasure to call an Assembly, the members of that ecclesiastic court are only such as he is pleased to call, whether of the Clergy or of the Laity. 
(&) Johannes Wemius pag. 66. Laicos saepe à principibus advocatos in Concilia videre est; quibus non modo consultivam sed & definitivam vocem permitterent. Iste fuit electionis mittendorum ad Concilia modus, ut Ecclesiarum presulibus quos vellent mittendi liberam plerumque potestatem permitteret princeps, quod illis exploratius quam sibi esset qui ad eam provinciam aptiores: Non quod principi penitus neganda sit, quod autum aut nonnulli, particularis personarum quae consilio eum leges Ecclesiasticas laturum adjuvent designatio. Istud enim esset principum juri detrahere. Ex singulis diaecesibus moderatus aliquis numerus eruditorum ac prudentiorum Presbyterorum, Diaconorum, & Laicorum à principe aut metropolita principis delegate eligebatur.  7. That when they are called only the Prince's voice is decisive, the voice of all the rest at most but consultive, or if any of them become decisive, it is by the Prince's favour or at least permission. 
(a) johannes Wemius pag. 89. Consultivam habent vocem Pastores tanquam juris divini consulti, definitivam princeps ut judex; dante illis consilii, his judicii potestatem Legis latore Deo, penes quem solum summa in spiritualibus imperii residet. Ib. pag. 70. Vocem. habere qui congregantur Presbyteros non qua Presbyteri, sed qua Ecclesiarum sunt legatià principe vocati. Ib. pag. 74. Definitiva sententiae dictio corum est, qui à principe summo moderatore eos consulente, vocemque decisivam iis dante vocantur. Ib. Asserimus non agitato in conciliis fuisse saltem quae majoris momenti essent negotia, nisi quatenus ea princeps per legatos proponeret aut patribus descripta traderet.  8. That church Assemblies are only politic conventions not grounded upon any divine right, and so to be used or disused as the prince shall think expedient. 
(b) johannes Wemius pag. 126. Nullo in scriptura mandato nititur concilia. celebrandimos; sed à principibus Ecclesiae curam suscipientibus, & cum non essent principes, à pastoribus ipsis volentibus ortum habuit.  9 That it is in the power of all Sovereign's whihher Monarchick, Aristocratick, or democratic, to appoint for the government of the church in their dominions such officers and spiritual courts as they find most meet and agreeable to their temporal estates, to erect bishops, and put down Presbyteries, to erect Presbyteries and put down bishops. 
(c) johannes Wemius p. 78. & 79. Officiorum Ecclesiae modus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 est, & à principe pastoros Ecclesiae non consulente praescribi posse affirmamamus, putantes cum serenissimo nostro Rege, summis quibusque imperitantibus concessum esse externam in Ecclesiasticis regiminis formam suis praescribere, quae ad civilis administrationis modum quam proxime accedat, dummodo à fidei veraeque religionis fundamentis ne tantillum abscedat.  10. That all this power to conclude every ecclesiastic affair which can be subject to the jurisdiction of any ecclesiastical synod doth belong alike to all sovereigns whether Turkish, jewish, Pagan, heretical or Christian and Orthodox. 
(d) johannes Wemius pag. 124. Regi omni confertur Ecclesiasticae jurisdictionis potestas per regium quod à Deo habet munus; licet Regi tantum Christiano aptitudo oû recte utendi Christi gratia donetur Tamet si primatus ecclesiastici ius perfectius administret Rex Christianus: Primatus tamen ius, officii seu vocationis non facultatis aut exercitii ratione Rex obtinet. Quae Regi supervenit gratia regiam in eo potestatem perficit, non facit potestatem, non repellit, gratiae interna, nedum professionis externae defectus.   
Concerning the King's power in matter of Stat, 
They give to the King power to do in the State what ever he will, without the advice of his parliament.  they teach first, that a Parliaments is but his arbitrary Council, which in making or annulling of his Laws, he may use or not use as he pleaseth. 
(e) joannes Wemius, p. 17. Neque verò putan dum est, quia solet rex ex modesta & prudenti virium suarum diffidentia non nisi de ordinum consensu leges far, absolutam ideo ei imponi, eiusque successoribus necessitatem illorum obtinendi consensus, ac si nullo modo iis liceret pierce, sine eorundem suffragiis, bonas edere constitutiones, quibus qua quaeso conscientia non parebunt omnes. Ibid. pag. 19 In Monarchia Regis sola voluntas de substantia legis est: praevia cum populo consultatio, & si utilis imò ultilissimae sit, necessaria tamen non est. Itaque cum imperatore Iustiniano dicendum videtur; explosis ridiculosis ambiguitatibus, verum conditorem & interpretem legum esse solum principem, & legem legislatoris, non Consiliarii esse, non ex vi consensus & consilii habiti, sed ex regia legislatoris ●i obligantem. Ibid. pag. 38. Non erubescimus Iuristaturum reiicere opinionem, qui volunt in monarchiis non obligare legem nisi à populo acceptetur, cum monarcha sit legislator, & lex lata qualex obliget, adeo ut ad eam acceptandam, cogendi sint subditi post legis a monarchae lata publicationem, temporisque quoàd populi notitiam pervenat sufficientis lapsum, potest sine ulla acceptatione publica legis observatio praecisem ingeri. heylyn's antid. pag. 66. The declaration of his Majesty's pleasure in the case of S. Gregory is to be extended to all other cases of the same nature. It is a maxim in the civil law, Sententia Principis, ius dubium ●eclarans, ius facit quoad omnes. Item Quodcunque imperator per epistolam constituit, vel cognoscens decrevit, legem esse constat. Id. in his moderate answer, pag. 29. Only these commands of the King are to be refused, which are directly against Scripture, or include manifest impiety. He learned this from his opposite the Lincobishire Minister, pag. 68 I say that all commands of the King that are not upon the clear and immediate inference without all profylogismus, contrary to a clear passage of the word of God, or to an evident Sunbeam of the law of nature, are precisely to be obeyed; nor is it enough to find a remote and possible inconvenience that may ensue.  2. When he is pleased to call a Parliament, it is his due right by his letter to ordain such Barons to be commissioners for the Shires, and such Citizens to be commissioners for Burrowes as he shall be pleased to name. 
(f) joannes Wemius pag. 23. Baronum ut & civium ad Comitia delegatos non ita absolute à Baronum vel Civium delectu pendere volumus, ut non possit rex, quos ille maxime idoneos censuerit eligendos nominare, praesertim cum pro legibus ferendis ijsque quae administrationis sunt publicae statuendis Comitia indictae sunt, in quibus liberum denegare regi arbitrium, quos aestimarit prudentissimos quibuscum deliberet sibi in Concilium asc●scendi, esset ex rege non regem eum facere, statuumque voluntati ad regiae depressionem eminent à nimis subjectum.  3. That he may lawfully exact when he hath to do what portion of his Subjects goods he thinks meet, and by himself alone, may make such Laws for exactions in times to come, as seems to him best. 
(g) Joannes Wemius, pag. 19 Omnia fatemur quae in regno sunt regis esse, qua rex est, id est, qua paternus regni dominus, adeoque qua postulat ipsius qua rex est, aut publica regni conditio: posse regem de singulorum bonis disponere, praesertim ubi omnes in regno terrae in feuda concessae fuerint à rege, aliquod penes se dominium retinente. Id. pag. 17. Licet non de jure omnium bona exigendo, tamen de jure in omnes leges ferendo, sine omnium consensu statuere potest. Montag. orig. pag. 320. Omni lege, divina, naturali, vel politica licite semper reges & principes suis subditis tributa & imposuerunt, & licitè quoque exegerunt, cum ad patriae & reipublicae desensionem tum ad ipsorum & familiae honestam procurationem. Hanc doctrinam accurate tuetur Ecclesia Anglicana, in qua sacerdotes licet magis gaudere & soleant, & debeant, immunitatibus tamen & frequentius, & exuberantius, & libentius, quam Laici decimarum decimas, subsidia, annatas primitias solvunt.  4. That no Subject of his Kingdom can have any hereditary jurisdiction, but any jurisdiction that either any of the Nobility, or any other Magistrate or officer possesseth, they have it alone during his pleasure; that at his presence, the power of all others must cease, and at his death vanish and be quite exstinguished, till by his successors by new gift it be renewed. 
