A Comparison of the English and Spanish Nation: Composed by a French Gentleman against those of the League in France, which went about to persuade the king to break his alliance with England, and to confirm it with Spain. By occasion whereof, the nature of both Nations is lively deciphered.  
Faithfully translated, out of French, by R. A.  
LONDON Printed by john Wolf. 1589.   

To the Right worshipful, worthy, and virtuous Gentleman, Sir William Hatton Knight, all happiness.  
THis comparison of England with Spain, framed (as it should seem) by some learned French gentleman experienced in the estate of both Countries, but jealous (as he saith) of the honour of his own; and (as appeareth) especially desirous of the prosperity, and preservation thereof; may serve unto us for a perfect pattern, and a lively example how far the love of truth is to be preferred above all other respects: yea even above the duty due unto our country, which ought notwithstanding to be in greater estimation amongst us, than any reverent respect of Parents; or affection towards friends, kinsfolks, or allies; or whatsoever else we hold dearest unto us. Which love of truth in this author seemeth to have been joined with so zealous a care of the welfare of his Country, that like a skilful & wise Chirurgeon, he chooseth rather to rip up old sores, which peradventure may seem to be healed outwardly; then to draw over them fair scars, suffering them to rankle and fester inwardly. For even as a good Physician careful to cure his patient's malady, and desirous of his health & recovery, doth not minister pleasant potions, if they be unprofitable to his purpose; but rather wholesome restauratives, though peradventure somewhat irksome: So the author of this treatise, especially careful and desirous of the good and flourishing estate of his troubled and afflicted Country, (which he learnedly proveth to consist not wholly, though chief; in herself: but to depend much on her alliance, with such of her neighbour Nations, as may most advantage or endamage her) to effect his persuasion for her benefit and preservation, bringeth such proofs as (being but such as their own Histories afford) may seem partial praises of our Country, and purposed disgraces of his own. Which roundness, and integrity of his made me at the request of some friends, that understood not well the French to translate it into English: which I undertook so much the rather, because it containeth the memorable, and valiant deeds of our renowned Ancestors, in that noble Realm of France; together with a rehearsal of the Spanish braveries: that the view of the one, and remembrance of the other, may stir up that courage which ought still to remain in our English hearts; that we do not degenerate from our noble Progenitors, but with an earnest emulation follow those happy footsteps of our famous forefathers: and learn to despise those magnificent Dom Diegos and Spanish Cavalieroes, whose doughtiest deeds are brags and boastings, and themselves (for the most part) shadows without substance: whose affected Monarchy, is like to prove a confounded Anarchy.  
This translation (how simple soever) I offer to your courteous acceptance, not that any ways you need it, or that in aught it may pleasure you, or stand you in steed; who by your own industrious endeavours, and continued travails in foreign Countries, have so abundantly made you profit both in the French, and in other languages and knowledge: but because I willingly embrace whatsoever small opportunity of expressing my grateful affection towards you, for those manifold benefits, which, by your good means, and care had heretofore of my well doing, I have received.  
Moreover, your benefits, not only extended towards me, but heaped so largely on my name and nearest friends, by our Right honourable good L. and Patron, may by good right challenge at our hands whatsoever any travail, industry, and endeavour of ours may bring forth to the extolling of that honourable name, unto the which amongst the rest, I desire to be accounted as one that is most entirely and affectionately devoted. Thus craving your courteous acceptation, with the continuance of your favourable affection; I desire the almighty, (who hath hitherto so highly favoured your forward enterprises) continually to prosper your virtuous proceedings: both to the common benefit, and your particular advancement.  
Yours, humbly affectionate, Robert Ashley.   

The Translator to the Reader.  
GEntle Reader, I was constrained by some friends, to break of a work of some greater importance and larger discourse, to undertake the translation of this brief and pithy treatise. Ere I had fully finished it, there came into my hands another translation thereof, done by an Italian, and printed under the title of A Politic Discourse most excellent for the time present. On sight whereof though I had perfected mine, I purposed to suppress it, or at least to reserve it to myself, and such friends as seemed to like it.  
But some being not satisfied with this former translation, done by a stranger, and in some places (as they thought) estranged from our English phrase, were desirous of my copy; which (being but one) could not well content so many. By occasion whereof: I was willing to publish it, seeking their satisfaction. And the rather was I thereto induce, because I found the treatise to be so well liked, that the former copies were for the most part already distracted.  
The former title of a Politic Discourse, because it seemed too General, I have changed into A comparison between England and Spain, which seems more nearly, & particularly to express the substance of the treatise.  
The pains which the other hath taken (howsoever some mislike) I do not condemn; neither would I wish him to be discontented, that he being a stranger to both countries, cannot satisfy all, in both languages; for he which is borne in the one, and brought up in both, is not able to perform it. But though he miss of his mark, yet think well of his endeavours: and where I want of perfection, there I crave the like construction.  
Some errors in printing have escaped us: but such as the discrete Reader may correct with judgement.   

A Comparison of the English and Spanish Nation.  
SYlla (a Roman Captain) going about to induce Bocchus to that ambergris which he practised of jugurth, 
Salustius in jugutha.  grounds his persuasion chiefly on this maxim: That never man had friends enough. A thing which common and ordinary experience hath made us so palpably to feel, and to see so evidently, that whosoever should gainsay or impugn this sentence, should show himself void of judgement, and of common sense. And therefore it is that in our French tongue the common proverb says (that who so hath a good neighbour, hath a good morrow.) thereby giving us to understand, that he which maintains himself in good estate with his neighbours, hath taken the best course that might be for his particular affairs.  
For as there can be no greater corsie to a man, than to see himself pinched by those of whom he expect comfort and case in adversity: so neither can there be any greater contentment, than to see himself so comforted and cherished of his neighbours that they are unto him so many witnesses of his good behaviour amongst them. Which being well weighed of such learned men as by their writings have traced out unto us the way to virtue, 
Hesiodus in his book of works and days.  they have made so high account of the regard belonging to good neighbours, that for certain respects they have preferred it before the duty due to kinsfolk and allies. 
Cicero 1. office  That worthy and wise captain Themistocles, did once declare that he had well comprehended this conclusion: for intending to sell an heritage of his as dear as he might, he caused him that cried it, to say & proclaim aloud (to the end to enhance the price thereof) that it was situated and stood amongst good neighbours. Now if in private matters the respect of neighbourhood be so much to be had in recommendation amongst us, how much more I pray you, in managing & guiding of an estate. What man is there so ignorant, in the affairs of the world, which knoweth not that the neighbourhood of the Bulgarians, occasioning the Turks entry and descent into Greece, opened the way unto them to make themselves masters of whatsoever they hold at this day in Europe?  
The like may be said in respect of Italy: for the affairs of the Venetians, Florentines, Genevois and Neapolitans, have been troubled, disturbed and disordered only by the malice of a neighbour of theirs, even jews Sforce, usurper of the estate of Milan: who to appease his particular passions made no conscience of disturbing the common quiet which Italy had so long enjoyed by the prudence of Laurence de Medicis: and exposing of his country for a pray to the arms and violence of the French.  
Contrariwise, if we look near into the estate of things past, we shall find that many of the greatest houses in Germany have by the prudent policy and hearty affection of their neighbours been preserved from the overthrow which was threatened by the common calamity. In the time of our fathers, even the year 1504 Philip Conte Palatine fell at variance with the Emperor Maximilian, & the issue thereof being no more prosperous, than the enterprise was righteous, he was banished the Empire & driven to great perplexity. But Fredrick duke of Saxony, his neighbour a wise prince and of great understanding did so mildly handle this matter that all the tempest was changed into a sweet and pleasant calm. Wherein notwithstanding, I am of opinion, that princes can not pretend any advantage above aristocraty and popular estates. Every one knows how that about forty years since Charles duke of Savoy invaded Geneva, the possession and lordship whereof he had left unto his successors, if the men of Friburgh fellow burgesses and allies to those of Geneva had not made him open his jaws, and let go the pray which he had between his teeth.  
I allege these familiar examples, of fresh date, because I would not stay too long on those of ancient time, & namely of the common wealth of Athens, whose practice was always to relieve their distressed neighbours, being beaten or overthrown by any evil encounter. Whereof the re-establishment of Thebes, will serve for sufficient testimony, as long as man's life shall enjoy that good hap to be lightened by the lamp of learning. These than are pertinent reasons to make us understand how carefully kingdoms & estates are to be underpropped by the friendship & faithfulness of their neighbours. But as this point is of great importance, so it requires a profound and mature consideration: for men which are not so cleeresighted nor practised in the affairs of this world, are so much the easier deceived, as a vain appearance can deck and set forth itself with a show of sound commodity.  