(h) Joannes Wemius, pag. 136. Cum regis sit in suo regno judices, & magistratus constituere, qui ipsius sint in judicando, & jubendo vicarli, potest tex jubendi, judicandique jus ac magistratus judicesque constituendi potestatem inferioribus concessam, prout regno utile esse visum ei fuerit abutentibus auferre, & nulla proprie est sub. Rege patrimonialis & haereditaria jurisdictio, rege solo jurisdictionem tanquam propriam habente, aliisque quibus eam non dat, sed communicate, tanquam depositam accipientibus. Igitur non ut terras, ita & jurisdictionem simpliciter, & ut loquuntur privative, rex alienare potest, nisi rex esse desinat. Ibid. pag. 157. Si judices sint principum vicarii, nulla est eorum principe presente potestas, cum solius absentis teneat quis locum: & si quae est alicubi, & aliquando videatur, non nisi jus est, ●●dicium regium volente Rege declarandi; ut ita ex judicam ore proferatur Regis sententia. Ibid. pag. 17. In statuum caetu non tam judicantibu● ipsis quam assistentibus imperium exercet rex, quandoquidem praesente jurisdictionis scent, evanescat aboram omnium jurisdic●●o derivata, ut fluviorum perditum nomen & potestas, cum in mare discenderint, Ibid. pag. 143. Principus occasis evanescit judicum omnium tam ordinariorum quam delegatorum jus. Negari non potest tam apud Romanos quam alios in usu fuisse, ut qui in demortuorum succederent locum reges, quamprimum regnorum gubernacula capesserent, magistratuum judicumque jurisdictionem confirmarent, ut ostenderetur extinctis regibus nullam esse inferiorum authoritatem, nisi successorum edicto confirmentur, saltem patientia tacite approbentur.  5. That Scotland is a subdued Nation, that Fergus our first King did conquer us by the sword, and establish an absolute Monarchy for himself and his heirs, giving to us what Laws he thought meetest 
(i) Corbet p. 45. There was no law in the Kingdom of Scotland before the kings gave it: For before Fergus his days we were genus hominum agreste, sine legibus, sine imperio. He and his successors gave laws. Ibid. Fergus did conquer us.  6. That all the Lands in Scotland were once the King's property, and what thereof hath been given out for service, yet remains his own by a manifold right. 
(k) Corbet, pag. 45. Fergus and his successors divided the whole land which was their own and distinguished the orders of men, and did establish a politic government: This is clear ex archivis regiis, ubi satis constat regem esse dominum omnium bonorum directum, omnes subditos esse ejus vassallos, qui latifundia sua ipsi domino referant accepta, sui nempe obsequii, & servitii praemia.  7. That to deny any of the named parts of this power to the King, is to destroy his Monarchike government, to dethrone him and make him no King, to subject him to his people and make them his masters, or at least collegs in the Empire. 
(l) Joannes Wemius, pag. 18. Quo casu dicer●m non proprie esse regnum, sed aristocratiam vel democratiam. Ibid. pag. 23. Hoc esset ex rege non regem eum facere. Ibid. p. 38. Quod si alicubi non habeat rex potestatem leges serendi, nisi ex populi in comitiis consensu, & sic fundamentaliter limitato, propriè Rex non est, ac non tam acceptans est populus, quam cum Rege, ut collega Regem ferens. ibid. pag. 53. Non est imperium illud vere Monarchicum, sed principatus quidam, & imperans ille, non Monarcha aut Rex, sed tantum Princeps, & ut Venetorum dux residente in optimatibus, aut populo imperii summa.  But thanks be to God, that our gracious Prince hath so oft declared himself to be fare from all such thoughts; yea, that my lord of Canterbury himself, is forced while to let drop from his fingers clean contrare maxims. 
(m) Relat. of the Conference. pag. The statute Laws which must bind all the Subjects can not be made but in, and by Parliament: the supreme Magistrate in the civil state, may not abrogat Laws made in Parliament. Ibid. pag. 158. Tiberius himself in the cause of Silanus, when Dolabella would have flattered him into more power than in wisdom he thought fit then to take to himself, he put him off thus: No, the Laws grow less when such power enlargeth, nor is absolute power to be used, where there may be an orderly proceeding by Law.   

Even in no imaginable case, they will have tyrants resisted.  Lastlie, they teach us in the matter of resistance, first, that do the Prince what he will, he may never be resisted by any or all his Subjects, that not only a private man must give over all defence, though most innocent of his own life against the Prince, though his most unjust violence; 
(n) joannes Wemius. p. 21. Teneri videtur subditus seipsum fame perimere, ut principem salvaret propter conservationem boni publici, singulis a dempta est adversus principem quae naturalis dicitur iuris defensio, seu iniuriae depulsio.  but the whole state can do nought without rebellion against God, but flee or suffer, when the Prince, whether by himself or his officers doth destroy the true religion, established by all Laws and the liberties of the land, dear bought of old & peaceably brooked in many ages, also the lives of many thousands of the best Subjects without the pretence or colour of any just cause. 
(o) Canterb. relat. Pag. 205. where the foundations of the faith, are shaken by princes there their ought to be prayer and patience, but no opposition by force. Aberdeens' duplies. pag. 25. The way for all Christian Subjects to conquer tyrants, and the remedy provided in the New Testament against all persecutions, is not to resist powers which God hath ordained, lest we be damned, but with all meekness to suffer that we may be crowned, It is evident by Scripture, that it is unlawful for Subjects in a Monarchical estate, to take arms for religion, or for any other pretence, without warrant from the Prince. The renowned Thebaean legion of 6666. Christian soldiers without making resistance as they had strength to have done, suffered themselves rather to be slain for their Christian profession by the Officers of Maximinian, the Emperor's executors of his cruel commandments against them. Corbet. pag. 42. For your examples from reformed churches, since we live not by examples but by Laws, I will not stand upon them, from facts to prove the lawfulness of resisting is ridiculous; none of those by resisting, gained so much as by suffering, as experience too late doth show.  Again, that all this subjection must be used, not only to our native King, but to any foreign usurper who can get footing among us, and it were the Kings of Spain, as their predecessors the heretical Gothish Kings got footing in the Roman Empire. 
(p) Aberdeens' Duplies. pag. 29. Such was the doctrine and practice of many other great lights, which shined in the days of julian the Apostate, and in the days of the Arrian Emperors, and Gothick Arrian Kings.  That even against them, the States of a Land with a good conscience could use no defence, though before their eyes, they should see them execute the cruel tyrannies of Nebuchadnezar, put out the eyes of the King, kill his children, lead himself and his Nobles away to a far land in fetters: Though with Nero, 
(q) Corbet. pag. 26. Qui Mario, Cajo Casaeri, qui Augusto, ipse & Nerom, qui Vespasianis vel patrivel filio, ipsi Domitiano crudelissimo; & ne per singulos ire necesse sit, qui Constantino Christiano, ipse & apostatae juliano. Ibid. pag. 36. If the jews in the days of Assuerus had been of this new Scottish humour, when an utter extirpation was intended by Haman, both of themselves and their religion, they would have taken Ames: but their prayers and tears were their defence in their greatest extremity.  for their mere pleasure, they should set the royal city in a fair fire, or execute the plot of Haman by murdering all the seed of the jews, all zealous Protestants up and down the Land in one day. Such maxims exceedingly opposite to the honour of God, the safety of the King's person and crown, the welfare of the people, these men cause to be printed and let them go about without any censure at these times, when by royal decreers, they have pulled into their hands the full commandment of all the Presses, and the absolute jurisdiction over all the Booksellers shops in the Kingdom, and kythes frequently their zeal against any Books that give but the least touch to their mitres, by inflicting no less censure than fire upon the Books, pilloring and nose-sliting on the Authors, and whipping thorough the streets on the carriers.  
All these extraordinary prerogatives, 
Wat they give to Kings, is not for any respect they have to Majesty, but for their own ambitious and covetous ends.  whereby the faction advanceth supreme Magistrates so ne'er unto God, and their favourites so far above the skies, 
(r) joannes Wemius in his preface to the Duke of Buckinghame, Reges in diviniorem sortem transcripti▪ cute & specie tenus homines, reipsa boni genii censendi sunt, in quos ut humanos loves divini honoris offines pene & consortes, oculos animosque nostros defigi convenit, Tu Heros nobilissime coruscas, velut inter ignes Luna minores, quem in summo augustioris gloriae solstitio divina prorsus virgula constitutum nemo potest diffiteri.  seem to flow not from any love they carry, either to their crowns or the royal heads that bear them, but merely out of their selfrespect to their own ambition and greed, that sovereignty being advanced to an numerasurable height, may be a statelier horse for them to ride upon, in their glorious triumphings above all that is called God. For otherwise, ye may see how fare they depress all Sovereigns when they are laid in the balance with themselves. they tell us, that the King can be no more the head of the church, than the boy that rubs their horse heels, 
(s) Smart Sermon, pag. 1. M. cousins uttered these traitorous speeches in an open and affirmative manner; that the King's highness is no more supreme head of the church of England, than the boy that rubs his horse heels, and this as we are credibly informed hath been proved against him by the oaths of two sufficient witnesses.  2. That the heart whence the native life & vigour of the Ecclesiastic Laws doth flow, is alone the Bishops and not the King. 
(t) Chounaei collect. supra cap. ult. A  3. That Kings and Emperors ought to reverence; yea, to adore Bishops and to pay them tributes. 
(w) Montagsupra cap. 3. O.  4. That every Bishop is a Prince and a Monarch, as fare in dignity above the greatest secular Prince, as the soul above the body, or God above man. 
(x) Montag, supra cap. tertio.  
(z)    
FINIS.   

Revised according to the ordinance of the general Assembly, by Mr. A. Ihonston Clerk thereto:  
Edinb. 1. of april 1640.   

A Postscript for the personate jesuite Lysimachus Nicanor.  
GOod Father Lies-maker, 
It is the common stratagem of the Canterburians to slander all their opposites with jesuitism.  you do no new thing to parallel the Scotish Covenanters with Jesuits, it is the old and oft rechanted song of your fellows, to put Jesuits and Puritans (which name all must be content to bear, who will not under your conduct be led back to Rome) in one category, to make them but two singulars under one spece, both most furious rebels, and by open profession most seditious traitors, yet with this difference; that the one, because more opposite to you, must partake more of the nature of the spece; The Puritan (as ye must have leave in this season of your Kingdom to play the nomenclat●rs) is grown so big a traitor, that scarce any room is left for the jesuite to stand beside him: Not long ago it was the equity of your brother Montagu, to grant the jesuite the favour to march with the Puritan under the same colours, in the same rank, as devils equally furious unhappily borne and fostered to keep Rome and England asunder.  

Supra chap 7. A. A.  But now it is the wisdom of your grandfather Laud to marshal them much better, the Puritan must be fare advanced, the jesuite must stand at his back, that so all strokes, all darts, may light in the body of the one, while the other escapeth without any wound, so much as of a word.  
In the very face of that honourable court of the Star-chamber, his Grace dare be bold to avow his advice to the King to go with the Puritans beyond nose-slitting, cheek-burning, fining above their worth, perpetual prisoning; But for the jesuites, his moderation, his Christian patience must be proclaimed to the world, he must glory before the King, that he counts it unbeseeming his Grace, to serve them with so much as course ●●guage, let be to intent their persecution in the least measure.  


Chap. L.M. N.  
For hatred to the Puritans, the Canterburians are content to turn Jesuits.   Ye must therefore Master Lies maker be content to want the honour of the invention, of this parallel, for the strategeme is old, and now become trivial, only in this, the rare quickness of your wit is to be applauded, and the glory of some new invention here, is not to be denied to the singular dexterity of your engine; Ye are the first of the Canterburiane I know, who for the hatred of their party was content avowedly to enter the jesuites order, and put on their habit, that from under the mask of their broad hat, might be spewed out on the face of the Covenanters, such a spit of pestiferous venom, as none would suspect could flow from any other fountain, than the heart of a very jesuite: Surely ye act the jesuits' part so well, tha● it seemeth ye have much more of him then his hat and habit: By too curious imitation of his behaviour, ye are so habituate in his nature, that ye are not like in haste, though ye would, to lay it aside.  
In this your pamphlet ye ●ent so much impudency, so many lies and slanders, so much spite & cruelty, so high and disdainful pride, so salt and bitter scoffings, mockings, raisings, and which is worst of all, so profane and blasphemous abuse of holy Scripture, for ye make it always the channel where through your wicked humours must run, for the overwhelming of your enemies; In these jesuiticke arts ye prove so excellent, that in the very first ye are of your noviciat, ye may put in for promotion per saltum: Sundry Provincials have not all their days shown such cunning as you already, if ye make a proportional progress, a few years may make you general of the order, if so be your mind can serve you to change your nation the third time; And as ye have turned from Scottish to English, from English to Irish, ye can be content to swear yourself full Spaniard, at least a devoute Servant to Philip the fourth, 
The deciphering of the name Lysimachus Nicanor.  for advancement of his Catholic Monarchy, though never so much to the prejudice of your old. Master K. Charles, and all Christendom beside.  
Your name demonstrates your vanity and pride, qualities familiar to your order: Ye must be no less than the c●●der of the plea, and that by a victory; Truly ye come in good time to the Canterburian troops, no Christian can be so welcome to them as you, if a Lysimachus will convoy them, & break the battle of the poor Covenanters without stroke; or if some strokes must be distribute, yet it Nicanor be on their side, it is the top of their desires. But things are not always correspondent to their names; Etymologies are sometimes antiphrastick: who before the fight, must needs stamp their ensigns with styles of victory and triumph, are compelled sometimes to see their too precipitat joy and gloriation end in disgraceful displeasure.  
Or is this only your vanity in hiding of your name to proclaim it, in Lysimachus to tell us you are D. Leslie, in Nicanor, that ye are B. of D●nn and Conor, though this had not been put in the Frontispiece of your book, yet any who had perused your former schenick writs, that comedy of your seven Sages, that tragic harrang to your silly priests, which for the glory of your name behoved to walk over-sea in a Latin gown, might easily have guessed at your stile and humour in this your last writ: Your professed abode over Sea, your impotency even without all occasion to keep yourself off the Irish oath, ●ff these Scottish Ministers whom ye did banish from Ireland, off the excessive praises of your patron the Deputy.  
These and such other passages of your book, lift up your mask, and lead any who will, under the shadow of the Jesuits hart, to behold D. Leslies' head, that upon it, without mistaking, may be cast all the garlants of honour, which the penning of so brave a piece in so necessary a time doth deserve.  
But whoever you be, whether Leslie, or Maxwell, or Michael, 
The lands grief is the Canterburians joy.  or who else of the faction, certainly ye are a merry man in a very unseasonable time; When the whole Isle is in sadness and dole, in fear and trembling, ye are upon your congratularie Epistles; And why not? These are the days ye have panted long for, fire and Sword is your Element, rather than Episcopal honour should lie in the dust; fire & water, heaven & hell must all go thorough other: yet who knoweth but your singing in so foul weather may end in mourning to you, and jot to all those who now are weeping for that black storm which ye & his Grace your Prince, have raised in our clemat.  

If we in one point our adversaries in an hundreth are jesuited.  The only point wherein ye make Covenanters, draw near to jesuitism is in their doctrine of the civil Magistrate, which ye branch out in 16 particulars; Is it not then your mind that whoever leaveth the Protestants in one head of doctrine, doth give to the jesuites matter of congratulation, and a good ground to expect their total apostasy to the popish religion; This is the only scope of your whole book: What then do you think of your fellows, whom I have assayed to convince by their own testimonies of a defection from the Protestant's to the worst of the jesuites, not in one head, but so exceeding many, that very few controverted heads do remain, wherein they are not joined long ago with the Jesuits: Shall partiality so fare predomine with you, that we Covenanters for conformity with Jesuits in one point alone, must be reputed Apostates from the reformed church of Rome, yet ye Canterburians though ye declare your conformity with Rome in twenty, in an hundreth, yea, well near in all the controverted heads of Doctrine, yet no man without a great dash to a charity, may begin so much as to doubt of your full Protestanisme.  
That one point wherein ye make us jesuited, is the doctrine of the Magistrate: This to you is the head of the Protestant Faith, and all their other teners but members following that head, your practice is very consonant to this your profession; for your new doctrine of the Magistrate is the first and most beloved article of your Creed, which above all other ye preach and press with extreme violence: Your new stamped oath of alleadgeance and Supremacy whereby ye would set up the King in a place so fare above the ty of all Laws, divine and humane, as his royal heart hath ever abhorred to be ma●e such an idol. Good Princes in this are like the Saints in glory, all which giveth to them a degree of honour, exceeding the Sphere of man, and entrenshing upon God's proper glory, they esteem them as they are indeed, nothing but flattering effronters of their sacred persons.  