And to manifest this matter by example, and by deduction of a particular deed to make way to the decision of a generality, I will speak of that which more nearly concerns the ordering of our own affairs. There is none be he never so void of understanding, but seethe & plainly perceiveth the poor and miserable estate, whereunto France losing her ancient brightness is brought at this day by the cruelty and continuance of civil wars. Every one confesseth that she wants a restorative to relieve her of so pernicious a recidive; notwithstanding, they agree not all in one concerning the confection & ingredients proper and sortable to such a restorative. True it is that they who by dealing in affairs and managing of matters, have advantaged themselves in experience, do come thus far forth: that following the rule of good Physicians, the malady must be cured by his contrary; and seeing that the sickness of France comes only of unquietness, that nothing can be more available to the restoring of her former health, than a good & assured quietness: which advice in my judgement, is better grounded on reason, then clearly discussed. In confirmation whereof, when there is question of the quiet of our country, he were too much out of the way that would bond it within the circuit of France, not caring greatly in what estate she be with her neighbours, so that her inhabitants live in peace one with an other, and the flame of civil wars be extinguished.  
But although I readily confess that the matter being once reduced into terms of calling into one of the two inconveniences, there is no foreign war how difficult or dangerous soever it be, but we ought to undertake, if thereby we may warrant our country from a civil war: yet so is it that the entire prosperity of an estate is founded on the exemption of both inconveniences: except we think our age to be specially privileged, that we may have war without the necessary appendances thereof which are misery and poverty. They then which endeavour to procure the good and quiet of France, aught to aim at this mark, that not only all coals of civil combustion may be quenched, but also that she maintain herself in good estate with her neighbours: & especially with those whose alliance is most commodious and most assured unto her: which in my judgement is a point no less necessary than difficult to decide, by reason of the diversity of their passions, who prefer their private profit before the common commodity. So it is that if unto the deduction of this doubt, we bring no other passion, but an ardent affection towards the truth & a zealous love of our country, we shall soon decide this difficulty. And I do not think when every thing is cast and accounted, whether you consider it in gross, or else have particular respect to the time present, that there is any of our neighbours, whose alliance can be so commodious and available unto us as that of England. On the contrary I am of opinion, that he which in state matters would entreat of popular errors could not choose a more ample argument, then to show that such as ordinarily call the English ancient enemies to the estate and crown of France, thinking thereby to be accounted learned amongst the ignorant, discover themselves to be utterly ignorant amongst the learned. And for so much as divers Courtiers, whom I have heard discoursing on this argument have come to this conclusion, that they prefer the alliance of Spain before any other whatsoever, having regard (as they say) to the safety and welfare of France, I purpose to dispute this question, which in my judgement hath no better foundation, than a partialized affection, or else too little knowledge of the affairs of this world. I hope then by lively reasons to enforce, that the alliance of England is much more expedient for us, then that of Spain, & by the same means to clear the general controversy, and to make known that there is no people in the world whose alliance is so commodious & so necessary unto us, as that of the English nation. And to lay some foundation for my opinion, I say that when there is question of making alliance with some nation, there is principal regard to be had of two things: th' one that those whose alliance we prefer, have more ways & means to help us: th' other that they have also more means to harm us, being once become our enemies. And I pray you what people is there in the world, that hath juster occasion to love us, than the English, which are allied unto us in blood, conformable in manners, and brotherly given to the self same virtuous inclinations? which I mean nor only of those whom at this day we call English but also of the ancient Britain's, the remainder of whom we see at this day in the country of Wales, who though they agree in manners, fashions, customs, and usages; 
Caesar lib. 1 de bello Gallico.  yet in language they differ from the other inhabitants of England. Caesar who first amongst the Roman Captains discovered and had knowledge of the estate of this isle: teacheth us that one part of the Britain's, that is, they which dwell next the sea, have taken their original of the Belgae: the same author hath also left us in writing, 
Caesar lib. 2. de bello Gallico.  that in his time the king of the Swissers named Divitiacus, did rule also over great Britain. And therefore is it no marvel if the Britain's (especially those that inhabit about Kent) were agreeable in humanity and manner of living with the French. And indeed, if we judge by that which we find in writing, nothing can be said more brotherly than these two Nations.  
That I may not busy myself too much in sifting out particulars, I will speak only of the Druids, which in ancient time bare rule in both Nations.  
These druids were Poets and Priests, as in ancient time was Hesiodus in Greece. Most certain it is that the first among the Grecians, who have adorned their country with the knowledge of learning, comprehended all their doctrine in verse; as Homerus, 
Plutarch in Theseo. Plato in Lysida. Cic. 2. de natura deorum.  Hesiodus, Orpheus, Musaeus, Linus, Empedocles, Parmenides, and Pitheus, of whom Plutarch maketh mention. And therefore it is that Plato hath attributed so much unto Poets, calling them fathers and fountains of wisdom. These druids were also Mathematicians & Philosophers, which make me, that I can not comprehend whereupon Citero should think, when he compared the Britain's with the Scythians, in respect of their ignorance of the Mathematics.  
If he relied on the testimony of his friend Trebatius, every one knows him to be a witness as may be gathered even out of the works of Cieero, Qui calat hum libentius, quam celum contemplabatur. But it seems that Cieero, a person otherwise of exquisite judgement, would needs versie the saying of Thales of Milesia, who being asked how far truth was different from falsehood, answered, as far as the eyes from the ears. So may we say in respect of that which 〈◊〉 are now to entreat of, that we acknowledge eyes in Caesar, and ears in Cicero. But howsoever it be, either that the Britain's received the knowledge of good letters from the Gauls, or the Gauls from the Britain's, so it is, that the young men of France, for farther advancement in their studies, transported into Britain, to the druids of that country, of whom they learned the most hidden secrets of Philosophy & of the Mathematical sciences. If we report ourselves to what Caesar hath written hereof, the Philosophy and doctrine of the druids had his first beginning in great Britain: which opinion I willingly embrace: howbeit, that rare and excellent parsonage, 
Ramus de moribus veterum Gallorum.  Petrus Ramus seems in a work of his to hold the contrary. No marvel then, if so learned a Nation, and so well nurtured in good letters, hath been endued with so singular humanity sortable to their knowledge, and such as whereof our ancient Gauls have gathered the principal fruit. In so much that Caesar intending a descent into Britain, 
Caesar lib. de bello Gallico.  allegeth for his purpose an other pretence, but that the Gauls had been succoured by the Britain's in all their quarrels which they had against the Romans. But if any one think that those people which since the time of Caesar, have made themselves masters of Gaul and of Britain, namely the English & the French, have not had so firm friendship, but rather less occasions of loving one another, he deceives himself as much as he that is ignorant, how great is the force of that friendship which is founded on natural alliance, the memory whereof can not be blotted out, neither by tract of time, nor distance of place. The Citizens of Sais in Egypt said that their City was founded by the Goddess Minerva, 
Plato in Timaeo.  as did also the Athenians of theirs: In contemplation of which alliance as Plato witnesseth, the Grecians in general, and specially the Athenians were welcomed and well entertained at Sais. It resteth now to consider how straightly the French are united to the English, and what demonstration of friendship they have made from time to time the one to th' other. Neither is it sufficient to say that they have had great and long wars together, even in the memory of our great grandfathers, for by the same reason should we banish amity from amongst all Nations of the earth. By the same reason should we conclude that there could be no friendship amongst the French themselves, who even of late days, have furnished a stage in their own country with the bloodiest tragedy that ever was heard of. And touching the wars between the English and French; I hope hereafter to show in due place, that so far off is it that this consideration should bring any alteration of friendship or amity between them and us, that contrariwise it ought to enforce at our hands some increase of good will in their behalf. For God having given them so great advantages over us, as every knoweth, it is hard to say whether this noble nation have shown themselves more valiant in fight, then mild & gentle after the victory. To less purpose yet serve those unseemly speeches, which may be heard in the streets as well of France as England, as among the rest these tetmes, Cullion, and French dog, which is the rhetoric of peddlers, Tinkers, Cobblers, Rogues and such kind of people, not the language of honest and civil persons, such as we purpose to entreat of in this discourse: laying aside then all such baggage and trumpery, let us speak of the natural amity which is between these two Nations.  
In the time of the Emperors Martian & Valentinian, about the year of Christ, 449. Witigerne king of great Britain, desirous to repulse the Picts and Scots, called to his aid the Angles or English, who dwelled then between the Vites and Saxons: And indeed the Welshmen at this day call the Englishmen Sasses, as who would say, Saxons: which hath been insured me of some learned men of that country. It resulteth then of this discourse that the English are come out of Germany, as the French are also according to our Histories. And howbeit that in respect of the French Nation, I durst not affirm that they are descended of the Saxons: yet so it is that the house of our kings, which at this day sways the sceptre in France, draws his stock from thence, as is best known to them who are best seen in Histories. For Windekind a Saxon of the line of that great Windekinde subdued by Charlemagne, came into France to succour Charles the bald, being then much molested by the Normans. This young Windekind had a son called Robert, who so fortunately followed the footsteps of his father, that Charles the bald made him general of the army which he sent against the Normans: who at that time foraged the country of France. This Robert was slain in battle, leaving a son called Otho, who by consent of the Emperor Arnold, had the government of France, during the minority of Charles the simple. Whence he got him not so much reputation, as in that he was father to Hugh the great, Earl of Paris. But Hugh Capet son of this Hugh the great, exceeded in glory and splendour all the forenamed, as well in that he was chief of the absolute estate of France, as in that he left a Royal posterity behind him, which sways the sceptre divided into two houses, namely Valois and Bourbon.  
So may we conclude, that if the French and English may not be called by the term of Charondas ὁμόσιπνοι, 
Arist. lib. 1. cap. 1. polit.  that is, living together, or according to Epimenides ὁμόκαπνοι, that is, partakers of the same smoke, or as they say, brought up together at board and at bed, yet may they by good right be termed ὁμόφυλοι, that is, descending from the self same extraction.  
And although this alliance be of itself sufficiently cleared by the Historiographers, yet is it better confirmed by the conformity of manners of these two Nations, and the good comportmentes of the one towards the other. 
Arist. Ethic. lib. 4. cap. 3  The Englishman as also the French is generous, and by consequent as Aristotle teacheth far from dissimulation, hating or loving openly, rather led by truth then by opinion, loving the effect better than the appearance, free in speech, loving his liberty, and easily forgetting injuries: moreover, he is liberal, civil, courteous, and gentle: of all virtuous qualities, I think that in them are to be found as many clear and evident testimonies as there are places that speak of their exploits in unpassionate Historiographers. For in respect of civility what better witness can we have then Philip de Commines, 
Comines cap. 34.  who himself had experience thereof in behalf of the lord of Vaucler. I should speak of a thing but too well known throughout all the world, if I should spend many words in discoursing of their magnificence and liberality. Certainly if that be true which Herodian writes of barbarous men, 
Herodian. in Commodo.  namely that they are naturally greedy of money, Englishmen are sufficiently discharged of the blame of barbarousness: howsoever some ignorant, or passionate writers, have endeavoured to stain them therewith. But to what purpose is it to stand long on this point, seeing the experience, and testimony of noble and famous personages doth openly ratify my saying? That good Vidame of Chartres of famous memory (who for that himself was one of the most liberal Lo, of our time, might best speak of liberality) said openly that if there were any Nation in Christendom more liberal and courteous towards strangers, than the English, he would be reckoned amongst those which talk rashly of things which they know not. He which hath succeeded him as well in his virtues as his heritage, protesteth often that he dares not to speak of the humanity, liberality and courtesy of the English Nation, fearing to begin a discourse, the entry whereof were found much easier than the issue. Odet Cardinal of Chastilion, had ordinarily this saying in his mouth: that courtesy had once imparked herself in France, but that now she was passed over the sea.  
This discourse would demand longer deduction, but I am a Frenchman and jealous of the honour of my country. Plutarch writes that the great Rhetorician Molon, having on a day heard Cicero declaiming in Greek, 
Plutarch in the life of Cicero.  said lamenting, that he deplored the estate of Greece, whose richest ornament (meaning eloquence) Cicero carried away with him. For my part, though I am no less affectionate towards the English Nation then commands the desert of their virtues, yet so is it that I am sorry to see them so richly arrayed with our spoils. In so much that England may by good right be accounted at this day the very Sanctuary of all civility, kindness and courtesy: the testimonies whereof may be seen not only towards their friends, and in time of peace, but even in time of war, and towards their enemies. Of many examples I will choose one so notable, as I know not whether the like be to be found in the Greek or Latin Historiographers. Amongst all the battles which were ever fought in France, that of Poitiers is worthy the remembrance, not only for the inestimable loss of the vanquished, but much more for the courtesy and generosity of the vanquisher. For the Nobility of France was there hewn in pieces, many Princes and great Lords made prisoners, and namely king John himself fell into the hands of the Prince of Wales, who had him afterwards into England where hereceived so good and gracious entertainment of king Edward father to the Prince of Wales, that being on his faith and hostages returned into France, to give order for his affairs, after he had thoroughly considered the entertainment that was made him, he savoured and liked so well of the English courtesy, that he esteemed it more honourable to die near so noble a Prince, then to live as king of the greatest and mightiest kingdom in Christendom. Porus an Indian king, being taken by Alexander, and being asked of him how he desired to be dealt with at his hands, I am (saith he) a king, let me be used Royally, as belongeth to a king. Alexander being farther instant on him to know what he demanded more: this word Royally (saith he) comprehends all, which made that Alexander esteemed highly of him afterwards, and entertained him according to his demand. But this courtesy of king Edward ought to be esteemed so much greater than that of Alexander, as Porus took no arms against him, but constrained for his own lawful defence: and contrariwise, king john would not accept such honest conditions of peace, as were offered him by the Prince of Wales, although the Cardinal of Perigort, being sent by Pope Innocent laboured to bring him to some composition. But he being over mastered by his choler, was overcome by a handful of people, and lost a battle the nineteenth of September, 1356. which can not so well be compared unto any as to that memorable exploit at Cannas, which was like to have overthrown the whole estate of the Roman common wealth. And although civil wars are ordinarily managed with a courage so much the more envenomed, as the alliance is straighter between country men: yet so it is (if we credit Histories) that there is not in all the world any Nation found, which in this respect hath remained in such and so long a possession of moderation, and clemency, as the English. Comines who hath been as much or more acquainted with the affairs of England, 
Comines cap. 112.  as any Frenchman of his time, saith that the custom of the country is in civil wars, to come strait to battle, & that the chief of that side, to which the victory inclines, causeth to be proclaimed aloud, Save the people. That I would to God we had used the like moderation in our civil wars, we should then at this day have fifty thousand more witnesses of our dissension, the shedding of whose blood provokes the anger of God against our country of France. But because that being occasioned as well by natural affinity, as by conformity of manners, to love a people, is not a thing of itself deserving any great commendation without endeavour to make demonstration thereof: the order of our discourse requires to have this article sifted yet somewhat nearer, to the end that such as call the Englishmen ancient enemies to the crown of France, may learn either to speak better, or else to hold their peace, whensoever there is question of any such matter. I say then that the effects of amity have been always reciprocal beweene these two Nations. For laying aside that which I alleged out of Caesar, that the Britain's had always succoured the Gauls in all their wars. I will take testimonies of fresher memory, of a hundred or six score years past.  
In the time of king jews the eleventh, Charles Duke of Burgundy, desirous to clip the wings of his mortal enemy jews of France, called to help him Edward king of England, his brother in law, to whom there needed not much speech to make him pass over into France, whereunto he wanted no pretence. There was then great likelihood, that if the duke of Burgundy had well known how to use his prosperity, he had either quite overthrown, or at least wonderfully shaken the whole estate of France. But king jews being a Prince much better furnished of wisdom, then of courage, considering to what exigent his affairs were brought, procured or rather cunningly practised a treaty of peace with king Edward at Piquignie. One may well say that at that time the mildness of king Edward, served in steed of a strong and mighty bulwark unto France, against the surious and impetous effortes of the Burgonian.  
Charles the eight, the son and successor of jews was favoured of heaven, so far forth as to have occasion to acknowledge this courtesy towards the English Nation: who was as ready to embrace such an occasion as it was happily offered him. Edward of whom we last spoke being deceased, his brother Richard duke of Gloucester, by evil practices and unlawful means, invested himself with the crown of England, defrauding his Nephews of their inheritance. If the means of investing himself with so great an estate were strange and exorbitant, his behaviour and comportment therein was yet more strange. Such and so miserable was then the estate of poor England that he escaped best cheap, who went away with the loss of his goods, estate, and dignities. diverse of good calling and account, to save themselves out of this shower, retired into France. The Noblest and of greatest name amongst them was the Earl of Richmond, who having a while sojourned in Brittany, finally resolved himself to recover with his own good, the liberty of his country. This new Thrasibulus, wanted neither friends nor partakers: for he had succour of king Charles the eight, with whom he passed over into England, where having given battle with happy success, he had for guerdon of his prowess, the estate and crown, which hath ever since remained on the head of his successors. I would not stand so much on the courtesy of England, were it not that in our time even within these sixty years the effects thereof had been so good, and so manifest on our behalf, that it were blockishness in us to be ignorant thereof, and great looseness if we did not acknowledge it.  