That which ye call the head of all Protestant Religion, 
The bounds of Prince's power, and people's subjection are points of state, not o● Religion.  readily doth not concern Religion at all: Religion indeed doth oblige the conscience to give unto all Magistrates their due honour and obedience, but the bounds and limits of that obedience, which is the only point ye speak off, Religion meddleth not with them till the civil Laws of States & Empires have clearly defined them.  
No Religion will oblige a Spaniard to be so fare subject to King Philip, as a Grecian slave must be to the Great Turk, neither doth any Religion equal the Polonish Subjection to their King, with the Spanish to theirs.  
Doth any Religion oblige the Electours of Germany to be so much subject to their Emperor, as the Nobles in Pole are to their King, or so little subject as the Venetian Senate is to their Duke, or the States of Holland is to the Prince of Orange?  
The civil Laws and Customs, set down the limits both of the Sovereign's commanding, and the subjects obedience: Religion causeth these march-stones conscientiously to be kept when once Policy hath fixed them.  
It seemeth ye intent to make England quit their Priviledg●, and burn their magna charta; to make Scotland bury their Assemblies & Parliaments, that a blank may be put in Canterbury's hand to write down what Laws he will for the Church and State of both the Nations: But thanks be to God that King Charles doth live, to be judge betwixt you and us in so material a question.  
Ye tell us further in your preambles, 
The present danger of this Isle to fall in hands of the Pope & Spaniard.  before ye come to your first parallel of Pope Urbans hope, to make Scotland return to Rome, ye might have told us further from your companion Con, who is more acquainted with Urbans secrets than other men, that the Pope hath a pretty confidence to join England to Scotland, that so the reduction of the whole Isle, & your I●eland with it, to the Sea of Rome, may be set up as an eternal trophy to the honour of this pipes family; Surely the ground-stones of this hope are laid on so deep plots, that except the hand of God and the king in this present Parliament pull them up, Pope Vrban for all his age, may yet live to put the triumphal cope stone upon that building.  
We grant you also, that the Pope and Jesuits, as ye say, ●re hover above the head of us all, to fall upon the prey of ●ll Britain, when both parties, which your malice will compel to fight, are wearied with mutual wounds; in this prophecy we think you but too true divines, specially if ye will add, which all without the gift of prophecy may see to be consequent, that when the Pope hath gotten the souls of those who outlive this war for his part, his Sons the French or Catholic King, will not be quiet, except for their share they get the bodies, 
The most hated of the covenanters proceed, their covenant itself, is approved by the king.  the goods, and liberties of all this poor Isle.  
Your other gybes at the Covenanters proceed ye might have holden in, if the honour of the King had any ways been dear unto you; the worst of all our actions, even that which ye were wont to proclaim our most vile, and hellish rebellion, Sedition, Treason, and what else ye could devise, is now by our gracious Prince after a full search of it to the very bottom, not only absolved of all crime, but so fare approved, that by act of Assembly, Counsel, articles of Parliament, it is commanded to be subscribed by the hearts and hands of all in this Kingdom without exception; So that new there stands at the back of that long blasphemed Covenant among the first and most conspicuous hands, not only Roxburgh, Lawderdale, South●ke, and others of the prime Counselors, but also Traquair the King's great Commissioner for that effect; We hope then that you and your like, if there remain any spark of reverence in your breast towards that authority, which oft ye pretend to adore, will not only for ever hereafter bridle your very lose tongues, but also eat in again, or at last cover so fare as ye can, for hidding of your shame, these most false lies, and unchristian rail, which these two years bygone in word, writ, Print, ye have vomited out against our proceed, especially that most hatred & slandered passage of them, the renewing of our Covenant.  
The first point wherein ye parallel us with Jesuits, 
1. parallel We are for Monarchy, but against Monarchical tyranny.  is in our opposition to Monarchical government. By Monarchical government ye expresl● enough declare that ye understand such an absolute and illimitate power, as exeemeth the Prince from the tye of all Law▪ and puts in his hand the full liberty to make what Laws he w●ll, without the advice, let be consent of Parliament, of Counsel, or of any others, and taketh absolutely all Liberty from his Subjects, though met together in Parliament to defend them elves by Arms in any imaginable oppression, even such a Monarchy as the great Turk, or the Magor of I●dia, or the Ch●m of Ta●tarie, this day doth enjoy over their slaves even that strange kind of government, which in my last Chapter I descrived in the words of your brethren. We confess freely; that our heart is much opposite to such a Monarchy; yet no more than our gracious Prince king Charles & his glorious Father king james give us express warrant: The one in his forecited writ of his Attorney 
Supr● chap 8. Q.R.  abhorring these injurious flatterers, who would impute unto him the making of Laws without his Parliament; the other in his Parliamentary Speech 
Page 531. A king governing in a settled kingdom, leaveth to be a King, & degenerateth in to a tyrant as soon as he leaveth off to rule according to his Laws. Therefore all Kings that are no tyrants, or perjured, will be glad to bond themselves within the limits of their Laws: They that persuade them the contrary, are vipers, and posts▪ both against them and the Commonwealth.  making that Prince a perjured tyrant, who would not gladly bound himself within the limits of his laws, and these men to be taken for vipers, pests, and common enemies to Princes and people, who would assay by their flatteries to lose Princes from their pactions made with their people at their Coronation, and the settled laws of their Kingdom, yea, we show that your own great Bishop Laud (possibly as great a Royalist as is needful) goeth before us with his own mouth, what ever he directeth you and many other of his followers to the contrary, to teach that no statute 
Supra. Cap. ●. Q  Law can be made any where but in Parliament, even in England, let be scotland, where to this day never any conqueror did dwell.  
But as for true Monarchy so high as the lowable laws any where do make it, we are in nothing opposite thereto, for what have we to do to condemn the settled state & Laws of any other Nation? Certainly the royal authority of our own gracious Sovereign, so far as the lowable laws of our Kingdom do extend it, we are sworn in our Covenant hearty to the uttermost of our power to maintain.  
As for the lawfulness 
The lawfulness of defensive Arms  of resistance in the present case of our invasion, I may not enter in this short postscript in any such question; only ye may, if ye please understand, that it hath been the tenet of our Church since the reformation, it hath been the right and practice of our Kingdom since the first foundation, a number of instances thereof are approved in our standing acts of Parliament unrepealed to this day, it hath been the practice of all the reformed Churches abroad, wherein, by Queen Elizabeth, King james, & King Charles they have been all allowed, and the most of them countenanced with powerful assistance of men and money. Yourself cannot deny, but in the judgement of reformed Divines, resistance in many cases is lawful, even in Kingdoms where the Prince is tied in the fundamental laws by paction to his people: That this is the State of the kingdom of Scotland, though ye may deny it, yet King James, who is like to have as great understanding in the rights of the Crown and Kingdom of Scotland as you, or your like, gives us assurance that by a fundamental law the King of Scotland is obliged at his coronation to paction under his great oath the preservation of the established Religion, of the Laws of the Kingdom, of the Liberties, and privileges of the Subjects. 
P. 105 In the Coronation, our Kings give their oath, first to maintain the Religion presently professed, & punish all those that should alter or disturb the profession thereof: and next to maintain the lowable & good laws made by their predecessors; & lastly, to maintain the whole Country and every state therein. And this oath in the Coronation is the clearest, civil & fundamental Law, whereby the King's office is properly defined.  However we love your ingenuity, who do not dissemble but profess openly your mind, that when a faction about a Prince by divine providence is permitted to take courses for the evident overthrow both of the Religion, of the Laws, of the Liberties, of the goods, of the lives, and all that is dear to an whole kingdom; that in those or any other imaginable cases of tyranny, whole Parliaments may not proceed for their defence one step beyond tears, prayers, and flight: That what ever is done more by whole and consentient nations against a faction of Court misleading the Prince, is simply unlawful.  
Your scoffs about the questions of Bishops and Elders deserve no answer; 
Our Tenets about bishops and ruling Elders, the king hath approved.  nothing do we maintain in them but what the assemblies of our church at our first reformation ordained, and was in peaceable practice among us ever, till men of your coat by fraudulent and violent ways for their own ambition and avarice, set up their novations: We have no other mind in those questions than the Church of Holland and France: All our tenets are so well cleared by that Learned Hollander, Gersome Bucerus, as none of your party, hath yet been bold, after 22. year's advisement, to make any reply; yea, we maintain no more in these questions then that wherewith our gracious Prince by his Commissioner and act of Counsel in our last general assembly hath declared himself to be well pleased; but ye are a notable deceaver, while ye would make the world believe that the great questions betwixt you and us are alone about Bishops and Elders, while as ye are very like (if ye be not marred) by the hands of Bishops to bring in upon us the whole body of Popery, and to overthrow the whole civil Privileges of both the Nations without any possible remedy as yourself in this same place doth too evidently declare.  