Since the battle of Poitiers, France received not so great an overthrow, as at Pavia, where king Francis was taken prisoner. The Emperor Charles being yet a young Prince, and boiling with ambition, after so fair a victory, entered into marvelous hopes, and held himself assured that within few years, the universal Monarchy of Europe would be the interpretation of his Plus oultre. And indeed there is great likehood that the forces of France being so mated, 
See the history of Bellay.  he might if not wholly, yet in part have seen the accomplishment of his designs, had not God (beholding out country with his pitiful eye) stirred up the heart of Henry the eight king of England, to stay the course of the Emperor striking with full sails through the midst of his victory. An act deserving so much the more admiration as king Henry had no other occasion to do it, but an Heroical virtue, with the which his courage being once enkindled, he choose rather to appropriate unto himself the sole honour of relieving an afflicted neighbour, then to be copartner with the vanquisher in the spoil and pray. In so much that we may well say, that king Henry the 8. next unto God hath been the author of our deliverance, and that the Lion hath plucked us out of the Eagle his claws. And we must not think that he sought herein either his own private profit or particular safety. For touching profit, besides that which the event hath made known, the protestation which he made by his king at arms, defying the Emperor doth show sufficiently that he had no other end but honour and virtuous exploits, 
Theocritus in 〈◊〉 Prolo.  which in ancient time, as saith Theocritus, have gotten the title of Heroes, to great and renowned personages. And in respect of security, the Emperor being as then affectionate towards his uncle king Henry, for greater confirmation of amity, a marriage was entreated of between him and the Lady Marie, eldest daughter to king Henry.  
Insomuch that all things accounted, the English had then no cause to be afraid of the Emperor. Moreover, the Emperor could not enterprise any thing on the estate of France without parting stakes with the English, for their old pretence unto Guienne and Normandy.  
This matter deserveth longer discourse, but I study after brevity, that I may speak somewhat of king Edward the sixth, the son of king Henry. This Prince was so full of virtue and the fear of God, that he may be good right be called the josias of the new Testament, and the Paragon of Princes Christian. But laying aside his rare virtues, whereof the best speakers can speak but too compendiously, I will only touch that which nearest concerns our subject.  
This Prince by the counsel of the late duke of Northumber land carried so entire, and sincere an affection to our king Henry the second, that if God had lent him longer life, there had been a league made between these two kings & duke Maurice of Saxony. In such sort that there is great likelihood that an alliance made between three such mighty Princes, had then brought the Emperor Charles to take that part which afterwards he took, that is, to retire himself into Castille, to the Monastery of Saint just. I speak not of his humanity used towards our poor Frenchmen, fled into England for refuge in a time, when to make profession of a Christian life in France, was but to expose themselves to the death. This obligation is common to us with almost all the Nations of Europe, whose exile hath been honoured with the assistance and comfort of this most holy and happy king Edward. Happy (say I) not only in respect of himself, but for that he hath also in his sister the Queen Elizabeth so perfect a portraiture, and so right a resemblance of his most Christian and Heroical virtues. Which causeth that all such as throughout Europe are endued with sound judgement, do wish of all things in the world, either to be the subjects of such a Princess, or at least to live under the subjection of such a Prince as might most resemble her. But I dare not undertake to set forth the praises of Queen Elizabeth, in respect that if I should omit any one of her rare virtues, my discourse would not be well taken of the better sort: and to go about to discourse of them by particulars, were never to have done. Taking then a shorter course, I will only say that she hath made demonstration of her good will towards France, as often times as the estate of our affairs hath presented her any occasion. Above all, she hath always showed herself affectionate to the entertaining of peace with us, being induced thereunto as well by her own clear insight and wise forecast, as also by the mature & sage counsel of the right virtuous and noble Lords Sir William Cecil; yet at this day Lord Treasurer of England, and Sir Nicholas Bacon, of worthy memory, sometimes Lord Keeper of her majesties great Seal; personages endued with so high and eminent wisdom, and so happily qualified in all kinds of virtue, that he shall well deserve a place amongst the best speakers that shall duly set forth their praises to posterity. For my part I magnify that most merciful God which hath so well married good hap to the virtue of these two English Nestor's, 
Callimachus in hymno iovis,  that in them may be seen the accomplishment of that prayer so much celebrated by Callimachus.  
Χαῖρε πάτερ, δίδου δ' ἀρετὴν τ' ἄφενος-τε  
Οὐτ' ἄρετ' ἄτερ ὄλβος ἐπίσταται ἄνδρας αἔξειν,  
Οὐτ' ἄρετ' ἀφένοιο δίδου δ'ἀρετὴν-τε καὶ ὄλβον..  
O blessed father be thou blest,  
Give virtue, giving store:  
Goods without virtue do no good,  
with virtue evermore.  
And virtue feeble feels her force  
if so she live in want,  
Then blessed father virtue give  
and let not store be scant.  
It remains now to speak of a like demonstration of amity towards us, and yet in a case much unlike. France hath not in it any greater ornament, than the City of Paris, nor the City of Paris then the exercise of learning, which hath been there continued, ever since the time of Charlemagne: that is to say, since the year 792. even till this day with such reputation, that in the time of our fathers, to have studied at Paris, and to be well learned, were two diverse terms signifying one and the self same thing. But if this benefit be great, (as it can not be otherwise accounted saving of such as want judgement) we can not acknowledge to have received it of any but the English Nation, except we will in depriving them of their deserved praise, bereave ourselves also of being reputed a people that loves roundness and integrity. For Charles the great was induced to this so happy an enterprise, by the counsel of Flaccus Albinus an Englishman, seconded by two Scotishmen, the one named joannes Milrosius, the other Claudius Clemens.  
But even as evil counsel, by a just judgement of God falls ordinarily to the prejudice of him that gives it; contrariwise the author of good and holy counsel, is he who willingly tasteth the first fruits thereof: So the Englishmen have reaped the fruit of that good and wholesome counsel of Albinus, and his companions in that the University of Oxford is a branch of that of Paris. But because we see men to be so much the more inclined to things unto the which they are drawn for the conservation of that which doth nearest concern them: I say that the safety of England toucheth us so nearly, and our safeguard so nearly the English, that one of the two Nations, being distressed by a stranger, the other may make reckoning that they are not long to enjoy any great quietness. It is known that as soon as Caesar had set on foot the Roman power in France, he thought he had not well played his part, until he went to remove household into England. The histories have so cleared this article, that it were but superfluity of speech to extend ourselves any farther in deduction thereof.  
I would now that some one of our masters of the Court, who are so affectionate and make so great account of the alliance of Spain would show me the like motives & grounds of their opinion. But I assure myself, that they will not put themselves to the pains of proving any natural affinity between the French and Spanish, unless they fetch it from the Ark of No: or else make reckoning of that which the Poets tell touching the beautiful Bebrix. Which nevertheless were an argument as feeble as far from the purpose as is known to such as are seen in the knowledge of antiquity and specially of Poetical fictions.  
But being now entered into this discourse, it will not be impertinent to speak of the original of our Spaniards at this day. For even as waters which run out of sulphur springs, have always a taste of brimstone, so men carry always imprinted in their manners, the virtuous or vicious quality of their ancestors. So that having known the original of the Spaniards, it will be a good opening to the discourses ensuing. About the year of Christ 717. julian Count of Biscay being extremely grieved, and exceeding desirous to be revenged of the outrage done unto him by Roderick king of the Goths, who had deflowered his daughter, called and drew unto him the moors for his succour, under the conduct of their king Muza Maramamolin. Under this pretence (so safe a thing is it to bring in foreign forces) the moors made themselves masters of all Spain, except Biscay and Austerlande: their captains having afterwards parted this conquered country amongst them, became so many petty kings in Spain. Since that time the Saracens have been mingled farther amongst them. But if we will fetch the matter yet farther about (that is) from Caesar's time, we shall find that without speaking of the Romans, who commanded almost over all Europe, the Goths, the Vandals, the moors, the Saracens, have ruled over Spain. Therefore if of good right the Goths and Vandals, are counted cruel, the moors perfidious and revengeful, the Saracens proud, and villainous in their manner of living. I pray you what humanity, what faith, what courtesy, what modesty, and civility, may we think to find amongst this scum of Barbarians? But to the end it be not thought that I rest rather on presumptions, then on proofs and sound arguments, I am content that this article be cleared by conference of their manners with ours, that is, of their vices with our virtues, of their vile viliacquerie, with our generosity. In brief, such is this comparison that if some Rhethoritian would employ his eloquence in framing of a long and lively Antithesis, he could not in the world find a subject more sortable to his purpose, than the comparing of our conditions with those of this mongrel generation.  
And to the end that none may think that I speak without book, to begin with the blazon of their bravest colours, I will produce a witness, who will make them blush for shame, though they be so brasenfaced, that they blush not by their wills. If I should but say, that the witness whom I purpose to produce, is a Senator of Venice, yet had I sufficiently qualified him to make him get credence of wise and discreet persons. But I will say moreover, that he is an ancient Senator, and so well seen in the affairs of this world, that for a man to conform himself after his imitation, is nothing else at this day amongst the Venetians, but to aspire to an immortal renown, by a most wise conduct of matters of estate. It is (to be short) that excellent and renowned parsonage Andrea Griti, who discoursing in the Senate of Venice, of the humours of this Spanish generation: behold what good testimony he gives of their integrity. 
Guichardino. lib. 15  The Spanish Nation (saith he) is unfaithful, ravenous, and insatiable above all other Nations. And where is (I pray you) that place of the world, where those infamous Harpies have once set footing without defiling of it with the footsteps of their abominable vices?  
But because that in matter of proof, the testimony of one alone is of no great weight. I will yet produce an other witness which is Francis Guichardin, an Historian so accomplished, as the naming only of his gifts and perfections, would desire and deserve a whole History. Behold what testimony he gives of the Spanish integrity. The Spanish Nation (saith he, giving his judgement of these venerable Padres) is covetous and crafty, 
Guichardino. lib, 16.  and when they have means to discover themselves, such as indeed they are, most insolent and outrageous. Geryon king of Spain (if we give credit to Poetical fables) had three bodies: and although it be a Poetical fiction, yet will it not be found so strange of him that will thoroughly consider the nature and disposition of the spaniard, in whom may be seen together incorporated, a crafty Fox, a ravenous Wolf, and a raging Tiger. And let that be spoken in respect of the least insupportable of that Nation. For he which shall nearly look into those of greatest account amongst them, that is, such as are more wicked and abominable, than the vulgar sort, he shall find in every one of them the Cube: yea oftentimes the very Sursolide of this ternary monster. He shall find (I say) an unclean and filthy swine, a thievish owlet, a proud peacock: and for an accomplishment of all their ornaments, he shall find a legion of devils, making trade of lying, cozening and deceiving the world.  
Briareus (as Homer saith) had a hundred hands: 
Homer● Iliads. ●.  he which shall think that a Spaniard hath less when it comes to catching, let him receive, be it but for a day or two, some Dom Diego into his house, and if he change not his opinion, I will be content to confess, that the spaniard hath changed his custom. I say if pilfery & theft be rather to be esteemed customary, then natural in this Nation. And if any doubt of their sufficiency in this respect, the estate of the low countries will so manifest it unto him, that he will soon be brought to confess that the Bohemians & Egyptians, are but young prentices of the Spaniard in appropriating other men's goods to themselves. And he should do them great injury, who should think that with time they had not made themselves more cunning in their craft, specially these later years, during which a great many of these gallant spirits have served their apprenticeship under Dom Ferdinando of Toledo, so sovereign a master in this faculty, 
Virg. Eglog. 1.  that to go about to compare unto him an Autolicus, or a Verres, were to fall into the error of the shepherd Tytirus, comparing small things unto great.  
But me thinks it were reasonable to hide the imperfections of this great Captain, in contemplation of such excellent parts as are in him. For by the saying of his disciples, and upholders, he is secret, wise, & of great understanding. As touching his taciturnity, I doubt not at all but that he is very secret. Neither is there any thing, specially in his particular, and domestical actions, but may by him & his with more honesty be concealed than uttered. Touching his great wisdom and forecast, he hath given such and so many testimonies thereof in the conduct of Flanders affairs, that if the Sun should as often eclipse in heaven, as wisdom hath in his head, during that time there, we might well think that we were on that days eve, which shall bring an end to all things of this world. At the least, it is notorious, that his wit so far failed him, as that he knew not how to hide those thefts and robberies which he had committed on the poor people (for the thing is too well known) but those pillings and peculations, which he made on the treasures of his master, I know well that his creatures disguising the deed, say that he remained in arrearages. But laying aside these colours of Castillan Rhetoric, I say roundly, that our French tongue is so bare, that it hath no other term fit enough to specify the good dealing of the Duke of Alva, but theft and robbery. And therefore if at this day he practise as well in Spain with the lute, as he hath done with the harp in Flanders, king Philip may well send back his Severino into Italy. But howsoever it be, the king his master hath reprehended his avarice, but yet not with rigour, having respect peradventure to the order of the fleece, which I dare well say; he hath no better reason to bear, then because he first fleeced, and then devoured as a ravening Wolf, the innocent sheep of a good shepherd. For we must not think that he and the rest of that Spanish rascal, spared any more the blood, than the purses of the poor people of the low countries: for they had commandment so to do. And their Prince was not with anything so much moved, as in that they did not handle them yet more extremely. That soon mayest thou O new Pharaoh, by thy miserable death make an end of the wailings of so many desolate persons.  
But if any one think that the courages of the Spaniards have been so envenomed against those of the low countries, for the different of Religion, he shows that he is as little acquainted with their natural disposition, as with the state of their affairs. It is about a hundred years since they discovered a new world, under the conduct of Christopher Columbus, who in my judgement would never have undertaken this voyage, if he had thought that the men whom he brought thither, as if they were charmed by the cup of Circe, should straightways be transformed into Lions, Panthers, Tigers, and other savage beasts. The Indians and Americans are poor barbarous, and simple ones: such as by good conversation, and godly persuasions, might easily be won unto Christ, which way the Frenchmen have since that time both wisely and happily followed. But in truth we may well say that this new Indian and American world hath not been so much unknown in times past: as the new and enormous cruelties, which these devils incarnate coming out of Spain, do there put in practice.  
O Turks, O Scythians, O Tartarians, rejoice ye now, sithence at this day there is found in Christendom a Nation, which by their wicked and detestable deeds, go about to bury that hatred which is borne to your barbarous cruelty. But I dwell too long on so tragical a subject, which notwithstanding I do with as great grief as with just occasion. Laying aside then such an argument as is sufficient to make Democritus weep, let us speak of two articles, either of which is such as he had need to be possessed with an humour more than heraclitical, that hearing and considering them nearly could abstain from laughter. It is of their civility and modesty.  
Touching the first, if any have had that good hap never to have been conversant with Spaniards, and would notwithstanding be informed according to the truth of their Gothish civility, he can not see a more lively portraiture, nor a draft drawn by the hand of a happier Appelles, than Terence, in the description which he makes of harlots in his Eunuch, in these terms: Quae dum foris sunt, nihil videtur mundius, nec magis compositum quicquam, nec magis elegans. And a little after he addeth: Harum videre est inglwiem, sordes, inopiam, quàm inhonestae solae sint domi, atque avidae cibi: quo pacto ex iure hesterno panem atrum vorent.  
I would say more, were it not for displeasing of the delicate sort: and we have here set the Spaniards on stage like good Apothecaries, to furnish ourselves with laughter at their charges. And I pray you what man is there so melancholy, that could forbear laughter, seeing a burden-bearer, a cobbler, or a carter, to call himself Cavaliero: or else to see a Cavaliero of Spain, going through the fields, to carry the fragments of his dinner in a budget, and to play a thousand other peasauntly parts, which the carriers, cobblers, and carters of our country would disdain once to have thought on. The Mathematicians teach, that in the operations of Algebra, the most equal is often reduced unto less. The speeches of the Spaniards do much resemble this divine algebraical mystery: In so much that ordinarily these great and magnificent titles of a grand Cavaliero, having ten thousand ducats of revenue; make as much being taken at their true rate and value, as an unthrift, a rascal and a runagate, having scarce thirty Maluedies in his purse, to pay for patching of his pantofles. So that one may well say to those magnificent Dom Diegos, 
Plutarch in Phocione.  as sometimes said a great parsonage of Athens, your discourse is like to the Cipres tree, which being great and high bringeth forth no fruit.  