Upon your first parallel we make but one other remark: 
The Canterburians in all their lectures of tyranny, have the Jesuits for their Masters.  Ye wrong much the jesuites in denying them the honour to be your adjuncts in the re-erection of a tyrannic and turkish Monarchy in Christendom: Your ambition herein is too great, it were better to admit these pregnant wits to be copartners in your glory, then to venture you alone upon so high a design.  
The opposition, which that work can not but suffer, may make it break in your hands, if ye be not supported with their effectual assistance, in this art they are your Masters, ye are but mere novices; it is unjustice to dissemble from whom ye have learned, if ye deny your theifts from them, the world about you is not blind, they see & laugh at your poor and ill contrived cunning, for who now is ignorant, that the Jesuits above all men living, have obtained long ago the privilege to sit in Machiavels chair, that from thence they may teach every where their lectures of tyranny, for the re-erection of a spiritual Monarchy in the whole Church for the pope, in their own society for the general, in the whole universe, in things temporal, a Catholic Monarchy for the Spaniard; And while these furthest ends may be gotten and compassed, an absolute Monarchy for the Prince in every country where they can get footing. What ever pains of old the Pope did take to weaken Emperors and Kings, for the promoting of his own greatness, yet now, being fully assured of their constant affection to bear his Yoke, he hath this last age been as busy as lay in his power, in lifting up of their head by the hands, chief of the Jesuits, to the top of all Tyranny, with the extreme prejudice of their Subjects, Liberties and Laws.  
Who else were the prime Counselors of Philip the second, for to spoil his ancient Kingdom of Arragon of their great privileges, and to bring them down to the same baseness of Subjection, wherein his great grand father Ferdinand had put the Moors of Granada? Who else did stir him up to begin that course of tyranny with Flanders, which hath cost him more money already, than this day all Europe can command, and more men than are living Spaniards?  
Who else were the advisers of King Lues the 13. to spoil his ancient Kingdom of Navarre, and his Father's best friends the Protestants, of these privileges which they had long enjoyed peaceably under former Kings?  
Who wakened the late King of Pole, to present the Yoke of tyranny to the neck of his ancient Subjects in Swain?  
Had the late Emperor any other movers to these cruel oppressions, which first in his own hereditary Estates, then in the Kingdom of Boheme, and last in the whole Empire, he did practise to the very evident hazard of his Crown, to the infinite & unspeakable afflictions of Germany, through the mids and all the four corners thereof; was not the main and grand quarrel of all these Troubles, the too great affection of a Monarchick tyranny, of an absolute domination without tye of Laws, Oaths, Covenants, wherewith the Jesuits inspired the heart of that man, otherwise not the worst of Princes? Though therefore it be your craft for your better lurking to profess your Separation from the Jesuits in this your great enterprise of erecting in Britain a new Monarchicke tyranny; Yet the world is not so blind as you suppose, but seethe you clearly linked hand in hand, the Jesuits leading the ring, and you but following and dancing to their measures.  
Your second parallel is wholly Jesuitick, 
2 Parallel. We are far from subiecting the Crown of our King, to will of his people.  the throwing of holy Scriptures unto your wicked Scoffs at the gracious Servants of God, the laying to our charge imputations, which never entered in our thoughts; Did any of us ever teach that royal authority did depend upon the multitude, and that it was in their power to give Crowns to whom they would? When these men are bold to put in print before the Eyes of the world such slanders of us, what do they instill in the ears of our King and his Servants in their privy Conferences? Shall any wonder that so long as such men get leave to spread, without a reply, such horrible calumnies of us, that the heart of our gracious Prince, and many about him should be much inflamed to our hatred?  
What he speaketh of divine institution of Kings, we do believe it, that by God Kings do reign, it is plain Scriptures; as also that all advancement is neither from the East, nor the West, but from the hand of the most High: So that all who deny to any Superior the obedience which is due to their Lawful commands, must sin against God: We grant that some of our Opposites have here a conceit which we do not well understand, they seem to teach that royalty alone, and that most absolute, without any limitation, is of divine institution, that all other governments whether of republic or aristocracies are but humane inventions, opposite to the Law of nature and the first institution of God; This state-speculiation seemeth to us a curiosity, wherewith we have nothing to do; it is enough for us to believe that our King is set over us by God as his Deputy; that since the time our old ancestors did choose Fergus for their King, obliging themselves by their oath to be ruled by his race alone, according to the laws made, and to be made with public consent, yea, since the days of King Kenneth the third, to be governed by his nearest heir: Our subjection to the nearest heir of that race is now simply unchangeable:  
The least motion of any such change hath as little come in the mind of our Nation in these days of King Charles, as in any age of the last two thousand Years, wherein our Fathers have showed more constant affection to the service of his Antecessours, than any other Nation under the Heaven this day to their royal families. W●at here ye rechant of our mind to a resistance and defensive war in some cases, is nothing contrary to this our profession; Many bicker have our predecessors had with misleading factions, to which the Prince for a time hath given his countenance, but they were ever willing to distinguish betwixt the Prince and his misinformers, 
3. Parallel, The Canterburians give to the Prince much more power over the Church, than the jesuites give to the Pope.  to see them punished when their insolent tyranny become intolerable; but the Prince settled in the full strength of his authority, which for a time the cloud of these grassehoppers did eclipse in the hearts of his people.  
The third point wherein ye join us with the jesuites is our denying to the King the government of the Church: In this ye do us wrong, as in all the rest, for we reject the Popish doctrine here; They make Princes mere sheep, they command them to follow the Pope their pastor, where ever he leads, were it to the bottom of Hell, without ask so much as Domine quid facis, but we esteem it to be a chief part of the Magistrates office to command all Churchmen to do their duty, and when they will not be persuaded with clear reasons, to compel them by force to reforms the corruptions in the worship of God; But ye skift out here much further to an extravagance, wherein ye have no approved divine to be your patron.  
Ye teach, that all Sovereigns are the true heads of the Churches in their Dominions; Such styles the Bishops of England since the beginning of Queen Elizabeths' reign, have ever denied to their Princes, with their own contentment; Ye will have not only the Magistrate to command that which is right in the service of God, as Austin and we do gladly grant, but also ye make it his right, were he a professed heretic, or Pagan, to give what laws he will to the Church, without her consent, or so much as advice: Ye give to the Prince much more, than the jesuites will grant to the Pope, to do in the Church even without a Counsel, what he thinks meetest, and if it be his pleasure to call a Counsel, ye make it his only right to call either of the laity or the Clergy, whom he will, to be members thereof, and when these members are convened, ye give to the Prince alone the power of judging and deciding, and to all others but of mere advice; Except so fare as the Prince is pleased to communicate to so many of them as he thinks meet his own decisive voice. In such a Counsel, or without it, ye make it the Princes right, to destroy at his pleasure all Church-Canons, Church-judicatories, and forms of divine worship, which by Laws and long customs have been established, and to impose new Confessions of Faith, new Ecclesiastic judicatories, new Books of Canons, Liturgy, Ordination, Homilies, Psalms, by mere authority.  
All this by your persuasion ye moved our Prince to assay, but upon better information his royal justice is now pleased to reject all such your designs, for his Majesty hath given to us assurance, not only at his Camp, but by his Commissioner in our last Assembly; and we hope also that at once this assurance shall be confirmed in Parliament, that no ecclesiastic novation shall over be required by his Maj: but that whereto a free general Assembly shall give their full assent. In this point therefore betwixt us and our Prince there is no discrepance, neither here had we ever any difference with any reformed Divine:  

4. Parallel. About convocation of Synods we have no question with the king.  Your fourth challenge, that we deny to the King power to convocate Assemblies, yet know the contrary, that we give to all Christian Sovereign's so much interest in the affairs of the Church as to convocate Assemblies where and whensoever they please: But we grant that we are no ways of your mind in this point, that the Church may never lawfully mere in any case, though Heresy and Schism were eating up her life, and drinking her heart blood, without the call of the Magistrate, that no Church meeting at all is lawful, no, not for prayer or Sacraments without the Magistrates permission: That all Churches must lie under an interdict and no public meeting in them must be, till the Magistrates, licence be first obtained.  
Is all opposition to you in these things jesuitism? what ever difference we have here with you, yet with our Prince in this point we are fully agreed.  