To be short, he that would see a lively picture of an Attalus, a Suffenus, or a Thraso, without troubling himself too much in turning over martial, Catullus, and Terence: let him only consider the stern looks, and stately speeches of a spaniard. And although these tarcelets of Saracens be qualified, as I have said, yet have they with blows of pistolets so blinded the eyes of some of our Courtiers, that they are not ashamed to maintain, that we are much bound to these honest creatures. For my part I confess I am not so sharp witted, as to see the foundation of this obligation, except they will take it in the same sense that Antiochus did, 
〈…〉  saying that he was much beholden to the Romans, who having shortened his authority and power, had eased him of a huge and heavy burden. Even so are we indebted to the Spaniards, in that they have eased us of such travails as the estates of Flanders, Naples, and milan, might have brought unto us. And moreover to entreat yet farther of their good affection towards us, is not this a testimony of their cordial Spanish amity, which they used in times passed to our ancestors, (according to their cruel nature) that having won the battle of our men, they slew afterwards all the prisoners they had in their hands, as Froysard 
Look Froysard.  witnesseth? Would any man crave a clearer interpretation of that which heretofore I alleged out of Guychardine, that this Nation is most insolent, when they have found their advantage to discover themselves as they are, that is, to take off the mask of their hypocrisy. It is also a fair testimony of their courtesy towards us, that contrary to their promised faith, they massacred our men in Florida, about twenty years since. I had almost forgotten to produce one notable effect of their courtesy towards us, that is, the imprisonment of king Francis, which himself took the more grievously (as Guichardine reports) because the remembrance of the English courtesy towards king john was deeply engraven in his memory. What testimony of amity towards us is that which the Spaniards will allege? shall it not be the succour which king Henry of Castille gave in the time of king Charles the fift: 
See Froysard  and the victory which he won before Rochel of the Earl of Pembroke? As if he himself had not reaped the principal fruit of this victory, or as if such an assistance had not been the chief rampire of his own estate.  
But as the English are conformable unto us in so many things as I have heretofore alleged, so they have that also common with our misery, that they have tried to their cost the most dangerous amity of the Spaniards. For Philip king of Spain, and then also king of England, having purposed to possess himself of Calais, gave occasion to the French to do that with the lions claw, which the spaniard had thought to have done with the Fox his tooth: otherwise the French would never have resolved themselves on so hazardous an enterprise as the siege of Calais.  
To make short, one may well say, that the Nation of the world which is most affectioned towards the commonweal of France, is that which least resembleth the Spanish, which so much the more boldly I conclude, as I hold myself assured that none will pain himself so much as to prove that they have been helpful unto us, either in the knowledge of good letters, or in government of our manners. For what lightning unto learning can be expected of a Nation which during this happy age hath scarcely brought forth five or six learned men. Thence I think it is, that the Spaniards (as great travailers as they are) never durst go so far as to the Hyperboreans, fearing belike, lest they yet kept their ancient custom, that is, 
Pindarus ode. x. Pith.  sacrificing of Asses. For government of manners, we may well say, that as the Philosopher Polyanus, being once wedded to the dotages of Epicurus, forgot all the knowledge which he had of Geometry, 
Cicero in Lucullo.  so by the acquaintance of Spaniards, we have almost forgotten that virtue which we were best acquainted with, that is, courtesy and humanity.  
And to what purpose I pray you, should that Nation be so affectionate unto us, who hath so little interest in our overthrow? nay rather which hath always, and especially within these hundred years, founded their advancement on our destruction. I abridge this discourse of purpose, to entreat of an article of more importance, that is, the means which both the one and the other hath to help and to hinder us. I will speak first concerning traffic, and after touching matter of arms.  
All such as have knowledge both of England & Spain, will agree unto me, that England is much better stored of people than Spain. I speak not in respect of proportion, but absolutely (although England be by a great deal the lesser) which proceeds only of the temperature of the place. For although France be one of the temperatest regions that are, yet so is it that Caesar saith expressly, speaking of England, Loca sunt temperatiora quàm in Gallia. This abundance of people is a certain argument of the fertility of the place. Pindarus in some place calleth Sicily πολύμαλος, that is, abundant in sheep, 
Pindarus ode 1. Olym. Pind. odd. 1. Nem.  and expounding himself, in an other place he calleth it πίειρα, that is, fat or fertile. If the argument of this so learned Poet be well couched, we may well conclude, the fertility of England, by the great abundance not only of sheep, but in general, of cattle which is in it. Here (it may be) some will allege the saying of Cicero in his oration entitled De Aruspicum responsis. 
Cicero in Lucullo.  For behold with what words he speaketh. Quàm volumus, licèt ipsi nos amemus: tamen nec numero Hispanos, nec robore Gallos', nec calliditate Paenos, nec artibus Graecos, nec denique hoc ipso huius gentis ac terrae nativo sensu Itales ipsos ac Latino's, sed pietate, ac religione omnes gentes ac nattones superavimus.  
But in this place it is easy to see that Cicero had rather ears, than eyes, as well as heretofore speaking of Astrology. And that in this discourse, he would play the part of an other Mirmecides, 
Plinius li. 7. Cap. 21.  making a great ado about a small matter. But to what purpose is it to stand much on this article, since the traffic of the one and the other country, may easily clear it. We have out of England, Wool, Tin, Fish, and many other things in great quantity. In exchange whereof we furnish them with wine, salt, woad, and diverse other things, which is the cause that Rochel, Bourdeaux, and generally all the coast of Normandy, Britain, and Guienne, is brought into great perplexity, when the traffic ceaseth with England.  
Out of Spain, I confess, we have very good Horses for service, although they come but by stealth. Which I do nevertheless against my will, because that confessing this article, I am constrained to accuse the negligence and sloth of our Frenchmen. For if we would maintain such races of horses and mares as are seen at Lavedan, our traffic with Spain should be accounted of mere charity: for as much as we should help them very much, without being helped or eased by them. For the merchandise of a few perfumed gloves, and such other small baggage, deserves not to be accounted of. And for their behoose they are constrained to borrow of us, (by reason of the dryness and barrenness of their country) that which is most necessary for the life of man, which is corn. As for wine, they have sufficient. There remains the traffic of wool, of kersyes, and clothes both woollen and linen, which comes not to the third part of that which our Merchants have out of England. Neither will it serve to say that he may have store of corn out of such places, as he holdeth in Italy, as out of Naples, Sicily, and Milan. For they which husband the matter after this manner, do not consider that this were but robbing of Peter to pay Paul. Sicily is fruitful I grant, but it behoveth that Malta and the Goze, be sustained by her fruitfulness, except they will in abandoning of them, expose themselves for a pray to the Turk. Moreover a great part of the commodities of Sicily, are employed on the maintenance of Italy. But in respect of Milan, and of Lombardie, the spaniard finds such difficulty of carriage, that he can not well help himself with the commodities thereof, except the sauce cost him much dearer than the fish is worth. Touching Naples, Apulia, and Calabria, as they are less fruitful, so also the Spaniard can be less helped by them. The like may be said in respect of the low countries.  