Your gracious Brethren and Fathers when we had been in possession continually after the reformation, for common, of two general Assemblies yearlie, by their wicked dealing spoiled us of all that Liberty, so that for 38 Years space we had no general Assembly to count of but two, both which were thrust upon us against our heart for the advancement alone of their evil purposes: Yet now, thanks be to God, our Prince being well informed of the mischivous wrong your party did to us in this matter, hath granted our reasonable desires, if so be the like of you, make not this grant fruitless unto us, as ye truly intent; The old act of Parliament for yearly general Assemblies, and ofter pro re nata, is acknowledged by the King's Commissioner to be very reasonable, and with his consent hath passed the articles of our late Parliament, so that our Prince now is very well content that from the general Assembly the highest Ecclesiastic Court, being so frequently to be kept, should come no appeal at all to him.  
Your fift and sixth parallel are cast together, 
The 5. & 6. Parallel. We have no question with our Prince, about his presidency, and supremacy in counsels.  the King's presidency in general Assemblies, & Supremacy in Ecclesiastic affairs ye handle these so confusedly with so many wicked scoffings and scurrilous abusing of scripture, that your meaning can scarce be understood.  
We are so fa●re from denying to the Prince the place of royal presidency and moderation in our Assemblies, as Constantine used it at N●o●, and King james oft in Scotland, that it is one of the things our hearts m●st desire to see King Charles possessing in his own person that privilege. His royal Supremacy we willingly yield 〈◊〉, so fare as the fundamental Laws of our Church and Kingdom extend it, yea we make no question that in that sense Bilson, and the old Bishops of England understood it. But your late Commentary of the K●ngs Supremacy, whereby ye ascrive to every Sovereign much more than any jesuite ever gave to the Pope, we do reject it with the King's good leave, as before was said,  
Your repeated cavils at our Elders, Sessions, Presbyteries, and Assemblies is not worth the answering: The frame of our Discipline established by the Laws of our Church and State, in Holland & France, practised peaceably in the happiest times of our Church, and in daily use since the first reformation without any quarrel is now ratified by our Prince: 
7. Parallel. We are much for there then our opposites from the doctrine of the church's infallibility.  So your mouth should be stopped and your tongue silent what ever boiling be in your breast.  
In your seventh parallel, ye lay upon the jesuites and our back, that which is your own burden, ye might have known that the jesuites ascrive to no Counsel any infallibility without many distinctions: And as for us, none is ignorant that we believe all meetings of men since the Apostles days to be fallible and subject to error. We did indeed in our Covenant promise to abstain from the practice of these novations, whereby ye had long kept our poor Church in a flaming fire, till a general Assembly hath brought them to the touch stone of a new trial: When the Assembly of Glasgow had passed this trial upon them according to our desire, we embraced the Synodick Sentence, and resolve to adhere thereto, because we find it agreeable to clear reason, else be sure, that all the Assemblies of the world should never have obliged our consciences to have believed any thing which to us did appear erroneous.  
Such an enslaving of men's consciences was a part of your tyranny among us: No orders from your hands could be extorted, till a man had sworn and subscribed simple obedience to all your decrees, not only passed, but to come: An expression of any condition of consonancy to the word of God, or any other such limitation, was a certain note of Puritanisme and disaffection to the present government. Yea such an infallibility ye want to ascribe to a few of your Bishops, let be general Assemblies, that ye made a Canon for the excommunication of all, who should be bold to affirm the least error in any of their works, whether of Canons, Liturgy, Homilies● or any thing else, 
The Service-booke, Episcopacy, & other corruptions, which the King hath commanded us to abjure, are still defended by our opposites.  that came through their holy hands.  
What here ye cavil at our rejection of your manifold corruptions of the doctrine and discipline of our Church, as if we did set up so many new articles of Faith, as ye did lately, errors which now we do reject, is not worth a reply: But that open declaration which here ye make of your great affection towards the articles of Perth, Episcopacy, books of Service, and Canons, and great disaffection to the very confession of Faith, made by King james, we cannot pass without observation. The inclination of your mind to these articles, we did truly suspect by many probable signs; But that with your patron, Canterbury's permission, ye should so soon have been licenced to put these, your thoughts in print we did not expect: Ye will we hope hereafter esteem it no calumny nor want of charity in us, to avow, that notwithstanding our Assemblies ordinance, and the King's Majesties command with the consent of his Counsel, to all this Nation, to subscribe the abjuration of these novelties, yet that our poor Church is in great danger to be pestered again with them all, since the like of you are countenanced to print, even to this day, such ample defences of all these corruptions, and to give to the Service-booke so high a commendation, that if it be true, our refusing of it cannot be but a high sin against God, and as you told us before, an intolerable insolence before the King, whom ye teach, to discipline us for that fault with a strange punishment; Ye will have that rejected Book resumed and stuffed with a new supplement of more Romish stuff, and then quickly thrust upon us with this peremptour alternative, either quietly to bear that Yoke, or presently to be banished the Land.  
As for Episcopacy, ye will have us embrace it with as great faith as we do the Books of Canonical Scripture. Ye allege, that Scripture is for neither of the two, that Tradition is for both; and that Tradition is to be received with no smaller assent than a divine and undoubted faith, albeit Canterbury your patron permit you to print all these things, yet upon your word in this place, we must take him for an arch-enemy to all popery.  
In your eight parallel, 
8. Parallel. The Canterburians offer many more disgraces to Kings, then their opposites.  ye object to us the excommunication of Kings; This is but your slander; We go not so fare in following of Ambrose course with the Emperor Theodosus, as Bilson alloweth. Of our moderation in this point we have given good proof; For in all the troubles which your faction first and last hath moved our Princes to bring upon us, ye cannot say without a manifest lie, that ever any of us had the least thought of putting upon them any Church censure: What ye might do, if Kings were turned your enemies, we know not, only now when they are your benefactors, fare above your deserving, we see how coarsely ye serve them; they must as profaine laics be kept far aback with rails from that holy place, where ye, the Lords priests with your consecrate and anointed bodies do stand at the Altar: Emperors must light down from their horse and adore you, they must acknowledge their Crowns to be so fare subject to your Mitres as a body is to the Soul, or a man to God.  

Supra cap. 3. M. N.  Readily so base persons might get a whip of your Spiritual rod, if once ye were firmly established in your Episcopal Thrones, as long ago ye would have been, if these turbulent Puritans, who still have been rocking and keeping your Chairs in motion, had been put out of the world.  
What thorns Bishops have been in the sides of Kings, especially in England, the Chronicles of that Nation do record, and above all other Bishops, these of Canterbury, the mischivous conspiracy of one of them with Henry of Derby against his great Benefactor Richard the second, ought never to be out of King Charles eye: No passage of the English story is more worthy of his meditation.  

9 Parallel. We are nothing opposite to the power of Parliaments, but we make Parliaments to be mere cyphers.  In the ninth Parallel, your scoffing and railing vein floweth after the old manner; ye object our annulling of the acts of Parliament by the decrees of our Assembly, and the extending of the power of our Synods to many secular affairs: Doubtless ye are the men, who by your shoulders most carefully will underprop the decaying power of Parliaments: It grieveth much your Souls to see Parliaments slighted in any of their due rights; Always remember your own, and your brethren's Tenets, whereby ye make all Parliaments but mere cyphers the arbitrary Counsels of the Prince, to which by his Letters he hath right to call what Commissioners he will, and hold back whom he pleaseth; with whom or without whom as he thinketh meet, it is his own only right to make, to interpret, to abolish Laws, to publish them by himself alone, and command them by a mere Proclamation to be received by all the Subjects, without the consent or advice of any man, further than is his pleasure to crave:  
This your brethren oft in formal terms, 
Supra cap. 8. E. E. F. F. G. G, etc.  and yourself in the same page sets down in effect. What ye speak of our encroaching upon Parliaments, is no ways true, only some evil acts of your evidently corrupted Assemblies, whereto ye had obtained by your familiar arts of fraud and force: the ratification of some Parliaments, we did recognosce, and that alone in their Ecclesiastic part, with the good leave of the King's Commissioner: As for the civil sanction of Parliament, according to the ordinary Ecclesiastic proceeding of our Church in all by gone times, we did appoint Commissioners from our Assembly, to supplicate the Parliament for the abolition thereof. Neither do we meddle at all in our Synods with secular affairs, remember what yourself in your Canons do pronounce, to be the due and lawful Subject of Ecclesiastic jurisdiction, ye will find that our general Assemblies did never take in so much matter as ye appropriate to any of your official Courts.  
Our act anent the going of Mills and Salt-pans upon the Sabbath-day, was but a renovation, and that with the Commissioners consent, of an old act in a former Assembly, whereat King james was present; It seemeth it grieveth you to see the Sabbath sanctified among us, that ye are but like your brother, to whom Sunday is no Sabbath, but a day wherein games of all kind, also divers kinds of Husband labour should publicly be allowed, for the crossing of that Jewish Superstition, whereby Puritans abuse that Festival. What further here ye object of our unwillingness to subscribe at the Counsel's direction the Covenant, at it was dated in the year 1581. without the application of it to your later corruptions, which addition we had sworn before, ye will find that we had good reason so to do, yourself being judge; for ye tell us that all these your corruptions, even the Service-Booke itself, are very consonant with that Covenant, and that the main end why the Subscription thereof was urged, was the clean quiting of these additions formerly sworn, and now by the mercy of God fully approved by the King, by his Commissioner, by his Counsel, by the Assembly, by the articles of Parliament, and all, but men of your stuff, who resolve to die, let all the world about you be never so fickle, with the untainted glory of constant obstinacy.  
In your tenth Parallel, Ye act the jesuite so perfectly, 
10. Parallel. Both out Covenant and posteriour proceed show us no ways to be opposite to the oath of allegiance.  that few hereafter will hope for the praise of going beyond you in their arts: your pen drops so many Sentences, so many cursed lies, so many blasphemous wrest of men's words and writs. Deny we the Oath of alleadgeance, the words of our Covenant and mutual defence, whereupon ye would build that denial, let be that they are approved by our King as said is, do not they stand expressly in King James Covenant, yea in the vesy first Confession of our Fait●?  
Is not our late Covenant an express renewing of our oath of alleadgeance in so strict terms as is possible?  
Did our armed defence, in that desperate extremity which your faction put us unto, import any danger to the King's person or Crown? Did we not then before all the world give a sufficient proof of our humble loyalty and practice of our Covenant?  
At the very height of all our advantages and your too well known unreadiness at that time for fight, at the least appearance of his Majesty's mind, to lay by arms, to leave the prosecution of your bloody desires, were we not content to cast ourselves at his feet, to put our Munition in his hand, and all our Castles in his power, to be stocks to our feet, and roaps to our necks; had our hearts been in the least measure so treasonable as you slander, would these have been our actions?  
What ye speak of our Forefathers actions in Queen Regent and Queen Mary's days, ye are into it, but answerable to your name a true Jesuit. The defence of the Religion and Liberties of the Kingdom against the Guisian usurpations in the minority of our Queen, and our Queen's voluntary dimission of the government to her Son King James, after many unspeakable misaccidents: These and such like proceed of our Forefathers, confirmed by our standing acts of Parliament, jesuites of old wont to blaspheme, but all the reformed, and none more than the Bishops of England, especially Doctor Bilson, do vindicate from their wicked aspersions, which yet ye have a stomach to resorbe; to spew them out once again upon our face: But ye● are privileged to speak all your pleasure, for ye are here on a Stage under the mask of a furious frantic jesuite, at the back of this curtain, ye may belch out what ye will, all is conform to the person ye sustain.  
In your eleventh, twelve, and thirteenth parellel, 
11. 12, 13. Para. Blind obedience to men's Laws, binding of the conscience by them, works of Supererogation are not ours, but your tenets.  ye do but toy; the three faults ye object to us of blind obedience, of binding the conscience, works of Supererogation, we are free of them all: But see if ye can free your own faction of any one thereof, for your brethren teach, that all men must give quick obedience unto all their injunctions, not only in the midst of their deepest ignorance of any reason for these injunctions, but also in the midst of never so many doubts and perplexities and strong inclinations to think your acts most unlawful. Ye will admit neither ignorance nor the greatest doubtings to be any impediment to the present obedience of your Episcopal injunctions, how fare is this from that ye pronounce in us, blind obedience.  
Again, ye make all the commandments of the Church to be branches of the fift command, and to be obeyed as the precepts of God, which we suppose do bind the conscience.  
For the third, ye teach more merit of works than Bellarmine, yea, ye proclaim that the following of the counsels of perfection, that the keeping of the three Monastic vows doth deserve an augmentation, as ye call it, an Aureola above common happiness.  
In your fourteenth also ye cast upon us your own domestic fault of Equivocation: 
14. Parallel. No equivocation used by us in any of our proceed.  Are you ignorant how your brethren the Bishops of Scotland did swear their famous caveats: In the very time while they were dressing for our Church, their Canons and Liturgy, which the large declaration tells us, were always in hand from the 16 year to the 38, how oft did they swear to many who proponed to them their fears of their underminding practices, that they were utterly ignorant of all further novations to be brought into our Church: As for these matters, wherein ye make us equivocators, we were fare in any of them from that Crime.  
We truly without any equivocation do think our Covenant to be for the King, and no ways against either his people or authority, we think in our mind, that in some cases resistance to Princes is much better service, and one day will be so acknowledged, then present obedience: How oft have Princes professed at last themselves much more beholden to those who with displayed banners hath come against their Camp, then to others, who by their flattering service and wicked persuasions, moved them to take up their unjust arms.  
Ye do well by the passages of King James writs which he let fall in passion against some few persons as himself professeth to incite King Charles to destroy the whole generation of your opposites.  
For that equivocation which ye object to some in their subscribing of the Covenant at the Commissioners and Counsels direction; sufficient satisfaction is given long ago to all reasonable men by published writs: The matter shortly was this, one of your factious engines, to draw us subtly from that Covenant, wherein we did abjure Bishops, Books, and the rest of your novations, which were contrary to the doctrine and discipline of our Church, was, a new subscription to the first part of this Covenant, as it was first set down in the year 1580, without our late addition, wherein it was applied to your newly obtruded novations: Upon hope by this new subscription, that not only, the formerly subscribed addition and abjuration of these novelties expressed in that addition, should be forgotten; but also that means should be gotten to persuade that these once abjured novations were in nothing contrary to the King's Covenant, yea that all of them were so much conform to it, and virtually contained therein, that all the subscrivers should find themselves obliged by that oath and subscription, to embrace the articles of Perth, the Canons, the Liturgy, and all the intended novations, at least, without all doubt Episcopacy, the Fountain whence the rest had proceeded; and from which they knew they would flow again in due time, if it alone could be gotten preserved.  
This was the true intention of the Commissioner in pressing that new subscription, as his Grace did publish thereafter in print, but in the first proposition of that new oath, all such design was carefully concealed, yet wise men among us, fearing and foreseeing the plot, did carefully dissuade that new subscription, as a dangerous master piece, invented for the utter destruction of the true sense of our first subscribed Covenant.  
Their advice was heard by the most part, who thereupon refused that new subscription, yet some knowing perfectly well, that the Covenant in the 1581., did not include Episcopacy, or any of the late novations, but clearly enough excluded them; Since the Commissioner his Grace in the proponing that subscription, did make no declaration at all, neither of his own, nor of his Master the King's mind, to have Episcopacy, or any of these novations included in that Covenant, they were content at his desire to subscribe it, but with this express declaration, which they required and obtained to be acted in the Counsel Books (so fare were they from any Equivocation) that they did subscribe that Covenant in that same sense and no other, wherein it was understood at the first framing in the 1580.  
What that sense was, we had for a time too much dispute, but at last the Registers of our Church in the general Assembly, being carefully cast over, it was found that the doctrine and discipline of our Church in that 80. year, did run so cross to Episcopacy, to Perth articles, to the Liturgy, and all the rest of our troublesome novelties, that whosoever did hearty subscribe the Covenant of our Church in that sense, it behoved to have in the year of his first framing, did stand no less obliged thereby to renounce the posteriour novations, than those who had subscribed the other Covenant with the addition, wherein all these novations were expressly named: It was found even in our last Assembly, whereto Traquaire according to his commission from the King did consent, that both these Covenants, that with the application, and that without the application were but both one. So that your equivocation, whereupon your brethren also have too much tinkled, is cleared without the disgrace of any, but the like of you, who were the authors of all the mistake that for a time was in this matter.  

15. Parallel.  The fifteenth parallel of your piae frauds is but like the rest, the ground of this great commotion could not be the malcontentment of any man, for loss of what they possessed in the tyths, or any thing else of the Church patrimony, or for want of such favour they desired to have with their Prince: All these are but silly fables: These whose hand hath been prime in this high affair from the beginning, hath had very little, or no entresse at all in any part of the Church patrimony, ye may know that the most of the tithes were in the hands of the not covenanting Lords, and that the small portion which remained with Covenanters, was made so sure to them as the King and his Laws were able to make it.  