Some peradventure will find it strange, that I stand so much on the infertilitie of Spain, seeing that the great means which this Nation hath to help us with, make a more than suffieient counterpoise, for this default. Hear must I needs employ that Quolibet, which the judges of Rome were wont to use, when they found themselves perplexed for the decision of some matter of importance, that is to say, Non liquet. But this perplexity of mine, is so much the less, as it may easily be removed by comparing of the means as well of England as of Spain. If we will measure these means by the number of soldiers which the one and the other Nation is able to set forth: experience, (that is History) pleadeth manifestly for the English. And, that so it is; king Edward, of whom we have spoken afore, brought to the aid of the Duke of Burgundy, by the testimony of Comines, fifteen hundred men well mounted, the most of them on barbed horses, and richly furnished. Also fifteen thousand Archers on horseback. In our time king Henry making descent into Picardy, 
Guichardine lib. 12  to join himself with the Emperor Maximilian the first, at the camp of Terovane, had five thousand horse, and more than forty thousand footmen, whereof five and twenty thousand were English, and fifteen thousand Lansquenets. The Emperor Charles, and his son king Philip have been the Princes, who have commanded most absolutely over Spain: yet neither the one nor the other have in their wars made greater levy, than eight thousand natural Spaniards, and almost all footmen. For in respect of horsemanship, the spaniard somewhat resembles the swordfish, which hath a blade, and can not help himself therewith. The same may be said of the Spaniards, who have very good horses which serve their turn better to traffic with their friends, than to fight and repulse the enemy. But because that the memory of late accidents may serve much to the deciding of this difficulty, I will here allege so clear and evident a testimony, as that whosoever makes reckoning of Spanish forces, shall have nothing for ground of his opinion, but either a light belief, or an opinative conceit. During the reign of king Francis the second, when the great ones of France were at discord amongst themselves, king Philip wrote a letter to the king, which was read in the privy Counsel: I can not well say in what language it was written, but the contents seemed to smell of the Spanish phrase. For he protested that whensoever any stirs happen in France, he would help the king his brother, with an army of fifty thousand men. Shortly after occasion was offered of effectuating that which he had so solemnly protested. For France was torn with a tempest of civil war: And although our miseries made almost as many fountains of tears to issue forth, as there are towns in France; yet gave they unto the king of Spain occasion to rejoice, in furnishing him with means, to accomplish his promise. Let us see then how well he acquired himself. He was requested to send succour unto the King his brother, being desirous to restablish the Romish religion in her former estate. He, because he would not be thought to be backward, either in zeal to his religion, or amity towards his brother, assembled certain troops of those prudent & religious persons, whose ordinary practice, is in the straights of the mountains Pirenees, to take gold without weighing it, and silver without telling it. Neither yet to the number of fifty thousand as he promised, but of two thousand only. In sort that it was easy for good Arithmeticians to judge, that this good Prince making such protestation as abovesaid, had calculated his means by the rule of false position. Touching the behaviours of these brave and valorous soldiers, to him that considered them nearly they seemed to represent I know not what Image of the ancient times, 
Thucidides lib. 1  during which as Thucydides writeth, robbery was not subject unto any reproach. The respect of these goodly qualities, made the Roman Catholics to lament so much the more the loss of these honest men. For they being encamped on the river of Tard, those Amazons of Mountauban, in certain sailyes killed a great number of them, without confession or repentance of any sin, saving of that which is termed military temerity, and oversight of war. But because that in comparing diverse things together, the Geometrical proportion is to be accepted above the Arithmetical, he were not much out of the way, who would judge rather by the valour and desert of both Nations in deeds of arms, then by the number. For oftentimes a small number of men doth overcome a great army, and treads them under foot. I am exceeding sorry that I can not produce any better testimonies of the English prowess, than those great and notable victories which they have gotten over us. Yet so it is that our valiant Successors wanting nothing less than courage and good will, in those battles, the English can not vaunt themselves of any thing, more than that they overcame most valiant enemies. So those poets and Historiographers, who have song of their prosperity, could not therewith but report our valiancy. In brief, the virtue and prowess of our ancestors, deserved not to be surmounted by any, but by such enemies as knew how to vanquish even victory itself, that is to say, the furor and insolency of victorious arms. Let the carthaginians boast, as much as they list, of their happy success at Cannas: yet he that should prefer it above the battle of Cressie, should show himself either too much appassionate or too simply skilled in the knowledge of histories. Out of which we may gather, that in the said renowned battle which was fought in the year 1346. there were slain on our side eleven Princes, four score Barons, a thousand and two hundred horsemen, and above thirty thousand footmen. Also the battle of Poitiers (whereof I have spoken heretofore) gave the like testimony as well of the English prowess in winning of the victory, as of their courtesy and mildness in using of it moderately; which makes me the more freely to speak of their virtue, and roundly to confess that the small number on their side, have made their victories the more notable and renowned.  
It were against reason to request the Spaniards, in this comparison, to furnish us with the like examples of their prowess and valiancy, for they are discharged of so doing by that rule of law which saith, that none is bound to the execution of things which are impossible. I should fear also of being accounted a forger of Paradoxes, in saying that the Spaniards are no warlike Nation, if I had not so clear and evident proofs thereof, that to deny them were but fast shutting of a man's eyes, that he might not see the sun shine at noon day. And to seek out the depth of this matter, and to reason of effects by their causes, I say that if nature have not changed her ordinary course of working, the spaniard can not any ways be reputed amongst the warlike Nations. 
Arist. lib. 7.  Those Nations which inhabit cold countries are (as Aristotle saith) endued with a more haughty and stout courage then others: 
cap. 7. politic.  but not so quick and sharp witted as other. And therefore they love more their liberty, but are not so fit to bear rule over their neighbour Nations. Contrariwise, the Nations of Asia are more quickspirited: but being of base courage, they yield their neck sooner unto the yoke of bondage. And therefore, he concludeth that the Greeks holding the midst between extreme heat and extreme cold, are partakers of both complexions. But as his proposition is founded on so good a consideration, that all men of understanding will always yield unto it, so dare I to affirm, that in the applying thereof, the love of truth gave place to the love of his country. For the most Northern part of Greece is of forty four degrees, which is the elevation of that quarter where Constantinople is situated, and also of the mountains Pyrenees, which separate France from Spain. And therefore the five and fortieth degree which is the very bound of temperature, marking out the midst of France, we may well say, that our country is more temperate than Greece. But although England be as much or more northernly, than any part of France; yet being on every side environed with the Ocean, the cold is nothing so excessive there, as it is in France, which Caesar very well observed. And therefore it is easy to conclude, that by reason of the situation of the place, that the Englishmen are both warlike and wise, that is to say, accomplished with whatsoever is necessary to a civil life. For the force of body is no less requisite in execution, 
Pind. ode. 1.  than the dexterity and vigour of wit, 
Nem.  in devise and deliberation, as very well said the Poet Pindarus.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
Though doughty deeds are done by might,  
With counsel grave the mind gives light.  
And it is not sufficient to say as Commines doth, that the Englishmen are very choleric; a passion which of all others doth most trouble a man's judgement, especially when he is at point to resolve himself. For well it might be so in the time of Comines, when Englishmen were not yet so well polished, as they have been since by the knowledge of good letters. But since that by the liberality of king Edward we have seen two Athens in one England, that is to wit, Oxford and Cambridge: it were hard to judge whether that so mighty a realm, hath been more plentiful in the fruits of the earth, then abundant in fine, subtle, and most excellent wits, meet for the managing of matters of estate. It is about three or four score years past, 
Machiavelli in lib. de principe.  that the Italian made the same reproach to the Frenchmen that Comines doth to the Englishmen: namely that they could not skill of matters of estate. But since the time that king Francis replenished France with learned men, by means of the professors which he caused to come from all parts of Paris, the Italians should flatter themselves over much, if they thought that in conduct of civil affairs, the Frenchmen were any whit behind them. Therefore it is that Petrus Ramus (a man whose renown flieth daily through out all the coasts of the world) did so much enforce himself in his familiar talk, to extol the liberality, and other excellent virtues of king Edward, and Queen Elizabeth, that he thought he never had a matter worthy to work on with his wonderful eloquence, except he were discoursing of the nature of a Princely and Heroical virtue, whereof he represented a true and lively portraiture in the actions, and behaviour of these two Princes. But the desire which I have with the means, to show that the spaniard is no warlike man, makes me to be somewhat the shorter in discoursing of the wisdom of the Englishmen. I take that reason which I alleged out of Aristotle to be sufficient to put back the spaniard from that place which he pretends to have amongst the warlike Nations. Yet if any man choose rather to refer himself to experience then to these Philosophical reasons, I have sufficient to content him, if he be a man that will be contented with reason. I say then, that before this last hundred years, the Spanish Nation was had in no reputation for feats of arms. And for proof, I report me to the testimony of Histories. I say moreover, that since that time look how often the Princes of Spain have placed the chiefest strength of their armies, in bands of the Spanish Nation, they have always received the overthrow. The battles of Ravenna, & Serizoles do sufficiently prove my saying. On the contrary, if they have had any advantages over us, as at Pavia, saint Quintin's, and at graveling, they ought to thank the Almains, and Englishmen for it. I confess that under the conduct of the Emperor Charles, they were brought to some order of discipline; which they do yet, and shall continue as long as it shall please God to use them for the execution of his just vengeance. For it is he that both giveth and taketh virtue to and from men, when and as oftentimes as he himself listeth, as the Poet Homer hath very well noted, saying: 
Ζεὺς δ' ἀρετὴν ἀνδράσιν ὀφέλλει τετε μινύθειτε:  
Ὅππος κέν ἐθέλησεν, ὁ γὰρ κράτιστες ἁπάντων.  
God virtue gives, God virtue takes from men,  
As often as it pleaseth him, and when.   