Also it is very well known that the chief in the Covenant had so much favour of their Prince, as their heart could wish, which they constantly did brook, till their zeal unto this cause did crack their credit: Ye are exceedingly injurious to say, that we did ever slander our King with any idolatry, with any popery; Our thoughts of that gracious Princes are fare more considerate, and our words of so sacred person more full of due regard: But indeed though we both say, preach, and print that so long as the like of you get leave to possess his ear, we can have little hope that any true Protestant, so fare as ye are able, shall ever get living in quiet in this I'll, and though we avow that by the Service-booke and other novations ye intended, to make us all trot bacl again unto Rome, believe us, that in those Speeches we wrong not our mind, that we speak no other than we think, and we hope now have given tolerable evidence for these our thoughts and Speeches, though ye and the Pope both should laugh in the Sardonian fashion, when ye are like to lose your game.  
In your last parallel 
The last parallel. The pattern of a perfect jesuite.  your motion that it may appear to be natural, is swifter than at the beginning, ye ●ere overcome your very self, & any jesuite I have ever read in vileness of lies, slanders, filthy Speeches, rail, sc●ffings, and blasphemous abuse of the holy Scripture to all this stuff.  
Ye prove a good Scholar to your Masters Petroneus Arbiter, Lucian, Rabelais, none that come in your way whether men or w●men, whether living or dead, Nobles, Pastors, Commanders, People may escape the fire and filth of your envenomed tongue: All your opposites, if the King can be persuaded to follow your advice, must quickly be packing out of these dominions, as the vilest straitours, but to our nobles and leaders ye will not show such favour; they, as ye, tell us, with R●villiack & Coppinger must be hanged, drawn, quartered, and buried with the burial of an ass. That Jesuit Abernethy should have become Protestant, ye can not abide with patience, for so is the doctrine of your Society, that separation from Rome is needless.  
That noble gentleman General Leslie 
General Leslies vindication.  cannot escape the scrapes of your empoisoned pe●; Ye are on a stage playing the part of a Fu●ioso, who ever cometh in your way, the first dirt and stones ye can grip must fly at their faces. When ye have searched that great personage from his birth, to his old age, nothing can ye espy in all his life whereupon to fasten your tusk, but that which among all Nations, as well barbarous as civil, hath ever been reputed a mark of honour and matter of gloriation: When ye have curiously eyed that excellent piece, from top to toe, your malice can espy no blemish, but a scar of an old most honourable wound, which maketh him the more glorious, with all who understand the terms of true honour, and the dearer to every one who hath any spark of affection toward that service wherein that wound among many more was received by him: But ye & your like cannot hold in the passion of your soul, but must vent your hatred & malice, your disdainful indignation against all the valorous acts of any in the reformed religion, against the popish party, whether in these days, or the days of our forefathers. Ye cannot dissemble your passionate affection to the side of Q. Marry at our first reformation; rather ere your loyal heart had played the pranks of the rebellion, the treason, and what not of our ancestors, ye would have joined with the enemies of our Church & State, for the cutting off of the blessed root of King Charles race, for the settling upon the throne of Britain after the dispatch of Q. Elizabeth & K. james, these heretical Schismatics, the posterity of john of Austria, of the Duke of Norfolk, or of any whom it should have pleased the Pope, the Catholic King, & the Duke of Guise to have matched with Q Marry: Thus d●e ye and your faction stand affected toward the former age, neither is your mind any better toward this present: The D●tch Princes & the head of their league that true Hero●, ●hat wonder of the world, the K. of Swain, must all be to you but villains & traitors, who for their zeal to the reformed Religion & Liberties of Germany, durst be so pert as to lift up arms to stop that very far advanced reformation of Ferdinand: The wounds that famous Lesl●e did get in this cause, must be slandered and made a matter of reproach to you & your like; but it is good that men of honour do think of you & your language as it is. Who is acquainted with the world abroad, they know full well that Leslies most valorous, very wise, & happy deportments in the wars over Sea, have brought more true glory to our Nation then the carriage of any man, who went out of our Land these many ages; Certainly, this brave Soldiers late conduct of our Nation in the time of the greatest danger that our land did see this hundreth years, was so full of wisdom, stoutness, moderation, success, that his memory will be fragrant & blessed in all generations to our posterity. This sight of that man's virtues, did draw to him so much love from all that followed his Camp, & so much honour from all the English Nobility, that served in the opposite army, that we may say truly, There liveth not in this Isle a gentleman of comparable reputation with all sorts of men, except alone of you in the faction, by whose hearts to be hated, by whose pens to be defamed, it is an increase of contentment & praile of all honest men.  
But being unable to stand any longer upon your dung hill, lest I be suffocat with the stink thereof, I must turn my back, & fly, leaving you to dwell upon these your excrements; & if so be ye cannot be drawn from them, to die & be buried; therein only my parting a little of one purpose which so oft in your whole writ ye inculcate.  
Ye will have us in the doctrine of Episcopacy 
we agree in our Tenets of Episcopacy with all the reform abroad.  to differ from all other reformed Churches, yet it will appear to those who go not beyond the very passages, yourself doth bring in this matter, that betwixt us & any reformed Church there is no discrepance at all. For that Episcopacy which ye maintain, beside the manifold unhappy accidents that use to hang both upon the persons and office which yourself will scarce defend, hath into it essentially, the power of ordination & all Ecclesiastic jurisdiction annexed, & that by a divine right to the person of one man in a whole diocese: that ever any reformed divine, except some few, & that but lately in England, did approve let be commend such an office, it is so false as any thing can be: That kind of episcopacy, whereof the divines ye allege speak off, is so fare from the present English and late Scotish one, as light is from darkness, as reformed doctrine from gross Popery, contrary both to the word of God, & all sound antiquity. Beside, even that kind of Episcopacy which they seem not much to oppose, is such an office as they make to be no way necessary in any Church but removable out of all, to which they thought never meet to give any footing in their own churches, but at the beginning did cast it out, and to this day have carefully holden it at the door; This, ye cannot be ignorant, is the known practice let be the doctrine of all the reformed churches over Sea, & of all their divines without the exception of one man. Do ye think that any of them will be offended with us for following their own example for casting out that which they have rejected before us upon less occasions; For it is certain that Episcopacy is no way so opposite to the discipline of any reformed church, as to that discipline which many Assemblies & Parliaments have settled in our land; it is certain that no church over Sea, hath ever been half so much grieved with that unhappy office, as ours oft time's hath been; we all know that from it alone hath flowed all the miseries schisms dangers wherewith our church since the reformation hath been vexed, none of us is ignorant that this office was the only horse whereupon our later novations of Perth articles, high Commission, Liturgy, Canons came riding unto us; And now the world may see that it is only Bishops that threaten this whole Isle with the danger of the most cruel war it saw these 500 years. That any reasonable man will blame us for our firm resolution to oppose their reentry among us for ever, we do not ●ear, for beside that our whole land is all utterly impatient of their but them, our last two general Assemblies, & articles of our late Parliament, with our Prince's approbation, have ordained their office to be abjured by our whole nation with solemn oath & subscription. As for our neighbour churches in Eng●ād & Ire●ād, though hitherto we have been m●st sparing to meddle with any thing which concerneth them, yet now since ye put us so hardly to it we cannot dissemble any longer our hearty wishes, that since the bishops there, beside the manifold evils, that is in t●e office, which they do use & defend, & the needlesnes of i●; since I say, their bishops have been the first fountain of all our churches trouble, since they are the prime instruments, which now infect this Isle with Arminianism & popery; since they have raised, & yet do further, so hot a persecution against our whole nat●ō in I●land, as no reformed church to this day hath ever been acquainted with; since after our full agreement with our gracious king, & neighbour nation of Eng and they without any cause, that yet we know or can hear tell of, have been the bellows to kindle the wrath of our king against us, to stir up a most bloody war for the undoing (if God prevent it not) first of the most flourishing churches in these dominions, & then of the whole reform elsewhere; we profess it our wish to God, that the king & his present parliament might seriously consider, if it were not for the good of the crown for the welfare of their nation, for the peace of their church, that England after the example of all the reform should rid themselvs at least of their bishops trouble, as they did of old, without any repentance to this day, of their Abbots & Monks: This we conceive would much increase the joy and prosperity of all the three Dominions.  
FINIS.