And although the Spaniards surpass all other Nations in the world in vain and foolish bragging, when they fall in question of their own prowess and valiancy, yet do they labour to surmount themselves in this impudent boasting when they once come to speak of their treasures and riches. And for as much as this is the chief foundation of their imaginative greatness, I will stand somewhat the longer on this point and will make it known, that if they had but the third part of that riches which they imagine they have, they should be three times richer than they are. The Egyptians reported in their Histories, that in the Temple of jupiter there was a pillar made of four Emerauds, having every one of them forty cubits of length: whereat Theophrastus 
Theophrastus' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  jested pleasantly, and with great reason. Such like tales are found in the Spanish Historiographers, concerning the isle of Zipangrie, where these good fellows would feign make us to believe, that flies carry double pike staves. Touching the treasures of Peru, to make us understand that their reports are made by imitation of Lucian's true tales, they seem not to have forgotten anything untold, saving that in the Cabinet of Atapaliba, they found a whole hundred of Diamonds, every one of them as big at least, as an Ostriches egg. But laying aside these lies which can not be believed of any but of such as believe the real verity of Ovid his Metamorphosis. Let us consider that these riches come not into the king of Spain his coffers, like grass in a meadow, that is to say, without any cost, but on the contrary, that the carriage cost him dear. Let us consider farther, that other Nations, and especially the Frenchmen have learned the way to Peru, who fearing perhaps lest the Spaniards might perish in the sea by being overloaded, do diverse times of mere charity, and good will yield them so much secure as to take some part of their burden into their own ships. Yea so courteous & friendly be our Frenchmen, that they constrain the Spaniards whether they will or no, to receive the effects and testimonies of this their charitable courtesy. Besides all this, the Indians begin to wax shrewd lads, and to make no more so much account of glasses, pins, and such other Spanish gifts: peradventure because some body hath made them taste this saying of Sophocles.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
Sophoc. in Aiace.  
Though fair the gifts of foes may seem,  
Unfriendly always do them deem.  
And if other causes wanted, is it possible that the possession of a thing so ill gotten should endure long? Do we think there is any Indian under the subjection of the Spaniards, which crieth not ten thousand times a day in his language this sentence of Aristophanes?  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
Aristophanes in Plut.   
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
Alas how hard a thing it is to serve against ones will,  
a master that of wit, of sense, and reason can no skill.  
Aristotle saith, 
Arist. Metaphys. lib. 1. ca ●  that a country is possessed and held by a Tyrant, in the same manner that men's bodies are with an ague. How many sighs, and groans do we think that the poor Americans, (being by such a fervent fever so long tormented) cast forth, which mount up to the ears of him that holdeth the stern, of the matters of this world? Do we think that the hand of God is shortened, 
Esay. 33.  that he can not when he sees time, execute the threatenings which he hath uttered by the mouth of his Prophet against these murderers, robbers, and wasters? Where is that state in the world, be in never so flourishing, that can be exempted from decay and utter overthrow? What wisdom, what counsel, what force is it that can warrant it out of the hand of the almighty and everliving God? 
Euripides in Electra.  Mischief runneth up and down (saith Euripides) from house to house, in most rich and exquisite words.  
Ἀμοιβαὶ κακῶν μετὰ  
τρόπος πνέουσιν ἆυραι δόμων.  
Mischief from house to house doth go,  
As wind which passeth to and fro.  
The same with greater reason may be said of Monarchies, in which we may see from day to day the accomplishment of this threatening which is so wisely set down by Hesiodus speaking of jupiter.  
Ῥεῖα δ' ἀρίζλον μινύθει, καὶ ἄδηλον ἀέξει  
Ῥεῖα δε τιθήυει σκολιὸν, καὶ ἀγήνορα κάρφει. 
Hesiod. oper. & diebus.   
He soon pulls down the mighty ones,  
and poor from dust doth raise:  
He soon corrects the crooked ones,  
and roots out wicked ways,  
Which is then seen especially, when the sins as well of the Prince, 
Vitellius lib. 4.  as of the people, enforce God to break his patience. The Mathematicians hold that the augmentation of the greatness of things maketh them seem to approach near unto our sight, 
Theox. 129  though in very truth they approach not at all. But with the sins of men it fareth much otherwise, which being heaped one on the other, do approach and present themselves before the sight of the living God, 
Caius li. 20 & ultimo. D. de Noxal. Action.  who oftentimes punisheth the people in the Prince, and the Prince in the people; whose justice is not ruled by the same square that men's judgements are directed: in the which (according to the Lawyers) Noxa caput sequitur, that is, Penalty pursueth the principal. Whereof we have a manifest and notable example in Abimelech, 
Genesis. 20  the king of Gerar, who excusing himself unto Abraham, useth these words, What have I done unto thee? and wherein have I offended thee, that thou hast brought on me, and on my kingdom this great sin? Now if Abimelech do call adultery a great sin, how shall we call that which we can not better describe, 
Suetonius.  then by the conformity thereof unto that example set down by Suetonius in the life of Claudius, in the xxvi. chapter of his book. But if this speech be thought by any to be over dark, I refer him to that which the Lawyer Paulus hath written lib. 39 under the title, Si quis D. de ritu nuptiarum; and he shall plainly understand my meaning. But this is not all, for there are yet in this behalf, other sorts of wickedness, as much or more abominable than the other, which they think to keep secret, as if the saying of the Poet Musaeus had not place as well in this age as in the other.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
ἔργον ὅπερ τιλεσὶ τις ἐνὶ τριοδοίσιν ἀκούει  
Oft times we hear that sounded openly,  
Which we thought had been done full secretly.  
Now then, if we think God's justice to be immutable, let us know and be well assured that he will visit such and so execrable wickedness (which may with more honesty than ease be concealed) and will at last (how long soever he foreslowe it) make the Spaniards and their king to feel his vengeance.  
A cruel Tyrant on whose wretched head,  
The wrath of God to fall is ready spread.  
To be short, the time will come ere long, and will not tarry, that this wicked Nation which for these hundred years, hath made a trade of pilling and praying on others, shall be exposed for a pray unto other Nations. The time (I say) draweth near, when either the Indians, or else the king of Spain his Lieutenants themselves, shall revolt from him, and become executors of God his wrath, against the covetousness, and cruelty of their own Nation.  
Now remaineth to be considered the third and last point of this discourse, that is to wit, whether of these two Nations being become our enemy, hath most means to annoy us. This point may well be cleared by that which hath been discoursed in the former, touching the means which either of those Nations hath to secure us with all. Yet so it is notwithstanding, that if the Englishmen should happen to set foot in France, and especially in Guyenne, it would be as hard for us to stay a great part of the Nobility and Gentlemen from taking their part, as to bury the remembrance of the good turns and pleasures, which their houses have received heretofore at the hands of the kings of England, especially considering that the Charters of the greatest houses of Guienne, are as many testimonies, or rather as many authentical records of the obligation wherein they are bound to the memory of the kings of England: moreover, falling at odds with the English, every one knoweth that they have good ditches, large and deep, such as can not be drained.  
On the contrary part, according to the opinion of that great Captain the Admiral Chastillon, it were no less easy than expedient for us to overcome the Spaniards, if we warred upon them as we ought, that is to say, if cutting off the river at the spring head, we would set upon them at home in their own country of Spain, which is a land very easy to be entered into, being both unfurnished of strong towns, & which cannot but hardly be succoured from Germany, whereas on the contrary part, our armies should be backed by the countries of Languedocke, and Gascoigne, both of them well stored with victuals, and men of war, so that in France that quarter may well be called at this day the storehouse of Mars.  
If I should add nothing else, yet notwithstanding the causes heretofore set down being well considered, do sufficiently conclude of themselves, that to prefer, or to match in equality the alliance of Spain, to that of England, were openly to show ourselves unnatural, and unkind to our allies. It were (I say) to show ourselves blockish, and unable to discern the nature that matcheth jump with ours, from that which is clean contrary unto ours; and manifestly to oppose ourselves against the benefit, and welfare of our country.  
The Spaniards (as we have said) are covetous, crafty, proud, and ravenous: Shall we change then our frank liberality into a slavish, and insatiable covetousness? shall we change the generosity of the Lion, into the subtlety of the Fox? shall we become of gentle, and courteous; arrogant, and disdainful? and of mild and meek, cruel and ravenous? shall we so bereave ourselves of those virtues which have gotten us reputation through out the whole world, as that there shall remain no more unto us of Frenchmen, but even the bare name? And yet if we nearly consider the natural disposition of the spaniard, that miserable exchange (whereof I now spoke) will be evermore noted, as an evident and sure testimony of our over great facility in making so great account of that Nation, who (resembling ivy) hath always made those to feel the most pernicious effects of her most hurtful malice, which have been most straightly allied unto her.  
Now for as much as prayer is accounted the duty of an honest man towards his country; I pray to God O France, that thy preservation & increase, may be a continual mirror of his goodness & wisdom, which shineth in the government of great estates and kingdoms. And that to the same end, he vouchsafe to open thy eyes, that thou mayest discern that poison mixed with honey, by the which they go about to work thy ruin, and the utter overthrow of thy honour and greatness.  
FINIS.